HE

o 3 9 N F H Y N . 3 FOR S DE S O S OR . M 53 3}, T U T I T

I H N A W E M PE R E Y M A AN D E O S ON M . . . L D TE D BY . . . C . J , H V T , ,

WH ITN E Y D D . . L . P . , . D C

I R E LA N D , 1 4 94 - 1 6 0 3

TH BY E REV.

ROBERT H MU RRAY LI T T D . , . .

H ELEN B LAKE SCH OLAR , TRI N ITv COLLEGE, DU BLIN AUTH OR OF REV OLUTIONARY IRELAND AND I Ts SETT LEM ENT ( 1 688 ERASMUS AND LUT H ER : TH EIR ATTITUDE TO TOLERATION, “ ' EDITOR OF TH E JOURNAL OF jOH N STEVENS

a a 5,

LON D ON S O C LE T Y F O R. P R O M O T TN G C H R H H H A N K N O W L E D G E N E W Y ORK: TH E MACM ILLAN COMPAN Y 1 92 0 PR E FA CE

MR . D U N LOP in The Cambridge Modern Hi story, vol . iii . , — f hi pp . 8 52 8 59, compiled an exhaustive bibliography o t s 4 im period . Of course, sin ce it was written in 1 90 ,some

r portant books have appeared . I may be permitted to refe to my Publi c Record Office, Dublin , for guidance to the documents in that institution . For example, in that book

I deal With the Privy Coun cil, and consequently omit thi s subject in the present book . I should like to add that M Miss C . axwell is about to give us valuable extracts from sixteenth - century documents

ROBERT H . MURRAY .

1 1 , H ARCOU RT T E RR ACE

DU B LIN . — IR E LA N D , 1 494 1 603

— PARLIAM E N TAR Y RE CORD S , 1 494 1 603.

I n: is not possible to secure a printed edition of all the 1 statutes of the sixteenth century . In 569James Stani hurst, the Speaker of the House of Commons, suggested that there should be an edition of the statute law of Ireland , and he authorised James Hooker, alias Vowell , the Exeter antiquary, to print the statutes at his expense . The patent issued to Hooker laid down that di vers Parlia ments have been holden in Ireland, and divers statutes and acts made in the same,which laws being never put into printe ”1 have been altogether turned into oblivion . S till , the matter came to nothing . In 1 621 Sir Richard Bolton , afterward Lord Chancellor of Ireland, published in one folio volume the first collected edition of the statutes . In ’ r n Kin n 1 765 B . Grie so , the g s pri ter, commenced the issue of The Statutes at Large passed in the Parliaments held in Ireland from the third year of Edward II A . D . 1 31 0 ,

r . A . D . 1 1 to the first yea of George III , 76 , inclusive . The statutes passed after 1 621 had been regu larly printed, but Grierson ignored many of the medieval statutes those contain ed on the extant rolls of Parliament from the reign of Edward II . to the seventh year of Edward VI . Even r all the statutes of the eign of Henry VII . are not set forth .

Dr . Twiss (or Berry) is supplementing these grave omis sions, but the last of the three volumes he has published r only comes down to the days of Edward I V . The e are — 4 IRELAND , 1 4 94 1 60 3

hence their name as Transmisses . These Transmi sses

range from 27 Henry VIII . to 1 8 00 . The Journals of the Lower House afford no help in eking

out the scanty records , for they only commence with the year 1 634 . The obscuri ty of the early hi story of Parliament is obvious from the consideration that in 1 6 1 3Sir John

Davis, the Speaker, could not ascertain the procedure of the

House . If the reader turns to the twentieth chapter on Parliamentary An tiqui ties in the third volume of Bishop ’ ” Stubbs s Constitutional History of England, he will at once see how widely different was the position of the

Engli sh Speaker . The influence of Westminster was actively felt in Dublin . For in 1 4 95 the Irish House of Lords insisted that the robes worn by its peers must be of 1 the same pattern as those worn by the English peers . 1 5 An odd chance dispels some of our ignorance . In 69 the hi storian Campion was stopping with the Speaker,

S tanihur st, and he gives us a report of the speech of the

Lord Deputy, Sir H . Sydney, at the opening of Parliament, and that of the Speaker to the Lord Deputy . The speeches of these two officials at the prorogation concerned the n ratu education of the people . S tani hurst was able to co g late his audience on the passing of an Act for the erection of Free Grammar Schools, though he regretted that our hap is not to plant yet an U niversity here at home . So much for the matter of the 1 569Parliament .

The mann er of ceremony in use demands attention . Here we are fortunate , for R obert le Commaun dre, R ector of

Tarporley in Cheshire ,happened to be present . He records the scene in the House of Lords on the o pening day in

January, 1 569: The Lord Deputy of Ireland sat u nder the cloth of estate in hi s own robes of crimson velvet, repre ’ ’ senting the 'ueen s Maj esty s most royal person . Item ,

R obert Weston, doctor of laws, and Dean of the Cathedr al ’ n Chur ch of St . Patrick s, Dublin, Lord Chancellor of Irela d, sat on the right side of the said Lord Deputy . Item ,

Thomas Butler, Earl of Ormond and Ossory, Viscount

Thurles ,High Treasur er of Ireland ,sat on the left of the said r n s Lord Deputy . Memo a dum, that these two lord sat

1 II . . 1 0 Henry V , c 1 6 . — IRELAND , 1 494 1 60 3 5 severally above by themselves, one either side of the said

Lord Deputy,hav ing their seats enrailed about, and hanged or covered with green ; and the said Lord Deputy had steps ” o r gresses (stairs) made and covered for the seat of the r n estate, being richly hanged . Memo a dum , that the

Chi ef Justices of the one bench and the other, the Chi ef ’ ’ Baron, the Master of the Rolls, and the 'ueen s Majesty s — ’ Attorney General and her Highness s Solicitor, did sit to gether at a table in the midst of the Parliament House n Christ Chur ch Cathedral) . Memorandu m, that Mr . Sta i hur st, Recorder of the City of Du blin , was Speaker of the

Lower House,and di d wear for his upper garment,when the Lord Deputy sat in the higher house un der the cloth of h st estate, a scarlet gown ; and this Mr . S tani ur was a very wise man and a good member of the Commonwealth of ” Ireland . In Plantagenet Parliaments the Lord Chancellor and the High Treasurer were accorded the precedence they still kept in the Elizabethan Irish Parliament . How much Engli sh procedure influenced Irish is evident from the preamble to the early Acts of the Irish Parliament, for according to the preamble the Legislatur e was composed of

the Lord Deputy,the Chancellor and Treasurer,and all the ’ lords spiritual and temporal, and the Kin g s Coun cil in ”

r n . I ela d The Egerton MS . provides uswith a listof the lords spiritual and temporal in the Irish Parliament, 1 568

John Hoo ker, uncle of the famous theologian, wrote a i d ary or journal, January 1 7 to February 23, 1 568 supplementing the account of the ceremonies whi ch Comm r aundre gives . It is noteworthy that Hooke , like

Grattan and Flood, was a member both of the Irish and the i Engl sh Legislatures, and no doubt he used hi s influence to bring the ceremoni al of Westminster and Dublin into closer 3 accordance . For the information of his fellow members he drew up the book of the orders of the Parliaments

1 “ rin in n Rep ted C. Litton Falkiner, Essays Relating to I rela d , ~ . 233236 . E r on M i 64 2 N o . 29 p The ge t S . s a British Museum MS 2 , , p28 2 2 — C. i on Falkin r 23 240 . L tt e , Essays Relating to I reland , pp . 7 J u n is now in C brid i r i Li r The o r al am ge U n ve s ty b ary . 3 ” I r nd Mou ntmorres nd r r l. iii . 1 42 Bagwell , ela u e the Tud o s , vo ,p . ; , ” An i n r i n of Ir n l. i . c e t Pa l ame ts ela d , vo ,p . 8 7 . — IRELAND, 1 494 1 603 employed in England, whi ch is pri nted in his contribution li ’ ”1 ’ to the Irish portion of H o nshed s Chronicles . Hooker s Order and Usage how to keep a Parliament in England ri shaped I sh procedure . His diary furnishes us with what is in eff ect the first un offi cial extant Journal of the House of Commons . He gives us the figur es in the di visions whi ch n took place on the mai questions debated . These questions tu rned on constitutional issues, and among them were the ’ validity of the sheriff s return to the wri t of summons, the title of certain members to be returned to Parliament, and the like . On the latter matter the judges gave their decision, but the Parliament required them to appear in

. 1 person The first nine leaves of the Carte MS . 6 , gives us the earliest formal Journal of Parliament : it records the ’ 1 58 5 proceedings of Sir J . Perrot s Parliament, May 3, , to ’ May 1 3, Unlike Hooker s, it is not written in r na rative form and is nbt in the first person . It gives the days of meeting, the prorogations, the readings, and the i success or the fa lure of measures . On the sixteenth century there are seventeen volumes of n r cale da s of State Papers published . Eleven of these volumes consider the state of Ireland from 1 50 9to 1 603: — n l . i . v . these have been edi ted by H . C . Hamilto (vo s ) by

- . . . . Mahafl . E G Atkinson (vols . vi x . ) and by R . P y (vol r J . S . Brewer and W . B ullen edited six volumes of the Ca ew 4 Papers, which are preserved in Lambeth Library : they un cover the peri od from 1 51 5 to 1 624 . There is much

n . published matter in the Record Offices, Dublin and Londo In the latter there are the documents dealt with in the — 1 50 9 Calendars above named vi z . , Letters and Papers, ,

March, 1 60 3, 24 8 volumes ; an Entry Book, April, 1 597, to

March, 1 599, 1 volume ; an Entry Book of Correspondence , — ’ . m r s i 1 58 7 90 , 1 volume ; Dr . M H an e Collection of H storical — Notes, 1 volume ; Accounts and Valors, 1 536 46,4 volumes ; — Revenue Accounts, 1 54 7 51 , 1 volume ; a Coinage Account ,

1 — o of b i ion. 1 58 6 8 7 . N place pu l cat 2 — J. Mr . F. H . R . vol. i . . 1 04 1 1 . In an b i E . , xx x , pp 7 a le art cle Rou tledge deals with thi s Parliament ,and gives the Journal in extenso. ’ ” n r Cf . Russell and Prend ergast s R eport o the Carte Pape s f n i . 24 . 6 1 n i of ffi r o ir o p . The rest of MS co s sts o cial pape s S J h Dav s d ir f an S Arthu r Chichester or the year 1 6 1 3. 3 — 4 — Lond on,1 8 60 1 91 2. I bid . , 1 8 67 73. IRELAN D, 1 494 - 1 60 3 7 — 1 559, 1 volume ; and Miscellaneous Accounts, 1 58 1 8 5, r 2 volumes . These documents bear on the gene al course of the hi story of the country, but there is a great deal of parliamentary material scattered among them . One fact emerges from them, and that is the conservatism of the

Irish Parli ament . The fact that Parliament met so irregularly during the sixteenth century goes to show that it was not the govern no n 8 ing force . For example, Parliame t sat from 1 5 6 to fl r and 1 6 1 3. In uence rested with the Lo d Deputy the

Privy Council . As a matter of fact the Secretary of State controlled the course of Irish affairs . Wolsey and Thomas 1 Cromwell, Burghley and Sir Robert Cecil exercised para ’

i . . mou nt power . There is no book,l ke A V Dicey s Privy ”2 Cou ncil, describing the work of the Privy Council . Such a volume is a desideratum for Ireland . None of the older books are of much value in elucidating ’ m rre the past of the Iri sh Parliament . Viscount Mount o s s Hi story of the Principal Transactions of the Irish Parlia ”3 ment from 1 634 to 1 666 is simply an analysis of the con tents of the printed Journals . His Preliminary Discourse of the An cient Parliament o f that Kingdom is largely a reprint of John Hooker ’ s Order and Usage how to keep a ” Parliament in England . T . Beatson gives the hereditary honours,public ofli ces,and persons in offi ce from the earliest 4 times to 1 806 . His third volume records Irish inf ormation . ’ On the subject of Beatson s book there is the all - important — ”5 Liber Muneru m pu bli coru m Hiberniae, 1 1 52 1 8 24 of

. In hi s . . . J Lascelles . sixth volume T H B Oldfi eld deals 6 ’ with the Irish boroughs . Monck Mason s Essay on the ”7 Antiquity and Constitution of Parliaments in Ireland is

a book with a purpose . It is written to refute the opini on of Sir John Davis that there was no separate Parliament for r n for 1 4 r I ela d 0 years f om the time of Henr y II . William

1 hi s d i b . Lo nd on See letters , e ted y J Maclean . Camden So ciety. , 2 3 1 8 64 . Lo d on 1 8 L 2 2 o . n , 8 7 . o nd on ,1 79 , v ls 4 P I n olitical dex to the Histories of Great Britain and I reland .

Lond on ,1 8 0 6 . 5 ond on 1 8 24 . Ind in II I t L , exed Append ix . o the Ninth Report of the u K of Pu b I D or in n . b 1 ep ty eeper the lic Rec d s rela d Du lin , 8 77 . 6 R n v H of n an I r L eprese tati e istory Great Britai d eland . o nd on, 7 1 8 1 6 . b in 1 Du l , 8 20 . 8 — IRELAND, 1 4 94 1 60 3

’ Lynch s View of the Legal Institutions, Honorary Heredi ffi ” 1 tary O ces, and Feudal Baronies of Ireland scarcely ’ reaches the Tudor period . Sir William Betham s Origin and History of the Constitution of England and the Early ” 2 n r Parliame ts of I eland stops wi th the reign of Richard III .

In the seventh chapter of the first volume of Mr . Bag ’ ” 3 well s Ireland under the Tudors there is an able sketch of the Irish Parliament . Of course, it is no more than an i outl ne, but it is a good outline . In the Irish Legislative ”4 in fi Systems of the Right Hon . J . T . Ball there is the rst

chapter a survey of the course of the early Parliaments . In its twenty pages the author brings us down to the year 1 6 1 3. i hi s By far the best accoun t is that of Mr . E . Porr tt in ” r 5 Unrefo med House of Commons . It is based on adequate knowledge, and thi s knowledge is presented in ’ o masterly chapters . Like Mr . Ball s b ok, its strength lies r m in the su vey of the eighteenth century . At the same ti e the hints on the sixteenth century are illuminating, and at the moment it is easily the best book in existence . The late

Mr . Litton Falkiner had pondered the past of our Parliament ”6 and long deeply . In his Essays relating to Ireland ”7 there is an essay on Irish Parliamentary An tiqui ties,

hi . w ch is packed with ideas and with inf ormation . Mr . G . P Gooch calls him the best - equipped scholar in the field of 8 modern Iri sh history since Lecky, and an essay li ke thi s nl w proves how sound is such a judgment . He is the o y riter who spends his strength on the sixteenth century . Mr .

J . G . Swift MacNeill published The Constitutional and ”9 r Pa liamentary History of Ireland till the Uni on . His book suffers seriously from the plan on whi ch it is written . H e takes the speeches delivered in 1 78 2 at once into con s r i ide ation . Such speeches are not the sour ce to wh ch an i h stori an go es when in search of exact information . There is no addi tion to our knowledge of the past hi story of Parliament in a book whi ch is essentially a pamphl et hl written from a Nationali st point of view . It is a pamp et good of its kind ; still , it is a pamphlet .

1 2 3 4 I bid 1 8 8 9. I b d . 1 Lo ndon ,1 8 30 . I bid . ,1 8 30 . i , 8 8 5. 5 6 7 — 1 93240 . C i ii . br v l. Lon on 1 . am dge ,1 90 3, o . d , 90 9 Pp 8 ” H 4 00 . istory and Historians in the Nineteenth Century, p . 9 o L nd on , 1 91 7 . — I RELAND, 1 494 1 603 9

One fruitful source of inquiry is to ascertain how far the r I ish Parliament was influenced by the Scots and English . ’ There are parallels with the Scots, for Poynings Law and the Commi ttee of Articles are similar in their effects . The Scots Parliament was never modelled on that of the M English, whereas the Irish undoubtedly was . The other of Parliaments had for her first offspring the Irish Parlia ment . We pass by the fact that the English and the Irish

Parliaments possessed upper and lower chambers, but it is significant that the representative system by whi ch the Irish House was elected was practically identical with the electoral system of England as aff ected by that epoch making measure, the statute of 1 4 30 , whi ch remained in

- force to 1 8 32. The forty shilling freehold lay at the basis of both English and Irish county representation . As in England, each county in Ireland had two knights of the shire to represent it, and these knights were chosen in the I county court . n borough representation there had been developed the freeman franchise ; the franchi se controlled entir ely by muni cipal corporations ; the potwalloper fran chi se, which closely resembled the potwalloper franchise

of England ; and the freehold franchi se in manor boroughs, which resembled the burgage franchise of the boroughs of ’ 1 England . I n Mr . Porritt s opini on, a history of the pro

' ced ure and usages of the Irish House of Commons would tell nl o y of the adoption of English orders and usages . He holds that “ it is not possible to di scover in the Irish Journals any procedur e which had not its origin in West ”2 3 n . Mr . mi ister Litton Falkiner also takes thi s position . The first person to be really styled the Lord Lieutenant

seems to have been Lionel, Earl of Ulster and Duke of r n Cla e ce, who came to Ireland in 1 36 1 . It became usual for a member of the Royal Family to be sent as Lord Lieu tenant, though he discharged the duties of hi s office by n of mea s a deputy . In time the title of Deputy was be on stowed the Governors of Ireland, even when there was no Lord Lieutenant actually appointed : The real influence n or 1 4 8 lay in the ha ds of the L d Deputy . Thus from 7 to 1 0 — IRELAND, 1 494 1 60 3 1 526 the rulers of the country were the Earls of Kildare , r or ri i who we e L ds Deputy . They through the P vy Counc l controlled the doings of Parliament .

The method of electing the Speaker, certainly from 1 568 , n new was the same as in England . On the assembli g of a r Pa liament the Commons adjourned to the House of Lords .

When the Lord Deputy had made a speech , the Lord Chancellor ordered them to return to their own House in i i order to elect a Speaker . Engl sh usage determ ned the choice of the House, and the Speaker - elect came to the r i Lo d Deputy for approval . As at Westm nster ,he begged that some man of more gravity and better experience, ”1 knowledge and learning might supply the place . The first Speaker whose name we can ascertain is John Chever, r 4 1 Maste of the Rolls, and hi s date is 1 44 9. I n 1 5 Sir

Thomas Cu sake, Chancellor of the Exchequer, was Speaker, and in 1 557 he was succeeded by James S tanihurst, who was thrice elected . In 1 58 5 S tanihurst was succeeded by ir S Nicholas Walsh, Chi ef Justice of Munster and Second ’ Justice of the 'ueen s Bench . The Speaker was always a

Crown nominee, and for the most part he reflected faith r sake fully the behests of the Lord Deputy . Speake Cu nominally vindicated the liberties of hi s order, but at the same time he insisted on the authority of the Crown and the respect due to the royal prerogative . Unlike the

English customs, the Speaker di d not ask that a favourable construction mi ght be put upon hi s actions, though he claimed the usual liberties of the Commons— freedom from n arrest and freedom of speech . Unlike the E glish custom , he did not require freedom of access to the person of the Sovereign ,though he di d requir e that if a member mi scon ducted himself, the puni shment should rest exclusively in 2 the control of the House over whi ch he presided . In the reign of Edward IV . privilege was regulated by statute . In 1 4 63a measure was passed , modelled upon the law of the

English Parliament, under whi ch members were to be

impleaded, vexed, nor troubled by no man from forty d ays before until forty after a session of Parliament .

1 ’ 1 2. o n u nt s v l. i . 7 Ho ker s accou t in Mo morre , o , pp . 7 , 2 iii . 4 2. l. . o in v . 4 vo 7 H l shed, ol vi ,pp . 32,353. Cf. Stubbs , ,p — IRELAND, 1 494 1 603 1 1

There was no struggle between the Irish House of Commons and the Iri sh House of Lo rds such as that whi ch marks the annals of Westminster . One reason is that the

Irish Upper House was a small and feeble body . An other no r o r was that it possessed powe t o iginate a money Bill , or and it possessed no right to alter amend such Bill s . With this frui tful source of trouble removed, there was li ttle — nfli . n l 1 likelihood of co ct The E glish Bi ls of 405 6 , of

1 427, of 1 429, and of 1 444 , regulated the machin ery for

Irish elections . There was only one Irish law of the sixteenth century— that of 1 542— whi ch attempted to legislate on thi s topic . By the Bill of 1 542 a sheriff who returned a member contrary to its provisions as to landed qualification and residence was liable to a penalty of a hundred pounds . It is di fficult to ascertain the po sition of the clergy in

r or 1 537 . r 28 Pa liament bef e That yea the Henry VIII . ,

0 . 1 2, took from their proctors the right of voice or ” suffrage, and ordered that they should attend only as

cou nsellors and assistants . This in effect extinguished their influence, which had long been extinguished at r Westminster . The c le gy assessed their own taxes, and in 1 538 granted the King an annual twentieth of all their fi pro motions, bene ces, and po ssessions . Durin g the R e formation there was an attempt to employ proctorial in fl ’ u ence nr I . to defeat the legislation of He y VI I s advisers . It was urged that the proctors enjoyed a status like that of the prelates : what the proctors were in the Lower House the bishops were in the Upper . The bishops of Ireland supported the proctors in this position . The Deputy re ferred the question to the judges, and they decided that the 1 proctors had no voice in Parliament .

Like the Parliaments of England and Scotland , it was some time before the Irish Parliament acquired a fi xed home . The Plantagenet Deputies convoked it to meet at i an r Trim, K lkenny, d D ogheda . Other places of meeting

‘ r xor we e Naas, We f d, Limeri ck, Bald oyl, Castledermot ,

Waterford, and Cashel . In the reign of Elizabeth Dublin

1 I r n II . l S r v o ii. i ii . . 8 tate Pape s ,He y V , . ,pt . ,p 43 : Gray and Braba zon to o l 1 1 Cr mwe l ,May 8 , 537 . 1 2 IRELAN D, 1 4 94- 1 603

became its home, although even in the metropolis it met in places like the Hall of the Carmelite s in Whitefriars Street, h r r an r r Kilmain am P io y, d Ch ist Chu ch Cathedral . The r n 1 568 —7 1 1 58 5—8 6 Pa liame ts of and met in Dublin Castle . r n Befo e the cha ges introduced by James I . there were — on r . r ly forty four bo oughs He e there is obscurity . For i r there is no extant l st of membe s between 1 38 2 and 1 559. In 1 38 2 there were eighteen coun ties or districts and eleven towns represented, and in 1 559there were ten counties and twenty - eight cities and boroughs returning two members each . In 1 54 1 the Upper House was the more important of the two, and was attended by four archbishops, nineteen bishops, and twenty temporal peers . The Lancastrian and Y orkist kings summoned Parliament

n r . quite often . U de Henry VII there were at least six r Parliaments assembled . As deputy fo the Lord Lieu tenant,Jasper, Duke of Bedf ord, the Ar chbishop of Dublin ,

Walter, held the fir st in 1 4 92. There was the Parliament ~ held by Sir Edward Poynings at Drogheda in l 4 94; two held by Lord Gormanston at Trim and Drogheda respectively, one by Gerald, Earl of Kildare, at Castledermot in 1 4 98 , and one held by another Earl of Kildare which met at Dublin r and later at Castledermot . Wa e in his Annals regrets the fact that the laws of the 1 4 98 Parli ament were not upon i record in hi s time . He tells us that one Nangle was m prisoned in England on a charge of having surreptitiously remo ved the Rolls . The noteworthy Parli aments held were those whi ch met — 7 — — in 1 4 94 , 1 50 8 , 1 533, 1 536 3, 1 54 1 42, 1 556 , 1 559, 1 568 69, — 1 — r one and 1 58 5 8 6 . The 536 37 Pa liament is the which passed the Reformation measures, though the proctors of the clergy offered stout opposition, especially objecting to the Kin g being declared supreme head of the Church . — The 1 54 1 4 2 Parliament declared Henry VIII . King of o Ireland . D mestic legislation in it was modelled on

1 8 - English lin es . I n the 56 69House there was so much confusion that it was more like to a bear- baiting of loose persons than an assembly of grave and wise men in Parlia ” i ment . It was then that Hooker proffered ass stance to

Speaker S tani hurst . — IRELAN D, 1 494 1 603

’

PoY NI N Gs LAW .

Behin d all these assemblies lay the fact that they were ’ not a sovereign body, for Poynings Law controlled all their

no mi n . affairs . Now there is statute so seriously su derstood

Take the work of such a scholar as A . G . Richey . He represents it as the most di sgraceful Act ever passed by an independent Legislature,and wrung from thi s local assembly “ of the Pale, binding future Parliament for three hundred ”1 2 l ni . years . Of course, P . W . Joyce fol ows thi s opi on ’ fir Poynings Acts are two in number . By the st it is laid down, in 1 494 , that no futur e Parliaments should be held ’ in Ireland, but at such season as the Ki ng s Lieutenant and Co uncil there fir st do certify the King under the great seal of that land Ireland) , the causes and considera tions, and all such Acts as then seemeth should pass in the same Parliament, and such causes, considerations, and Acts affirmed by the King and hi s Council to be good and ex pedi ent for that land, and hi s licence thereupon, as well as affirmation of the said causes and Acts as to summon the said Parliament under the great seal of England, had and r obtained . That done, a Pa liament to be had and holden after the form and effect afore rehearsed, and if any Parlia ment be holden in that land hereafter contrary to the form and provisions aforesaid, it be deemed void and of none ” ff n r e ect in law . The seco d Act, whi ch is of mino im “ portance, provides that all public statutes later made in with the said realm of England apply to Ireland . The clue to the un derstanding of the measure is to note what evils it was meant to cure in the eyes of contemporaries . The hi story of the two generations preceding 1 494 im mediately reveals the fact that the Lord Deputy was fast n assumi g the powers of a Sovereign . The Kildares de clared an peace d war as if they were kings . Lords Deputy, like them, had assente d to Bills without any reference to n n or n E gla d to E glish policy . Differences between the

1 A S i or of I ri hort H st y the sh People , p . 232. 2 A S i or f Ir - o 348 34 . Dr. als mi hort H st y eland , pp . 9 Bonn o scon ceives kin f or o . s r the w g this law Of . hi De englische Kolonisation in I r l nd vo . i . . 1 08 1 6 la , ,pp , 3. — IRELAND , 1 494 1 60 3 policies of Dublin and Westminster were be coming pro minent . The Lord Deputy summoned Parliament when, r whe e, and how he willed . The truth , then, is that the far - reaching enactment of 1 4 94 was meant as a protection to the Anglo - Irish, and they at once regarded it in that light . Deputies used to commit treason, and all the Anglo r r I ish were held esponsible . Now the Deputies could no l onger do as they please . The native Irish felt no restric tions from the new measure, for it was only enf orced within ’ the Pale . The origin of Poynings Law was simply the desire of the Irish Parliament to confine the authority of the Depu ties within bounds . As all the ordinary histories repeat the mistakes of men ’ m on d é r like Richey, it is worth while to elab orate the is t e o f the 1 4 94 Act . The Irish unpublished statutes of the Y orki sts reveal the fact that the history of Ireland turns on the rivalry of the Ho uses of Butler and Fitz Gerald . When a Butler was Lord Deputy he occupied his time in seeking revenge on hi s rivals, and of course the Anglo - Irish endur ed

r . much hardship in the process . Under Edwa d IV the r Kildares continue this story . The climax was eached in ” the Simnel affair when the ladde, as an Irish statute r puts it, was crowned . It was plain that if the autho ity of the Kin g of Ireland was not to vani sh , the Lords Deputy must be brought under strict control . That control came ’ - with effect in 1 4 94 , and the Anglo Irish hailed Poyni ngs statute with delight . The remedy to an evil always reveals some inconveni ence ’ due to it . Poynings Law hampered the Deputy, but it also hampered the work of government . In the sixteenth centur y there were no telephones, and sudden emergencies could no longer be met by the Lord Deputy himself . A letter took a month for an answer, and much might happen v r s in the interval . It is e ident from a letter f om Aud ley, in the English Chancellor, to Thomas Cromwell that this “ ” u d ele convenience was felt in 1 533. I have seen , A y ’ writes, the Act made in Ireland in Poynings time . I do not take that Act as they take it in Ireland ; nevertheless I have made a short Act that thi s Parliament and everything to be done by authority thereof, shall be good — IRELAND, 1 494 1 60 3

’ and effectual, the said Act made in Poynings time,or any ”1 other Act or u sage of the land of Ireland no twithstanding .

Accordingly, in spite of the 1 4 94 measure, the Acts of Lord ’ Leonard Gray s Parliament of 1 533shoul d be deemed valid . H ow temporary and limi ted was the natur e of the suspension ’ is clear, for it only applied to Bills requir ed for the King s ’ honour, the increase of his Grace s revenues and pro fits , ” and the commonweal of the land and dominion of Ireland . Popular opini on disliked thi s use of the di spensing power so strongly that it did not affect the property of indi vi duals ’ r in n in o of corporations . Poyn gs Act was also suspe ded

1 537 and 1 542.

In 1 557 ano ther emergency arose, and the Earl of Sussex, ’ who called the only Parli ament of Mary s reign, brought ’ forward a measur e, declaring how Poynings Act shall be ” ” r o expo unded and taken . Fo asmuch, it p ints out, as many events and occasions may happen during the time of

Parliament, the which shall be thought meet and necessary to be provided for, and yet at or before the time of the sum moning of the Parliament, was not thought nor agreed ’ upon, it is proper to provide for the extension of Poynings

Act to legislation formulated during the session . I n 1 557 , unlike 1 533, the Act is not su spended . Sussex was Deputy in the first Parliament of Elizabeth, and he takes care in it not to infringe the provisions of the 1 4 94 Act . In the time of Elizabeth the Irish Government pressed ’ n l for the suspension of Poynin gs Law . The E g ish in

Ireland opposed thi s pressure vigorously . Their feeling is ’ clear in the Act passed in 1 569for safeguarding Poynings

Act . It declares that before 1 494 Acts were passed in the Irish Parliament as well to the dis honour of the prince as ” to the hindrance of their subjects . I n order to increase their security it was declared that for the future there be no Bill certified into England for the repeal or suspension ” of the said statute, unless the same Bill be fir st agreed on in a session of the Irish Parliament by the more number of the Lords assembled in Parliament, and the greater ” m r nu be of the Commons House . r r It is ema kable that in writing to S ir H . Sydney,January 1 ii S r ol i . . . . 44 tate Pape s ,Henry VI II . ,v . ,pt ,p 0 . 1 — 6 IRELAND, 1 494 1 603

1 6 , 1 557 , Elizabeth uses language implying the customary ” view of the 1 494 Act . Whereas, she wrote, we under stand you are desirous to have authority to call a Parliament, the rather for the receiving of our subsidy there before we assented thereunto we could have been contented to have had advertisement from you what other matters you thought most meet to be commended in the same for the benefit of our service . For, except the same might appear very necessary, we have small di sposition to assent to any

Parliament . Nevertheless, when we call to remembrance the ancient mann er of that our realm, that no manner of thing ought to be commended or treated upon, but such as we shall fir st u nderstand from you, and consent thereunto our self, and consequently return the same u nder our great

' seal of this o ur realm of England, we are the better minded to to assent to this your request . And I authorise you devise wi th our council there only of such things as may ” n fi 1 appear be e cial for us and that our realm .

In spite of this letter Sydney, knowing the cou rse taken r by his predecesso s, Gray, St . Leger, and Sussex, adopted ’ their plan of suspending the operation of Poynings Act . I n Dublin he realised the difficulties of the cour se proposed r by his royal mistress . The Irish Parliament would wa mly resent the removal of the protection Poynings had afforded r them . The safer method was to introduce new membe s for the boroughs, and he nominated themfor boroughs under o i the control of the Crown . Irish opinion was as h st le to n any tampering with their protection as of old . I spite of ’ the borough members , the o pposition to Sydney s Bill for ’ r r in r suspension waxed st ong . Hooke s diary fo ms us that it passed the first reading wi thout a division, that on its second reading there were 50 votes for it and 40 against it, but on the third reading there were only 44 for it and 4 8 r r 1 7 against it . Lo d Chancello Weston wrote, February ,

1 569, to Cecil i The first Bill that was read was touching ’ the suspending of Poynings Act ; a goo d and profitable

Bill, and worthy of much favour ; and so we thought it are would have found . But it was handled as things used ’ to be that fall into angry men s hands ; without good advice

1 — . P Ir n 1 50 . 324 . C . S ela d, 9 73, p

— IRELAND, 1 494 1 60 3

TH E E FORMATIO R N .

The State Papers, Engli sh and Irish , and the Carew Papers testify plainly to the deplorable state of religion years r r befo e the Refo mation . In 1 51 5 an Irishman and a deeply religious man testifies : S ome sayeth that the prelates of the Church and clergy is much cause of all the misorder of the land ; for there is no archbishop ne bishop , abb o t ne prior, parson ne vi car, ne any other person of the Church , high or low, great or small , English or Irish , that useth to preach the Word of God, saving the poor friars beggars ; n a d where the Word of God do cease, there can be no grace ; and without the special (grace) of God this land may never be reformed . An d by the preaching and teaching of prelates of the Church, and by prayer and ori son of devout persons of the same , God useth alway to grant his abundant grace ; ergo, the Church , not using the premises, is much ”1 r cause of all the said misorder of thi s land . He p oceeds to show that the noble folk of Ireland oppresseth,spoileth the prelates of the Chur ch of Christ of their possessions and liberties ; and therefore they have no fortune ne grace, in u prosperity of body ne soul . Who su pporteth the Ch rch of ” Christ in Ireland save the poor commons 2 There is need for an investigation of the self - denying efforts in the regular work of the seculars and in the irregular work of the Spanish,

French, and English friars . l an Ar chdeacon H . Cotton compi ed invaluable Fasti ”2 Ecclesiae Hiberni cae. The Rev . St . J . D . Seymour gives The succession of parochial clergy in the united di ocese of ”3 Cashel and Emly, and tells the hi story of The Diocese ”4 ’ Monasticon Hibernicu m re of Emly . M . Ar chdall s counts the history of the abbeys, priories, and other re 5 ligiou s houses in Ireland . ’ s r ocac on There are documents in J . Bale extrao dinary V y ”6 of Johan Bale to the Byshopperycke of Ossorie ; N .

1 nr III . vol. ii . . 1 5. C. S . P. ,He y V , ,p 2 — b in 1 8 51 8 . S ix vols . Du l , 7 3 4 I bid . 1 91 3. Dublin ,1 908 . , 5 i i i . Mor n and o er L r s an on b P F . ond on , 1 78 6 . The e ed t y a th s,

Dublin ,1 8 73. 6 — i l i 28 . Lond on M sce l. . 4 2 o i o in r . v 0 R me ,1 533. It s als the Ha l , , ,

1 74 5. - IRELAND , 1 494 1 60 3

’ Sanders De origin e ac progressu S chismatis Anglicani ’ ae o mmentari u s P . Lombard s De Regno Hiberni C ’ ’ r r E . O Du ffy s edi tion of The Apostasy of Myle Mag ath ”3 ’ ’ “ r n abo ut 1 577 ; J . Ga vey s editio of The Con “ ”4 ’ r r e nn 1 58 9 . Verste an s ve sion of P . Co win a o ; R g ”5 Theatrum Cru d elitatu m H aereticoru m nostri temporis ’ r r R . Ware s Historical Collections of the Chu ch in I eland , ”6 and r etc . , set forth in the Life Death of George B owne ; ’ Bisho p Ro the s Analecta sacra et mira de rebus Catho ”7 ’ Bru odin s Pro licoru m in Hibernia gestis ; A . ”8 pu gnacul u m Catholicee Veritatis libris x constru ctu m ’ li r l i a Monasterii S anctI J . H artry s Triu mpha a Ch ono og c ” 9 ’ r rr Crucis in Hibernia ; P . Adair s T ue Na ative of the ”1 0 ’ in er s Presbyterian Church in Ireland ; A . The ” Ann ales Ecclesiastici (1 572—8 5) 1 1 and his Vetera Monumenta H ibernoru m et S cotoru m Historiam illus ” 1 2 ’ — o on on r trantia, 1 21 6 1 54 7 ; L . R enehan s C llecti s I ish ”1 3 ’ l ssoriense : r . r O Church Histo y ; P . F Mo an s Spici egium being a collection of Original Letters and Papers illustrative ” ’ 1 4 n ni of the History of the Irish Church ; E . Hoga s Iber a

Ignatiana, seu Ibernoru m Societatis Jesu Patrum Monu — ” 1 5 ’ 1 4 an . . r menta collecta, etc . , 5 0 1 60 7 ; d E P Shi ley s Origin al Letters and Papers during the Reigns of ”1 6 Edward VI . , Mary and Eli zabeth . ’ u llivan Among the older histories there are P . O S ’ ”1 7 Beare s Historiae Catholicae I berniae Compendi um ; N . ’ ”1 8 Orlandino and F . S acchini s Historia Societatis Jesu ; ’ i r F . Porter s Compendium Ann aliu m E cclesiast co u m

1 Co 1 is E i r i no b logne , 58 5. There an ngl sh t anslat on with tes y i L L 1 . D . ew s , ond on , 8 77 2 Edi F . D b 1 Mor n in 8 68 . ted by P . . a u l , 3 4 5 C 1 b in 1 68 1 . An r 1 58 . ashel , 8 64 . Du l , twe p , 7 5 ’ ” Lond on 1 1 It is i r An i i i 1 0 5 and in , 68 . also n Wa e s t qu t es , 7 , the Mi r . l sce l. v l . Ha l , o . v 7 Tw - o o . 1 1 E i b F Mor n D b in v ls Cologne , 6 7 1 9. d ted y P . . a , u l ,

1 8 84 . o i r R the was B shop of Osso y . 8 r 1 I 66 . t r r r III I . P ague , 9 cove s f o m Hen y V . to James 9 d i M E b . r wh r n it in En i b in 1 8 91 . ted y D u phy, o t a slated to gl sh . Du l , 1 0 i b Ed d . l W . Ki l 1 8 6 . te y D l en . Be fast , 6 1 1 1 2 ' r o . o 1 4 . Th ee v ls R me , 1 8 56 . Rome , 8 6 1 3 Vol. i . b in 1 r i n of M o , Du l , 8 6 1 . Renehan was P es d e t ayno th

College . 1 4 i — 1 5 . iii o . and . b in 1 8 4 8 4 . ol. i . b in 1 8 V ls Du l , 7 V Du l , 8 0 . 1 6 Lo d on 1 8 1 1 7 n 5 . Li bon 1 621 . b i n 1 , s , Du l , 850 . 1 8 — An r 1 620 . rt i . iii twe p, ,etc Pa s . — IRELAND , 1 494 1 60 3

ae r Hiberni . Pe haps the ablest modern book on ’ ll im s the Roman Catholic side is A . Be eshe Ge schi chte der ”2 katholischen Kirche in Irland : it is well documented . ’ ” 3 r M . J . Brenan s Ecclesiastical Histo y of Ireland is ’ written for edi fication : it is unindexed . C . P . Meehan s Rise and Fall of the Irish Franciscan Monasteries is a 4

. r poor book W . M . B ady write s with all the zeal of a convert in his Clerical and Parochial Records of Cork , ” 5 “ ”6 “ Cloyne, and Ross , The Irish Reformation , State ” 7 Papers concerning the Irish Church , and hi s Episcopal ”8 ’ r r Succession . The e are sidelights in P . Boyle s I ish

College in Paris, 1 578 A similar boo k on the Irish ’ College in Rome is wanted . J . D Alton compiled Memoirs ”1 0 of the Archbishops of Dublin, and H . C . Groves The ”1 1 r Titular Archbishops of Ireland . Cardinal P . F . Mo an ”1 2 wrote a History of the Catholic Ar chbishops of Ireland :

n . . there are documents in the appe dix 0 J . Burke dealt ”1 3 with the History of the Catholi c Ar chbishops of Tuam .

G . Boero sketched the lives of two Jesuits in his Vita del ”1 4 Servo di Dio P . Pascasio Broet and his Vita del Servo ”1 5 di Dio P . Alfonso S almerone . On Elizabethan times ’ there is also E . Hogan s Life, Letters and Diary of Father ”1 6 ’ Henry Fitzsimon . M . O R eilly raises the Memorials of ”1 7 those who suffered for the Catholic Faithjin Ireland ;

D . Murphy describes Ou r Martyrs A Record of those who suffered for the Catholic Faith under the Penal Laws in ”1 8 ri Ireland ; and A . 'immerman di scusses Die i schen ”1 9 Martyrer un ter Konigin Elisabeth . On the Church of Ireland side there are the solid volumes ’ ”20 n r r n of Bishop R . Ma t s Histo y of the Chur ch of I ela d ’ r r and R . King s P ime of the History of the Church of ”21 Ireland . Both writers used documents, but it is a pity 1 1 Rome , 690 . 2 — l — M inz 1 8 9 1 . . ii i 1 . r o . d 1 6 0 Th ee v ls a , 0 9 Vo . eals w th 50 9 9 3 4 Two o . D b i n 1 8 4 . v ls u l , 0 Dubli n,1 8 69. 5 6 r . b in 1 8 64 . L nd on 1 68 . Th ee vols Du l , Fifth edition . o , 7 7 1 8 8 9 R o — 9 1 8 6 . b in 1 1 . Lo ndon , 6 . me , 7 77 Du l , 90 1 0 1 1 1 2 1 I bid . 1 I bid . , 8 38 . , 8 97 . I bid . ,1 8 64 . 1 3 ’ 1 4 1 5 d . or I bz 1 8 8 2. n 1 8 I b d . 1 8 8 . , Fl e ce , 77 . i , 0 1 6 1 7 1 9 b in 1 8 1 . L n 1 D in 1 8 6 . Du l , 8 ond o , 8 68 . ubl , 9 1 9 — Katholilc II . ,1 79 200 . 20 Two L o 1 84 . vols . ond n , 0 21 on i i r . b Sec d ed t on. Th ee vols Du lin,1 8 4 5, 1 8 51 . IRELAND, 1 494 - 1 60 3 21

. o that their style is not livelier . The Rev . H Holl way has ” 1 written a useful account of The Reformation in I reland

from the point of view of ecclesiastical legislation . Like

so many others, he does not understand the working of ’ ’

. Mr . l r Poynings Law He has not used . R Dun op s su vey ’ ” 2 of Some As pects of Henry VIII s Irish Policy . Mr . Du nlop is one of the greatest of living authorities on the

history of Ireland, but In this article he unduly mini mi ses it the effects of the legislation of Henry VIII . Perhaps is ’

. rou d e s a useful corrective to the bias shown in J . A F ”3 . r History of England . Dr . H J . Lawlo has written a remarkable study of The Reformation and the Irish ” 4 r n i . . Episcopate . From the P esbyterian sta dpo nt J S Reid describes the History of the Presbyterian Church in ”5 r I eland and W . D . Killen The Ecclesiastical History of ”6 Ireland . Both wr iters go to the sources .

TH E PLAN TATION S . Shakespeare wrote that England was that utmost ”7 o r r c rne of the west . He was quite wrong, fo the dis covery of America by Columbus completely altered her

position to Eu rope . Formerly she had been at the edge of

affairs : now she was in the very heart of them . The

position of Ireland was also fundamentally changed . Be fore 1 4 92 she acted as a breakwater between England and the ocean, but now she lay athwart English trade lines between r the New World and the Old . He who controls her harbou s

controls English commerce . From this point of vi ew the discovery of America was fatal to the aspirations of the

Irish . The control of Ireland was vital to England, and sixteenth - century statesmen soon perceived that this con trol must be effective : hence the confi scations and planta o ti n which now begin to mark the history of Ireland . Mr . Dunl op wrote two able articles on The Plantation of

1 London ,1 91 9. 2 | In Histo rical Essays by Members of the Owens Co llege , Man — r . 279 306 . Lo n o 1 cheste , pp d n, 902. 3 o . Lo n o Twelve v ls d n , 1 8 99. 4 o nd on 1 906 b i L d b . . . , (pu l she y the S P . C K 5 i b E d W. . Ki l 1 n . r 8 6 . d te y D l e Th ee vols . Belfast , 7 6 Two o . Lond on 1 v ls , 8 75. 7 K J in o n A II . g h , ct ,Scene I . — 22 IRELAND , 1 494 1 60 3 — ”1 Munster, 1 58 4 8 9 and The Plantation of Leix and l Ofl a y, In the fir st chapter of hi s thoughtful book, fi ” 3 in . . n . r Con scatio Irish History, Mr W F . T Butle n examines the Tudor co fis cations . I n his Die englische ”4 Kolonisation in Irland Dr . M . J . Bonn inquires into what he calls the retrogression of the English coloni al interest in Ireland, and he raises the question whether a policy of colonisation is in any case possible in a country inhabite d by a vigorous native population . He begins with the earliest times and comes down to the present day . He, by

- reading twentieth century notions into the sixteenth , holds that instead of the English imposing Prote stant civilisation on the natives, they ought to have allowed them to develop r on the basis of their national characteristics . To wo k out this idea was foreign to the mind of all sixteenth - century statesmen . At the same time it is remarkable to note that some form of it entered the brain of Henr y VIII . , who

r - tried to meet the I ish half way . The trouble was that English civilisation was more hi ghly developed than Irish , and thi s rendered it increasingly di fficult for London and r u Dublin to see eye to eye . The Irish we e unable or m willin g to conform to the new environment . Of course the Reformation complicated the whole question, yet I t is — signifi cant that in the plantation of Leix and Oflaly or in — deed in any of the sixteenth - century plantations there was no weight attached to the religion of the planter .

n . These considerations Dr . Bonn thrusts o one side

Moreover, he is too inclined to treat an unauthorised sug her r n gestion as if it had official sanction . In b illia t 1 2 volume , The Making of Ireland and its Undoing, 00

Mrs . A . S . Green violently attacks the policy of the re i fi English . Dates a so mixed that it is d f cult to follow the n argum ents advanced . The use of the term Irishme r l is puzzling . Sometimes it means what the autho cal s n Gaels,and sometimes it means persons of Norman or E glish

li . r descent . Her hand ng of evidence is most unfair He e

1 — 2 26 . l i . . 9 H . R . vo . ii 50 E . , ,pp 0 2 — . 9 for hIs bid . E . H . R l . 3o . i . 6 . C vo vi . . 6 1 I bid ,vol. ,pp 9 f , , xx ,p , ” - article on Sixt eenth Century Maps of Ireland . 3 4 1 90 6 . b in 1 1 Two o . r Du l , 9 7 . v ls Stuttga t , 5 Lon on i ion 1 90 . d ,1 90 8 . Second ed t , 9 — IRELAND , 1 4 94 1 60 3

n is an instance . She quote s the stateme t of Captain Cu ellar on the work and housekeeping of the women of s n t n Connaught . She doe o quote his stateme t that he ” invari ably terms the Irish savages, and that they live ” as brute beasts among the mountains . He says that the chief employment of the Irish is to rob and plunder each hi n other . He,a s pwrecked Armada comma der,was robbed , stripped naked, beaten, and forced to work . And this was done to an ally of the Irish , one who had come to fight on

their behalf .

TH E OLD E R SOU RCE S . Among these the following deserve close attention — ”1 “ The Annals of Ulster, 1 1 55 1 54 1 ; The Annals of — ”2 ”3 Lough Cé , 1 04 1 1 590 ; Annala Rioghachta Eireann , ’ commonly called the Annals Of Ulster T . Dowlin g s ” 4 ’ Annales Breves Hi berni ae ; Camden s inaccur ate An ' ”5 ’ r nales reru m Angli caru m et Hi berni caru m ; Sir J . Wa e s r i Rerum H iberni caru m Ann ales egnant bu s Henrico VIII . ”6 Elizabetha, hi s in accurate Hi storie of Ireland col ”7 . . r lected by M Hanmer, E Campion and E . Spence , ”8 and his Antiquities and History of Ireland . Harris 9 made considerable alterations in the last bo ok . ’ Other noteworthy volumes are J . Derri cke s Image of ”1 0 ’ Ireland, 1 578 ; T . Churchyard s Services of S ir William ”1 1 “ Drury in 1 578 and 1 579 and his Scourge for ”1 2 ’ ’ Rebels ; H . Allingham s edition of Captain Cu ellar s ”1 3 Adventures in Connacht and Ulster A . D . 1 58 8 ; H . D . ’ ’ Sedgwick s edition of Captain Cu ellar s Letter to Phili p II . , ”1 4 ’ ”1 5 1 58 9 ; R . Payne s Brief Description of Ireland, 1 590 ; ’ S . Haynes The Description of Ireland in Anno

1 iii an iv . Lond on 1 8 66 . Vols . . d , 2 M. . l Edi b . nn o . 1 1 , Lo ted y W He essy V nd on , 1 8 71 . 3 ’ — Edi d b . O Donovan . o . v . vii . b te y J V ls Du lin , 1 8 51 . 4 E b . Ar i di d . r Iri aeo o i 1 4 te y R Butle sh ch l g cal Soc ety, Dublin , 8 9. 5 Lon o 1 It is r i r b E d n, 61 5. pa t cula ly valua le on the lizabethan i 5 — in rr on . r . su ect s Dublin ,1 664 . T anslation ,1 704 5 7 “ ” b in 1 6 . b i A i n i . Du l , 33 Repu l shed as nc e t H stories . Two vols 3 D b 1 . i in 8 0 9 E b . b in 1 4 . u l , d ted y R Ware . Du l , 70 9 b rri Edi W. . Tw . ted y Ha s o vols Dublin , 1 764 . 1 ° ’ “ Lon on 1 58 1 . In o r r i . L 1 Edi b d , S me s T acts , ond on , 809. ted y 1 1 1 2 l . E inb r 1 8 8 . . d 3 London 1 58 . I bid . J Smal u gh , , 0 ,1 58 4 . 1 3 ’ ’ n on 1 . ll s r Lo d , 897 Cue ar narrative is in C. F . Du o s La Armada ” 1 4 In n ib . ve c le Lond on,1 8 96 . 1 5 Edi d b A . i . I ris Ar hao o i i D te y Sm th h c e l g cal Soc ety, u blin,1 84 1 . — 24 IRELAND, 1 494 1 603

”1 ’ “ 2 m . 1 598 ; J . Dym ok s Treatice of Ireland, 0 1 600 ; ’ “ R . Beacon s Solon hi s follie ; or, a politique discourse touching the reformation of common weales, conquered, ” 3 ’ l n a dec i ed, or corrupted ; H . Harrington s Nug e ae Antiqu , being a collection of original Papers written ” 4 ’ . rni by Sir J Harrington ; W . Harris s Hibe ca: or ”5 ’ Some Ancient Pieces relating to Ireland ; S . Hayman s ”6 . r Unpublished Geraldin e Documents ; H . F Ho e and ’ J . Graves Social State of the Southern and Eastern ”7 ’ “ Counties of Ireland ; R . S tanihurst s De Rebus in ”8 ” 9 Hibernia gestis, and his Description of Ireland ; ’ “ J . Lodge s Desiderata Curiosa Hiberni ca: or a Select Collection of State Papers during the reigns of 'ueen ” 0 ’ 1 n Elizabeth (to Charles A . Collins editio of the Letters and Memorials of State written and col ” ’ ’ 1 1 an s n lected by S ir Henr y Sydney ; J . O Donov edi tio of ’ Sir Richard Bin gham s Account of Connacht and Narra ’ ”1 2 tive of Sir H . Docwra s Services in Ulster ; Sir Thomas ’ ” 3 ’ 1 and S tafl ord s Pacata Hibernia ; J . Hoo ker s Life ”1 4 ’ Times of Peter Carew ; Fynes Moryson s Itinerary 5 1 R e in three parts . The second part containeth the ”1 5 belli on of Hugh, Earl of Tyrone and Unpublished ”1 7 ’ coverie Chapters of the Itinerary ; Sir J . Davis s A Dis ” 1 8 1 9 of the State of Ireland and hi s Historical Tracts ;

1 E i d E . b in 1 8 8 . d te by Hogan. Du l , 7 “ 2 I ri i o i In Tracts re lating t o Ireland . sh Archaeolog cal S c ety, 3 i 1 2 or 1 5 4 . Dubl n , 8 4 . Oxf d , 9 1‘ III . to Lon on 1 . r o ro nr Three vo ls . d , 779 The pape s g f m He y V 5 James I . Dublin,1 770 . 5 — b 1 8 1 . Four parts . Du lin , 70 8 7 Dublin,1 8 56 . 3 An twerp, 1 584 . 9 ’ “ i l . 1 1 . L o . H olinshed s Chron cles Vo . ond n, 1 58 7 1 0 L n o 1 2. Two vols . o d n, 77 1 1 Lond on ,1 74 6 . 1 2 ll i oc. b in 1 84 . Mi sce . Celt c S Du l , 9 1 3 L n 1 6 . rin blin 1 L ond o , 33 Rep ted , Du , 8 1 0 ; ondon, 1 8 96 . 1 4 b . M n . on 8 Edi ted y J aclea L d on,1 57 . 1 5 m i Lon on 1 6 1 . i is of u r n d , 7 Th s the t ost mpo ta ce . ’ ” 1 5 i 1 s b n 5. Cf . din . ii 73 S ed on o . 1 1 nd i . Du l , p g Bac V ls . a 1 7 London , 1 903. 1 8 Lond on, 1 61 2. 1 9 L 1 8 Co orks . E b A o . s . r ond on , 7 6 . mplete w d ited y . Gro art Th ee v ls — r is i o f London, 1 8 69 76 . The e a cheap edi t on of some of the writings F s M s Mor i Spenser,Davi s ,and yne ory on. H . ley edits it under the t tle ” f I r E iz t e F L d 1 0 . o reland unde l abeth and James h irst . on on, 8 9

— 26 IRELAND, 1 4 94 1 603

fin o their temper so e, that ne is lif ted, as it were, into

n r . man sere e air Such a was Richard Bagwell . ’ Just as George Meredith is the novelists novelist, so Mr . ’ hi o i Bagwell is the st rians h storian . They are well aware that the secret of his power lies in hi s sincerity, the sensitive feelings that enable him to understand the poin t of view of the men of the past, while hi s amazing and accurate acquaintance with the o riginal materials enabled hi m to grasp what were the tendencies at work during the age he

n . was investigati g The manuscript evidence, the tracts, the pamphlets at home and abroad, were thoroughly famili ar to him . The fatal defect of the average Irish hi storian is that he sees events purely thr ough the atmo

“

n . sphere of Dubli The signal merit of Mr . Bagwell was r that he saw events f om a co smopolitan aspect . He could not forget that poli cies not only in London, but also in

Paris , Madrid, and Vienn a, were shaping the cour se of affairs in Ireland . For wellnigh sixty years he labour ed as r n or for an hi sto ia without haste and without rest . M e

. r r tun ate than S R . Ga dine , he set his heart on reaching the fall of the House of Stuart at the Battle of the Boyne , and his sixth volume reached the end he had planned in early an manho o d . We have mentioned Gardiner, and no one c ’ o read Mr . Bagwell s books wi thout recalling the lab urs of for the English hi stori an . What Gardiner accomplished n e n o the fir st half of the seve t e th century Mr . Bagwell aec m plished for the whole of the sixteenth and for virtu ally the whole of the seventeenth . ’ - . r of Two thirds of Mr A . G . Richey s Short Histo y the ”1 n rn or Irish People co ce s ou r peri o d, and thi s b ook is w thy ’ on hi f and to be placed al gside Mr . Bagwell s . T s gi ted judi cial writer po ssessed that power of selecting and di s posing oi incidents which belongs only to the front rank of n n and hi storians . He k ew how to show forth great eve ts their moving impulses by the presentation of salient n characteristics suggestively related . Unlik e so ma y Irish in histori ans, he never allowed his narrative to be dr owned r nd u detail . The accuracy, the tho oughn ess, a the j dicial

1 K . . . E i b . . n . b r ii . in A L d ted y R R a e Du lin ,1 8 8 7 Cf . chapte xv H ’ ’ f l . Fi r in v l. v . an r i A F . vi o o d i . o in vo she s , chapte xx . in . P llard s The Political History of England (London, — 27 IRELAN D, 1 494 1 603 d temper displayed make us regret that Mr . Richey di not r o o afford us more results . From la ge bo ks we g to a small ”1 ' n n . one, A Review of Irish History, by Mr . J. P . Ga no Though it covers the whole field it is so suggestive in re lation to the social development of the sixteenth century n n that we mention it here . The comparative sta dpoi t is ’ nn r never o u t of Mr . Ga on s mind, and the eader cannot fail to gather the connection between events in the Netherlands or in Spain and events in Dublin . It is easy to speak of the harshness of the English rule, and it was harsh . What n Mr . Gann on does,with conspicuous success,is to e able us to grasp the motives of the governors and the governed alike . He perceives that behind the Tudor wars lay ecclesiastical r reasons . The gold of Spain and the unwea ied efforts of the Fri ars and the Jes uits were behind all the rebelli ons . The Roman Catholic Powers of Europe were fighting Elizabeth, and she naturally fought them , and, in spite of herself, was inevitably thrown into the arms of the Protestants . It is r wo th while emphasisin g what Mr . Bagwell has taught us , that the Eli zabethan conquest of Ireland was cruel mainly r because the Crown was poor . Just as Oliver C omwell, had hi s life been prolonged, would have seen his foreign poli cy crash because he pursued an eighteenth - century

i - pol cy on a seventeenth century revenue, so Elizabeth saw r much of he poli cy in Ireland,for similar reasons,u ndone . ' The Irish State Papers bear witness to the large sums she sent to Ireland, but they would have been larger had she to n r n an 9 not conte d with the treasu e of Fra ce d Spain . 3 It sometimes happens that In a book dealing with foreign policy invaluable light 1 s thrown on the progress of aff airs in r n . n I ela d This is otably the case wi th Maj or M . A . S . ’ ”2 r Hume s T eason and Plot . In spite of its title,this book w is packed ith ideas . The defeat of the Armada no more fin ally destroyed the mi ght of Spain than did the Battle of r r T afalga annihilate French naval designs . There were r an seve al other Armadas, d that of 1 596 was no table . In spite of the medal of Elizabeth, the victory Of 1 58 8 was r of la gely due to the efforts commanders and men . It was in 1 596 wi and n r that the nds blew, the e emy we e scattered .

1 2 Lon on 1 900 . 1 1 d , I bid . , 90 . — 28 IRELAND, 1 494 1 603 The author thinks that “ if it had not been for the pro ’ vid ential storm which caught Ad ontelad o s fleet off n r Finisterre on October 28 , there would have la ded ea ly in November on one of the fine harbours on the Irish coast a Spani sh force very much stronger than any army which the l English could have brought against it,and in all probabi ity Tyrone would have been victorious and Protestant England ” in deadly peril . li ’ and In old books ke J . Curry s Historical Critical ” Review of the Civil Wars in Ireland 1 and in new books ’ like P . W . Joyce s Short History of Ireland from the ”2 Earliest Times to 1 60 8 we miss considerations of this nature . The latter so fixes hi s eye on Dublin that he cannot understand that it is at least as important to grasp the plans

li n . of Phi p II . of Spai as those of Mary I At the same time we must not forget that within the limits be marked out for

l r . himself Mr . Joyce accompli shed a great deal of usefu wo k

He was a fair - minded man, and he put forth a readable m in rr . H assenca na ative . Where he is weak R p his ”3 Geschichte Irlands is strong . The latter practically begins his tale with the accession of Elizabeth , and his boo k r hi r can deserves pe usal . He can note , as few Irish sto ians , how the local history of Ireland merges in the general history of not only England but also of Europe and vice ’ lu able er . a va v sa Mr . . . nn r ri G B O Co o w tes , account of n Eliz abethan Ireland, Native and English it has Joh ’ '4 Norden s map . ” ’ 5 in Mr . P . Wilson s Beginnings of Modern Ireland vestigates the history of the sixteenth century to the acces r n r sion of Elizabeth . Here and the e the la guage is ext a vagant, yet this ought not to di sguise the fact that the author has consulted many authorities, published and un n fin published . He verifies everythi g, states what he ds without reserve, and states it with lucidity . It is indeed l n wil so promising a piece of work that we hOpe Mr . Wi so l redeem the promi se in his preface, and give the world

n . another volume . Eve yet such old books as J Mac

1 2 b i 1 1 Lond on 1 8 95. Du l n , 8 0 . , 3 1 8 8 2. L i r is an En i r n ion . Lond on e pzig , 1 8 8 6 . The e gl sh t a slat , “ ” Obvi o usly there was an edi tion of Geschichte I rland s before that of 4 5 1 8 86 . 1 06 I bid 1 91 2. Dublin, 9 . — 29 IRELAND, 1 4 94 1 60 3

’ ” ’ ’ 1 n Geoghegan s Histoire de l I rland e and T . Lela d s ”2 History of Ireland deserve consultation . The day is over for general histories on this scale . There is so much to be unravelled that it is utterly out of the power of any man to be master of all the matter pouring forth in articles ’ r and monographs . Father D Alton has cou ageously essayed this task, and has published a general history in six 3 r r volumes . He has kept abreast of recent esea ch so far o r are as ne man can cover a large field . Of cou se, there n lapses, but this arises from the wide extent of the grou d he r o t averses . It is curious that it do es not seem to ccur to him that Irish chiefs were guilty of treason when they in voke on r l d the aid of France or Spain . For example, Ap i ’ o 25, 1 566 , Shane O Neill wri tes , styling himself Defender f n the Faith , to Charles I '. , King of Fra ce, for or

well - armed men , to assist in expelling the English r f om Ireland . On February 1 , 1 567 , he writes to the

Cardinals of Lorrain e and Guise , to use their influence wi th the French King to send an army to assist him to restore an d defend the Roman Catholic faith . One of the puzzles of the time is why the Irish did not n sweep out the English . The latter paid black re t to the former . Why were the English not dri ven out 2 The r n o easo s seem to be these . The Pale came to mean the f ur o c unties of Louth, Meath, Dublin , and Kildare . The chi eftains were so desirous of attacking one another that r for own they we e unable to combine . Each cared his particular part of the country, but none, not even Tyrone, r for rn ca ed the whole country . The weak gove ment ex

tended protection to tribes which sought it . It was the aim

nr . hi of He y VIII . to permit and expand this system T s legalisation of the tribal chi ef persisted throughout the n r sixtee th century, and explains some enigmas . Eve y hi n t g is local,and everything is tribal . We are almost back to the days of the Tain B6 Ciralnge,when the usual oath took o the f rm of I swear by the god my tribe swears by .

1 — 2 r o . ri 1 2 Th ee v ls Pa s , 758 6 . I bid . ,Lond on, 1 773. 3 in 1 1 Dubl , 9 0 . — IRELAND, 1 494 1 60 3

BIOGRAPHI E S .

are o There are none in the first rank , though there s me

. r useful books among the following : W . B Deve eux, Lives n and Letters of the Devereux, Earls of Essex, in the Reig s — 4 ”1 . 1 540 1 6 6 of Elizabeth , James I and Charles I , ; ”2 . ll o A . Capel, The Earl of Essex ; G Hi , An Hist rical of Account of the Macd onnells of Antrim ,including Notices ”3 o n n some o ther Leinster Septs ; E . H ga , Disti guished ” 4 oo r Irishmen of the Sixteenth Century ; J . H ke , The ”5 arth Life and Times of Sir Peter Carew D . MacC y, The i o f Life and Letters of Fl orence MacCarthy Reagh , Tan st ”6 ”7 n H - n Carbury T . M . Madden, The Madde s of y Ma y ; r r C . P . Meehan, The Fates and Fo tunes of the Ea ls of ” 8 and i Tyr one and Tyrconnell ; J . Mitchel , The Life T mes ’ n and of Hugh O N eill, with some accoun t of Con, Sha e, ”9 ’ ’ l l r O Don Tir ou gh ; L . O C e y, The Life of Hugh Roe ”1 0 ’ n al I ni tiu m n r n et ell ; D . O D y, , i c eme ta, exitus Familiae Geraldin oru m Desmoniae Comitu m Palatin oru m aereticorum Kyerria in Hybernia, ac persecu tioni s h ”1 1 ’ r i descriptio ,J. O Donoghu e, Histo ical Memo rs of the ’ ”1 2 ’ f . le r o O Briens ; P . L O Too , The Histo y the Clan ’ ”1 3 r S ir n O To ole ; R . Rawlin son , The Histo y of Joh ”1 4 r rn n Per ott ; E . C . S . (7 Sir E . Cecil) , The Gove me t of ” — 1 5 ainthill Ireland un der S ir John Perro tt, 1 58 5 8 8 ; R . S , ”1 6 The Old Coun tess of Desmond ; T . Strype, The Life ”1 7 en r of Sir Thomas Smith ; and J . H . Wifi , Histo ical ”1 8 new Memoirs of the House of Russell . I n the light of

1 2 i l. 1 n . b n 0 . Vo i . Lo d on,1 8 83 Du l , 77 3 4 f 1 . 1 Fi r ri . L on 8 4 Bel ast , 8 73. st Se es ond , 9 5 M L . Ed i b . 1 ted y J aclean . ond on, 8 57 5 7 1 b i 1 4 . Lond on , 8 67 . Du l n , 89 3 I i It I r ri b o k . t I Second edit on. Dublin ,1 8 70 . s a ve y rheto cal o s in re ar bib i o r d exed ,and the e d ocuments in the append ix . The l g aphy ’

. n i r i in in Mr Dunlop s fi e art cle on Ty one n the D . N . B reveals the

or ion I n ri i M nd I n r f S S . f mat the B t sh useum a the Repo ts o the Hi st . M 9 Co m . Dublin ,1 8 4 6 . ’ 1 0 i M r r n b E b . E d and . il i n ted y D u phy, t a slated y O Re ly . Dubl , 1 ri i I M i s i . . . r 8 . o n A I 93 The g al S . n the R The e s a c opy of the t ransla

io n I n ri i M E r M . 1 2 t the B t sh useum , ge ton S 3. 1 1 i b 1 . T l i M i L on 655 rans at . o n o r s , w th em and N otes by C . P. M bli 1 2 b 1 3 n . n 1 8 4 . in 1 8 0 . eeha Du , 7 Du l , 60 . I bid . , 1 90 1 4 1 5 1 5 Lond on 1 28 . M id 1 626 . in 1 , 7 , Dubl , 1 8 6 . 1 7 Lond 1 3 1 ol ii . on 6 8 V . L 1 , 9 . ondon, 833. — IRELAND, 1 4 94 1 603

documents there is need of fresh biogr aphies of Essex , n r to Mountjoy, and Tyrone . With Essex it is ecessa y

remember that Ireland was in a most critical condition,and r that all Europe was aware of thi s . The count y would have been a province of Spain had it not been for the determina

tion of Tyrone not to attack till the troops of Philip II . had in n on s o arriv ed . With Mountjoy comma d the situati altered that in 1 600 Tyrone contemplated seeking safety in

flight, an intention put into effect seven years later . No biographer has brought out with suffi cient emphasis the fact that the aims of Tyr one were tribal ,not national . He never dreamt of attaining supremacy over all Ireland .

FAMILY HIS TORIE S . These are valuable on account of the letters and papers e are r th y sometimes contain . Among them the Ea l of ”1 Belinore, The History of Two Ul ster Manors ; M . J . ’ ” 2 Blake s fin e volume on Blake Family Records ; the ”3 ’ Du ke of Leinster, The Earls of Kildare ; the O Conor ’ ” 4 Don (C . The O Conors of Conn aught ; J . C . ’M ’ O eagher, S ome Histori cal Notices of the O Meaghers of ”5 Ikerrin ; and Viscount Powerscourt, Muni ments of the ”6 An r on cient Family of Wingfield . We add rema ks two

. n of them Mr . Blake adds considerably to our understa ding of the so cial changes in the west of Ireland fro m 1 300 to

1 600 . The Blake family has been long and honourably connecte d with Galway, and though the hi story of thi s town 7 r n is well kn own through the excellent hi story of J . Ha dima , yet Mr . Blake illumin ates the whole period . The volume ’ of the O Conor Don is somewhat too genealogical for the r r n ave age eader . Still , it enables us to watch the slow ess ’ of the Tu dor conquest in reaching the O Conors in the ’ rs sixteenth century . It had overtaken the O Cono of f ’ O faly, the O Moores of Leix, and the princely house of

1 b in 1 8 8 1 Lond on 1 ron M n r ar a . Du l , ; , 903. The a o s e Fin gh (co Ty e) , and Coo co . F r n le ( e ma agh) . 2 ir ri . ond n 1 is in F st Se es L o , 90 2. The index to this series the second series . 3 ond d i ion . b i i ion are Sec e t Du l n, 1 8 58 . The ad dend a of thi s ed t

b n in i rd di ion . b a se t the th e t Du lin ,1 8 58 . 4 5 3 b in 1 8 1 . Du l , 9 Lond on , 1 8 8 6 . I bid . ,1 8 94 . 7 i or of the o and o n f D 0 . H st y T wn C u ty o Galway . ublin,1 82 2 — 3 IRELAND, 1 494 1 60 3

’ Desmond . The turn of the west came . Hugh O Conor eagerly accepted a knighthood from S ir John Perrot and a fi con rmation of his claims to his immense domains . But in the end he too went under before the increasing authority of the Tudor . Among the officials there are such illustrious names as Sir o n Walter Raleigh and Edmund Spenser . Sir J hn Hen essy wrote an interesting volume on Sir Walter Raleigh in ”1 Ireland, and in it he gives letters of Raleigh bearing on r I ish affairs . With inimitable charm Dean R . W . Church sketched the life and work of Spenser, and in his fourth 2 r chapte he di scusses the career of Spenser in Ireland . It is an unsatisfactory chapter largely because the wri ter was not famili ar with the trend of events in Ireland, and he di d not discern their influence on the composition of the ”

r . alkiner Fae ie 'ueene This was done by C . Litton F ”3 in a delightful essay on Spenser in Ireland . This essay is at least as valuable to the student of literature as to the r student of history . The reference to lite ature suggests

. in n . r r n educatio The Rev . T Co co a edi ts State Policy fi Irish Education, A . D . 1 536 to 1 6 1 6, exempli ed in Docu ”4 - ments selected for Lectures to Post Graduate Classes . Some of these documents are in Blue Books and publications of the Record Offi ce, and one - quarter of them have never appeared in print . Books like these will render it possible, some day, to write a hi story of Irish thought . In her an Makin g o f Ireland Mrs . Green has essayed this task d met with conspicuous success . The Right Hon . D . H . ” 5 Madden in hi s Classical Learning in Ireland has ri n furnished an inspi g sketch .

1 Lond on , 1 8 8 3. 2 . C r n r. on on 1 8 4 . R W. hu ch , Spe se L d , 9 3 ” — Ir d 1 . Essays Relating to elan , pp . 33 4 b i 1 1 5 1 Du l n, 9 6 . Lond on, 908 .

PR INTED I N GR EAT B RITAIN B Y TD G DF R D AND 11 E B ILLING AND SONS, L . , UIL O E8 R