“WE DID NOT WANT A SECURITY GUARD 2.0” IMPLEMENTING COMMUNITY WARDENS AS A STEP IN THE MUNICIPAL CRIME PREVENTATIVE AND FEAR OF CRIME REDUCING WORK IN VELLINGE AND

LINNEA SCHUMACHER WIESLANDER

Degree Project in Criminology Malmö University Master 15 Credits master thesis Faculty of Health and Society Masters in Criminology 205 06 Malmö March 2021

“WE DID NOT WANT A SECURITY GUARD 2.0” IMPLEMENTING COMMUNITY WARDENS AS A STEP IN THE MUNICIPAL CRIME PREVENTATIVE AND FEAR OF CRIME REDUCING WORK IN VELLINGE AND TRELLEBORG

LINNEA SCHUMACHER WIESLANDER

Schumacher Wieslander, L. “We did not want a security guard 2.0”: Implementing community wardens as a step in the municipal crime preventative and fear of crime reducing work in Vellinge and Trelleborg. Degree project in Criminology 15 Credits. Malmö University: Faculty of Health and Society, Department of Criminology, 2021

Traditionally in the crime preventative and fear of crime reducing work has fallen on the police. However, in 2019 the Swedish government appointed an inquiry where an investigator is to submit a proposal regarding how the municipalities in Sweden can have a legislated responsibility for crime preventative work. The proposal is to cover formulations of what the responsibility would be as well as what actors should carry this responsibility. The present study examined a municipal crime preventative and fear of crime reducing initiative that has grown more popular in Sweden: community wardens. The aim of the present study was to investigate what the arguments for the implementations were as well as how these arguments turned out practically. The present study uses a qualitative thematic analysis to study the implementation of community wardens in two Swedish municipalities – Vellinge and Trelleborg. The results show that even though the arguments for and mission of the community wardens in both municipalities are very similar there are differences in implementation giving the community wardens different approaches. In Vellinge there is a focus on building relationships and working proactively providing an enhanced informal social control. Whereas in Trelleborg there is greater focus on monitoring municipal properties enhancing the formal control in the municipality. Furthermore, there seem to be risks of intruding or overlapping with other actors when implementing community wardens.

Keywords: Crime prevention, Community wardens, Fear of crime, Implementation, Municipal responsibility.

2 CONTENTS

Introduction ...... 4 Community wardens ...... 4 Theoretical framework ...... 6 Aim and research questions ...... 7

Material & method ...... 7 Research sites ...... 8 Vellinge ...... 8 Trelleborg ...... 8 Data ...... 9 Analytical strategy ...... 10 Ethical considerations ...... 11

Results ...... 12 Grounds for implementation ...... 12 Work methods ...... 13 Recruitment ...... 16 Collaboration ...... 17 Overlap with other agencies ...... 17

Discussion ...... 18 Limitations ...... 21

Conclusions ...... 21

Acknowledgements ...... 22

References ...... 23

Appendix 1 ...... 26

3 INTRODUCTION

Two of the main goals of Sweden’s criminal policies are to reduce the crime rates and levels fear of crime in the country (Swedish Government, 2020a). To achieve these goals, many different measures have been implemented in the community ranging from CCTV and more police officers to better lighting and coordinated efforts aimed at children and adolescents at risk of developing criminal behaviour (National Council for Crime prevention, 2009; Swedish Government, 2020b). In 2017 the Swedish government introduced a new program for crime preventative work called Together against crime (Swedish Government, 2017). According to the program there is a need to develop crime preventative and fear of crime reducing measures that can be implemented and carried out by different actors in society (a.a). The program aims to create conditions for crime preventative and fear of crime reducing measures long term. Furthermore, it aims to operate on national, regional and local levels where the city councils of the municipalities play a significant role (a.a). Traditionally, crime preventative and fear of crime reducing work has fallen on the police (Polisen, 2020). However, the police often have to prioritize criminality rather than reducing fear of crime or working crime preventative (a.a). Therefore, other actors have had to take over some of the workload, one of them being the 290 municipalities in Sweden. In Sweden there is no law stating that these municipalities need to aim resources towards crime preventative or fear of crime reducing measures. Therefore, the crime preventive and fear of crime reducing work in the municipalities can be very different depending on how it is prioritized (National Council of Crime Prevention, 2020a). Even so, most municipalities conduct some form of crime preventative and fear of crime reducing work. Often in collaboration with other actors in society such as the police (a.a). However, in 2019 the Swedish government appointed an inquiry where an investigator is to submit a proposal regarding how the municipalities in Sweden can have a legislated responsibility for crime preventative work. The government argues that there must be preconditions and ability throughout all municipalities in Sweden to prevent adolescents from being involved in crime and to reduce fear of crime. The proposal is to contain not only how such a legislated proposal should be formulated but also define which actors in society should carry such a responsibility. The results from the inquiry are to be presented later in 2021 (Swedish Government, 2019). The fact that the municipalities may be given a greater responsibility for the fear of crime reducing and crime preventative work in Sweden makes it important to further study the measures already implemented by the municipalities as well as what the arguments for these implementations are. This, to gain further knowledge and give opportunity to changes and developments in implementations of municipal crime preventative and fear of crime reducing measures. In the present study community wardens will be used as an example of an municipal initiative to reduce fear of crime and prevent crime. The implementation of community wardens is increasing in Sweden with over 12 municipalities already using them (e.g. Burlöv, , , Järfälla etc.). Therefore, it is important to investigate what the arguments are for considering them a suitable crime preventative actor and what the preconditions for implementing such actors are.

Community wardens As mentioned above, one of the municipal measures used against fear of crime and to prevent crime is so called community wardens. They have been introduced in several Swedish

4 municipalities to help aid other actors in their work and be a resource to the residents in these municipalities. The community wardens are a rather young measure in Sweden, but similar measures have been implemented abroad previously. In the Netherlands city wardens (stadswacht) was implemented in the late 1980’s (van Andel, 1989; van Steden 2017). They were implemented as an answer to the cry for situational crime prevention that was on the rise at the time. The belief was that crime occurred when opportunity rose and by implementing capable guardians in line with the Routine activity theory (Cohen & Felson, 1979) the levels of crime and fear of crime would decline. However, the city wardens had no special powers beyond those of the regular citizens and therefore great dependency was put on their social and communicative skills. The city wardens wore uniforms and operated in urban areas to enhance informal social control and act as capable guardians (van Steden, 2017). The city wardens in the Netherlands were recruited from long-term unemployed persons to give them a new purpose and to put extra “eyes and ears on the street” (Van Steden, 2017, p42). Over time a new kind of city wardens were implemented in the Netherlands called Municipal Law Enforcement Officers (MLEO’s). In contrast to the city wardens the MLEO’s are “a type of municipally based ‘quasi-policing’ body” (van Steden, 2017, p 41). The reason they are called this is that they, unlike the city wardens, have the power to issue fines for minor offences and antisocial behaviour. They can be seen as a more mature kind of the previous city wardens. The MLEO’s rose from a growing concern about crime and fear of crime and the decline of social control. Furthermore, there was an ambition much like the one in Sweden to give the municipalities more say in crime preventative and fear of crime reducing strategies (a.a). The MLEO’s are responsible for a number of tasks such as, patrolling the streets (on foot/bike/scooter/car). Being visible to the public is one of their core tasks. They also report problems such as graffiti etc. (van Steden, 2017). They answer citizens complaint-calls and provide a preventative and fear of crime reducing presence. Furthermore, they may intervene in situations by issuing warnings or fines and even make arrests if necessary. Also, the MLEO’S collaborate with other actors in their work - mainly the police. To sum it up, being an MLEO includes many different tasks ranging from being a friendly face on the street helping citizens to harsher police and law enforcement work such as fining or arresting people (a.a). The recruitment of MLEO’s is rather different than the one of the city wardens with recruitment from different municipal departments as well as from the private sector and the police (van Steden, 2017). In England and Wales another form of patrolling wardens was implemented in the early 2000’s called Police community support officers (PCSO’s). They were established after a police reform in 2002 as a cost-efficient visible policing force that could work the streets within communities with a focus on areas where police patrolling was hard to sustain (Loveday & Smith, 2015; Loveday 1998). The PCSO’s were given limited powers focusing on being a visible patrol function in their communities. With the aim to reduce crime, fear of crime and antisocial behaviour (a.a). The aim of the recruitment of PCSO’s was to recruit people who wanted to serve their community without having aspirations to further their careers (Loveday & Smith, 2015). Therefore, at the beginning, the recruitment was aimed at older personnel. However, after only a few years police forces encouraged young potential applicants to the police force to join the PCSO’s as it would be a good experience before going into the academy. This led to a change in personnel and ambitions of the PCSO’s. However, Loveday and Smith (2015) notes that there still are benefits to be made from the PCSO’s mainly when it comes to intelligence gathering and building relationships in the community. People are more prone to

5 talking to the PCSO’s than the regular police due to them knowing the PCSO’s and being used to them being in the area. Although proven valuable, the PSCO’s fall under the police and there are concerns that general cutbacks within the police may lead to a reduction of PCSO’s (a.a). In Scotland it was decided to implement community wardens instead of PCSO’s under the aim of being the eyes and ears of the community without being police. They are referred to as a semi-official presence aiming to improve the quality of life in residential areas (Donnelly, 2008). They work closely with the police without being under police management but also collaborate closely with other actors in society. The community wardens are local authority employees much like the Dutch MLEO’s. The goal with implementing community wardens was to reduce crime and fear of crime as well as antisocial behaviour and to work with environmental improvement. Two main parts of their work is high visibility uniform patrolling and quickly responding to concerns cast by residents in the community (a.a). Unlike the MLEO’s and the PCSO’s the community wardens don’t have any special powers. Lastly, community wardens have since the start in 2003 been implemented in all local authority areas in Scotland (a.a). Most research regarding MLEO’s, PCSO’s and community wardens has focused on the implementation processes and their relations to the police and other agencies. However, in a study by Paskell on the effects of PCSO’s the results showed that they had good effects on tackling environmental disorder and juvenile delinquent behaviour. They posed a good link between these issues and agencies designed to manage them. Furthermore, the author states that the lack of authority to be a good thing allowing for the PSCO’s to build relationships with people and agencies in their areas. They stretch “across the police- community gap” (Paskell, 2007, p 359)

Theoretical framework When trying to explain how community wardens can contribute to a reduction of crime and fear of crime from a theoretical point of view there are two approaches that seem most appropriate. Situational crime preventative measures, such as community wardens, where the goal is to strengthen the informal social control if often explained through the routine activity theory (Clarke, 1995). The Routine activity theory was first presented by Cohen and Felson in 1979. They aimed to explain crime and victimization from an external circumstance’s perspective focusing on opportunity (Cohen & Felson, 1979; Mohammad et al, 2020). The theory poses that a crime is dependent on three factors: (1) a motivated offender – a person who has the propensity to offend, (2) an attractive crime object – this can be either a person or an object (3) a lack of capable guardians – these can be people, security personnel, cameras, alarms etc. If the three factors occur simultaneously a crime will, according to the theory, occur (a.a). The aim is to prevent or make it more difficult to commit crime by changing the place or situation where the crime can be committed (Clarke, 1995). By using a situational approach to crime prevention and implementing capable guardians the opportunity of committing a crime is removed and crimes will not occur (Cohen & Felson, 1979; Lilly et al, 2019). Implementing community wardens from a routine activity theory perspective would mean providing a capable guardian providing either a formal or informal social control leading to a reduction in crime opportunities. The second theoretical point of view that can be applied to explain how the implementation of community wardens can reduce fear of crime and crime itself is the point of view of control theories. The control theory paradigm poses that people act in ways that are beneficial to them and claim that crime is a result of a lack of control. Or to put it in other

6 words - when people feel like they are “free” to commit crime due to a lack of control, such acts are more likely to occur. It is expected that people who are under high levels of control are unlikely to commit acts of crime, due to the costs being too high and therefore not considered beneficial (Lilly et al, 2015; Britt & Rocque, 2015). On a societal level the control theory assumes that society can introduce different initiatives and measures that will work to prevent or reduce crime by making it harder for people to perceive crime as a beneficial act (Britt & Rocque, 2016). The most established societal controls are the influences of political, legal and societal institutions such as the police, governments or laws. These institutions exercise control through supervision and/or surveillance and are categorized as a formal social control on a societal level (Britt & Rocque, 2015). The formal social controls mentioned above can be weakened for different reasons. It can be due to social disorganization which, as suggested by Kornhauser, can be seen as the same thing as lack of social control – they both reflect how well societies are able to achieve common goals (Britt & Rocque, 2015, Kornhauser, 1978). If a society has high levels of social disorganization the formal social control is more likely to be lacking than in a society with low levels of social disorganization (a.a). However, the formal social control can also be weakened due to cutbacks in budgets, reorganizations in institutions etc. Either way, by implementing community wardens as either an extra formal social control or as a new formal social control where formal social control has previously been lacking, one can relieve other agencies or institutions from some of their workload and/or enhance the formal social control in the community making the cost of committing crimes higher and therefore no longer beneficial.

Aim and research questions The overall aim of this thesis is to study how a potentially enhanced municipal responsibility for crime preventative and fear of crime reducing measures could work, using the implementation of community wardens in the municipalities of Vellinge and Trelleborg as an example. More specifically the study aims to investigate the reasoning and argumentation behind the implementation of community wardens and to study how these arguments turn out in regard to instructions, guidelines and descriptions of work methods on a strategic level. By contributing to more knowledge about the implementation of community wardens this study can be used as a resource for future debates regarding if, why and how to implement community wardens as a step in a municipal crime preventative and fear of crime reducing work. The study aims to answer the following questions: - What arguments were used for implementing community wardens in the municipalities of Vellinge and Trelleborg? - Are there differences in the implementation? - What challenges are there in regard to other municipal actors when implementing community wardens?

MATERIAL & METHOD

A qualitative approach seemed most appropriate to meet the aim of the present study, as it gives a deeper understanding that can be used as a resource for future implementation of community wardens. Note that the present study is not an evaluation but rather an examination of the underlying motives and arguments behind why community wardens are

7 considered a suitable actor in crime preventative and fear of crime reducing work in the chosen municipalities.

Research sites

Vellinge Vellinge is situated in the southwest corner of Skåne with a close proximity to both seaside and agricultural land. Vellinge has approximately 36 500 inhabitants (Vellinge Kommun, 2020a; SCB, 2020). Vellinge constitutes of eight urban areas and a number of small rural villages. The majority of housings in Vellinge are privately owned houses (74%). Whereas only a small proportion of the housings in Vellinge are rental properties (14%). Approximately 12% of the housings are condominiums (Region Skåne, 2020a; Vellinge, 2020a). The levels of reported crimes in Vellinge have been rather stable over the last ten years with approximately 6000 reported crimes/100 000 inhabitants (National council of crime prevention, 2020b). Every year the police conduct a fear of crime survey and the results show that the inhabitants in Vellinge experience low levels of fear of crime in general with a fear of crime index of 1,5 (out of 6) (Polisen, 2020). However, the inhabitants report that there are issues with cars that drive to fast and littering, these two issues are assessed to be quite problematic (score 3 of 6) according to the fear of crime survey (a.a). The most pressing issue according to the results of the survey is young people speeding on their mopeds. This is assessed to be problematic (score 4 of 6). The crime type that most inhabitants have been worried about occurring has been break-ins. However, in the 2020 survey this had gone down from problematic to quite problematic (from 4 to 3 out of 6) (a.a). As a step in their crime preventative and fear of crime reducing work the city council of Vellinge decided to implement community wardens in 2018.

Trelleborg The municipality of Trelleborg is situated right next to the municipality of Vellinge. Just like Vellinge it has close proximity to both seaside and agricultural land. Approximately 45 500 people live in the municipality of Trelleborg (SCB, 2020; Trelleborg, 2020). There are eight urban areas in the municipality besides the main town Trelleborg as well as several smaller rural villages. Like Vellinge the majority of housings in Trelleborg are privately owned houses (49%) but a larger proportion than in Vellinge is rental properties (32%) and 19% of the housings are condominiums (Region Skåne, 2020b). The levels of reported crimes in Trelleborg are higher than in Vellinge but has been rather stable over the last ten years with approximately 11000 reported crimes/100 000 inhabitants. However, there has been a decline in crimes over the last four years with approximately 8900 reported crimes/100 000 inhabitants in 2020 (National council of crime prevention, 2020b). In regard to the local problem profile, Trelleborg is to be considered a municipality with rather low levels of fear of crime, with a fear of crime index of 1,91 (out of 6) (Polisen, 2020). In the results from the fear of crime survey the most pressing issues in Trelleborg are similar to the ones in Vellinge with speeding cars and disorderly young people hanging around both reported quite problematic (score 3 out of 6) and young people speeding with their mopeds reported as problematic (score 4 out of 6) (a.a).

8 The municipality of Trelleborg also decided to implement community wardens in 2018.

Data In order to answer the research questions the present study is based on semi-structured interviews with representatives from Vellinge and Trelleborg as well as documents providing the missions, guidelines, work method etc. of the community wardens in both municipalities. For both interviews and documents certain areas have been of interest including arguments for implementation, collaboration with other actors as well as work methods.

Interviews Three semi-structured interviews were conducted during the spring of 2021 with two representatives from Vellinge and one from Trelleborg who were responsible for the implementation of community wardens in each municipality respectively. The reason for there being two interviews with representatives from Vellinge is that the person who implemented the community wardens (unit manager at the safety and security administration) left their position and therefore a second interview was conducted with the person who took the position when the first respondent left. Whereas, in Trelleborg the same person has held the position (security manager) since the implementation of the community wardens. The respondents were selected through a purposive sampling due to their profession and their part in the implementation of community wardens in the municipalities of Vellinge and Trelleborg. As a demarcation no interviews were conducted with the community wardens since they work on an operational rather than strategic level. In the interview guide used for the semi-structured interviews eleven questions regarding the implementation of community wardens were asked as well as a few follow up questions (see appendix 1). The questions covered areas of interests such as implementation, work methods and collaboration. Questions regarding the choice to implement community wardens in the municipalities respectively were asked to gather knowledge and understanding of what the arguments for the implementations were. An example of a question asked to measure this is “What was the basis for the decision to implement community wardens in your municipality?” Questions were also asked in regard to how the community wardens are supposed to work practically to fulfil their mission. An example is: “How does the community wardens conduct their work to fulfil their mission?” It appears in previous research that the community wardens implemented abroad collaborate with different actors in society (Donelly, 2008). Therefore, this was also of interest in the present study. An example of questions on this topic is: “Do the community wardens collaborate with other actors or agencies in the municipality?” Furthermore, previous research show that community wardens are often implemented to aid already existing agencies, to take over some of their workload or to fill a void in society that other actors and agencies have failed to fill (Loveday & Smith, 2015; Van Steden, 2017). However, when taking over another’s work or filling a void there is a risk for overlapping with other actors or agencies. A question was asked regarding this potential risk; “Is there a risk that the work and mission of the community wardens overlap with other actors or agencies work or missions in the municipality?”

9 Documents The documents used as data in this study are documents related to the implementation of community wardens in Vellinge and Trelleborg respectively. The author asked to see documents concerning the decision to implement community wardens, the argumentation behind the implementation as well as instructions and job descriptions. Both municipalities provided the author with a document in this paper referred to as description of community wardens in Vellinge/Trelleborg. Containing descriptions of the community wardens’ mission, the arguments behind the implementation, job descriptions as well as a description of what powers the community wardens have and who they collaborate with. The author was also provided documentation from both municipalities with descriptions of the community warden’s work shifts. This document will be referred to as works shift Vellinge/Trelleborg. Furthermore, both municipalities provided the documentation from the city councils decision to implement the community wardens in each municipality, from here on referred to as city council document in Vellinge/Trelleborg. Besides being provided with the documentation asked for the author also received the job advert that was used when recruiting community wardens in Trelleborg. A document which proved to contain valuable information and therefore was asked for and received from Vellinge as well. Together these documents were assumed to provide the study with sufficient information to investigate how the municipalities argue that community wardens could be a suitable crime preventative and fear of crime reducing municipal actor and how these arguments turn out practically.

Analytical strategy A thematic analysis seemed like the appropriate choice as it is a method used to identifying, analysing and reporting themes and patterns within qualitative data. A thematic analysis is flexible and able to provide rich and detailed accounts of the data (Braun & Clarke, 2006). The first phase of the analysis after collecting the data was to transcribe the interviews in order to make all data written data which is necessary in order to preform a thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006). All interviews were transcribed verbatim. The transcription took place right after each interview to make sure that no information was lost and because the interviewer is considered the best to clarify any oral uncertainties (Kvale & Brinkmann 2009). After the transcription the transcripts were checked back against the audio to make sure they were accurate. After the transcribing was finished the author spent time reading through both the interview data and the documents to get a thorough understanding of their contents giving each item equal attention. The second phase – coding – was conducted looking for features/patterns within the interviews and documents that were interesting in regard to the aim of the study. These patterns were coded into different categories independently of stemming from the interview- or the document data. When reading through the material the author paid extra attention to potential codes that connected with the initial areas of interest but also kept an open mind to other codes emerging in the material. Throughout the data (both interviews and documents) 23 codes emerged. These codes formed the basis for the themes used for the analysis. After the coding was done phase three begun, where the codes were analysed in how they were or were not related to each other. Through this, five main themes were constructed – grounds for implementation, work methods, recruitment, collaboration and overlap with other agencies. The themes are in line with the areas of interest that was highlighted during the interviews. However, through the analysis recruitment and overlap with other agencies were identified as separate themes.

10 Figure 1: Thematic map showing codes divided into five main themes.

After the analysis follow-up interviews were conducted with the representative from Trelleborg and one of the representatives in Vellinge. This to expand the data and deepen the knowledge about some of the themes that had emerged through the analysis. Mainly focusing on the community warden’s collaboration with other actors. After the follow-up interviews the newly collected data was analysed through the same steps as mentioned above. No new codes or themes emerged through this analysis.

Ethical considerations When conducting research within the field of social sciences there is a great need to consider ethical principles to make sure that the individuals, groups or communities that are being studied are protected. As well as people who can be indirectly affected by the results of the study. This protection is often referred to as the criterion of protection of the individual (Swedish research council, 2002; 2017). After conversations with the authors supervisor a decision not to seek ethical approval from the Ethical council at Malmö University was made. This was based on the present study not asking any sensitive questions and only interviewing the participants in their professional roles. As well as, not using any documents that contained or provided sensitive information. However, ethical principles still needed to be considered and in regard to the present study the author considered four fundamental ethical principles – information requirement, consent requirement, confidentiality requirement and usage requirement. In order to meet these principles an email was sent to the participants with information regarding the purpose of the study, that participation is voluntary, that questions would only be asked in regard to the participants profession and how the data would be handled and used. Lastly, a question regarding participation was asked and agreeing to partake in an interview was considered giving consent. Due to the covid-19 pandemic this was considered the safest way to provide information and receive consent in regard to reducing the risk of spreading the virus.

11 One part of the present study that had the potential to be ethically problematic was the fact that due to the pandemic the interviews were held online. Nevertheless, this was in accordance with the guidelines proved by the ethical council at Malmö university. The participants received information that due to the pandemic the interviews would be conducted online through Zoom using the Malmö University account. Lastly, in regard to the confidentiality requirement, as the respondents were interviewed in their work role and there is just one person in their position in each municipality it was not possible to provide anonymity. However, the respondents were made aware of this and agreed to partake in the interviews. Also, no names are presented in the study.

RESULTS

Grounds for implementation Even though both the level of crime and fear of crime are higher in Trelleborg than in Vellinge the grounds for implementing community wardens are similar. The two municipalities both put reducing fear of crime high on their agendas in 2017 to make their municipalities more attractive for both residents and entrepreneurs. In the table below translated extracts from the description of community wardens document for each municipality are given and we can see that the argumentation behind the implementations is very similar. After a follow-up interview it was revealed that Vellinge based their formulations on the ones used in Trelleborg.

Table 1: Extracts from Describing the community wardens document Vellinge/Trelleborg - the arguments behind the implementation of community wardens.

Vellinge Trelleborg ”The fear of crime levels are important to consider “The levels of fear of crime are important to because they ultimately affect where people choose consider because they ultimately affect where to settle, where companies establish their people choose to settle, where companies establish businesses and how different investment decisions their businesses and how different investment are made.” decisions are made.” (Description of community wardens in Vellinge, (Description of community wardens in Trelleborg, 2018) 2018)

“An important part of the crime preventative and “An important part of the crime preventative and fear of crime reducing work is about strengthening fear of crime reducing work is about strengthening the informal social control by increasing the the informal social control by increasing the presence of so-called capable guardians” presence of so-called capable guardians” (Description of community wardens in Vellinge, (Description of community wardens in Trelleborg, 2018) 2018)

As seen in the extracts above both municipalities claim to have a routine activity theory approach to their implementation of community wardens. They wanted to implement capable guardians to strengthen the informal social control. Furthermore, they formulate the need for these capable guardians in the same way. From the interviews with the representatives from each municipality it appears that the initial idea of community wardens came from different directions. In the interview with the representative from Trelleborg it appears that the idea came from a civil servant at the security administration who presented the idea of community wardens to the politicians.

12 Whereas, according to the representatives from Vellinge, there the politicians brought the idea forward to the (now former) unit manager of the safety and security administration to investigate. From the city councils document in Vellinge, it appears that some politicians in the city council opposed the proposal of implementing the community wardens and instead argued that other already existing actors such as the youth workers should be expanded. There is no mention of anyone opposing the implementation in the city council document from Trelleborg.

Work methods In the description of community wardens in Vellinge/Trelleborg documents it is stated that in both municipalities the community wardens work on behalf of the municipality. In Vellinge they are two working each shift whereas in Trelleborg they are three. Furthermore, the documents show that they are supposed to reduce the fear of crime and prevent crime and unwanted incidents by being present in strategic locations evenings and nights 365 days/year. It appears that in both municipalities the community wardens move around in marked cars one warden in each car. In both municipalities the community wardens do not have any special powers but are supposed to call for relevant help if necessary.

Mission The description of the community wardens’ mission in each municipality respectively are formulated almost verbatim (as seen in table 2 below). Again, the formulations used in Vellinge stem from the ones in Trelleborg.

13 Table 2: Mission of the community wardens in Vellinge and Trelleborg respectively.

Vellinge Trelleborg “The overall mission of the community “The overall mission of the community wardens is to create a presence by, wardens is to create a presence by, preferably evenings and nights every day preferably evenings and nights every day of the year, move within the municipality of the year, move within the municipality in a clearly marked car. This working in a clearly marked car. This working method makes it possible, if necessary, to method makes it possible, if necessary, to quickly call on relevant help, in the form quickly call on relevant help, in the form of the police, security guards, rescue of the police, security guards, rescue services, ambulance or municipal services, ambulance or municipal emergency services. The mission also emergency services. The mission also includes checking municipal properties to includes checking municipal properties to ensure that these are locked after opening ensure that these are locked after opening hours.” hours” …………. …………. “The community wardens work on behalf “In addition to the main assignment the of the municipality, which in consultation community wardens work can be located with the police and other collaborating to strategically selected locations or areas actors shall locate the community in the municipality and thus vary wardens work in strategically selected depending on the crime’s appearance, locations or areas within the nature and current needs” municipality” …………. …………. “The task of the community warden will ”The task of the community warden will be to “monitor” the area, document be to be present in the area and talk to the events, convers with people, etc. If people who live there. The purpose is for necessary, the community warden must the municipality to get closer to the call for appropriate help” public through the community wardens (Description of community wardens in and strengthen the contact with the Trelleborg, 2018) citizens” (Description of community wardens in Vellinge, 2018)

In the interviews and documentation from Vellinge it appears that the community wardens strive to work proactively and situation based. In the description of community wardens document from Vellinge it says that this is what differs them from security guards – that they work proactively and with building relationships to other actors (such as property owners, schools etc) as well as the citizens in the municipality. They want to precede the problems before they happen. To work proactively or to build relationships is not mentioned in the documents or interview data from Trelleborg. However, in both municipalities the community wardens are supposed to have an outreach approach to their work as well as being event-driven when the situation requires it. In both municipalities part of the community wardens’ mission is to control municipal properties to make sure everything is locked and that no unauthorized persons are present. This is a service in many cases provided by a security company. When asked about this the representatives from both Vellinge and Trelleborg made it clear that they did not intend for the community wardens to be security guards but that they have a broader mission or as stated by one of the representatives from Vellinge:

“We did not want a security guard 2.0”

14 Way of working Trelleborg has divided the municipality into three areas – east, west and centre. The community wardens have a detailed driving schedule of where the three cars are supposed to be at what time. This schedule includes 92 places to visit every shift. The three community wardens are supposed to stay in their assigned area the entire shift except for the community warden who operates in the west area who after their route there is supposed to support the community warden in the centre area for the rest of the night. Also, at the beginning and end of each shift the community wardens are supposed to foot patrol the city centre in Trelleborg together. The work methods in Trelleborg are structured based on a problem profile, something that according to the representative interviewed for this thesis is very important:

“ Everything is based on the problem profile. It is based on what happened yesterday, yesterday there we saw that there were a lot of people there – then we drive there again to check if they are still there. So, it’s nothing like putting your finger in the air and doing what you feel like”

In Vellinge the municipality is divided into two areas. One car with one community warden is supposed to drive in each area for the entire shift to increase visibility and presence in the public spaces of the municipality. If the community wardens find it to be better to travel together in one car they can do so. Furthermore, they are supposed to spend the last four hours (23:00-03:00) together in one car on Fridays and Saturdays. If necessary due to big events both community wardens can drive in the same area. Instead of a detailed driving schedule, like the one in Trelleborg, with assigned times and a large number of places to visit the community wardens in Vellinge have a checklist of places to visit during their shift. This checklist is fluent and can change depending on their local problem profile. The checklist is short-kept in order to let the community wardens decide for themselves where to go outside of these places:

“We added a minimum level, if that what you want to call it, of which places to visit”

“I did not want it to be too structured because there must be room for the individual community warden to go where he/she wants to go”.

In difference to Trelleborg the community wardens in Vellinge do not preform foot patrol together at the beginning and/or end of each shift. From the interviews with the representatives from both municipalities it appears that the community wardens in Vellinge and Trelleborg respectively are obligated to file a report of concern to the social services if they have concerns about a child or young person. However, this is not mentioned anywhere in the documents provided from Trelleborg whereas for Vellinge it is stated in the description of community wardens document that this is part of the community wardens job.

Training In both Vellinge and Trelleborg the community wardens get training when they are employed. However, the training is a little different as seen in table 3 below:

15 Table 3: Community wardens training in Vellinge and Trelleborg respectively.

Vellinge Trelleborg

- Security guard training base - Security law, 16h* level (full-time employees only) - Security service, 8h* - Heart & lung rescue, every other - Work ethics, 8h* year. - Unlawful discrimination & - Driving on ice, every other year. human behavior, 4h* - Conflict management & self- protection, 8h* - Emergency care, 6h* - RAKEL, 8h

*Are part of the Security guard training base level.

Recruitment Adverts for the job as community wardens was provided for this study and there are several similarities in the qualities that are desired from the applicants, in the two municipalities (see table 5 below):

Table 5: Desired qualities in job adverts for community wardens in Vellinge and Trelleborg respectively.

Vellinge Trelleborg

Demands: Demands: - Highschool degree - Highschool degree - Driving license for car - Driving license for car - Speaks and writes in Swedish - Speaks and writes in Swedish - God at swimming - Speaks and writes in English - Swedish citizenship - Good computer skills

Meritorious: - Work-life-experience within social work, youth work, rescue services, medical care, security industry or equivalent. - Heart & lung rescue training. - Experiences in using reporting systems. - Good driving experience. - Speaks several languages.

Furthermore, Vellinge asked for applicants that were aware of how the Swedish society is organized, who are confidence-inspiring but at the same time know when to set boundaries. In Trelleborg they looked for applicants with a positive view on people, empathetic ability and ability to handle conflicts constructively. In the interviews questions were asked regarding if there were certain traits that were prioritized within the applicants. The answers from the present unit manager in Vellinge were that they prioritize people who are comfortable in talking to young people and have some medical knowledge. Whereas the former unit manager answered that he prioritized a

16 mixture of knowledge, this so that the community wardens could learn from each other. As well as a mix of women and men. As for Trelleborg the answers were that the goal of the recruitment was to find a broad group of good people from different backgrounds who were interested in working with young people and were not afraid to make contact with people.

“It has been important to bring about a mixture of men and women and different ethnicities that reflect society itself”

Collaboration In the documentation from Vellinge there is a great emphasis is put on collaboration with other actors in the municipality. It is stated in the description of community wardens in Vellinge document that they are supposed to collaborate and work with a joint local problem profile. Their main collaboration partners are supposed to be the police, social services, youth workers and the security company employed by the municipality. Together with these actors the community wardens are supposed to work with a concept called effective collaboration for safety and security (ECSS). Where representatives from each agency meet once a week to discuss and exchange information and build the joint local problem profile together.

“It is almost the most important part in in the mission – to collaborate with other actors”

In Trelleborg there is no mention of collaboration with other actors in any of the written documents. However, in the interviews questions were asked in regard to collaboration. The answers from Trelleborg show that the community wardens in Trelleborg collaborate mainly with the police. Just like Vellinge the community wardens in Trelleborg are supposed to work with the ECSS-concept but instead of having meetings the security administration in Trelleborg send out a short questionnaire once a week to representatives in the municipality (such as principals, after-school teachers, real estate department personnel etc.) to get feedback on what issues they have or where they think the problems in the municipality are. These surveys as well as reports from the community wardens are supposed to be the basis for their local problem profile that is put together by the security administration and the police at a weekly meeting.

Overlap with other agencies In regard to the potential risk of overlapping with other agencies the present unit manager in Vellinge answered that there may be an overlap with the security guards who also do their rounds in the municipality. More specifically she pointed to when there is a burglary or fire alarm in any of the municipal properties and the community wardens and the security guards both drive to it. The former unit manager in Vellinge provided the author with the answer in the quote below:

“Much of what I have described that they do or contribute to is someone else’s main responsibility really. But I was very clear in saying that we are not competing actors. We collaborate and help each other in this work”

In Trelleborg on the other hand, the security manager admits that this was a concern in the beginning. Mainly that the police were going to try to use the community wardens to their advantage. However, this has not been the case. In regard to security guards

17 and security companies, the implementation of community wardens in Trelleborg has replaced the security guards that previously worked in the municipality. This due to them not being needed anymore since the community wardens took over their workload of controlling the municipal properties.

DISCUSSION

The aim of the present study was to investigate how an increased municipal crime preventative and fear of crime reducing responsibility could work by looking at the implementation of community wardens as an example of an actor who could bear part of this responsibility. Community wardens have been implemented several Swedish municipalities but is to be considered a rather young crime preventative measure in Sweden compared to abroad where similar measures have been implemented since the 1980’s (van Steden, 2017). The community wardens implemented in Sweden are generally more similar to the Scottish community wardens rather than the Dutch MLEO’s or the PCSO’s of England and Wales. This mainly due to the Swedish community wardens being employed by the municipalities and not having any extra powers (Vellinge, 2020b, Trelleborg, 2020; , 2020). As seen in the results presented above the arguments for implementing the community wardens in Vellinge and Trelleborg are similar claiming to use the same theoretical framework as well as similar grounds for implementation and missions. Turning first to theoretical approach both municipalities claim to have based their implementation on the routine activity theory wanting to increase the informal social control in their communities. However, when further analysing the data it appears that the two municipalities might actually have different views on what kind of control the community wardens are to provide. The results show that in Trelleborg the community wardens are supposed to work with monitoring (and documenting events) and controlling municipal properties. Even if they claim to want to enhance the informal social control their phrasing and methods send a different message indicating a more formal kind of social control like the one performed by police or security guards. The community wardens in Trelleborg are reminiscent of the MLEO’s implemented in the Netherlands as a ‘municipal quasi-policing body’ rising from a decline of social control (van Steden, 2017). Even though the community wardens in Trelleborg lack extra powers the data indicates a more formal social control function. In Vellinge however, there is emphasis on working proactively and relationship building in order to strengthen the contact with the citizens. Revealing a softer approach leading away from surveillance and monitoring perhaps indicating a different interpretation of the routine activity theory with a focus on strengthening the informal social control through situational crime prevention by implementing capable guardians. These guardians can be a formal source of control like police or security guards but also an informal control provided by people passing or living in the area being the ‘eyes and ears on the street’ (Cohen & Felson, 1979; Lilly et al, 2015) The commuity wardens in Vellinge operate somewhere in between - doing both traditional security guard work in controlling municipal properties as well as being the person passing on the street providing the capable guardian enhancing the informal social control. This approach is in line with the community wardens in Scotland who were implemented as a ‘semi-official presence’ being the eyes and ears of the community without being police aiming to improve the quality of life in their respective areas (Donnelly, 2008). The grounds for implementing the community wardens in Vellinge and Trelleborg both stem from wanting to reduce the levels of fear of crime in the municipalities

18 as part of an effort to make their municipalities more attractive for both residents and entrepreneurs. As seen in the results Vellinge has used Trelleborg’s formulations for both the arguments behind the implementation of community wardens as well as when developing their mission. Even though the stated missions of the community wardens are similar the ways in which they are supposed to work to fulfil their mission differ quite a lot between the municipalities. The largest difference is perhaps the one regarding collaboration. In Vellinge there is a focus on collaboration. The former unit manager even goes so far as to claim that it is the most important part of the community warden’s mission. It is clearly stated in the documentation from Vellinge that the community wardens are supposed to collaborate directly with a number of actors to create a joint problem profile using the ECSS-concept, a structured work method used to reduce fear of crime in public places by different actors creating joint problem profiles (National Council of crime prevention, 2016). In Vellinge this is done through weekly meetings with the community wardens and their collaboration partners. The fact that the community wardens in Vellinge collaborate with several actors in the municipality is in line with the community wardens in Scotland who also collaborate with the police as well as other actors in society (Donnelly, 2008). Unlike Trelleborg where there is no mention about collaboration with other actors in any of the documents guiding the community wardens work. However, they too use the ECSS-concept but by sending out a questionnaire to representatives in the municipality. This is done by the security administration which is the administration responsible for the community wardens. The questionnaire perhaps indicates an indirect collaboration between these actors and the community wardens. However, the results from the interviews show that the community wardens in Trelleborg seem to collaborate directly with the police. Again, making them more similar to the Dutch MLEO’s who also mainly collaborate with the police (van Steden, 2017). Another difference in how the community wardens in Vellinge and Trelleborg handle their mission is the level of structure. Both municipalities base the community wardens work on their respective problem profile. However, in Trelleborg there is a long and detailed schedule that the community wardens are supposed to follow each shift whereas in Vellinge they have a short-kept checklist of places to visit leaving room for individual initiative allowing the community warden to go where they find fit. Both municipalities claim that they did not want to implement a new form of security guards when they implemented the community wardens. However, when working after a strict schedule covering a large number of places to visit during each shift perhaps the function turns more to the classical formal social control of a security guard function. Instead of leaving room for the wardens to take own initiatives that perhaps can result in forming relationships with the public as well as working proactively. But again, there is no mention of this in the data from Trelleborg, so it is unclear whether relationship building and proactive work is on their agenda or not. However perhaps the similarities between security guards and the community wardens in Trelleborg is intentional? They may have chosen to implement the same function with a softer name to give it a softer approach? This however, is impossible to say based on the results in the present study. Finally, a difference that rose from the results was that in the documents from Vellinge it is stated clearly that the community wardens are supposed to file a report of concern to the social services about children and young people if they have concerns about them. This is not stated in any of the documentation from Trelleborg. When asked about it in the interview the representative from Trelleborg answered that the community wardens in Trelleborg are also supposed to file reports of concern if they find it appropriate. However, not stating it in any of the guiding documents explaining how the community wardens are supposed to carry out their work might leave room for interpretation and in the worst-case

19 result in the community wardens not filing reports of concern even when they are supposed to. Perhaps some of the differences in implementation mentioned above are due to there being differences between the municipalities. Even tough similar formulations in their argumentation for and mission of the commuity wardens, there are differences in crime and fear of crime levels that may be part of the reason for the differences in implementation something the present study cannot answer. A question that arose when analyzing the material regarding the mission of the community wardens was whether the missions are formulated to tackle the problems found in the police fear of crime survey? This question cannot be answered based on the results of this study. Nevertheless, formulating the mission to fit the local problem profile is something the author urges for future implementation. There seems to be a few challenges when implementing a new crime preventative and fear of crime reducing actor like the community wardens. These challenges seem to mainly be related to the community wardens overlapping with already existing actors and missions in their municipality. It appears that this was a concern even before implementing the community wardens (at least in Vellinge) with politicians opposing the suggestion wanting to put more resources towards already existing actors. The two municipalities have chosen to handle the risk of overlap and intrusion on other actors missions differently. Both municipalities claim in the interviews that they were concerned about an overlap mainly with the security guards operating in the municipalities at the time. In Trelleborg this overlap wad handled by letting the community wardens replace the security guards entirely taking over their workload in controlling municipal properties. In Vellinge they have instead emphasized that it is a matter of collaboration between actors, including the security guards, where they all strive to make the municipality a better and safer place. The risk of the community wardens intruding or overlapping with other already existing actors in their municipalities is a challenge that the author argues that one needs to take into serious consideration before implementation. It is important to consider whether implementing community wardens is the solution to the local problem profile. Are they the right function with the right mission or can the solution to the problems be found in already existing actors? Regardless, the author wants to emphasize the importance of using the local problem profile as a starting point and through an analysis of underlying causes figure out what the best solution may be. So, based upon the results in this paper, is a community warden just a municipally employed security guard or do they contribute to reducing fear of crime and work crime preventative in other ways? This question cannot be answered based on the results from this study alone but needs further investigation. However there seems to be differences between Vellinge and Trelleborg that perhaps point at the community wardens in Trelleborg are more like municipal security guards focusing their work to strengthen the formal social control. Whereas the community wardens in Vellinge seem to aim to also fulfill another function that contributes to strengthening the relations between the municipality and its citizens focusing on rebuilding the informal social control. However, by doing so they are perhaps intruding or competing with other already established actors which may open up to conflicts or disagreements within the municipality. Nevertheless, this is something for future research to further investigate. One thing that is apparent is that even though the description of arguments for and missions of the community wardens in Vellinge and Trelleborg are very similar there is room to interpret and direct the function of the community wardens differently in regard to what is assumed to be best for their municipality. In the article about the Scottish community wardens Donnelly suggest that perhaps there should be a national perspective on wardens (Donnelly, 2008). Something that perhaps could be beneficial in order to precede issues of interpretation, overlap and intrusion on other actors. Perhaps removing some of the challenges of implementing a new crime

20 preventative and fear of crime reducing actor on a municipal level. However, a national perspective would have to leave room for each municipality to apply the community wardens to their specific problem profile. If possible, this could aid the municipalities if given a greater responsibility in the crime preventative and fear of crime reducing work in Sweden. Lastly, it is important to bear in mind that community wardens are just one potential municipal actor working with situational crime prevention. However, the municipalities have several other important actors who already carry part of this work using both a social and situational perspective on crime preventative and fear of crime reducing measures.

Limitations Being that community wardens is still a rather young measure in Sweden there is not much research on it. Something that would have been useful in providing guidelines when deciding on method for data collection as well as when creating the interview-guide. To have had access and time to analyze more documentation regarding the community wardens in both municipalities would have benefitted the study. The same goes for conducting more interviews with collaborating actors and politicians in each municipality to get their view on the community wardens and their collaboration. Due to the time frame of this study and collaborating actors as well as politicians being busy people it was unfortunately not possible. Instead, the author encourages future research to look into it more. This would also be interesting from an overlap point of view to get the collaborating actors view on the community wardens and their work. Conducting interviews with citizens in each municipality would also contribute to a broader picture of the implementations of community wardens in each municipality. However, this lies outside the aim of this study but is encouraged for future research. Lastly, it would be interesting to study if the slight difference in formulation of the mission have effects on how the mission is carried out and what the effects of that might be.

CONCLUSIONS

The present study has provided an insight to what a municipal crime preventative and fear of crime reducing actor could look like. Whether community wardens should be considered a suitable actor to carry part of this work is perhaps depending on the approach used when implementing them. Even though the arguments for and missions of the community wardens in Vellinge and Trelleborg are the same, almost verbatim the implementation and work methods are quite different which has resulted in community wardens with two at least partly different approaches. With Trelleborg focusing on monitoring and providing a formal social control and Vellinge working proactively with an informal social control. Furthermore, there seems to be a risk of intruding or overlapping with other agencies, something that could potentially be problematic and cause friction between actors in the municipalities. Perhaps clearer documentation on how the community wardens are supposed to work, what problems they aim to aid and what their role in society is meant to be could limit the room for interpretation, overlap and intrusion. The author argues the importance of being clear about what one intends the community wardens to be. In both Vellinge and Trelleborg the representatives argue that they did not want a security guard 2.0, but instead an actor who would increase the informal social control by being a capable guardian. However, the results show that in Trelleborg the community wardens have more of a formal social control function

21 similar to that of security guards. Whereas in Vellinge a softer approach is used to strengthen the informal social control.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The author would like to extend a thank you to Anna-Karin Ivert for great support and guidance as supervisor during this work. Furthermore, to the representatives from Vellinge and Trelleborg for partaking in the interviews as well as providing documents for the study – thank you.

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25 APPENDIX 1

Interview guide used for semi-structured interviews with representatives from Vellinge and Trelleborg

• What was the basis for the decision to implement community wardens in your municipality?

• Who brough forward the idea of implementing the community wardens?

• When were they implemented?

• What is their mission?

• How does the community wardens conduct their work to fulfil their mission?

• What governs their work - are there fixed schedules or do they work on their own initiative?

• What has the recruitment looked like?

• Are there any traits or qualities within the applicants that has been prioritized during recruitment?

• Do they receive any specific training when employed?

• Do the community wardens collaborate with other actors or agencies in the municipality?

• Is there a risk that the work and mission of the community wardens overlap with other actors or agencies work or missions in the municipality?

26