On the Sumerian Epic of Gilgamesh J. D. BING The University of Tennessee Writing some three decades ago in an attempt to identify the possible Sumerian sources for the Babylonian version of the Epic of Gilgamesh, S. N. Kramer confined his approach to isolating and analyzing various episodes within the Babylonian version in the light of known Sumerian material.1 On this basis, Professor Kramer concluded that there was no Sumerian original which provided the model for the Babylonian epic as a whole. Yet episodes in the latter, he pointed out, do go back to Sumerian prototypes: "Huwawa" in Tablets III-IV, "The Bull of Heaven" in Tablet VI, portions of "The Quest for Immortality" (Tablets IX, X, XI) , and the Deluge Story in Tablet Xl. But in no case is the Babylonian version a slavish copying of the Sumerian originals.2 There are no known Sumerian proto­ types for the various episodes found in Tablets I-II, and VII-VIII, which include "The Tyranny of Gilgamesh," "The Creation of Enkidu," "Enkidu and the Trapper," "The ' Fall' of Enkidu," "The Dreams of Gilgamesh," "The Civilizing of Enkidu," "The Struggle," and "The Death and Burial of Enkidu."3 Kramer doubted the existence of a Sumerian account that would include the same sequence of events of Tablets I and II which contain the first seven episodes above, although there may be Sumerian prototypes for various isolated incidents which mayor may not have been originally linked to Gilgamesh. On the other hand, Kramer considered the episode of Enkidu's death and burial as originally Babylonian rather than Sumerian on the basis of the strongly contrasting features found in the Sumerian poem " Gilgamesh, Enkidu. and the Nether World."4 In addition to episodes, however, the Gilgamesh Epic contains cultural and mythical motifs as well. Since these themes tend to recur throughout the entire epic, they usually cut across the various episodes discussed by Kramer. The most obvious example is Gilgamesh's pre- I wish to thank Professor Ralph Haskins who r~ad this paper, and made a number of helpful stylistic suggestions. I also wish to thank Professor William W. Hallo for reading this paper, and for his helpful observations of a general as well as technical nature. Professor Hallo, however, does not necessarily agree with the thesis or particular interpretations contained herein. and the errors committed here are, of course, my own. 1 S. N. Kramer, "The Epic of Gilgamesh and Its Sumerian Sources," JAOS 64 (1944), 7-23. For a more recent statement by Kramer. see his "Gilgamesh, Some New Sumerian Data," in P. Garelli, ed ., Ci!games et sa Legende (Paris, 1960), 59f. 2 Kram~r,JA OS 64(1944) , 18. 3 Ibid., 18-19. 4 Loc. cit. JANES 7 (1975) Bing: On the Sumerian Epic of Gilgamesh 2 occupation with death. A mythical motif of the epic, which has recently been developed, involves an assessment of the comparative advantages and disadvantages of Nature and Culture for mankind. 5 Such themes, used by the Babylonian author to spin together the hitherro unconnected episodes found in Sumerian literature, may have been the means by which the Babylonain version obtained what unity it does possess. Indeed, since Kramer's article, most scholars engaged in tracing the literary history of the Gilgamesh Epic have assumed that the disparate Sumerian Episodes were first unified by the trans­ lation of this material into Akkadian in the Old Babylonian period by means of such motifs as the fear of, and revolt against, death, and the emphasis upon earthly human achievement.6 Yet, one motif does appear to have a definite Sumerian foundation'? This Sumerian theme expresses a cultural issue which emerged at Uruk in the Early Dynastic II period, when the historical Gilgamesh actually reigned 8 With the rise of the First Dynasty of Uruk, the parochial En, who had been a cult official and an economic manager of the household of Inanna, assumed functions and obligations which were more secular, international, and martial in nature. 9 Gilgamesh , for example, seems to have under­ taken activities far beyond the confines of Uruk as a result of his heroic military exploits, which appear to have included a rebellion against Agga of Kish and taking control of the 5 G. S. Kirk, Myth .. It s Meaning and Function (Cambridge, 1970), 132-52. 6 See H. N. Wolff, "Gilgamesh, Enkidu, and the Heroic Life," JAOS 89 (1969), 392-98, especially 393, n. 2, where a brief description of the question of the earliest composi tion of the Cilgamesh Epic is presented with its arrendant problems. For a detailed discussion concerning the literary history of the epic, see j. H. Tigay, Literary·Critical Studies in the Gilgamesh Epic (unpublished Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1971), 71-95, who states on page 77 that since Kramer's article in 1944 " it has become commonplace that the Gilgamesh Epic is a composite based on originally unconnected single episodes." See also Shaffer, Sumerian Sources of Tablet Xli of the Epic of Gilgames (unpublished Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1963), 1-26, and 42. 7 Several scholars have argued for an epic unity earlier than the Old Babylonian composition. The author is acquainted with most of their works only indirectly. L. Matou;; has argued for a Sumerian Epic of Gilgamesh composed during Ur III. See his Epos 0 Gilgamesori (Prague, 1958), and his modified view in Carelli, Gilg., 83-94. For a critique of Matous, see Tigay, Literary·Critical Studies, 85-86. F. M. Th. de Liagre BOhl , Het Gilgamesj Epos (Paris, 1958), maintained a Sumerian Epic of Cilgamesh was composed after the reign of Sulgi, whose long rule and deification gave rise to moral questions which the epic articulated. See the review article by I. M. Di akonoff, Bi. Or. 18 (1961), 66. Diakonoff proposes a Sumerian epic originated in Uruk during the Dynasty of Akkad. 8 Although our historical information concerning Gilgamesh is quite limited, it is now generally agreed that he is a historical personage. See W. C. Lambert, "Cilgames in Religious, Historical and Omen Texts and the Historicity of CilgameS," in Carelli, Gilg., 48. 9 See Th. jacobsen, "Early Political Development in Mesopotamia," ZA NF 18 (1957), 107-8, nOte 32 (=Toward the Image of Tammuz [Cambridge, Mass., 19701, 375-76, henceforth, TIT), and "The Myth of Inanna and Bililu," JNES 12 (1953), 180-82 (=T1T, 343-44), for the initially distinctive functions of the En and Lugal; and for the subsequent combination of both cuI tic and military functions by the rulers of ED 11, see Jacobsen ZA NF 18 (1957), 112-22 (=TIT, 142-48). See also D.O. Edzard, "Enmebaragesi von Kis," ZA NF 19 (959),23. Although Edzard asserts that his study casts no additional light on jacobsen's thesis with respect to the functions of the En at Kish, nevertheless, his work does tend to support Jacobsen's thesis that the offices of En and Lugal were combined by rulers during EDII. JANES 7 (1975) Bing: On the Sumerian Epic of Gilgamesh 3 city of Nippur, where he restored the sanctuary of Enli\.10 These military and religious activities must have taken Gilgamesh away from his strictly domestic duties in Uruk, and he was in all probability not as completely devoted to the more traditional functions of the En within the city of Uruk. 11 Such a development must have stimulated a growing awareness regarding the problems of rulership, and this may have provided the context for the composition of the epic cycles concerning the rulers of the First Dynasty of Uruk. These epics share a concern for the institution of rulership and the problem of the growing demands being placed upon the sovereigns of Uruk due to the changing circumstances of Early Dynastic II. The Epic of Gilgamesh as it has survived in its Babylonian, Assyrian, and Hittite versions contains traces of a distinctively Urukian cultural motif which was relevant to the political develop­ ments of Early Dynastic 11.12 This motif concerned itself with the potential problems which might arise when the offices of En and Lugal were held by the same man and the counterproductive results when anyone activity was pursued to excess and to the neglect of the other. This theme brings together a number of the episodes of the epic, and for this reason grounds exist for claiming that a Sumerian epic of Gilgamesh existed in Uruk Edzard states that Enmebaragesi originally ruled Kish as king and only later assumed the office of En. This appears to parallel the development which occurred at Uruk, only vice versa. It seems that a local En who claimed kingship over more extended areas assumed the title of Lugal by establishing his control over Nippur and appealing to the divine appointment of Enl.iL A Lugal who succeeded in extending his kingship to other parts of Sumcr may have assumed the title of En as a result of claiming a special relationship with Inanna of Uruk or possibly with Inanna of Nippur. According to the Tummal Inscription, Enmebaragesi of Kish was the first to build the temple of Enlil at Nippur, and his association with that city might have been originally strengthened by his becoming En of the lnanna temple which had existed in the city of Nippur for centuries; cf. note 30 below. It is certainly doubtful that Enmebaragesi became the En of the temple of Zababa of Kish! On the other hand, the Tummal Inscription reveals Gilgamesh, who was originally the En of Uruk, as one of the restorers of the Enlil sanctuary at Nippur, and he very likely performed this act as a Lugal of Sumer.