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1955–1985: Thirty Years Since the Bandung Conference

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1955–1985: Thirty Years Since the Bandung Conference A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Matthies, Volker Article — Digitized Version The “Spirit of Bandung” 1955–1985: Thirty years since the Bandung Conference Intereconomics Suggested Citation: Matthies, Volker (1985) : The “Spirit of Bandung” 1955–1985: Thirty years since the Bandung Conference, Intereconomics, ISSN 0020-5346, Verlag Weltarchiv, Hamburg, Vol. 20, Iss. 5, pp. 207-210, http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/BF02926965 This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/139987 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. 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Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu ARTICLES GROUP OF 77 The "Spirit of Bandung" 1955-1985: Thirty Years since the Bandung Conference byVolker Matthies, Hamburg* On 24th and 25th April, 1985, delegates from more than 80 Asian and African countries gathered in the Indonesian city of Bandung at the "Gedung Merdeka", or "House of Freedom", to commemorate the famous Bandung Asian-African Conference held thirty years previously, What, in retrospect, has been the historical and political significance of Bandung? What have been the achievements of its heirs so far? O~ Indonesia's initiative, representatives from participants for those days (29 nations took part at a 3 Asian and 6 African countries had assembled in time when the UN had just 59 member countries) andin April 1955 for the first great conference to further Afro- that quite a number of the statesmen attending were of Asian solidarity. The conference tackled the question of great political stature (charismatic leaders such as the Asian and African countries' relations among one Nehru, Nasser, Chou En-Lai and Sukarno). Bandung another, examined colonialism in a critical light (the was an expression of anti-colonial Afro-Asian great wave of decolonisation was yet to take place), nationalism, and of protest at the persisting discussed the problems surrounding world peace (the predominance of the white race and the subordinate Cold War, confrontation between Eastern and Western position new nations had to take in the world economy blocs), and appealed to all participating nations to and international politics. Bandung also anticipated intensify economicand cultural cooperation amongst important developments in international relations themselves, and also economic cooperation with (decolonisation, the emergence of the "Third World") industrialised countries, all in the interests of their own and stimulated the desire for freedom among the self-determined development. Above all, though, the peoples of Asia and Africa who were still subject to conference made a declaration, as part of its final colonial power. On the other hand, though, the communiqu6, comprising ten principles of peaceful conference did not create any lasting structures for coexistence on which countries' behaviour towards one cooperation and communication among the newly- another was to be based (in other words, aform of "code formed countries. Nevertheless the "Spirit of Bandung" of conduct" for inter-country relations). These principles, lived on, and this was later given concrete shape in new embodying what has been called the "Spirit of organisational forms (the Non-Aligned Movement and Bandung", included, among other points, respect for the the Group of 77). sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations, The Bandung solidarity formula (the relevant criteria recognition of the equality of all races and of all nations were geographical location in the Afro-Asian region and large and small, as well as abstention from intervention political independence) proved tobe inadequate as a or interference in the internal affairs of another country comprehensive and lasting way of organising the Third and the acceptance that all international disputes World nations. By the same token, the conflict between should be settled by peaceful means. the participants' will to establish solidarity on the one How, then, should the Bandung Conference be hand and their political and economic heterogeneity in viewed in terms of its historical and political the real world on the other were simply too great to allow significance? The conference represented the first the conference to put down a sufficiently solid major gathering of young and newly independent foundation for continuing cooperation. Some countries countries from Asia and Africa, and as such symbolised which strictly belong to Afro-Asia, for example, were not the idea of Afro-Asian solidarity and unity. It was invited to the conference in the first place on political remarkable in that it brought together a great many grounds (e.g. South Africa, Israel, North and South Korea and Taiwan). Among those nations which did * Institut f0rAIIgemeine 0berseeforschung. attend, the most varied foreign policy orientations were INTERECONOMICS, September/October 1985 207 GROUPOF77 assembled: there were countries who had close political the ten principles of Bandung: Principle 6(a) was a and also military relations with the West (Pakistan, Iraq, written commitment to abstain from entering into Iran, Thailand, the Philippines), there was North collective defence agreements intended to serve the Vietnam with its alliance to the Eastern bloc, and there particular defence interests of any of the big powers. were neutralistic countries such as India, Indonesia and Comparing the 1955 Bandung Conference with the Egypt. The People's Republic of China, Turkey and anniversary meeting in 1985, the latter must be seen Japan can all be regarded as "special cases" amongst much more as a commemorative event than as a the participating nations: given the size of its population political occasion. Even the -largely second-rank - and its potential national power, China would itself have status of the majority of the delegates bears this out: been more at home in the category of the great powers, only the People's Republic of China and the ASEAN Turkey was a member of NATO and oriented towards countries sent their foreign ministers,, and the only Europe, and Japan, being a highly industrialised presiding head of state to take part in the anniversary country, hardly still suffered from the "development celebration was President Suharto of Indonesia! As in problems" typical among the younger nations of the 1955, the fact that Indonesia called the meeting in 1985 emerging Third World. can also be interpreted as a sign of the country's desire to adopt a more active international role. Historical Stepping-stone The conference's closing communique, drafted by In the light of its agenda and the debates which took Indonesia, included a reaffirmation of the ten principles place there, the Bandung Conference can be regarded of 1955, an invocation of the "spirit of Bandung" and an as an important historical stepping-stone on the way to appeal to participating countries to cooperate more establishing the Non-Aligned Movement. This applies in closely with one another. In addition, Suharto clearly no small way to the dispute fought out between the indicated in his welcoming address that the 1985 participants over the legitimacy, form and extent of any meeting should not simply be a glorification of the past. military cooperation with the major power blocs. Given the continuing rift between North and South Representatives from the nations which were obviously (world economic problems, the debt situation) and the committed to a particular bloc (e.g. Turkey and the intensified conflict between East and West (the arms Philippines) were unreservedly in favour of such race and the threat of war), President Suharto noted, the cooperation, whereas representatives of the non- principles of peaceful coexistence and of constructive aligned nations (notably Nehru of India and Sukarno of cooperation in development - in other words, of the Indonesia) saw this as a serious constraint on their "spirit of Bandung" - were still as relevant as ever. independence and as a threat to world peace. Both However, the crucial point was that, rather than always Nehru and Sukarno advocated that the "moral strength" paying lip service to this "spirit", it needed to be of Asia and Africa should be ranged against the military translated in practical and political terms into deeds! force represented by tt~e blocs in both East and West. Demonstrations of the "spirit of Bandung" at the 1985 The non-aligned position did eventually assert itself in conference included the revitalisation of relations PUBLICATIONS OF THE HWWA-INSTITUT
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