IOSR Journal of Humanities And Social Science (IOSR-JHSS) Volume 25, Issue 12, Series 10 (December. 2020) 09-16 e-ISSN: 2279-0837, p-ISSN: 2279-0845. www.iosrjournals.org

Reflections on the inclusion of quota policies for blacks and browns in higher education as an alternative to the fight against historical racial inequality in

João Pedro Mardegan Ribeiro1 1(Instituto de Física de São Carlos, Universidade de São Paulo, Brasil)

Abstract: Background: The objective of this work was to present a brief report about , as well as in Brazil, and the current inequality rates between blacks and browns in the country, to justify the need for quotas at the university level. In this sense, after the abolition of slavery in the country, there was no policy from the government to gradually insert blacks into society, leaving them on the margins of society, which came to manifest structural racism. Even a little over a hundred years after the signing of the Golden Law, there are still many racial inequalities in the country, and due to this. Materials and Methods: This article is the result of a bibliographic research for theoretical construction, based on the literature on the history of Brazil, as well as on the data released by the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE, 2018), on racial differences in all spheres of society , as well as, in theorists who have studied how society sees quotas today, and how it is also used as a form of racism, and also the perspective of quotas as a necessary asset for the reduction of inequality rates, and therefore consequently, of violence. Results: There is still a lot of racial difference in Brazil (between blacks and whites), a phenomenon resulting from colony Brazil. In the country, blacks still have less chance of entering higher education, due to the vestiges of the slavery era, which is why racial quotas in universities are necessary and essential to promote the insertion of young blacks in the academy. The professional qualification of blacks, expanded with the quota policy, is one of the first steps to end, or certainly reduce, the racism that still exists in Brazil, and to reduce these high rates of racial inequality. Conclusion: The main conclusion of this work is that quota policies in Brazilian universities have the potential to promote opportunities for discriminated students to have access to the academy, increasing professional qualification, which is directly linked to an improvement in living conditions, which it inserts more and more in all sectors of society, and also allows for cultural enrichment. Key Word: Quotas; Education; Slavery; Racism. ------Date of Submission: 07-12-2020 Date of Acceptance: 22-12-2020 ------

I. INTRODUCTION This work focused on the reflection about the historical process of blacks in the country, and how racial quotas are necessary in the search to minimize the inequalities that still exist in the country, which has been happening since colonial Brazil until today. In other words, considering education as a way to minimize inequalities and , the study aims to consider that access to higher education can be one of the pillars that provide subsidies for the reduction of this social disharmony. In the present work, there is a conceptual panorama on prejudice, in order to understand its meanings, multi-modes and multiple representations, then a brief account of slavery in the country, and the current situation of blacks and browns as a remnant of the slavery process, and the current situation of blacks in higher education, and how quotas can be a factor in reducing inequalities arising from the historical process of a not-so- distant past.

II. MATERIAL AND METHODS This article is the result of a bibliographic research for theoretical construction, based on the literature on the history of Brazil, as well as on the data released by the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE, 2018), on racial differences in all spheres of society between whites and blacks and browns, as well as, in social theorists who have studied how society sees quotas today, and how it is also used as a form of racism, and also the perspective of quotas as a necessary asset for decrease in inequality rates and, consequently, violence.

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Study Design: Analysis of concrete (and mathematical) data from IBGE and also from Literature about the history of Brazil Study Location: This study was carried out at the University of São Paulo (USP) with data collected by information from the federal government through the IBGE based on the conditions between blacks, browns and whites in Brazil until the year 2018. Study Duration: November 2019 to November 2020. Sample size: The entire Brazilian population

III. A CONCEPTUAL OVERVIEW OF PREJUDICE AND RACISM Comparato (2003) highlights that the principle that guides the whole philosophy of is that everyone, regardless of biological and cultural differences, deserves equal and total respect, since they are the only ones in the world capable of loving, discovering and creating beauty, that guides all nature, so there is no one superior to anyone, and yes, there is universal work. But, in fact, human rights have never, since the beginning of civilizations, been a principle adopted by all, since it is constantly challenged, in view of based on gender, race, sexual orientation, and ethnicity. Snowden (1995) also states that, in view of a historical analysis of prejudice, since ancient Greek- Roman times where racial divisions and hierarchies did not exist, therefore, with no manifestations of racially based prejudice, there was a cultural prejudice against slaves, who were mostly white. In other words, since distant times, prejudice has been present in society, and even though civilizations have been increasingly improving the conditions for solving these problems, it is still present and is manifested in everyday life. In view of the aforementioned facts, we must understand what prejudice is, so as to understand how it acts in society. Allport, Clark, Kenneth (1954) highlight that there were three stages in the transformation of this concept over time, such as: 1) In earlier times, prejudice meant something precedent, that is, judging something based on previous decisions and experiences; 2) In a later period, the term prejudice became the judgment of objects, episodes, and people, before examining the facts, that is, a premature judgment; 3) Nowadays the term means to have a feeling accompanied by a previous judgment and without justification. Item three cited by Allport et al. (1954) come up against the definition of prejudice demonstrated in the Aurélio dictionary (1999), where he highlights that the term means the anticipated formation of an opinion, without knowledge and consideration of the facts, as well as having a preconceived idea, such as , is intolerance, irrational hatred or aversion to other races, creeds and religions. Within the line of the term prejudice, the parameters of hatred and intolerance arise due to preconceived ideas. In this way, prejudice can be understood as an aversion to something or someone, for attributing these harmful qualities to a first judgment, without actually opening space for the analysis of the understanding of the attributes. There are various forms of manifestation of prejudice, and one of them is racism, which in Brazil is a crime provided for by Law No. 7,716 of 5 January 1989. This form of manifestation of prejudice has decreased in recent years with regard to to its expression in public media, as it is a crime, but it is still a common practice in Brazilian society. To understand the concept of the term racism, we must first cover a brief definition of race. For Munanga (2003), the concept of race comes from the Italian term razza, which in turn originated from the Latin term ratio, which means luck, category or species. In biology, this term has been used for the classification of animal and plant species. That is, we can consider the term race as an arbitrary division of groups, determined by the set of physical characters. Thus the term racism enters, and this, according to the Aurélio dictionary (1999) determined as a prejudice against a racial group, in most cases, different from that to which the subject belongs, as it can also be determined as an attitude of subjective nature generated by social mechanisms. In addition, Winant (2001) highlights that racism can also be defined as social actions with the power to reproduce an unfair allocation of important social resources, based on the valorization of one race over another. Thus, it is concluded that in both definitions, there are two important aspects, racism is determined as an individual practice of discrimination against people of different races, but it is also a set of social actions that can favor certain groups in relation to others. Within the conditions of racism, there is what is called structural racism, which is the set of institutional, historical, cultural, and in a way, interpersonal practices within a society that often determines a social or ethnic group as superior to another, generally generating many disparities to these in various sectors of society, and which tends to increase over time. This is what usually happens with blacks, where many of the other race deny exercising racism in its explicit form, with physical or verbal aggression, but practices racism in

DOI: 10.9790/0837-2512100916 www.iosrjournals.org 10 |Page Reflections on the inclusion of quota policies for blacks and browns in higher education as .. a subjective way, not understanding historical and biological conditions. Thus, public policies, such as quotas in universities, fall into this parameter, since they do not serve to place and give advantage to blacks, but rather, help them to enter higher education in order to reduce the historical damage caused by the precarious condition for their insertion in the post-slavery society, which is still elitist. With the emergence of movements for the pursuit of civil rights in the United States of America, as well as the liberation of the former European colonies, as well as the consequences of Nazism and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in the world due to great social pressure for greater social equality, attitudes towards blacks have changed. In other words, the form of manifestation of prejudice against blacks has changed, it has acquired a new guise, but it still affects society in a very big way, compromising job opportunities, self- esteem, social well-being, among others. This racism against blacks in Brazil came from the culture of slavery in previous centuries, since most blacks in the slavery period were treated as an inferior race, as well as being sold as merchandise. After the signing of the Golden Law, officially Law No. 3,353 of May 13, 1888, by Princess Isabel and also Rodrigo Augusto da Silva, who was the theoretical document responsible for extinguishing slavery in Brazil, but what did not happen in practice , blacks continued to work under slave conditions, but, being called mere employees, which culminated in a greater prejudice coming from the elite.

IV. A BRIEF HISTORY OF SLAVERY IN BRAZIL Slavery in Brazil started in the country's “discovery” period, around 1500. The Portuguese already adopted slavery policies, mainly in capturing Africans for them to work on domestic chores, and also in rural services. After the discovery period, in Brazil, the activities were in full growth, but there was not enough labor and at low cost to supply all the necessity of the crop, thus, in view of the prospect of buying cheap and selling expensive, the black Africans were brought to the country to exercise the function of compulsory labor. In a long period of history, many slaves worked in the cultivation of sugar cane, and after 1820, coffee became the most important product for export, with the migration of slaves for this activity. In other words, slavery property was the main characteristic of Brazilian agriculture during the colonial period and throughout the 19th century (PINSKY, 1992) They made blacks, almost naked, many just in thongs, open their teeth, widen their eyes, stick out their tongues, jump, cough, laugh, dance, show scars and tattoos all over their bodies. It is because of the state of the teeth, the color of the tongue, the brightness of the eyes, the flexibility of the muscles, the snoring of the chest, the scars of a tribe or “nation”, buyers thought they were able to recognize the true condition of the slave, their their nature, their morals, their health, to assess their ability to work, so often disguised by the malazartes of cigarettes "(FREYRE, 2015). Barbosa (2003) points out that between 1531 and 1855 there were approximately 4 million slaves in Brazil, which is a very high number, considering the number of inhabitants on Brazilian lands during this period. Just as, during the colonial period, slaves were on average 38% of the entire population, and they worked in rural areas, mines, cities, workshops, ranches and also in a wide range of economic activities. Malheiros (1866) adds by stating that the bosses, in the majority, were not sensitive about slaves, since they considered these mere instruments of work, no matter if they died of exhaustion, since for the elite, if a slave died, easily it would be replaced by another, since Africa was there to supply the needs. During the colonial Brazil period, 10% of slaves in the Bahian sugar mills received extra payments in wages or kind, and were also allowed to grow and sell their own food, just as, on free nights (without work), they could perform the so-called “beaks”. Cardoso (1997) also states that the slave economy had one of the pillars of maintaining authority over labor, that is, the elite was concerned with not leaving slaves “at a standstill”, even if the activities carried out by them were not making a profit, or if they were shown to be redundant, thus, in times of crisis, since reducing the scales of production, production was done by slavery. However, according to Barbosa (2003), some slaves or sons of slaves were designated as free men, but, as the colony had many slaves doing their jobs, there was little work left for free men. The Eusébio de Queirós Law of September 4, 1850 came as an effective ban on the slave trade to Brazil, and on May 13, 1888 with the Golden Law, there was a ban on slavery in the country, however, the government did not offer subsidies so that the population was able to fully exercise formal work, and thus, many continued to be subject to precarious working conditions in order to have something to eat, and to feed their children. Thus, post-slavery racism came as an alarming feature, since these were not integrated into economic life and the elite showed prejudice. The ex-slaves began to migrate to regions far from where they were enslaved looking for better living conditions, and therefore better wages. The elite, who did not want to accept such conditions, began to list blacks as vagabonds and taxed to be vagabonds, thus increasing apparent racism. In the beginning, blacks began

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V. CURRENT DATA ON THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN WHITES AND BLACKS AND BROWNS IN BRAZIL The data presented in this section were collected in the leaflets released by the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE), in the year 2019, referring to data collected until the year 2018, brief exceptions were from previous years, but in these cases there is a quote from the year . In employment indicators, in 2018, blacks and browns corresponded to the largest contingent of labor force in Brazil, being 25.2% more than whites in the labor market, but among the unemployed, blacks are also in greater numbers , corresponding to 64.2% of the unemployed population. With regard to management positions in Brazil, 68.6% of these are held by whites and only 29.9% by blacks, as in the 500 largest Brazilian companies, according to IBGE data (2017), blacks and browns occupied only 10% of management positions. In company management, for the lowest level of leadership, such as department or sector leaders, 53.2% are white, and 45.3% are black or brown, but the more the level of leadership increases, the lower is the rate of blacks and browns in this position, for example, in the highest employment level of companies, such as the presidency or the board, 85.9% are white, and only 11.9% are black or brown, which shows that there is still prejudice within institutions. Blacks and browns also correspond to a greater number of the population in a situation of informal employment, who are often in precarious situations, and with a lack of access to social protection, limiting basic rights, such as remuneration based on the minimum wage and retirement. Of the total number of employees, 34.6% of the white population is in a situation of informal employment, while for blacks and browns the rate is 47.3%. Globally, the biggest percentage difference is in the North region, where 51.7% of whites are in an informal situation, and in contrast, 61.0% of blacks and browns. In terms of income, according to the data, with regard to people below the poverty line who live on less than five and fifty dollars a day, 26.4% are white, and 73.6% are black or brown, as also, less than $ 1.90 a day, 29.0% are white and 71.0% are black or brown. The income of white workers is, on average, R $ 2,796.00, whereas for the black or brown population it is R $ 1,608.00, a value 73.9% lower. In Brazil, on average, whites receive R $ 17.00 reais per hour of work, while blacks and browns receive R $ 10.10. With regard to the population with no education, or incomplete elementary school, whites receive R $ 8.70 reais per hour, and blacks and browns, R $ 6.70, and for those who have complete elementary and middle school education, whites receive R $ 9.30 per hour, and blacks and browns receive R $ 7.70 reais. With complete secondary education and incomplete higher education, whites receive R $ 12.20 per hour, and blacks and browns R $ 9.60, just as with complete higher education or higher education, the difference is even greater, while blacks and browns receive, on average, R $ 22.70 per hour, whites receive R $ 32.80, that is, whites receive 44.5% more. Although blacks and browns are the majority in Brazil (55.8%), among the 10% with the highest income in the country, they represent only 27.7% of this total. Regarding families, there is also a lot of difference, the per capita income of a family with only white members is R $ 1846, while the per capita income of a family with only black or brown members is R $ 934. On the issue of violence, the difference between the rate of intolerance against blacks and browns and whites in Brazil is very high, which shows that racial prejudice often costs the victim's life. Homicide deaths among young people aged 15 to 29 demonstrate this disparity, that is, the homicide rate in this age group (per 100,000 young people) is 98.5 for blacks and browns, and 34.0 for whites, as well as, for black and brown men it is 185.0 and for whites it is 63.5, a very big difference, demonstrating that racism against black and brown men is still very high in Brazil. For women, the rate is 10.1 for black and mixed race, and 5.2 for white, which are low, however, the homicide rate for black and mixed race women is almost double that of white. In the data on literacy, for the population aged 15 and over, 3.9% of whites are not literate, and among blacks and browns, the rate is 9.1%, that is, referring to the population that does not have basic education, blacks and browns are the majority. In urban areas, 3.1% of whites and 6.8% of blacks or browns are not illiterate, while in rural areas 11.0% of whites, and 20.7% of blacks and browns do not have a basic education diploma. Thus, it is evident that life in rural areas makes access to education difficult, often due to the need for labor for family farming activities. As well, 40.3% of the black or brown population has completed high school, while among whites, the rate is 55.8%. Among young people aged 18 to 24 years, 1.4% of whites have only elementary education, while for blacks and browns this rate is 4.9%. It is also important to highlight that 14.7% of whites have completed high school, and 78.8% attend or have attended higher education, while among blacks and browns 29.6% have only attended high school, and 55.6 % attended higher education. This percentage of blacks in higher education is due to the increase in quota policies, which aims to reduce racial inequality in the country.

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In the political environment and in housing issues, there are also large rates of difference, where among politicians, 75.6% of elected federal deputies are white, and only 24.4% are black or brown. As in the case of housing, 7.0% of black or brown families share a house with only one room, on the other hand, for white families, this rate is 3.6%, and among young people aged 15 to 29 years, 84.3% of blacks and browns have means of accessing the internet, whereas among whites, this number corresponds to 92.5%. In other words, with these data it is noted that, even though the black or brown population in Brazil is larger than that of whites, there is still a lot of racial inequality in all spheres of society. Public policies aimed at helping to reduce this inequality have grown in the country, generating criticism from one side of society, which argues that these disadvantage the white class, and the black practice “auto-racism”, as well as, on the other hand, there are people who credit them with effectiveness, as a way to combat the historical inequalities suffered by the black or brown population, to generate lower rates of racial inequality. One of the most positive ways to combat inequality, be it class or race, is education. Education allows the subject to make a transformation from a naive conscience to a critical and reflexive conscience, an essential factor in the search for better living conditions. For Freire (1979), education acts as an agent of social transformation, since it places the subject as a possible builder of his own history, capable of problematizing his relations with the world. As well, the higher the subject's level of education, the greater the chances of economic growth, and with that it can be said that education works in favor of social and also racial inequality.

VI. BLACK POPULATION AND HIGHER EDUCATION Guimarães (2003) points out that in 1978 there was a meeting in São Paulo between various political and cultural organizations of the black community, aiming to deepen the union and raise flags to fight against racial prejudice, and thus, they founded the Unified Black Movement Against . According to these communities, prejudice due to color was an obstacle to the development and of the black Brazilian people, and it also generated a lack of adequate conditions to compete in the labor market, due to the precariousness of formal education. The post-military dictatorship governments implied a policy of valuing private universities to the detriment of public universities, where in 1985 40% of students were enrolled in public universities, and in 1998 that number dropped to 19%. This increase in the number of private universities also led to an increase in the number of private basic schools, but on opposite sides, while in the private basic school there was an incentive to study and prepare students for entry into public universities, which generated teaching of higher quality, public basic education was not of sufficient quality for its students to obtain places in public higher education, causing them to enter private universities. In order to have a higher education diploma, the majority of the black population had to enter private education, which resulted in diplomas that were often devalued, which further increased racial discrimination. With the difficulty in entering public higher education due to the difficult exams, the poorest families were unable to enter higher education, and thus, as the majority of black families were poor, they were unable to have a higher education. In the government of President Fernando Henrique Cardoso (FHC), there was a greater dialogue with the demands for affirmative actions, mainly those related to the black movement, due to the fact that many international statistical data present great inequality of races in the country. Guimarães (1998) highlights that between the eighties and the first half of the nineties, there was a great mobilization around the centenary of the Abolition of Slavery, which raised more reflections about racial inequalities. But, in fact, there was no educational policy in the FHC government that would allow blacks to become more involved in quality higher education. The Minister of Education Souza (2001) stated that the lack of access by blacks to universities was due only to the poor quality of basic education, which, according to his administration, would be solved with the valorization of basic education, thus, in the future, blacks would have access to education, as well as poor whites, thus leading to a greater possibility of entering higher education for both. By the 2000s, the number of blacks in higher education in Brazil was very low. Guimarães (2003) in his analysis on higher education presents some data. According to him, at the University of São Paulo (USP), the largest university in Brazil and the state of São Paulo, 78.2% of his students were white, while only 8.3% were black, in a state with 27.4% black population. At the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ), the largest public university in the state of Rio de Janeiro, there were 76.8% of white students, and 20.3% of black students, in a state with a 44.63% black population. As also in the state of Bahia, the Federal University of Bahia (UFBA), where in the state blacks are 74.95% of the population, but in the university they are only 42.6%. These rates have been decreasing in recent years due to the increase in quotas, either with percentages of points in the tests, as well as in vacancies destined to these categories.

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VII. THE QUOTA POLICY AND ITS IMPORTANCE FOR REDUCING RACIAL INEQUALITIES AND PREJUDICE First, we must categorize university quotas. Campos et.al (2017) highlights that quotas are affirmative policies, which work on the development of redistributive measures aiming at correcting historical inequalities accumulated by groups in society. The policy, like the quota system, works by reserving vacancies, or assigning points in the exams destined to citizens in socially unfavorable conditions, either due to financial conditions or who have attended a low quality high school. There are also quotas for blacks, which aim to reduce racial inequalities in the country. Racial quotas generate different opinions in the context of education, which makes its debate broad, and with many positions. For Campos et.al (2017), the quota policy in Brazil, considering that it was not long ago that the Golden Law was signed, is very necessary, mainly due to three factors, such as: 1) The policies of quotas favors an integration of different cultures carried by different student profiles; 2) They act in a historical correction of the losses arising from the period of slavery; 3) Works to reduce social inequalities arising from racial discrimination. Guarniere and Melo-Silva (2017) investigated the conception of different sectors of society, such as academics, parliamentarians, representatives of social movements and also public managers, and surveyed the criticisms of the racial quota system, and the main ones were: 1) Risk of increasing racism in Brazil; 2) Statistical manipulation of the “brown” category, in order to facilitate entry to higher education; 3) The issue of poverty as a determinant of ; and 4) The illegitimate nature of actions to repair the damage caused by slavery. In this view, quotas act as an alarming factor in increasing racism. But, why do such surveys translate to an untrue analysis of the functioning of quotas? In item 1 he mentions that the quota policy can lead to an increase in racism in Brazil, which really is a true factor, and this happens as stated by Jackman (1994), highlighting that in this case there is what is called the ideology of paternalism, where the dominant group recognizes that it is in the line of favoritism, it realizes that there are prejudices and injustices in society, but does not give up the place of dominance. In other words, quota policies may, for some, translate the image of favoritism to blacks, and take away from others the opportunity, increasing racism, but, if blacks have the opportunity to enter higher education, their qualification increases, and racial inequalities are decreasing more and more, making them more critical and active in combating attacks on structural racism. In item 2 there is a mention that there is manipulation of the population to facilitate entry into higher education, that is, some whites say that they are brown to increase the chances of entering higher education. However, this is not a justification for the cancellation of quotas, since it is up to public and private bodies to inspect such demands. As well, if there is still racial discrimination and prejudice in the country, there will also be portions of the population that do not act in a fair and democratic manner under the rule of law. In item 3, he mentions that poverty is not a determining factor for social exclusion. However, Silva (2005) points out that according to the International Labor Organization, which reformulated the term poverty, stated that this is not only the absence of economic goods or income, but also the lack of opportunities and choices. Now, a large part of the population suffers social exclusion due to having to leave aside mechanisms of social success, to have more hours of work, and they also do not participate actively in political discussions, just as they want to attend higher education and cannot therefore having to work to help with household income. Thus, it can be said that there is a direct link between poverty and social exclusion, linked through a vicious cycle, where one tends to originate the other and vice versa. In item 4, he mentions that quotas can act as illegitimate actions to repair the damage caused by slavery. However, characterizing quotas as illegitimate reparations demonstrates that there is still an elite culture that does not understand the need for democratic adjustments in the face of historical inequalities. Rodrigues, da Silva and Mangaba (2019) cite that university quotas have the potential for the academic promotion of young people who have social disadvantage, and this is one of the first steps to end racism in Brazil, and that without these quotas, hardly these young people would have access to higher education, and thus, this access can guarantee an improvement in the quality of life. According to data from INEP (2017), in 2015, due to quota policies, there was a 384% increase in the number of black or brown students enrolled in Higher Education Institutions, a considerable increase for the reduction of race inequalities. In other words, quotas enter a scenario in which Brazil has not completely detached itself from past periods, and therefore affirmative policies are necessary to be able to insert blacks in a reality capable of bringing about these social changes. Lima, Neves and Silva (2014) affirm that when the different groups interact in a considered way, there is a reduction of prejudice towards each other, thus leading to a decrease in violence. And so, Theodoro (2019) also points out, that the abolition of slavery in Brazil in 1888 did not represent total freedom, such as, equal access to blacks, as well as, even in the face of the Law that provides racism as a crime, there is still prejudice against them in different social spaces. However, quotas are necessary

DOI: 10.9790/0837-2512100916 www.iosrjournals.org 14 |Page Reflections on the inclusion of quota policies for blacks and browns in higher education as .. for blacks to have greater chances of professional qualification, and to exercise greater critical awareness in the face of prejudiced actions. In other words, a higher professional qualification reduces the inequality rates, which, consequently, tends to decrease gradually with structural racism.

VIII. CONCLUSION Even with the Eusébio de Queiroz Law, and later Leu Áurea, in Brazil, there were no public policies aimed at inserting newly freed peoples into society, that is, they could no longer be enslaved, but also many had no prospects of where and how to work, which culminated in a culture of apparent racism. Black men went to work as carpenters and masons, and women in domestic service, a fact that can also be observed in literary works of the last century, where there is, in many cases, evidence of racism present in society, and which was not understood as a bad deed. After a certain period in the country's history, social scientists began to understand the importance of creating anti-racism laws, in the face of physical and moral violence that blacks suffered from the Brazilian elite. But, there was still a lot of racial inequality, a fact that has been decreasing with time, however it is still present. Education is the best bridge for social change that can change life by qualifying human beings to exercise greater critical and reflective competence, which also generates economic advances, so it is necessary that blacks have the right to access University education. There is still a lot of racial difference in Brazil, a phenomenon that comes from colony Brazil, and blacks still have less chance of entering higher education, due to traces of the slave era, so racial quotas in universities are necessary and essential to promote the insertion of the young black man in the academy. The professional qualification of the Negro, increased due to the quota policy is one of the first steps to end, or certainly, to reduce, the racism that still exists in Brazil, since due to the remains of slavery, it is difficult for the Negro to enter higher education. , at least in the first half of the 21st century. Therefore, quota policies in Brazilian universities have the potential to promote opportunities for discriminated students to have access to the academy, increasing professional qualification, which is directly linked to an improvement in living conditions, which increasingly inserts them into all sectors of society, and also allows for cultural enrichment.

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João Pedro Mardegan Ribeiro. “Reflections on the inclusion of quota policies for blacks and browns in higher education as an alternative to the fight against historical racial inequality in Brazil.” IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science (IOSR-JHSS), 25(12), 2020, pp. 09-16.

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