Journal of Phonetics 40 (2012) 162–176

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Journal of Phonetics

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Coarticulation between tone and glottal in Itunyoso Trique

Christian T. DiCanio n

Laboratoire Dynamique du Langage, Universite´ de Lyon-2, France article info abstract

Article history: This paper investigates the realization of contrastive tone in three non-modal contexts Received 13 May 2010 (creaky phonation, glottal closure, and breathy phonation) in Itunyoso Trique, an Oto-Manguean Received in revised form language spoken in Oaxaca, Mexico. The study examines how coarticulatory (creaky 21 September 2011 phonation, glottal closure) coincides with coarticulatory pitch perturbations and spectral tilt changes Accepted 5 October 2011 on neighboring . The onset of laryngeally induced F perturbation effects and the timing of Available online 10 November 2011 0 changes in spectral tilt were examined using acoustic data from six speakers of the language. The results show that in contexts where substantial non-modal phonation spreads onto the adjacent , greater pitch effects are observed. In contexts where abrupt glottal closure occurs, less coarticulatory changes in spectral tilt and pitch are observed on adjacent vowels. In addition, strong tonal effects are observed for certain spectral measures. These findings are discussed in relation to the literature on tonogenesis and coarticulatory pitch effects. & 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

1. Introduction tone1 or phonation-type contrasts has received relatively less attention. These studies have concentrated mainly on tone–tone One of the principal topics of study in phonetics is how sounds coarticulation (Brunelle, 2003; Peng, 1997; Xu, 1994, 1997, 1999, are coarticulated with one another in the process of speech 2004, 2005; Xu & Liu, 2006; Xu & Sun, 2002) and, to a lesser production. Coarticulation varies considerably cross-linguistically extent, tone–syllable alignment (Maddieson, 2004; Myers, 2000; (Beddor, Harnsberger, & Lindemann, 2002; Farnetani & Recasens, Xu, 2004, 1998; Xu & Liu, 2006; Zsiga & Nitisaroj, 2007). Yet, few 1999; Gibbon, Hardcastle, & Nicolaidis, 1993; Han, 2007; studies address how tones are coarticulated with particular sound Maddieson & Emmorey, 1985; Manuel, 1990, 1999; O¨ hman, types (see Silverman, 1997a, 1997b; Xu & Xu, 2003; Zee, 1980). 1967; Przezdziecki, 2005; Scarborough, 2004; Whalen, 1990). The present work focuses on how tone is coarticulated with A substantial amount of research has argued that such variation glottal consonants in Itunyoso Trique, an Oto-Manguean language is not merely language-specific, but the result of more general with nine contrastive tones (DiCanio, 2008). The language is ideal mechanistic (Browman & Goldstein, 1986, 1990; Byrd, 1996a, for the investigation of tone–glottal coarticulation, because tones 1996b; Gick, 1999; Gick, Campbell, Oh, & Tamburri-Watt, 2006; are distributed quite freely in contexts with glottal consonants, Krakow, 1989, 1993, 1999) or perceptual constraints on speech e.g. on vowels in /Vsegment tions reduce coarticulation to more general linguistic principles, a coarticulation and to test how changes in the relative timing of number of recent cross-linguistic studies argue that coarticulation glottal consonants affect F0 on adjacent vowels. is not sensitive to perceptual or mechanical factors, but is largely The study also tests the hypothesis that gradual phasing language-specific. Language-specific factors which influence coar- between vowels and glottal consonants will result in greater ticulatory timing include lexical contrast (Scarborough, 2004), coarticulatory effects on F0 (Silverman, 1997b). Abrupt phasing phonological inventory size (Manuel, 1999), and the phonological occurs where the glottal consonants surface with long-duration distribution of contrasts (Bird, Caldecott, Campbell, Gick, & Shaw, closure (for a ), or long-duration voiceless aspiration 2008; Howe & Pulleyblank, 2001; Manuel, 1999; Miller, 2007). (for a glottal ). Gradual phasing of glottal consonants A majority of the research on coarticulation has focused occurs when they are accompanied with creaky and breathy on and vowel timing. Work on the coarticulation of phonation. Assuming that abrupt transitions are associated with

n Tel.: þ33 4 69 60 07 01. 1 In this paper, all references to tone refer to lexical pitch contrasts, not E-mail addresses: [email protected], [email protected] intonational units.

0095-4470/$ - see front matter & 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.wocn.2011.10.006 C.T. DiCanio / Journal of Phonetics 40 (2012) 162–176 163 smaller coarticulatory effects (and less coarticulatory blending) 2003). These findings suggest that one cannot easily predict how

(Farnetani & Recasens, 1999; Munhall & Lofqvist,¨ 1992), one ejectives and aspirated will influence F0. predicts less F0 perturbation in contexts where glottal consonants For glottal closure gestures unassociated with are abruptly phased and greater F0 perturbation effects in con- gestures, similar mixed findings are observed. Historically, coda texts where they are gradually phased. Coda glottalization is glottal closure induced pitch-raising in Vietnamese tonogenesis abruptly phased in Itunyoso Trique, while coda breathiness and (Diffloth, 1989; Haudricourt, 1954; Thurgood, 2002), Chinese intervocalic glottalization are gradually phased.2 tonogenesis (Matisoff, 1973), Molinos and San Miguel el Grande The article is organized as follows: in Section 1.1, I provide a Mixtec tonogenesis (Durr,¨ 1987), and Kaska and Tanacross Atha- background on the interaction between glottal consonants, non- baskan tonogenesis (Kingston, 2005). In Burmese, only low tones modal phonation type, and F0.InSection 1.2, I provide a short surface before a coda [<], reflecting a historical pattern of pitch- discussion of the predictions in the current study. In Section 1.3, lowering before coda glottal closure (Lee, 2008). However, glottal I provide the background of the Itunyoso Trique language. In closure also induced pitch-lowering in Sarcee and Navajo tono- Section 2, I discuss the methods used for the elicitation and genesis (Kingston, 2005) and in Silacoyoapan and Alacatlazala analysis of the spectral tilt and F0 data. In Sections 3.2–3.4,I Mixtec tonogenesis (Durr,¨ 1987). In Mixtepec Mixtec, historical present the results for each of the three comparisons. In Section 4, n/Lhasa Tibetan (Hu & Xiong, 2010) but terns of F0 perturbation. F0-raising on the preceding vowel in (Hombert, Ohala, & Ewan, 1979). In some cases, glottal closure may simply fail to

induce any consistent F0 perturbations on adjacent vowels, as in 1.1. The relationship between non-modal phonation type and F0 Navajo (DeJong & McDonough, 1993). The patterns observed for glottal are different. When Prior to the investigation of tone–glottal coarticulation, I it is unassociated with an oral consonant gesture, the typical provide some background on the interaction between glottal pattern is for F0-lowering to occur (Hombert et al., 1979). For states and F0. Non-modal phonation type and glottal consonants instance, it is well-established that Vietnamese falling tones are known for influencing F0, both synchronically (DiCanio, 2009; derived from historical coda /h/ (Thurgood, 2002). In Kickapoo Garellek & Keating, 2011; Lee, 2008; Mazaudon & Michaud, 2008; (Algonquian), vowels preceding a preaspirated stop or /h/ are

Silverman, 1997b; Watkins, 2002), and diachronically via pro- produced with a low F0 (Gathercole, 1983). In Arabic, the vowel ¨ cesses of tonogenesis and tonal mutation (Durr, 1987; preceding a coda /h/ also undergoes F0 lowering (Hombert, 1976). Haudricourt, 1954; Hombert, 1979; Kingston, 2005; Mazaudon The variability in glottally induced F0 perturbation effects can & Michaud, 2008; Svantesson & House, 2006; Thurgood, 2002). be partially explained if one considers how glottal gestures can Glottal closure and glottal frication have been associated with F0- overlap within the speech signal. In contexts where glottal lowering and F0-raising on adjacent vowels. Non-modal phona- frication does not occur with devoicing, a breathy or lax phona- tion types, such as breathy, creaky, and tense phonation, also vary tion type may occur. In contexts adjacent to glottal closure or in the magnitude to which they perturb F0. Yet, there is a greater when complete glottal closure is not achieved, creaky or tense convergence in the literature concerning the relationship between phonation may occur. Both breathy and creaky phonation type phonation type and F0 than there is for glottal consonants and F0. induce F0-lowering (Gordon & Ladefoged, 2001). Examples where Coarticulatory F0 effects associated with glottal closure or breathy or lax phonation induce F0-lowering are found in a frication vary depending on whether the glottal gesture is bound variety of languages, such as Chong (DiCanio, 2009; Thongkum, with an oral consonant gesture. For instance, ejective consonants 1991), Wa (Watkins, 2002), Hani (Ladefoged & Maddieson, 1985), which surface with complete glottal closure (so called stiff Yi (Ladefoged & Maddieson, 1985), Jalapa Mazatec (Garellek & ejectives) often induce F0-raising on the following vowel, whereas Keating, 2011), and Santa Ana del Valle Zapotec (Esposito, 2004). slack ejectives induce F0-lowering and creaky phonation on the Absent are cases where breathy phonation causes F0-raising to following vowel (Kingston, 1985). This distinction between ejec- occur. Creaky phonation is also associated with significant tive types is theoretically appealing, as it categorizes abruptly F0-lowering in a variety of languages, such as San Lucas Quiavinı´ timed glottal gestures with certain predictable phonetic effects Zapotec (Cha´vez Peo´ n, 2010), Santa Ana del Valle Zapotec and more gradually timed glottal gestures with different effects. (Esposito, 2004), Yucatec Maya (Frazier, 2009), Coatzospan Mixtec However, this distinction is also problematic. For instance, in (Gerfen & Baker, 2005), Mandarin Chinese (Silverman, 1997b), Witsuwit’en, ejectives induce F0-lowering for some speakers and within English (Hillenbrand & Houde, 1996; Huffman, 2005).

(mostly women) and F0-raising for others (mostly men) (Wright, Tense phonation, on the other hand, co-occurs with higher F0 Hargus, & Davis, 2002). The authors observed F0-lowering and values (DiCanio, 2009; Ladefoged & Maddieson, 1985). F0-raising effects for both longer, prototypically stiff ejectives and for shorter slack ejectives. F0 lowering and raising patterns 1.2. Predictions concerning coarticulatory F0 effects are also observed for aspirated obstruents. Higher F0 is observed after aspirated stops in Korean (Cho, Jun, & Ladefoged, 2002; Dart, The greater consistency of F0 effects associated with phonation 1987; Hardcastle, 1973; Jun, 1993, 1995), Cantonese (Francis, type allows us to make certain predictions. If glottal consonants Ciocca, Ka Man Wong, & Ka Lam Chan, 2006), and English are produced in a gradual manner, with substantial accompany- (Hombert, 1975; Kingston, Diehl, Kirk, & Castleman, 2008). How- ing changes in non-modal phonation type, one predicts to find ever, aspirated stops condition F0-lowering in Mandarin (Xu & Xu, significant F0 effects on an adjacent vowel. However, the predic- tions for abruptly timed glottal consonants are unclear. One possibility, comprehensively discussed in Silverman (1997b),is 2 Throughout this paper, glottalization is used as a general term for either sustained glottal closure (a glottal stop) or vocal fry. Creaky phonation is used that glottal consonants are abruptly phased relative to vowels solely to refer to vocal fry (Gerratt & Kreiman, 2001). so that they may be perceptually recovered by the listener. 164 C.T. DiCanio / Journal of Phonetics 40 (2012) 162–176

Table 1 Tones on monosyllables in laryngeal contexts.

Pitch Glottal Tone CV Gloss CV< Gloss CVh Gloss Target Gesture /4/ b7e4 hair nn beh4 beat.3sg (intr.) /3/ n7e3 plow n7e<3 straw rope n7eh3 dream Non-overlap permits tone /2/ n7e2 to lie (tr.) n7i<2 smelly b7eh2 cave to be more clearly cued. /1/ n7e1 naked

Overlap interferes with tonal cues. contrasts nine tonal patterns, tone is asymmetrically distributed, where a much smaller subset of the contrastive tones in the Fig. 1. Coarticulatory overlap governed by perceptual constraints. language may occur on a non-final syllable than on a final syllable. Certain tones have a restricted distribution with respect In languages with contrastive use of phonation type and tone, or to the coda glottal consonants /h/ and /

F0. This idea is schematized in Fig. 1. by contrast, is normally realized with complete glottal closure in This explanation for the timing of F0 relative to phonation-type all contexts. Coda laryngeal consonants are both lexically and or glottal contrasts is compelling, as it accounts for the phonolo- morphologically contrastive. gical distribution of such contrasts in a large number of languages Due to the fact that more contrasts occur in final syllables in of the world. While speakers may be generally sensitive to how the language, the present study focuses on the coarticulation of they may be perceived by listeners, there is less clear phonetic tone only in final syllables in the different glottalization contexts evidence that such knowledge plays a role in determining in Table 1. Additionally, a variety of tones occur in the context of coarticulatory overlap. In terms of coarticulation, Silverman’s an intervocalic glottal stop, shown in Table 2. Intervocalic glottal theory predicts that abrupt glottal phasing prevents coarticula- stops are typically realized as creaky phonation without full tory F0 effects. If glottal consonants are produced in an abrupt glottal closure. As a comparison to the context of final glottaliza- manner, without substantial coarticulatory changes in non-modal tion, the realization of tone was examined in this intervocalic phonation type, one predicts less F0 perturbation. The current context. Spectrograms and waveforms demonstrating the realiza- study directly examines the hypothesis that the magnitude of tion of intervocalic and final glottalization are given in Fig. 2. Both coarticulatory overlap between glottal consonants and vowels is of these examples were extracted from similar carrier sentences. correlated with the amount of corresponding F0 perturbation. Apart from testing this relationship, this paper addresses a separate empirical question: how are tones and laryngeals pro- 2. Methods duced in Itunyoso Trique. Three comparisons were made which tested the magnitude of 1.3. Itunyoso Trique background and phonology tone–laryngeal coarticulation in Trique words: /V:/ vs. /Vh/, /V:/ vs. /V

Table 2 Tones in context of intervocalic /

s2 /4/ /3/ /2/ /1/ /43/ /32/ /45/

s1 /4/ ja~4

n e e h e

Fig. 2. Intervocalic /

words for each phonological context partly reflect the way target per speaker. Sentences produced with disfluencies were discarded words were collected during fieldwork, but are also a conse- and not analyzed. quence of each context having fewer contrastive tones. Only three tones are contrastive before a coda /

Prior to recording, a consent form was presented to speakers /Vh/, and /V

1988; Pennington, 2005; Watkins, 2002). Two measures of VoiceSauce estimates F0 using the Straight method (Kawahara, spectral tilt were used: H1–H2 and H1–A3. The first measure de Cheveigne´, & Patterson, 1998) and formant values using the usually distinguishes among breathy, modal, and tense or creaky Snack Sound Toolkit (Sjolander,¨ 2004). Estimates of harmonic and phonation types. It reflects the difference in amplitude between formant amplitude are made F0-synchronously over a four F0 the first harmonic, H1, and the second, H2. This corresponds to period window. All spectral tilt data in VoiceSauce are corrected changes in the duration of the return phase of the glottal pulse to adjust for the effect of vowel formants, following the formula (Kreiman et al., 2007). The second measure, H1–A3, has been discussed in Iseli, Shue, and Alwan (2007). As such, all H1–H2 and reliably used to distinguish between breathy and non-breathy the H1–A3 values reported here reflect this adjustment. phonation types (Blankenship, 2002; DiCanio, 2009). It reflects For the /V

β eh

3.957 4.275 Time (s)

Fig. 3. Realization of Coda /h/ as [9]. C.T. DiCanio / Journal of Phonetics 40 (2012) 162–176 167

80–280 Hz. for male speakers and 100–450 Hz for female speak- was found across syllable conditions, but there was a strong effect ers. Following the calculation of these measures, data from all of sex on H1–H2 values in the /V7/ syllable condition (t[2700]¼7.6, subjects were grouped together and statistically analyzed using R po:001). In addition, a strong F0 syllable condition effect was (R Development Core Team, 2009). observed for this condition (t[2700]¼11.0, po:001). However, For each syllable condition, the results were normalized into these two effects are not independent. Female speakers have z-scores and statistically analyzed using a generalized linear higher F0 ranges than male speakers do. mixed effects model (lme4) with speaker treated as a random For the H1A3 measure, there was a significant main effect of effect (Baayen, 2008; Bates, 2005). As dynamic measures were F0 (t[2700]¼4.1, po:001). Lower F0 values correlated with higher taken, time was treated as a discrete variable with six levels in H1–A3 values. No main effect of sex was found across syllable this model. In mixed effects models, p-values are calculated not conditions, nor were there any significant interactions with sex. based on a standard degrees of freedom value, but on the upper Significant F0 syllable condition interactions occurred for the bound of the degrees of freedom (df¼total observationsfixed /V7/ syllable condition (t[2700]¼5.3, po:001) and for the /Vh/ effects parameters). This is typical for mixed effects models, as the syllable condition (t[2700]¼3.9, po:05). While the relationship estimation of the degrees of freedom is not clearly established between H1–A3 and F0 was not as strong as the relationship (Baayen, 2008; Bates, 2005). Two sets of p-values were obtained between H1–H2 and F0, the two spectral tilt measures showed from the mixed effects model, one using Markov-chain Monte- opposite patterns. Higher F0 values are correlated with higher Carlo (MCMC) sampling and another based on the t distribution. H1–H2 values, while lower F0 values are correlated with higher The p-values reported here derive from the t distribution, but H1–A3 values. were validated against those from the MCMC simulation, which Sex is a significant predictor of F0 range. However, when it is adjusts for random effects. The value given with the t-statistic, included in models along with F0, it is not significant. These e.g. t[num], reflects the upper bound on the degrees of freedom. findings suggest that sex-specific differences in the data are

This statistical analysis controls for the lack of balance in the mostly attributable to variation in F0. As such, Sex is not included current design and has been used in similar studies analyzing in the statistical models for the spectral tilt measures in the spectral tilt and F0 in Jalapa Mazatec, a related language (Garellek following sections. It is included only in the analysis of F0 & Keating, 2011). differences.

3.2. /V7/ vs. /Vh/ 3. Results In each of Sections 3.2–3.4, general results from linear mixed 3.1. The effects of sex and F on spectral tilt 0 effect models are presented first. Following this, interactions of general factors (syllable condition, time) with tone are presented. In the following sections, three main linguistic factors: syllable These interactions reflect tone-specific phonetic variability. While condition, tone, and time, were included in the statistical models such findings are important in their own right, they are distin- for each of the three acoustic measures (H1–H2, H1–A3, F ). 0 guished from the general findings for the sake of clarity. Separately, some differences were observed between the speak- ers’ sexes, though this particular non-linguistic factor was not controlled for in the experimental design. It is well-established 3.2.1. Spectral tilt results that female speakers have breathier voices than male speakers Fig. 6 shows the differences in spectral tilt for the /V7/ and /Vh/ (Esposito, 2010; Garellek & Keating, 2011; Hanson & Chuang, syllable conditions with tones /1/, /2/, /3/, /4/, and /32/. Each 1999; Hanson, Stevens, Kuo, Chen, & Slifka, 2001; Klatt & Klatt, spectral tilt measure was analyzed using a generalized linear 1990). As such, females are generally expected to have steeper mixed effects model with three factors: syllable condition (/V7/ vs. glottal source spectrums and higher spectral tilt values. As the /Vh/), tone, and time. Speaker was treated as a random effect. posterior glottal opening is larger for females, more airflow is lost Time was treated as a discrete variable in order to examine time- during glottal vibration. This venting of subglottal pressure specific effects of spectral tilt on the speech signal. The main impedes the magnitude of glottal closure, which results in less factor of syllable condition was significant (t[10 938]¼2.0, excitation of the higher frequencies in the source spectrum po:05), but there were no significant interactions between (Ladefoged et al., 1988). syllable condition and time. This suggests that breathy phonation Because it was not specifically controlled for, the effect of sex caused a general change in H1–H2 values, but none that were on the different acoustic measures was analyzed separately to more strongly associated with specific portions of the rime. In determine whether it should be included as an additional statis- general, the H1–H2 measure distinguished tones in the open tical factor in the following sections. The effect of sex on each of syllable condition from the /Vh/ syllable condition, but the the acoustic measures was analyzed in two different generalized magnitude of this effect differed by tone. linear mixed effects models. In the first analysis, z-score trans- Tones differed in how they were affected by the syllable formed F0 values were analyzed in a model with sex and syllable condition. Significant interactions between tone and syllable condition treated as fixed effects and speaker treated as a random condition were observed for tone 2 (t[10 938]¼2.4, po:05), for effect. In the second analysis, normalized H1–H2 and H1–A3 tone 3 (t[10 938]¼3.4, po:001), and for tone 4 (t[10 938]¼2.4, values were analyzed in a model with syllable condition, normal- po:05). No effect of syllable condition was observed for tone /32/. ized F0, and sex as fixed effects and speaker as a random effect. There was a significant effect of time on spectral tilt at time index For the F0 measure, there was a significant main effect of sex 6(t[10 938]¼2.8, po:01). However, no significant interactions (t[2700]¼5.4, po:001). Female speakers had higher F0 values between syllable condition and time were observed. Tone /4/ was than male speakers. Data showing the pitch ranges for different more substantially affected by changes in spectral tilt than the speakers are given in Fig. 5. other tones were. This is reflected in a significant three-way Fig. 4 shows the effect of sex on spectral tilt values for each interaction between tone 4, time index, and syllable condition syllable condition. For the H1–H2 measure, there was a significant (t[10 938]¼3.0, po:01). main effect of F0 (t[2700]¼5.7, po:001). Higher F0 values corre- For the analysis of H1–A3, no general effect of syllable condition lated with higher H1–H2 values. No main effect of sex on H1–H2 was observed, but there was a significant syllable condition time 168 C.T. DiCanio / Journal of Phonetics 40 (2012) 162–176

15 15 15 15

10 10 10 10

5 5 5 5

0 0 0 0 H1-H2 (dB) H1-H2 (dB) H1-H2 (dB) H1-H2 (dB) -5 -5 -5 -5

-10 -10 -10 -10

-15 -15 -15 -15 Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Sex Sex Sex Sex

50 50 50 50

40 40 40 40

30 30 30 30

20 20 20 20

H1-A3 (dB) 10 H1-A3 (dB) 10 H1-A3 (dB) 10 H1-A3 (dB) 10

0 0 0 0

-10 -10 -10 -10

Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Sex Sex Sex Sex

Fig. 4. Effect of sex on H1–H2 values, by syllable condition (top). Effect of sex on H1–A3 values, by syllable condition (bottom).

tilt values are observed at the end of the rime duration in the 400 context where breathy phonation is strongest. This finding is at odds with the previous literature. It is discussed in Section 4.2.

300

3.2.2. F0 results

F0 (Hz) Fig. 7 shows the F on tones on /Vh/ rimes and, as a comparison, 200 0 on open syllables. In the /V7/ condition, most of the phonological

level tones are realized with no significant changes in F0. However, 100 tone /1/ falls slightly during the first half of the vowel duration. The

F0 differences between tones /1/ and /2/ are smaller than those ABC JMW between either tones /2/ and /3/ or /3/ and /4/.4

Speaker The F0 measure was statistically analyzed using a generalized linear mixed effects model with four factors: syllable condition Fig. 5. Pitch range for different Trique speakers. Speakers A and M are female. (/V7/ vs. /Vh/), tone, time, and sex. Speaker was treated as a random All other speakers are male. effect and time was treated as a discrete variable. A significant main effect of syllable condition was found (t[10 938]¼3.5, interaction at time index 6 (t[10 938]¼2.4, po:05) and a significant p :001) along with significant syllable condition time interac- general effect of time (t[10 938]¼2.5, po:05). This finding reflects a o lowering of H1–A3 at the end of the rime duration for tones in the tions at time index 3 (t[10 938]¼3.0, po:01), 4 (t[10 938]¼2.9, /Vh/ syllable condition. A few tone-specific effects were observed as po:01), 5 (t[10 938]¼2.9, po:01), and 6 (t[10 938]¼3.5, well. There was a significant time syllable condition tone inter- po:001). This finding reflects F0 lowering associated with the presence of breathy phonation. A significant main effect of sex was action at time index 4 for tone /2/ (t[10 938]¼3.2, po:01), tone /3/ also found in the data (t[10 938]¼6.8, p :001), but with no (t[10 938]¼2.9, po:05), and tone /32/ (t[10 938]¼3.7, po:001). o This finding was reflected in the significantly higher H1–A3 values significant interactions. for these tones at this time index. Non-modal phonation did not affect all tones equally. There These data demonstrate that breathy phonation in the /Vh/ were significant syllable condition tone interactions for tone syllable condition corresponds with changes in spectral tilt. /2/ (t[10 938]¼3.5, po:001), tone /3/ (t[10 938]¼2.7, po:01), However, the typical pattern is for vocalic breathiness to induce raising of H1–H2 values (Garellek & Keating, 2011; Nı´ Chasaide & 4 For an in-depth discussion of the phonetic differences between tones in Gobl, 1997; Pennington, 2005). In the data above, lower spectral open syllables, I refer the reader to DiCanio (2008). C.T. DiCanio / Journal of Phonetics 40 (2012) 162–176 169

8 8 T4 T4+h T3 T3+h 6 T2 6 T2+h T1 T1+h T32 T32+h 4 4 H1-H2 (dB) H1-H2 (dB)

2 2

0 0

123456 123456 Time (normalized) Time (normalized) 25 25 T4 T4+h T3 T3+h 20 T2 20 T2+h T1 T1+h T32 T32+h 15 15 H1-A3 (dB) H1-A3 (dB)

10 10

5 5

123456 123456 Time (normalized) Time (normalized)

Fig. 6. Top: H1–H2 values for open syllable tones (left) and tones with coda breathy phonation (right). Bottom: H1–A3 values for open syllable tones (left) and tones with coda breathy phonation (right).

200 T4 200 T4+h T3 T3+h T2 T2+h 180 T1 180 T1+h T32 T32+h

160 160 F0 (Hz) F0 (Hz)

140 140

120 120

123456 123456 Time (normalized) Time (normalized)

Fig. 7. F0 on open syllables (Left) and on syllables with a Coda /h/ (Right). tone /32/ (t[10 938]¼4.8, po:001), and tone /4/ (t[10 938]¼6.4, rime duration. The tones in the /Vh/ syllable condition are po:001). Surprisingly, a higher F0 value was observed for tones realized distinctively from the tones in the open syllable condi- /4/ and /2/ in the first third of the rime duration in the /Vh/ tion. Like the spectral tilt data in the previous section, the effects syllable condition than in the /V7/ syllable condition. Furthermore, of the /Vh/ condition on F0 are more significant in the final part of numerous significant three-way interactions were observed in the the /Vh/ rime. latter half of the /Vh/ rime. Certain tones underwent F0-lowering The data here suggest a strong relationship between breathy earlier in this syllable condition than others. For tones /4/, /2/, and phonation in the /Vh/ syllable condition and F0 perturbation. /32/, F0 lowering begins after the first third of the rime duration. Overall, breathy phonation causes an average F0 fall of 10.1 Hz on For tone /3/, F0 lowering is only significant in the final third of the the final half of the rime. For tones /4/ and /2/, the perturbation 170 C.T. DiCanio / Journal of Phonetics 40 (2012) 162–176 effect was stronger, as shown in Table 3. This finding is explainable observed (t[3480]¼4.6, po:001). All tones were realized with due to the fact that these tones were produced with higher starting lower H1–A3 values in the /V

F0 values in the /Vh/ syllable condition than in the /V7/ condition. condition. A significant syllable condition time interaction occurred as well (t[3408]¼3.2, po:01). This reflects the change 3.2.3. Summary in H1–A3 values across the /V

/Vh/ syllable condition induces F0 lowering effects. Such effects are higher values. In general, the H1–A3 measure more strongly absent in the /V7/ syllable condition. The timing of breathiness in distinguished the two syllable conditions than the H1–H2 the /Vh/ syllable condition is gradual, not abrupt, but affects tones measure did. differently. Tone /1/ does not undergo F0 lowering in the context of breathy phonation, while all other tones do. These findings support 3.3.2. F0 results thehypothesisthatsignificantF0 effects occur in contexts where Fig. 9 shows the F0 values for the three tones examined across non-modal phonation type overlaps adjacent vowels. these two syllable conditions. The results from a generalized linear mixed effects model did 3.3. /V/ vs. /V

were observed. In general, the two syllable conditions were not F0 (Hz) reliably distinguished by the H1–H2 measure. For the analysis of the H1–A3 measure, each of the main 140 effects was significant. A strong effect of syllable condition was

Table 3 120 F0 perturbation effect of breathy phonation, by tone. 123456 T4 (Hz) T3 (Hz) T2 (Hz) T1 (Hz) T32 (Hz) Time (normalized) 17.1 7.0 14.1 1.1 11.0 Fig. 9. F0 values for tones in /V7/ and /V

8 20 T3 T3 T2 T2 6 T1 T1 T3+? 15 T3+? T2+? T2+? 4 T1+? T1+? H1-H2 (dB)

H1-A3 (dB) 10 2

0 5 123456 123456 Time (normalized) Time (normalized)

Fig. 8. H1–H2 values for tones in /V7/ and /V

3.3.3. Summary lower H1–H2 values in the /V

s ã ã

8.466 8.821 Time (s)

Fig. 10. Spectrogram and waveform of /sa~3

10 10 T4 T45+h 8 T3 8 T32+h T1 T13+h 6 6 T4_r T45_r 4 T3_r 4 T32_r T1_r T13_r 2 2 H1-H2 (dB) H1-H2 (dB) 0 0

-2 -2

-4 -4 123456 123456 Time (normalized) Time (normalized)

25 T4+h 25 T45+h T3+h T32+h 20 T1+h 20 T13+h T4_r T45_r 15 T3_r 15 T32_r T1_r T13_r 10 10 H1-A3 (dB) H1-A3 (dB) 5 5

0 0

123456 123456 Time (normalized) Time (normalized)

Fig. 11. Top: H1–H2 values for level tones in /Vh/ and /V

The F0 measure was statistically analyzed using a generalized why this particular pattern should occur; it seems to result from linear mixed effects model with four factors: syllable condition language-specific tone–laryngeal coarticulation strategies. (/V

The data in Fig. 12 suggests similar F0-lowering patterns for the tions. In the /Vh/ context, strong breathy phonation occurs, other tones examined here, but their magnitude is visibly smaller gradually phased from approximately 50% of the [Vh] rime to the than the pattern observed for tone /45/. end, over an average duration of 83 ms. In the /V

T4+h 240 T45+h 200 T3+h T32+h T1+h T13+h 180 T4_r T45_r T3_r 200 T32_r T1_r T13_r 160 F0 (Hz) F0 (Hz)

160 140

120 120

123456 123456 Time (normalized) Time (normalized)

Fig. 12. F0 values for level tones in /Vh/ and /V

non-modal phonation type on the vowel correlates with the mag- data. In the /Vh/ syllable condition, F0 lowering was observed for nitude of F0 lowering. all tones but tone /1/. In the /VMixtecan languages spoken have a mechanical explanation. Since Itunyoso Trique has four near the Puebla-Oaxaca border (in Tepejillo Mixtec, Micaltepec level tones (and a fifth phonetic level for rising tones), the F0 Mixtec, Cacaloxtepec Mixtec, and Ixtapan Mixtec) (Josserand, target for tone /1/ may naturally approach a lower limit in the

1983, p. 274). In a few of these languages, glottalization may be speaker’s F0 range. The lack of F0 perturbation effects on this tone completely lost. It is conceivable that a similar process of glottal may be due to this natural F0 ‘‘floor.’’ Despite changes in the is occurring in Itunyoso Trique. magnitude of glottalization, very low tones cannot be lowered However, all laryngeal codas are equally delimitative in Trique, any further. A separate tone effect was observed in the /V

ciated F0 perturbation effects than with changes in phonation type. This explanation diverges from the one given for creaky 4.2. F0 perturbation effects phonation type, where the direction of change in spectral tilt

correlates with the direction of F0 change. Finally, it is worth Three F0 perturbation patterns, corresponding to the three noting that differences in the durational properties for individual laryngealized syllable conditions, were observed in the Trique tones and differences in speech rate may have influenced the degree to which tones were influenced by coarticulatory effects of 5 It is possible that spectral tilt differences accompanied glottalization in these non-modal phonation. The influence of tonal duration on coarti- languages too, though these authors did not investigate this. culation is a promising topic for future research. 174 C.T. DiCanio / Journal of Phonetics 40 (2012) 162–176

Within the literature on tonogenesis, languages with glottal Boersma, P., Weenink, D. (2009). Praat: Doing phonetics by computer [computer consonants evolve into systems with contrastive tone. The coarti- program]. /www.praat.orgS. Browman, C., & Goldstein, L. (1986). Towards an articulatory phonology. Phonology culatory patterns observed here suggest a path by which such Yearbook, 3, 219–252. patterns begin. Greater coarticulatory non-modal phonation Browman, C., & Goldstein, L. (1990). Tiers in articulatory phonology, with some induces pitch changes on a portion of the rime. While these implications for casual speech. In: J. Kingston, & M. E. Beckman (Eds.), Papers changes are coincidental with changes in phonation type, pitch in laboratory phonology 1: Between the grammar and the physics of speech (pp. 341–376). Cambridge University Press. cues begin to be used by listeners in their identification of the Brunelle, M. (2003). Coarticulation effects in Northern Vietnamese tones. Unpub- phonation contrast. In some languages, such as Tamang, evidence lished manuscript. of this process is observed in the compensation between pitch and Byrd, D. (1996a). Influence on articulatory timing in consonant sequences. Journal of Phonetics, 24, 209–244. phonation type by speakers (Michaud & Mazaudon, 2006). Where Byrd, D. (1996b). A phase window framework for articulatory timing. Phonology, lower pitch values occur, less breathy phonation occurs. Where 13, 139–169. higher pitch values occur, more breathy phonation occurs. In the Cha´vez Peo´ n, M. E. (2010). The interaction of metrical structure, tone, and phonation types in Quiavinı´ Zapotec. Ph.D. thesis. The University of British Columbia. /Vh/ syllable condition here, significant pitch lowering occurs with Chitoran, I., Goldstein, L., & Byrd, D. (2002). Gestural overlap and recoverability: the presence of breathy phonation. This lowering pattern may have Articulatory evidence from Georgian. In: C. Gussenhoven, & N. Warner (Eds.), historically influenced tonal patterns in other Trique variants. For Papers in laboratory phonology, Vol. 7). Berlin, New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Cho, T., Jun, S.-A., & Ladefoged, P. (2002). Acoustic and aerodynamic correlates of instance, in Chicahuaxtla Trique (Longacre, 1959), the tonal pattern Korean stops and fricatives. Journal of Phonetics, 30, 193–228. cognate with Itunyoso Trique tone /45/ is /453/. In Itunyoso Trique, Dart, S. (1987). An aerodynamic study of Korean stop consonants: Measurements tone /45/ always surfaces with a coda /h/. However, this particular and modeling. Journal of the Acoustical Society of America, 81(1), 138–147. tone in Chicahuaxtla Trique never surfaces with a coda /h/.6 It is DeJong, K., & McDonough, J. (1993). Tone and tonogenesis in Navajo. UCLA Working Papers in Phonetics: Fieldwork Studies of Targeted Languages likely that the lower final pitch (/3/) in the Chicahuaxtla Trique (Vol. 84, pp. 165–182). tonal contour resulted from coarticulatory changes in pitch asso- DiCanio, C. (2010a). The structure of the Itunyoso Trique Word. manuscript. ciated with the presence of a historical coda /h/. DiCanio, C. T. (2008). The phonetics and phonology of San Martı´n Itunyoso Trique. Ph.D. thesis. University of California, Berkeley. DiCanio, C. T. (2009). The phonetics of register in Takhian Thong Chong. Journal of 4.3. Conclusions the International Phonetic Association, 39(2), 162–188. DiCanio, C. T. (2010). Illustrations of the IPA: San Martı´n Itunyoso Trique. Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 40(2), 227–238. The Itunyoso Trique data demonstrate that both abrupt and DiCanio, C. T., & Cruz Martı´nez, B. (2010). Chungwı Sna´ha´nj nıh, El Mundo Triqui: gradual phasing occur in the production of glottal consonants. 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