AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

OBITUARIES

His first visit to India was in 1962, to Madhya Pradesh, with the Munda Languages Project. In 1963 he started re- search in Agra with the Jatav . This experience laid the groundwork for his PhD thesis and his subsequent writings on untouchability and political change in India (e.g., 1968, 1969, 1982a). The mutability of cultural change under shift- ingeconomicandpoliticalconditionsbecameacentraltheme of his work. Lynch’s first teaching job was at the State University of New York at Binghamton, starting in 1966 as an assistant professor, with a promotion to associate professor in 1969. In 1974 he moved to New York University as the Charles F. Noyes Professor, a position he held until his retirement in 2003. As one of the early urban anthropologists, he in- troduced this aspect of the discipline to NYU and was able to bring significant funds to the department for studies of urban life. Owen M. Lynch, at his home near Columbia University in New Lynch made six trips to India, living and working pri- York, after one of his dinner parties, for which he was well-known. marily in Agra, Mumbai, Mathura, and Brindaban. His first (Photo courtesy of Doranne Jacobson) book, The Politics of Untouchability (1969), is based on his initial 17 months of intensive fieldwork with the Jatavs, Owen M. Lynch (1931–2013) traditionally a local caste of shoemakers who, given their work with dead cows, were considered polluting. The ob- Owen M. Lynch, a major scholar of the anthropology of servations he made during this period led to his rethinking India, died on April 26, 2013, in Boston, Massachusetts. of the Indian caste-based social system. He emphasized the His groundbreaking work, theoretical and practical, had a concepts of equality and identity, and he attended to the profound effect both on the way that Indian society is un- perceptions of those frequently not regarded by scholars as derstood to be structured and on the lives of the Dalits, part of the Indian tradition, so often conceptualized in terms formerly known as the “Untouchables.” His humanistic ap- of the classic hierarchical Hindu system. proach, which placed the subject’s perspective at the center A prevailing interest in Lynch’s work was Dr. Bhimrao of analysis, combined with his emphasis on links between the Ramji Ambedkar, the educated and productive Buddhist global and the local, enabled a reinterpretation of political scholar and politician, a central figure in the Buddhist changes taking place. tradition (Lynch 1972, 2003). As head of the Constituent Owen Lynch was born on January 4, 1931, in Flush- Assembly that wrote the new Indian Constitution, and as ing, New York, the second of four children, part of a large an active Buddhist convert from , Ambedkar be- Irish Catholic, working-class extended family. His father came the iconic leader of the Jatavs. The introduction of worked in a record-producing factory, and his mother was a other changes in India, including new political institutions switchboard operator. He attended Brooklyn Prep, a Jesuit such as the Harijan Welfare Office and the Scheduled Castes boys’ high school, followed by a short stint at St. Andrew- Commission, strengthened the Dalits’ social position. Con- on-Hudson, a Jesuit seminary, to study theology. Giving version to provided an opportunity to build on up that pursuit, he went to Fordham University, obtaining these changes. Ambedkar’s projection of Buddhist values of his BA degree in 1956, and went on to do graduate work equality and justice resonated profoundly with Lynch. in anthropology at Columbia University, earning his PhD in For Lynch, the importance of understanding particulari- 1966. He spent time at the South Asia Area Studies Institutes ties of the local was especially urgent in relation to violence. of Columbia University and the University of Pennsylvania, He argued that “there is order in the disorder, culture in as well as at the Summer Linguistic Institutes at the Univer- the confusion and rationality in the riot” (1981:1951). He sities of Texas and Michigan, which provided him with a rich showed how the April 1978 Agra riots, for example, were South Asian background.

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST, Vol. 116, No. 4, pp. 898–903, ISSN 0002-7294, online ISSN 1548-1433. C 2014 by the American Anthropological Association. All rights reserved. DOI: 10.1111/aman.12160 Obituary 899 a rational response to ‘“the incorrigible reality’ of untouch- body and how the Chaubes’ conception relates to Western- ability in India” (1981:1954). ers’ perception of Indian asceticism. In addition to his work on the Jatav Dalits, Lynch car- In his most recent publication (2012), Lynch examined ried out multifaceted research in Dharavi, the largest slum the Dalit parade in honor of Ambedkar’s birthday and the of Mumbai, where he focused on three populations (1974, specific floats used in it. He argued that an understanding 1979), and later with the Chaube Brahmans of Mathura of the processes taking place requires looking at the visual (1996), including the perspective he gained as a pilgrim images in Dalit popular culture in terms of the Dalits’ per- (1988, 1993). As an urban anthropologist, he was critical spective and cultural history. Utilizing the cultural concept of approaches that look at urban life in terms of aggregation of dar´san—which refers to seeing and experiencing the world of numbers and magnitude. He pointed instead to the di- as it really is (2012:136) and which is so pervasive in Indian verse conditions of local populations—their history, castes, culture—entails not only the perception of the engager but classes, and cultures—that affect their lives and influence also that of the engaged. His analysis of the Dalit proces- their senses of identity and definitions of place. He critiqued sional floats and panels presents a contrasting view to that of the dichotomization of “rural” and “urban” by Richard Fox caste . This visual imagery introduced a new way of and others and followed David Harvey’s differentiation of thinking about Indian transformations today. “space” and “place” giving attention to the role of capitalism, Lynch’s many publications touch on a wide range of emphasizing issues of ethnicity, class, and the construction issues, and some have become a fundamental part of reading of self-identities (1994). in classes on South Asian anthropology. Based on meticulous Throughout his life, Owen Lynch showed how the and carefully gathered and organized research, his writings specifics of local places and identities relate to changes taking often focused on Indian themes, but they nevertheless place at other levels and require an understanding of that con- referred back to broader theoretical issues. His discussions text. His work touched on some of the major theoretical is- about the critical role of culture argued persuasively for the sues then being discussed in anthropology and in South Asian value of anthropological expertise in understanding local studies. In a commentary on the supposed “crisis” in anthro- situations. pology, he challenged several eminent scholars who saw the Lynch was active in several professional associations: discipline as losing its distinctive intellectual role (1982b). member of the Executive Board of the American Anthro- He both built on and countered arguments by leading South pological Association (1997–98); president of the Society Asian scholars such as M. N. Srinivas on Sanskritization for Urban, National and Transnational Anthropology (1978) and Louis Dumont on hierarchy (1977). (1996–98); organizer and president of the North Indian Having been a student of Conrad Arensberg at Studies Association (1975); co-chair of the Anthropology Columbia, Lynch organized and edited the festschrift to Section of the New York Academy of Sciences (1978–79 him, Culture and Community in Europe (1984). Carrying for- and 1990–91); chair of the Columbia University Seminar on ward some of the neglected areas of European studies, the Pre-Industrial Areas (1974–78); and chair of the South Asia volume’s contributors consider issues of regionalism, his- Council of the Association for Asian Studies (1985–88). He tory, units of analysis and the impact of the world capitalist was also a lifetime member of the Indian Sociological Society system on ways of life in what have been considered “core” and a member of the Indian Social Science Association. and “peripheral” areas. Lynch characteristically applied his A constant participant in the community of South Asia analytic lens to an area outside his own specialty, highlight- scholars, he involved himself enthusiastically in its meetings. ing the ways that external transformations illuminate present He was on multiple editorial boards: the Association of local conditions. Asian Studies (1973–77), the Sociology and Anthropology Over the years, Lynch’s interests moved increasingly Series of the Hindustan Publications (1979–94), the South in the direction of examining the cultural construction of Asian Social Scientist (1984–87), the International Journal emotions and its political implications. His concern with of Hindu Studies (1997–2013), City and Society (1996–98), emotions—how they are structured and evolve, and how and the Encyclopedia of Urban Cultures (1999–2013). they are contested and challenged—is best known through Lynch was honored with numerous awards and honors, his edited book on South Asia, Divine Passions (Lynch 1990b). includingtheDistinguishedVisitorCommencementAddress There, and in other publications, he challenged existing work at Stony Brook University (1980), the Henry Luce Lecture that claimed the biological and universal nature of emotions. Award at Wellesley College (1986), the Agehananda Bharati Using linguistic and semantic theory, he demonstrated the Memorial Lecture at Syracuse (1995), the NYU Golden flexibility of emotional language and the ways that surround- Dozens Teaching Award (1998), and the D. N. Majumdar ing political and economic constraints can influence mean- Memorial Medal Award and Lecture at the Indian Associa- ings. His view of emotions as culturally constructed was tion of Social Science Meetings in Agra (2001). He received developed in his chapter (1990a) in Divine Passions (1990b) many prestigious grants to support his research. On Octo- on the Chaubes of Mathura, a Brahman community known ber 5, 2014, at Hotel Grand, Agra, India, the first Indian for administering to visiting pilgrims. In it he explored al- Social Science Association (ISSA) Professor Owen M. Lynch ternative perceptions of the relationship between mind and Memorial Award was presented to Dr. Sanjay Paswan, who 900 American Anthropologist • Vol. 116, No. 4 • December 2014 delivered the initial Professor Owen M. Lynch Memorial Currier, and Susan Kaiser, eds. Pp. 79–90. New York: Gar- Lecture. land. Owen Lynch is warmly remembered as a caring, gener- 1988 Pilgrimage with Krishna, Sovereign of the Emotions. Con- ous, and kind mentor for students and as a valued colleague tributions to Indian Sociology 22(2):171–194. both within and far beyond the institutions at which he 1990a The Mastram: Emotion and Person in Mathura’s Chaubes. worked. He maintained close relationships with the Dalits In Divine Passions: The Social Construction of Emotion in in India and the United States, supporting their efforts to India. Owen M. Lynch, ed. Berkeley: University of California enhance their positions. He formed an invaluable link for Press; Delhi: Oxford University Press. those moving between continents and cultures. He never 1993 The Forest Pilgrimage as Darsan. Journal of Vaisnava Studies married or had children, but his 17 nieces and nephews 1(4):87–108. were devoted to him, as was testified at his memorial 1994 Urban Anthropology, Postmodernist Cities, and Perspec- service. tives. City and Society 7(1):35–52. Owen Lynch’s professional papers have been deposited 1996 Contesting and Contested Self-Identities: Mathura’s in the National Anthropological Archives at the Smithsonian. Chaubes. In Narratives of Agency: Self-Making in China, India, and Japan. Wimal Dissanayake, ed. Pp. 74–103. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. 2003 Ambedkar Jayanti: Dalit Reritualization in Agra’s Civil So- Eva Friedlander Research Associate, Department of Anthropol- ciety. Eastern Anthropologist 55(2–3):115–132. ogy, Hunter College, CUNY, New York, NY 10065; PAC Partner, Plan- 2012 We Make These Floats so that They Will See What We ning Alternatives for Change, planning alternatves.com; efriedlan- See/Feel: Ambedkar Jayanti Hierarchy, and the Dar´san Effect. [email protected] In Dalit Art and Visual Imagery. Gary Michael Tartakov, ed. Pp. 179–218. Indian Institute of Dalit Studies. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. REFERENCES CITED Lynch, Owen W., ed. Lynch, Owen W. 1984 Culture and Community in Europe: Essays in Honor of 1968 The Politics of Untouchability: A Case Study from Agra In- Conrad M. Arensberg. Studies in Sociology and Social Anthro- dia. In Structure and Change in Indian Society. Milton Singer pology. Delhi: Hindustan. and Bernard S. Cohn, eds. Pp. 209–239. Viking Fund Publi- 1990b Divine Passions: The Social Construction of Emotion in cations in Anthropology, 47. Chicago: Aldine. India. Berkeley: University of California Press; Delhi: Oxford 1969 The Politics of Untouchability: Social Mobility and Social University Press. Change in a City of India. New York: Columbia University Press. [Republished in 1974 as an Indian Edition by the National Publishing House in Delhi.] 1972 Dr. B. R. Ambedkar: Myth and Charisma. In The Un- touchables in Contemporary India. J. Michael Mahar, ed. Pp. 97–112. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. 1974 Political Mobilisation and Ethnicity among Adi-Dravidas in a Bombay Slum. Economic and Political Weekly 9(39):1657– 1688. 1977 Method and Theory in the Sociology of Louis Dumont: A Reply. In The New Wind: Changing Identities in South Asia. Kenneth David, ed. Pp. 239–262. World Anthropology series. The Hague: Mouton. 1978 Remembering the Remembered Village. Contributions to Indian Sociology (N.S.) 12(1):117–126. 1979 Potters, Plotters, Prodders in a Bombay Slum: Marx and Meaning or Meaning versus Marx. Urban Anthropology 8(1):1–27. Tambi at Monique Stark’s summer house in Wakefield, Rhode 1981 Rioting as Rational Action: An Interpretation of the Island, August 2001. (Photo courtesy of Mariza Peirano) April 1978 Riots in Agra. Economic and Political Weekly 16(48):1951–1956. Stanley Jeyaraja Tambiah (1929–2014) 1982a Foreword. In Democracy in Search of Equality: Untouch- able Politics and Indian Social Change. Barbara R. Joshi. Pp. Stanley Tambiah, known to friends and acquaintances as v–viii. Delhi: Hindustan. “Tambi” (younger brother), the Esther and Sidney Rabb 1982b Kuhn and the Crisis in Anthropology. In Crisis in Anthro- Professor of Social Anthropology at Harvard, died on pology: View from Spring Hill. Adamson Hoebel, Richard January 19, 2014, in Cambridge, Massachusetts. He was Obituary 901 a world-renowned scholar of Buddhism in Thailand, of world conqueror–world renouncer dualism in South sources of charisma and legitimation, and of ethnic and and Southeast Asian “galactic polities” (1976, 1977b, religious violence across South Asia. 1984a). Stanley Tambiah was born on January 16, 1929, in As an English-speaking Ceylonese, Tambiah felt forced Ceylon, the son of Charles Rajakon and Eliza Cheilana out of teaching in Sri Lanka by the 1956 passage of language Tambiah. They were Vellala caste Tamils from Jaffna, who laws mandating Singhalese as the medium of instruction. became Anglicans. His father, a lawyer, developed small He turned to the study of Buddhism in Thailand, analyzing plantations of coconuts and a mango plantation and so the growth of the dominant sect of Buddhism as a tool of became a member of the planter class. His father’s brother, state governance and reform and considering the dialectic of H. W. Tambiah, became a Supreme Court justice and forest monks withdrawing into the peripheries of settlement, authored seven books, becoming an important role model. attracting devotees and settlement after them (1970, 1976, Tambiah was one of nine children, the fifth son. His siblings 1984b). His book World Conqueror and World Renouncer (1976) were all university educated. Two of his sisters became established him as a major figure. In it, he analyzed the principals of girls’ schools. His brothers became a Supreme balancing act between religious and political institutions in Court Justice (H. D. Tambiah), an inspector general of legitimating pre-nation-state polities in South and Southeast police, a surgeon and head of the Army Medical Corps, and a Asia. teacher. Carefully deploying historiographic, literary-genre, After primary and secondary education at S. Thomas’s mythic-structural, as well as ethnographic methods, one College Mount Lavinia in Colombo, Ceylon, Tambiah of Tambiah’s most important contributions was to decon- trained in sociology at the University of Ceylon, receiving struct the Buddhist revivalist ideology that tore Sri Lanka his BA in 1951. He went on to Cornell University, where apart and to show the countervailing alternative histories he studied sociology and anthropology, and was awarded that have been erased by chauvinism (1992). There is, he the Ph.D. in 1954. He taught first at the University of asserts, “no reason to foreclose on this possibility” of a more Ceylon (1955–60). His subsequent academic positions tolerant Buddhism “for there are precedents that can be were at Cambridge University (1964–73), the University positively employed” (1992:125). But, he continues, force- of Chicago (1973–76), and Harvard (1976–2001). fully putting forth an anthropological institutional perspec- Tambiah’s first studies were quantitative surveys of tive against simple idealistic possibilism or wishful thinking, villages in Ceylon (Tambiah and Ryan 1957; Tambiah and “new perspectives can be forged only under social and politi- Sarkar 1958) and village studies of kinship, land tenure, cal conditions which are themselves not frozen or restrictive” and polyandry (1958, 1966). In 1956 he met Edmund R. (1992:125). Leach at the University of Peradeniya (formerly University Much of his brilliant analysis in Buddhism Betrayed? Reli- of Ceylon), when Leach was making a second visit to Pul gion, Politics, and Violence in Sri Lanka is dedicated to charting Eliya, a village built around an irrigation tank in Central Sri the freezing and restrictive traps into which Sri Lankan Lanka. Leach was supportive and engaging but devastating politics has devolved since the 1940s, in what he argued about the quantitative survey approach. Leaving Sri Lanka, has been a dramatic transformation from Buddhist-Hindu Tambiah worked on a UNESCO-Thai technical assistance galactic polities to the cosmologies of unitary nation-states. project in northeastern Thailand until Leach brought him The sin, of course, lies not only with Buddhist ideology or to Cambridge for two years (1962–1964), after which he ritualized cosmology but also with the British colonial rule joined the faculty there. against which the religious revivalism arose—and, in a larger At Cambridge, Tambiah transformed himself into a so- sense, with the transformations induced by nation-state cial anthropologist, authoring with Jack Goody a classic in identity politics and the “juggernaut of mass participatory kinship studies, Bridewealth and Dowry (Goody and Tambiah politics” (1992:172). Such concerns endure: in 2006, 1973). He also absorbed some of the structuralist insights Buddhist monks renewed their 1956 chauvinist demands of Claude Levi-Strauss,´ of which Leach was an interpreter. and threats against the government if it did not implement Tambiah abandoned none of his earlier commitments; in his their five proposals to arrest the decline of Buddhist values later collection of essays (1985), he continued to refer to and culture that had set off decades of violence. On its 50th himself as a development anthropologist and to invoke E. B. anniversary, the All Ceylon Buddhist Congress republished Tylor’s creed that anthropology is a reformer’s science. their tract, The Betrayal of Buddhism (1956, 2006), to which Tambiah’s stress on oscillating models of politics Tambiah’s Buddhism Betrayed? was a reply and continues to parallels Leach’s work on Political Systems of Highland be needed (Fischer 2013; Perera 2006). Burma (1954). They remained close friends and eventually Rereading Tambiah’s pair of books on Sri Lanka (1986, Tambiah became Leach’s biographer (2002). Many of 1992), his trilogy of books on Thailand (1970, 1976, 1984b), Tambiah’s striking analyses deploy structuralist insights, and his essays on ritual performative action (1968, 1973, particularly his brilliant handling of the cosmological 1977a, 1981, 1983, 1990), one recognizes three over- and mythic reworkings of the histories of Ceylon–Sri lapping dialectics or oscillations: (1) in the field of histo- Lanka (1992), as well as his signature analysis of the ries, centralizing nation-states versus fractionating mandala 902 American Anthropologist • Vol. 116, No. 4 • December 2014 or “galactic” polities; (2) in the field of mythic charters, et al. 2013), provides parallel accounts of Christian and alternative histories versus ritual mobilization; and (3) in the Buddhist cults of saints and relics. Christian monks boasted field of cross-cultural structures of legitimation, chakravarti of their ritual kidnappings of sacred relics—breaking, in the (world conquerors, universal emperors) politics versus the dark of night, into saints’ tombs and Roman catacombs to dharmaraja (righteous king). The dharmaraja or king purifies steal bone and ash, nails, wood, and linen with which to the sangha (organization of monks) in return for the sangha’s consecrate churches in new territories. We tend to forget legitimation of royal rule. This follows the Indo-European that the Second Council of Nicaea in 787 C.E. decreed that topos of royal and priestly functions with merchants and no church was to be consecrated without relics and that the farmers as third and fourth wheels of dharma. It also fol- Vatican continues to maintain a supply room of ash and bone lows the cross-cultural topos found from Fiji to Greece of and other relics to consecrate new churches. Tambiah noted autochthonous versus immigrant founder schemas, or na- that, as in Buddhism, the church changed its doctrines about tives of the soil versus sea-crossing elites (see further Fischer the relics, originally treating remains as inviolable but then 2013). instituting the partibility, distribution, and redistribution of Tambiah’s account of transformations of the kingdom relics. of Kandy shows how the royal line passed from patrilineal After colonial rule, the effort to transfer constitutional Sinhala to matrilineal Nayyakars (Tamils from Madurai in power to dominant groups and the sudden production of south India). They used trips to Siam to bolster their dhar- volatile vote banks, Tambiah argued, extending the ideas maraja roles, building new viharas (monasteries) upon their of Emile´ Durkheim, produced affect-charged crowds of return and elevating the role of the Tooth Relic in the annual “effervescence,” labile surpluses of affective energy that can perihara (procession). Because the kings continued personal suddenly flip from pack attack to panic flight and vice versa. Hindu Saivite practices, two (Buddhist) monks attempted to In Leveling Crowds (1996), although he suggests that most assassinate the “evil,” “heretic,” “Tamil” king. Tambiah read South Asian ethnonationalist riots are short-lived—the the mythicized 17th- and 13th-century histories of efforts heightened affect and suspension of individual reason wane to legitimate or delegimate Buddhist kings as commentaries as quickly as they arise—his own account of the traps on this contested incorporation of Tamils into Sinhala in which mass “democratic politics and ethnonationalist identity, and he pointed out that the history of the marriage politics are related in South Asia” and in which “violence alliances establishing the Nayyakar kings all have the same as mode of conducting politics has become established structure. They fit the cross-cultural, structural myths of and institutionalized” is considerably darker. “Industrial the origin of power and its creative transformation—of a employment, professional skills and the practice of Western disgraced prince trying his luck anew by invading a new medicine,” writes Tambiah, “have become “recategorized land (Sri Lanka), breaching the periphery with barbarism as entitlements and sumptuary privileges indexed as quotas and violence but becoming domesticated and reconstituting assignable to preexisting ethnic or racial or indigenous legitimate order, turning wilderness into rice cultivation groupings” (1996:342). Collective violence orchestrated to (with imported Tamil labor). On a cosmological register, defend or contest these entitlements creates massive internal the Buddhist genesis myth is also about the “creation of contradictions. “Systematically organized ethnic riots by world as devolutionary differentiation,” with disorder in- politicians, parties, and police” (1996:330) destroy the very creasing through the workings of human desire until order is agencies that then are required for repair: health care sys- reestablished. tems, hospitals, welfare agencies, refugee camps, and relief The point is that there is a rich tapestry of incorpora- administration. tion, exchange, and reworking of traditions that often gets Anthropologists are often curators of popular cultural lost in mythic charters intended to advance particular inter- logics, and among Tambiah’s essays (1985) are lovely expo- ests at particular moments of competition and that it is the sitions of Trobriand deep sea “flying” canoes that are charter anthropologists’ calling to not allow such erasures to pass myths for male and female power; Thai animal classifica- unremarked. tions; and both Sri Lankan exorcisms and Thai royal tonsure Tambiah described the cosmic rituals of galactic polities rituals, which enact the transformation from theater state to as rites of dispersion and rites of aggregation. The former nation-state. include agricultural cycle rites that begin in the royal palace, Stanley J. Tambiah, the author of ten books, was then proceed to provincial courts, and “ripple” down to the awarded the Balzan Prize (1997), the Huxley Medal of the rice fields of villagers. The latter include annual Oaths of Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ire- Allegiance as well as the royal multiple-marriage arrange- land (1997), and the Fukuoaka Asian Culture Prize (1998). ments, and the sequestering at court of members of lower He became a Corresponding Fellow of the British Academy allied royal or provincial families to ensure their loyalty. (2000) and was a member of the American Academy of Arts Tambiah’s (2013) essay, “The Charisma of Saints and the and Sciences. The essays in his festschrift volume (Aulino Cult of Relics, Amulets, and Tomb Shrines,” which he chose et al. 2013) provide a taste of the wide range of his influ- to open his coedited volume Radical Egalitarianism (Aulino ence and demonstrate his interest in the work of his students Obituary 903 and colleagues. His generosity and support for the work of 1973 Form and Meaning of Magical Acts. In Modes of Thought: others will be greatly missed. Essays on Thinking in Western and Non-Western Societies. Robin Horton and Ruth Finnegan, eds. Pp. 199–229. London: Faber and Faber. 1976 World Conquerer and World Renouncer: A Study of Bud- Michael M. J. Fischer STS (Science, Technology and Society) dhism and Polity in Thailand against a Historical Background. and Anthropology, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cam- Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. bridge, MA 02142 1977a The Cosmological and Performative Significance of a Thai Cult of Healing through Meditation. Culture, Medicine, and Psychiatry 1(1):97–132. REFERENCES CITED 1977b The Galactic Polity in Southeast Asia. In Anthropology and All Ceylon Buddhist Congress–Buddhist Committee of Inquiry the Climate of Opinion. Stanley A. Freed, ed. Pp. 69–97. New 1956 The Betrayal of Buddhism. Balangoda: Dharmavijaya. York: New York Academy of Sciences. 2006 The Betrayal of Buddhism. (50th anniversary reissue, on the 1981 A Performative Approach to Ritual. Proceedings of the 2,500th anniversary of Buddha’s death). Balangoda: Dharmav- British Academy, 65 (1979). Pp. 113–169. London: Oxford ijaya. University Press. Aulino, Felicity, Miriam Goheen, and Stanley J. Tambiah, eds. 1983 On Flying Witches and Flying Canoes: The Coding of Male 2013 Radical Egalitarianism: Local Realities, Global Relations. and Female Values. In The Kula: New Perspectives on Massim New York: Fordham University Press. Exchange. Jerry W. Leach and Edmund Leach, eds. Pp. 171– Fischer, Michael M. J. 200. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 2013 Afterword—Galactic Polities, Radical Egalitarianism, and 1984a A Reformulation of Geertz’s Conception of the Theater the Practice of Anthropology: Tambiah on Logical Para- State. Presented at the Thirty-First International Congress of doxes, Social Contradictions, and Cultural Oscillations. In the Human Sciences in Asia and North Africa, Tokyo and Radical Egalitarianism: Local Realities, Global Relations. Kyoto, January 1, 1984. [Printed in expanded form in Tambiah Felicity Aulino, Miriam Goheen, and Stanley J. Tam- 1985.] biah, eds. Pp. 233–258. New York: Fordham University 1984b Buddhist Saints of the Forest and the Cult of Amulets: A Press. Study in Charisma, Hagiography, Sectarianism, and Millenial Goody, Jack, and Stanley J. Tambiah Buddhism. Cambridge Studies in Social Anthropology, 49. 1973 Bridewealth and Dowry. Cambridge Papers in Social An- Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. thropology. London: Cambridge University Press. 1985 Culture, Thought, and Social Action: An Anthropological Leach, Edmund Ronald Perspective. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. 1954 Political Systems of Highland Burma: A Study of Kachin 1986 Sri Lanka: Ethnic Fratricide and the Dismantling of Democ- Social Structure. London: London School of Economics and racy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Political Science. 1990 Magic, Science, Religion, and the Scope of Rationality. Lewis Perera, Janaka Henry Morgan Lectures. Cambridge: Cambridge University 2006 UNP Urged to Study 1956 Buddhist Committee Re- Press. port. Asian Tribune, October 9. http://dhammaweb.net/ 1992 Buddhism Betrayed? Religion, Politics, and Violence in Sri = dhamma_news/view.php?id 148, accessed August 21, Lanka. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 2014. 1996 Leveling Crowds: Ethnonationalist Conflicts and Collective Tambiah, Stanley J. Violence in South Asia. Berkeley: University of California 1958 The Structure of Kinship and Its Relationship to Land Posses- Press. sion and Residence in Pata Dumbara, Central Ceylon. Journal 2002 Edmund Leach: An Anthropological Life. Cambridge: Cam- of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and bridge University Press. Ireland 88(1):21–44. 2013 The Charisma of Saints and the Cult of Relics, Amulets, 1966 Polyandry in Ceylon with Special Reference to the Laggala and Tomb Shrines. In Radical Egalitarianism: Local Realities, Region. In Caste and Kin in Nepal, India, and Ceylon: Anthro- Global Relations. Felicity Aulino, Miriam Goheen, and Stanley pological Studies in Hindu-Buddhist Contact Zones. Christof J. Tambiah, eds. Pp. 233–258. New York: Fordham University von Furer¨ Haimendorf, ed. Pp. 264–358. London: Asia Pub- Press. lication House. Tambiah, Stanley J., and Bryce Ryan 1968 The Magical Power of Words. Man 3(2):175– 1957 Secularization of Family Values in Ceylon. American Socio- 208. logical Review 22(3):292–299. 1970 Buddhism and the Spirit Cults in North-East Thailand. Cam- Tambiah, Stanley J., and N. K. Sarkar bridge Studies in Social and Cultural Anthropology, 2. Cam- 1958 The Disintegrating Village: Report of a Socio-Economic bridge: Cambridge University Press. Survey. Peradeniya: Ceylon University Press.