ThirdWorld Quarterly, Vol 18, No 1, pp 165± 174, 1997

Engenderingdemocracy and Islam in theArab world

FADIA FAQIR

TheNew World Order and the peace process haveexposed the lack of democracyin many Arab countries, and the urgent need to modernise their societies.To carryout social change that would enable much of the Arab world todeal with the modern world, and to establish representative democracies, twocentral issues shouldbe addressed: theposition of women and Islamic revivalism. 1 Thesetwo key issues are interconnectedand any reform will require politicisingthe women’ s issue,putting it at the centre of struggle, and tackling Islamicrevivalism. Changing the position of women in society and addressing thegrievances which contribute to the spread of extremismare prerequisitesfor buildinga societywhich respects humanrights, basic freedom and democracy. Women’s liberation,equality and democracy are intimatelyconnected. ` Both havein common a concernwith emancipation, freedom (personal and civic), humanrights, integrity, dignity, equality, autonomy, power-sharing, liberation {and}pluralism.’ 2 Thecall for a feministwriting of history restores therights of thepowerless to their own versions of history. Emancipation for women brings withit emancipation for minority groups and other less representedpolitical parties.The absence of participatory democracy in most Arab countries might partlyexplain the under-representation of women in politics. Women’s relativeinvisibility in politics is multi-causal.There are many obstaclesthat women face whenthey try to participate in politics in conserva- tive,tribal and patriarchal societies. Women do not form a distinctsocial, religiousor ethnic group. They are notconcentrated in one geographical area, allowingthem to form a constituency.Women worldwide are dividedalong ethnic,religious, and social lines; therefore, they generally gravitate towards familialalliances.

TheJordanian elections in 1989and 1993 Furthermore,a correlationbetween political participation and socio-economic statushas beenestablished. Excluded from the public space fora longtime, womenhave no experience or support, whether tribal, economic or political. Inthe run-up to the 1993 parliamentary elections in Jordan, Huda al-Fakhouri, oneof the women candidates, said, ` Womencandidates lacked the political experienceand the money that their male counterparts had’ . 3

FadiaFaqir is attheCentre forMiddle Eastern and Islamic Studies, University ofDurham,South End House, SouthRoad, Durham DH1 3TG, UK.

0143-6597/97/010165-10$7.00 Ó 1997Third World Quarterly 165 FADIA FAQIR

Althoughwomen have ¯ ourishedin the sphere of education and in other ®elds,this has failedto translate itself into the ballot box. The outcome of the 1989elections, when 12 women stood as candidatesand none was elected, testi®es tothat.In education,about 60% of employeesare women,but only 12% ofseniorposts are occupiedby women.Many of thewomen candidates running forthe 1993 elections agreed that, to change this grim reality and make women morevisible, a socialrevolution is needed. TujanFaisal, one of the female candidates in the 1989 and 1993 elections, said,` Itis notlegislation that discriminates against us, but social backward- ness’ .4 Socialrevolution would be startedin thedifferent women’ s organisations andgroups. To challenge the orthodox structure of women’ s organisations, womencandidates called for the sharing and rotating of power.Drawing women intoactive participation in decision making means trainingwomen to become democratsin women’ s organisations,the workplace and the household. Whatwomen candidates were calling for was equalityin practice, with the meaningof democracy being widened to include ` domesticinequality, identity, controlover sexuality, challenge to cultural representation, community control overstate welfare and more equal access topublic resources’ . 5 Inother words, itimpliesbridging the gap between the public and private spheres bymakingthe positionof women a moreexplicit public concern. Indeed this gap continues to plaguewomen living across theglobe. Moreover,politics in sex-divided, patriarchal societies is perceivedas the domainof men. In a ®eldstudy conducted by the Centre for Strategic Studies (CSS)onwomen and democracy in Jordan, 6 77.29%of women respondents agreedthat men make better politicians and are generallymore decisive than women.` Womenhave been socialised into regarding politics as analien affair.’ 7 Womenhave not only been socialised to keep away from politics; they have alsobeen brought up to believe in their own inferiority. The results of the CSS studyclearly demonstrate the spread of false consciousnessamong women. Whenasked who they would choose if a malecandidate and female candidate, withthe same capabilitiesand quali® cations, were running for elections, 68.5% of1032 women said that they would vote for the male candidate. The reasons theycited were: thatreligion forbids women to participate in politics; that men are morerational than women and that men are moreexperienced and more decisivethan women. Theresults of the study show that there is littledifference in most cases betweenthe responses ofmen and women. The women in the selected sample respondedto most questions exactly as themen did and 35.46% of them con®rmed that their participation in the elections and choice of vote for a certaincandidate was nottheir own decision but that of their families, that is, oftheir husbands, fathers or brothers. The easy manipulationof women by themale members offamilies indicates that the women of Jordan have no politicalawareness. It also points towards the absence of democracy in the household. Whenasked if a womanshould have the right to initiatea divorce, al-¨Ismah, 71%of the sample said that women should not have the right to initiatedivorce proceedings.The researcher, Bari ¨aNaqshabandilearnt that most of the women 166 ENGENDERING DEMOCRACY AND ISLAM INTHE ARAB WORLD whosaid ` no’cited the view that women are emotionaland men are rational. 8 Evenwomen with postgraduate degrees expressed the same view. Itis notsurprising, in this conundrum, that women candidates prioritised the followingmeasures: legislationto removeilliteracy among women (50% of rural womenare illiterateand tend to vote for male tribe members); 9 thepromotion ofpoliticalawareness amongwomen; the practice of equalitybetween the sexes; andenforcement of women’ s rightsin the civil status law. Theyalso called for a `quotasystem’ similarto that applied to ethnic minorities.Two-thirds of women respondents in the CSS studyagreed that positivediscrimination was important.This is theonly area wheretheir re- sponses differeddrastically from those of men. If positivediscrimination is applied,and if it is combinedwith ` policiesaimed at restructuring the relation- shipbetween paid and unpaid work’ , 10 thebalance of powermight begin to shift. If thesexual division of labour both at work and at home is changed,and the `quotasystem’ is introduced,women would be able to pursue their political aspirations. Ina countrywhere, of 1197 randomly selected voters throughout Jordan, 83.5%11 con®rmed that they are notaf® liatedand have not considered af® liation topolitical parties, a stateof indifference reigns. There is ageneralreluctance tojoin parties or to participate in demonstrations or sit-ins.This state of apathy presentswomen with a threefoldchallenge. To enthusethe disillusioned elector- ateand persuade them to takepart in theelections, to convince them that women candidatescan deliver the goods and that women’ s issues are important,and to makesure thatthey show up on the day of the electionsÐ however, these are almostimpossible tasks. Despitethis grim picture, the same electoratesent a womento the Lower Housein November1993. Tujan Faisal, a formerjournalist who suffered greatly atthe hands of extremists, 12 wonone of the three seats reservedfor the Circassianminority. When the electorate laws were changed to `onememberone vote’, Faisalwas ableto get some ofthe women’ s ¯oatingvote outside her Circassianconstituency. Buther one-year experience shows that the Jordanian Houses of Parliamentis ahostileground for women. Male members ofparliament are notused to workingwith women in thepublic sphere. Establishment of ahealthy,egalitarian relationshipwith women went against some ofthe male members’ upbringing andsocialisation. All of this came toa headwhen, in a meetingof a sub-committeeto discuss theemergency laws in Jordan,Faisal’ s totalopposition tothelaw led to an argumentwith Jamal al-Khraysheh,a memberof parliament, whogot angry and threw a paper-puncherat her. Fifty-nine out of 62 members ofparliament voted against lifting his immunity and putting him on trial. Faisal,although a liberalMuslim, was thetarget of a defamationcampaign duringthe 1989 elections. Since she joinedthe house she clashedmany times withindependent Islamists andmembers oftheMuslim Brotherhood group. She arguedthat ` fundamentalistsdistorted the Koran, the Moslem holy book, for theirown purposes’ . 13 Ofthose women who said they prefer that men run for elections 9.28% believedthat the participation of women in politics was forbiddenby Islam. 167 FADIA FAQIR

Althoughnot instantly apparent from the above analysis of women’ s partici- pationin politics in Jordan, there are twogeneral trends: one is secularand the otherIslamic. The secular feminists aspire to Western-style democracy, while theMuslim feminists articulate their subjectivity within a nativeIslamic dis- course.14 TujanFaisal called for reforming Islam as aliberalMuslim. She argued from withinthe traditions and as abeliever.Her knowledge of the Hadith and Qur©an enabledher to question male interpretations of the scriptures and the politicisa- tionof Islam. She argued that some interpretationsare aninsult to Islam. Her liberalIslamic discourse was metby resistance from both opposition and state Islam.Whether institutionalised or in opposition, Islamists showhostility, or at bestambivalence, towards women’ s bidfor autonomy.

SaudiArabia: establishment Islam SaudiArabia is anautocratic, theocratic state skilled at manipulating Islamic textsand traditions. In the face ofanycivil disobedience, it mobilises establish- mentIslam tooppress dissension and bring both men and women back in line. `EstablishmentIslam {institutionaland legal Islam} ¼thatIslam, intolerant of all understandingsof thereligion except its own, which is authoritarian,implacably androcentric,and hostile to women, has beenand continues to betheestablished versionof Islam, the Islam ofthe politically powerful.’ 15 Thisestablishment Islam targetsnot only women’ s self-determination,but also the pursuit of freedomof speech, and for democratisation for all citizens. In his book Fatayatunabayna al-Taghrib wa al-Afaf (OurGirls or Young WomenBetween Westernisation and Chastity), Nasir Bin Sulaiman al-Omar, a Sauditheologian, lists the traps set forwomen and maintains that there is a globalconspiracy against Muslim women. He con® rms, `wearingthe garments ofa shepherdand hiding the heart of a wolf,they discuss women’s rights. Sometimesthey talk about women driving cars, othertimes about women stayingat home, emancipation and education before marriage.’ 16 This is not a coincidence,he argues, but a conspiracyto corrupt and westernise Muslim womenand the Muslim nation umma.Hegoes on to add, ` intheprotocols of therulers of Zion, Jews say,ª Firstwe have to win the women overº .’ 17 Al-Omargives a listof advice to the ` chaste’in order to combat this internationalconspiracy: ` Familiariseyourself with the sharia law;become a missionary;raise yourchildren properly, be aware of enemies’ plots; use time judiciously;be shyand accept what God has ordainedfor you’ . If chasteMuslim womenfollow al-Omar’ s advicethey will reside in heaven in the hereafter. Hiswhole discourse depends on promoting obedience, ta©a toGod and the ruler.18 Usingstrong theological language, he rebukeswomen who even contem- platedriving cars. Heborrows extensively from the classical Arabic of the Qur©anto cause absolutefear inthe hearts of those who even think of questioningwomen’ s stateof imprisonment at home. Al-Omar assumes a superiorposition to the young girls ( fatayat)heis addressing.The assumption throughouthis polemic is thatwomen occupy lower mental and spiritual positionsin the hierarchy and have no autonomy or power. 168 ENGENDERING DEMOCRACY AND ISLAM INTHE ARAB WORLD

Ina chapterentitled ` TheCure’ , al-Omarcalls upon the legal guardians of `thosegirls’ to do their job properly. ` Youare allshepherds, and you are all responsiblefor your ¯ ock.’ 19 Theimplied message sentto fathers, husbands and brothersis thatthey are givena licenceto oppress their women. Itis nota coincidencethat this book was publishedon 29 February 1990 at theheight of the Gulf War, when King Fahad gave permission, without a referendumfrom his people, to theAllied forces touse theSaudi soil as abase. Thepublication also coincided with the rebellion of Saudi women against their stateof con® nement. It is dif®cult to decide whether the leaders of the demonstrationsheld secular views since they would not openly express them. Ontheirtelevision screens Saudiwomen were exposed to imagesof American andKuwaiti women driving cars across theSaudi border. Together with their grandmothers,mothers and daughters, they then drove their cars forthe ® rst time intheir own country. Before carrying out this demonstration these women appealedto the tenets of Islam ratherthan the logic of economics. In a letterto PrinceSalman, the governor of Riyadh, they wrote: ` wehave not demanded somethingruled out by our religion and its tolerant teachings.’ 20 Despitethat they were severely penalised and were subject to a campaignof slanderorchestrated by the state which lasted for a coupleof years. Many lost theirjobs and their passports and spent much time under siege. Myargumentis thatthis polemic is notonly targeting women and calling for theircon® nement, it is anarrativeunleashed by the regime for the dual containmentof men and women. If Saudiwomen begin to question their status insociety and their conditions, Saudi men are boundto show signs of dissent too.So the government pressed thebutton and establishment Islam respondedby producingcoercive texts. Thisdiscourse of establishment Islam is incollusion with the state and diagonallyopposed to any liberalisation, or quest for freedom. Al-Watan publishinghouse, which published Fatayatunabayna al-Taghrib wa al-Afaf , published46 other books. One glance at the titles suggests that their hidden agendais tokeep young men and women under control. To exemplify,I listthe followingtitles: Saythis is MyPath, The Effects of Disobedienceon the Individualand the Society , and Youthwho have Returned to Islam .Theconcepts ofconsultation, shura,democracy,and representation in Islam andthe account- abilityof therulerÐ all of which are withinthe Islamic theologian’ s scopeÐare completelyignored. What is propagatedand emphasised is theobedience and adherenceof the ` ¯ock’to an authoritarian and monolithic Islam. Anotherexample of establishment Islam’ spolemicis Ha®z Salim’s al- Dimuqratiyyawa Hukimal-Islam ® ha (Islam’ sEdicton Democracy).Salim puts theforeign word ` democracy’on trial, then concludes that ` itis animaginary ideathat no rational mind would accept, and does not apply to reality’ . 21 He arguesagainst the fact that, within a democraticsystem, people rule themselves. Hecon®rms that,in mostdemocratic states, a smallproportion of thoseruled are represented. Salimmaintains that the West is behindcirculating foreign ideas, like democracyand socialism, in order to subjugate Muslims and encourage them to leavetheir original beliefs and culture and adopt the beliefs of theWest. In the 169 FADIA FAQIR lastchapter of thebook, Salim concludes that the use ofwordslike ` democracy’ and` freedom’is forbiddenand taboo. Thebook was publishedin Beirut by Dar al-Nahda al-Islamiyyah (Islamic RenaissancePublishing House) in 1988, at a timewhen Syria was reigning supremein Lebanon. In a countrythat has lostits sovereignty to itsneighbours, Islam is usedto censor words out of citizens’ vocabulary and minds.

Caughtbetween the state andopposition Islam: the case ofTunisia Ifwestudy the literature of some Islamicparties or groups in opposition to the state,we ® ndthat it is almostinfantile on the question of women, a factwhich couldbe seen as partof the general intellectual stagnation in most Arab countries.Such literature on thequestion of womenand democracy is vagueand noncommittal.But that does not mean that opposition groups present detailed andsophisticated measures forimprovement in other ® elds,such as thestate of theeconomy, for example. TheTunisian al-Nahda movement is amongthe most enlightened Islamic groupsin the Arab world. However, on closer examination of its literature, we ®ndthat its discussion of women’ s positionin society is qualitativelyand quantitativelypoor. Rashid al-Ghanoushi, the founder and leader of theal-Nahda movement,writes, ` Modernismhas notachieved equality for women¼ women’ s freedommeans rebellionagainst Islam andits values. Women were made to believethat they will not be free unlessthey distance themselves from Islam.’ 22 Thenhe arguesin favourof turningwomen’ s rightsto `duties’in orderfor them tomove closer to God. Inal-Nahda’ s constitutionthe only mention of women is inarticle 15, which states thatthe aim is `Improvementof thewoman’ s positionand emphasis on her positiverole in the social, economic, political and cultural realms inorderfor her tocontributeto thedevelopment of her society ef® ciently,away from subordina- tionand decline, and in orderfor her to realiseher potential; and to preserve her dignityand to transcend manifestations of unsteadiness and degeneration’ . 23 Bothin the writings of al-Ghanoushiand the article relating to women in the constitution,women are seen tobe either stooges or potential stooges of the West.This is clearerin theArabic original because of theassociations, nuances, andhistories of wordslike ` subordination’( taba¨yya),whichcan also mean blind imitation,and ` unsteadiness’( muyuw¨a),whichcan also mean indecisiveness. Althoughthe al-Nahda movement seems tobe much more enlightened than al-Omar,both their arguments lead to the following conclusion: women are inferior,impressionable and tend to imitate the West blindly. They can easily be manipulatedby foreign powers. They are, ultimately, responsible for the moral degenerationof society. AlNahda’ s positionon democracy is astwo-facedas itsposition on the role ofwomen within society. First, the word ` democracy’cannot be found in the constitution.Second, the article most relevant to representation reads likethis: `Thesupport for the presidential institution and its principles; the protection of civilsociety; the realisation of the nation’ s sovereigntyand laying the founda- tionsfor consultation shura.24 170 ENGENDERING DEMOCRACY AND ISLAM INTHE ARAB WORLD

Wheneverthe word democracy is usedin al-Ghanoushi’ s articlesor inter- views,he immediately quali® es andrede® nes itas multiplicityof religion, culturesand religions; and freedom of mind and sovereignty. He doesn’t commit himselfor his movement to holding elections if they come to power, or to the promotionof equality and emancipation of women. Whenreading some oftheliterature of government or establishmentIslam and oppositionIslam onwomen,one can see thedeep mistrust and ` fear’ ofwomen. Womenare perceivedas activistand dangerous and need to becontained.Their potentialcan be exploited by ` foreign’powers to destabilise Islamic societies. Womenare guiltyof beingdouble agents on thepayroll of thestate and the West untilproven innocent. On12 May 1994, faced with the hardening of the political situation in Tunisia,127 Tunisian women launched The Appeal of Tunisian Women for Democracyand Liberty calling for commitment to equality of women and men andthe institution of ademocraticsociety guaranteeing liberty for everybody. 25 Theyfelt that democracy was underthreat in Tunisia, where freedom of expressionis attackedand local and foreign newspapers are banned.In their appealthey ` denouncedthe undermining of the foundations of a tolerantand pluralistsociety’ . 26 Afewdays later, the Tunisian authorities published a communiqueÂcallingthe appealan ` intellectualswindle’ and ` mediamanipulation to deceive public opinion’. Manyof thesignatories have been visited in their homes or atworkby plainclothes policemen, without a legalmandate, trying to verifytheir adherence tothe text. Some of them have received orders to appear before the examining magistrate;others have been threatened with redundancy. Womenin Tunisia of a moresecular persuasion believe that they are being `reducedto the state of alibi by the government because it encourages the women’s movementin so far as itserves their® ghtagainst Muslim revivalism, butat the same timeit restrains them when it comes toany other claims, especiallythe right to equality and freedom of expression’ . 27 Thishighlights the dif® cult position of women who aspire to political participationnot only in Tunisia but across theArab world. Women who have seculartendencies and base theirvision on Western-styledemocracy are usually exploitedby thestate to ®ghtthe spread of Islam.On theone hand, the state uses themas astickto beatthe Islamists with.On theother hand, the Islamists accuse themof becoming sucked into the system andof being followers of the West. If theyrebel against the status quo and call for respect for human rights, they becometargets of the state’ s oppressionapparatus. They are seen as sympathis- ers ofopposition Islam andtreated with suspicion by the state. Any action leadingto greaterparticipation for women in politicsis fraughtwith dif® culties. Consequently,women get neutralised by theappropriation of thestate and many goon the defensive. Anotherdimension to the women’ s predicamentis thatthey are heldrespon- siblenot only for their own beliefs but for the ideas and beliefs of the male members oftheir families and male relatives. 28 Violationof women’ s human rightshas increasedand become widespread in the past two years inmany countries,including Tunisia and Egypt. 171 FADIA FAQIR

Womensuffer thesame violationscommitted against men who are accusedof carryingout illegal political activities. The fundamental difference between the menand women who were arrested in Tunisiaand Egypt, however, is thatmost ofthewomen arrested were not politically active and their interrogation revolved aroundtheir husbands’ activities and their whereabouts. Most of the hundreds of womenwho were arrested were not accused of anything or put on trial.

Conclusion TheNew World Order and the peace process haveexposed the lack of democracyin much of the Arab world. A comprehensiveand just peace settlementwill bring stability and prosperity to the area. Above all it might release themillions of dollarsspent on arms, whichwill lead to thestrengthening ofeconomies in the Arab world. 29 Witha populationgrowth of 3.6% per year, amongthe highest in the world, the new grounds of contest will be the job market.Women will be the ® rst tolose employment in a falteringeconomy. Peace dividendsand the release ofdefence funds may give women the chance toremain in employment. Educationand full employment for women are the® rst steps towardspolitical participation.Resistance from establishment Islam andopposition Islam tothe employmentand education of women might increase in the future. The ambiv- alenceof oppositionIslamÐ which claims to beenlightenedÐon theposition of womenin society should not go unchallenged. Womencould join forces withreformists who call for fresh interpretationof traditionsin order to stop the mediation of traditionalists and puritans. Many theologiansin many parts of the Muslim world call for the recapturing of the originalspirit of early Islam andthe Qur ©aniclaws with regard to the male± femalerelationship. ` Thescripturesare beingre-read and re-interpreted, at least amongprogressive sections of these { Islamic} societies.’ 30 AliMazrui argues that the state’ s instrumentsof coercion have so far been disproportionatelymale. The inner gender of the state has beenbasically masculine.The question for the future is whethera realfeminisation of thestate wouldchange its violent, masculine nature? He believesthat fundamental reform couldcome through partial feminisation. ` Godand gold have never provided adequatefoundations for social justice. The missing ` g’is gender.’ 31 Women wouldshare powerequitably with men and change the make-up of the state to amorefeminised one. Inan androgynous state there is nomonopoly over powerÐ both men and womenshare it.` Menand women’ s politicalinvolvement tends to parallel sex-roledifference learned in thefamily.’ 32 Womenemphasise the importance of development:education for all, health of mother and child, protection of the environment,and peace achieved through dialogue. Their agenda complements thatof men. If Arabcountries aim to improve their economies, they need to enforcethe following measures: accelerationof development, participation of womenin thelabour force and control over population growth. All measures are intimatelyrelated to women’ s statuswithin society and their level of education andawareness. 172 ENGENDERING DEMOCRACY AND ISLAM INTHE ARAB WORLD

Thequestion of liberation of women is, therefore, intimately related to the questionof representation and democracy. Real participatory democracy is not possiblewithout challenging the male-dominated state structure and questioning theboundaries between politics and ordinary life. The ® rst steps towards democracyare: thepromotion of equality both in the household and the workplace;participation in decision making at all levels; and emancipation for women.Bringing women on board might free reformistand modernist forces withinmany stagnant Arab societies.

Notes 1 Keynoteaddress deliveredby Dr Hisham Sharabiat the26th annual convention of Arab± American UniversityGraduates, 22October 1993. 2 JuliaI Suryakusuma,` Of men andmice, ofwomen and demons: engendering democracy inAsia’ ,paper writtenfor the seminar `Transitionto Democracy inAsia’ ,Phuket,28 May± 1 June1993. 3 SausanGhosheh, ` Feministsseek unitedwomen’ s front’, TheJordan Times ,3April1993. 4 Vesna Masharga,` Twocandidates make theirstand on issues’ , TheJordan Times ,20May 1993. 5 AnnePhilips, EngenderingDemocracy ,UniversityPark, Pennsylvania State University,1991. p 95. 6 Center forStrategic Studies (CSS), ` Jordanianwomen’ s participationin political life’ , CSS JordanUniversity, August1993. 7 Phillips, EngenderingDemocracy , p 79. 8 Baria Naqshabandi,` Changingwomen’ s politicalparticipation in Jordan’ , unpublishedthesis, Centre for Middle¨ Eastern andIslamic Studies,Durham University, 1995. (Naqshabandi conducted her ® eldresearch between 1Apriland 1 June1994.) 9 In1984 I visitedthe village of Sakib,in the north of Jordan,to write aboutwomen’ s reactionsto being given theright to elect andbe elected. Somecon® rmed that,as aresult,they were tornbetween theirhusband’ s families andtheir own. Being illiterate theyhad to say thename ofthecandidate they chose and the men, whowere waitingoutside, could hear them. Jerusalem Star ,2(33),8 March1984. 10 AnnePhillips, Democracy andDifference ,Cambridge,Polity, 1993, p 132. 11 Apublicopinion survey on ` Democracy inJordan’ , preliminary® ndings,Center forStrategic Studies, JordanUniversity, March 1993. 12 Fora detaileddescription of Tujan Faisal’ splight,see Jan Goodwin, Price ofHonor: Muslim Women Lift theVeil ofSilence on the Islamic World ,1994,pp 263± 270. 13 Agence France Presse, 9November1993. 14 Leila Ahmaddiscusses extensivelythe two divergent strains of feminism inher book Womenand Gender in Islam,New Havenand London, 1992, pp 175± 234. 15 Ibid, p 225. 16 Dr Nasir BinSulaiman al-Omar, Fatayatunabayna al-Taghrib wa al-Afaf ,Riyadh,Al-Watan Publishing House,1991, p 47. 17 Ibid, p 48. 18 Mernissiargues that obedience to the imam correspondto obedience to God which became theprogramme andlaw oftheArab regimes thatbase themselves onthesacred. See Mernissi, Islamand Democracy , Virago Press, London,1993, pp 38± 39. 19 Al-Omar, Fatayatunabayna al-Taghrib wa al-Afaf , p 62. 20 Afkhami,Mahnaz (ed), Faithand Freedom ,London,I BTauris,1995. 21 Ha® z Salim, al-Dimuqratiyyahwa Hukim al-Islam® ha ,Beirut1988, pp 34± 35. 22 Rashidal-Ghanoushi, LaysaMushkiluna ma © al-Hadathabal ma © al-Diktaturiyyah , p 6. 23 Thiswas dif®cult to translate, because itwas onelong sentence, andI didn’t wantto take anylicence. 24 Al-Ghanoushi, LaysaMushkiluna ma © al-Hadathabal ma © al-Diktaturiyya , p 6. 25 See reportsof theFe ÂdeÂrationInternationale des Liguesdes Droitsde L’Homme (FIDH),Paris, 2 June1994; andThe League of Rights and Liberties, Montreal, 3 June1994. 26 Ibid. 27 Ibid. 28 See thereport Tunisia:Women Victims ofHarassment Torture and Imprisonment ,London,Amnesty International,3 June1993 (MDE 30/ 02/92). 173 32 31 30 29 174 e See Ali comparable In Islam Mernissi his Mazrui, uyksm,Suryakusuma, . Carfax Carfax book icse discusses oto utrlCultural h The Publishin

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