:8DGJ The MIT Press Cambridge, Massachusetts London, England :8DGJ 8>L@;<KF)(JK$: Charlie Hailey © 2009 Massachusetts Institute of Technology All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form by any electronic or mechanical means (including photocopying, recording, or information storage and retrieval) without permission in writing from the publisher. MIT Press books may be purchased at special quantity discounts for business or sales promotional use. For information, please e-mail [email protected] or write to Special Sales Department, The MIT Press, 55 Hayward Street, Cambridge, MA 02142. This book was set in Chaparral Pro by The MIT Press. Printed and bound in Spain. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Hailey, Charlie, 1970– Camps : a guide to 21st-century space / Charlie Hailey. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-262-08370-6 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Camps —History—21st century. 2. Camp sites, facilities, etc.— History—21st century. 3. Camping—History—21st century. I. Title. GV191.7.H34 2009 796.54'2—dc22 2008029411 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 For Aidan and Phoebe Glossary m``` Acknowledgments o`m :FEK ( 8LKFEFDP )' Protest Camp )) Theme Camp (*/ Counterhegemonic spaces ), Naturist Camp (+* No Border Camp *' Reenactment Camp (+, Asamblea Permanente *) Museum Camp (+/ Camp Casey *, Backyard Camp (,) Peace Camp +' Wild Camp (,, SDF Camp ++ LNT Camp (,. Mock FEMA Camp +/ Adapted Camp (-+ Civil Camp ,' LTVA Camp (-0 Anarchist Camp ,+ Dry Camp (.) Neo-summer Camp ,- Paved Camp (., *Camp -' Urban Camp (./ Foo Camp -* Car Camp (/( BarCamp -0 Suburban Camp (/, Gaming Camp .+ NASCAR Camp (/. Hacker Camp .. RV Camp (0' Queue Camp /( RV Club Camp (0+ Tree Camp 0' Franchise Camp (0. Wall Camp 0+ Holiday Camp )'' Philosophers’ Camp 0. Summer Camp )'+ Eclipse Camp ('' Glamp )'/ Ice Camp ('. Winter Camp )(* Drift Camp ('/ Camp Meeting )(- Field Camp ((* Bible Camp ))( Base Camp ((0 Girl Scout Camp ))) Camp David ()) World Camp ))- Airlock Campout ()- Boy Scout Camp ))/ Festival Camp ()/ Jamboree Camp )*' Hedonist Camp (*( World Jamboree Camp )*, ) :FEKIFC )+' * E<: Europe of Camps )+) Refugee Camp *)+ Zone d’attente ),' Planned Camp *)/ TPC Camp ),, FEMA City **) Sangatte ),- IDP Camp **/ Offshore Camp )-' Mohajir Camp *+' Immigrant Camp )-( Self-Settled Camp *+) CONUS Camp )-- Transit Facility Camp *++ Overseas Military Facility )-0 GIS Camp *+. FOS Camp ).+ UNRWA Camp *+0 Demobilization Camp )./ Camp Kit *,( GTMO )/, Staging Camp *,. Concentration Camp )/0 Fitted Camp *-' POW Camp )0) Mass Shelter Camp *-* Terrorist Camp )0. Mock Refugee Camp *-/ Mining Camp )00 Blue Tarp Camp *.. Permanent Accommodation Campus Camp */* Camp *') Work Camp */. Man Camp *'+ CCC Camp *0' Kijich’on *'0 Gypsy Camp *0* “A” Camp *(' Meme Camp *0, Boot Camp *(/ Homeless Camp *00 Village Concept Camp +'+ Migrant Camp +(' Hobo Jungle +() Survivalist Camp +(- Notes +)/ Index ,() >CFJJ8IP 88I@ Arctic and Antarctic Research Institute 89: America’s Best Campground 8:8 American Camp Association 8:C Allowable Cabin Load 8@C Amnesty International 8D= Amenity Recreation Fee 8DE? American Museum of Natural History 8FJ Add one and do not skip 8I `o =ff Friends of O’Reilly =FJ Forward Operating Site =FJJ Free and Open Source Software =G: Faslane Peace Camp =IFEK o BD: Kaiserslautern Military Community BF8 Kampgrounds of America C@==K Low-Income Families Fighting Together (New Orleans) CEK Leave No Trace CI8 Louisiana Recovery Authority CK:I Long-Term Community Recovery CKM Long-Term Visitor (in SCI camps) CKM8 Long-Term Visitor Area D:G Migratory Camp Program D:I; Marine Corps Recruit Depot DI Motorhome Resort DF9 Main Operating Base Df; Ministry of Defence (United Kingdom) DFFG Matter out of place DH= Mobile Quarantine Facility DJ= Médecins Sans Frontières (Doctors Without Borders) DJG8 Migrant and Seasonal Agricultural Worker Protection Act DNI Morale, Welfare, and Recreation (U.S. military) E8>GI8 Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act E8J:8I National Association for Stock Car Racing E8MJLGG=8: Naval Support Facility E:8 National Camp Association E o` FJJ Office of Strategic Services FJK Open Space Technology Fo]Xd Oxford Committee for Famine Relief G8Q Periodic Autonomous Zone G;I Partido de la Revolución Democrática GIMG Planned Recreational Vehicle Park GJ Preposition Site GLG Pickup Point H;I Quadrennial Defense Review (report) HFC Quality of Life I8= Royal Air Force I;8 Recreational Demonstration Area I@DG8: Rim of the Pacific IDQ Recreation Management Zone IG Retained Persons IGQ Regional Protection Zone II: Recyclable Refugee Camp IM@8 Recreational Vehicle Industry Association J:? Schengen J:@ Service Civil International J;= Sans domicile fixe J<8 Southeast Asian (hut) J o`` LE<= United Nations Emergency Force LE o``` 8:BEFNC<;>D I greatly appreciate the contributions of those who have helped frame my understanding of the ever-widening relevance of camps. Roger Conover provided critical commentary throughout this process of mapping contemporary camp space. My colleagues and the students at the University of Florida’s School of Architecture have continued to inspire me, and I am also grateful for the support of my family. The University and its College of Design, Construction and Planning provided funding to complete this research. I want to thank Marc Lowenthal, Sandra Minkkinen, and Emily Gutheinz at the MIT Press for skillfully bringing this book to completion. I also thank Susan Clark and Elizabeth Judd. Krystyna Sznurkowski provided indispensable assistance with research and the book’s illustrations. The artists whose efforts help illustrate this work have also reminded me through their critical practices that we must continually reconsider the spaces we make in this world. o`m @EKIF;L:K@FE August 2005 In the early morning of August 28, 2005, New Orleans officials urged residents to prepare as if they were planning to go camping. By 8 a.m. the Superdome had been declared a “refuge of last resort,” and Hurricane Katrina evacuees, soon to be called “refugees,” filled the adapted site—a camp for the estimated twenty thousand disaster victims. As news of the hurricane’s devastation spread, antiwar activist Cindy Sheehan in Texas was breaking down her protest camp, and in Utah a group leaving the Burning Man festival made plans to reconstruct their theme camp as a relief site along the Gulf Coast. Meanwhile, many of the nation’s eight million recreational vehicle owners were camping out across the nation, as the Hurricane Katrina diaspora sought accommodation in FEMA trailers, RV parks, and other forms of temporary housing. Defining the camp is a central problem of our contemporary moment. Camps result from the exceptional circumstances of conflict, natural disaster, displacement, and marginality with increasing frequency and ever-greater facility. How and why these camps are made, where they are located, and how long they endure reveal problems and possibilities associated with our built environment—a context being radically transformed by globalization, mobility, and political flux. Because of their rapid deployment and temporal nature, camps register these forces at their earliest stages and thus provide an important gauge of local and global situations. To ( understand a camp’s paradoxes is to begin to comprehend our current spaces, inexorably affected by militaristic, political, and romantic extremes. Camp spaces no longer just serve recreational and strategic uses but now accommodate an increasingly diverse set of occupants—including detainees, refugees, migrants, pilgrims, activists, tourists, hedonists, and avatars. The complex dynamic between these groups and the internal or external methods of response characterizes the siting and making of each camp. Confronted with the overlapping events of August 2005, I set out to reconsider how camp spaces are currently discussed, imaged, and constructed. The latest resurgence of camps traces critical changes of our contemporary moment and asks us to review how we accommodate that transformation.1 To invoke camping as disaster planning raises questions about the provision of spaces before, during, and after calamity, but it also points toward the officials’ assumption that a general citizenry understands what camping entails and how to prepare for camp life—further suggesting that camp spaces are generally familiar, if not thought to be universally understood. And yet, as the adapted site of the Superdome suggests, camp forms are widely divergent and their programs equally varied. This unsettling range of permutations provides the critical ground to understand how camp spaces are increasingly transforming ways that we think about and make built environments. ) @EKIF;L:K@FE Camp Space and Time I had always thought of camps as ephemeral things, as fleeting event spaces. Certainly the summer camp season passes and images of disaster areas fade, but camp spaces endure. In fact, we are immersed in this camping world, both ideological and experiential. We camp with the kids in our backyards, we arrange ourselves in partisan camps, we watch as camps overflow with twenty million refugees, we fill arenas with disaster victims, we speculate about the locations of terrorist camps, and we marvel at North America’s burgeoning RV culture. Camp spaces have become our environment. The spaces of camps are both open and closed. Far from tautological, this indeterminacy instead specifies the camp environment as spatial field. Camp as campo referenced the open fields of the country, and the Campus Martius accommodated games, training, education, and most importantly the often-unexpected floods of the Tiber River. As Giovanni Battista Piranesi would find with his Campo Marzio plan, the camp can be understood as an engraved field, etched, layered, and ordered by diverse objects and programs. Remote and near, enduring and fleeting, recollected (as in Piranesi’s plan) and direct, events activate and qualify the camping field. Combining field and event, camp is in effect spatial practice. Camp spaces also lie at the confluence of mental and social space. As a spatial production, whether at the scale of the individual or a city, camp is both field of research and a kind of contemporary field research. It was from a camp on Principe Island that Sir Arthur Eddington observed the total solar eclipse and recorded the first measurements of starlight deflection to further the case for Albert Einstein’s theory of relativity. It was the research expedition to the eclipse camp that kept Eddington, a pacifist * and a Quaker, out of another camp for conscientious objectors in northern England. Camps are also defined through time. Just as they are lodged spatially between the open and the closed, camps exist between the temporary and the permanent. From the outset, camps are understood as having a limited, although sometimes indeterminate, duration. Organized camping occurs seasonally or in sessions, laws first crafted in the 1930s require recreational vehicles to remain mobile, volunteer work-service camps limit their stay in “guest spaces” at international locations, FEMA restricts how long evacuees reside in its group housing, and aid agencies plan refugee camps as temporary solutions. In spite of this sometimes- contractual impermanence, camps remain. But in this equally chronic inveteracy occur many types of transitions and layers of occupation. It has become increasingly difficult to define categorically what is temporary and what is permanent. Not resolving these questions but effectively tempering their relevance, camps work conditionally—from temporary to permanent and from permanent to temporary. A close look at this exchange between temporality and permanence will furnish a background and starting point for understanding camp’s paradoxes as well as its contemporary applications. From Temporary to Permanent Waiting to hear about work in Japan, Rudolph M. Schindler went camping. The Viennese architect and his wife Pauline pitched their tent in Yellowstone National Park in October 1921 and discussed their possible departure to oversee Frank + @EKIF;L:K@FE Lloyd Wright’s ongoing Imperial Hotel project. Employment in Japan fell through, and Schindler remained in California as an immigrant. He began construction of the Kings Road house only months after the return from Yellowstone, solidifying his position on the margins of nationality and practice—the Schindler house to become an immigrant’s home at what was then the outer edge of Los Angeles and his early design work soon to be disregarded by Philip Johnson for the International Style exhibition. Before the camping trip, Schindler had written to Richard Neutra that he was “still not at home,” but the Kings Road house marked a growing permanence through its translation of tent fabric into concrete and the architect’s interpretation of the camp’s spaces through the “basic requirements for a camper’s shelter: a protected back, an open front, a fireplace and a roof.”2 The house as permanent camp became, for Schindler and all those who visited him, a communal way of living. In her treatise the “Joys of Camping,” Pauline noted, “we’re really camping,—you’d never see how folk could live at all in such a-rough [sic] and incomplete household, it’s quite wondrous . . . tho [sic] we’ve been too busy even to note the dramatic moment moving into our own ought to be.”3 The camping trip continues through the Schindlers’ first experience of home ownership—a domestic space held, however provisionally, by the tilt-wall structure. These spaces of deracination and rootedness move from the autonomous luxury of camping in the backyard to the urgent necessities of migration and displacement by external forces. The transition from temporary to permanent also occurs at the scale of the city through processes of urbanization. Connections between camp and city are not new. In The Iliad, Homer describes how the Achaeans’ “hollow ships” formed a temporary city at the mouth of the Meander River during a ten-year siege of Troy that rivaled the walled city’s permanence. And Roman military camps (castra) began as outposts of control and colonization to emerge as urban centers like Vienna, , Prague, Barcelona, and Manchester. Development from camp to city also occurs at the scale of building components. Studying the Mediterranean built environment, Michel Butor observed changes in Istanbul’s neighborhoods from temporary occupations to more permanent settlements in which fabric became wood and horizontal density grew vertically.4 In other cases, architects have generated projects for avant-garde urbanisms as crystallizations of the temporary forms of vernacular camps. When architect and planner Constant Nieuwenhuis wrote that a “camping area is a form however primitive of a city,” he was summarizing aphoristically his observations of the vacationing French public and his proposal for a new city. He argued that the large-scale vacation centers reconstituted an urban form in the countryside. If this leisure phenomenon constituted the new urban problem, then for Constant the Gypsy camp suggested a resolution of the camping area’s semipermanence and scale. The Situationist architect’s model for New Babylon emerged from his maquette studies of the Zingari encampments he encountered on Giuseppe Pinot-Gallizio’s Tamaro River property in Italy. How do we design for temporary urbanisms today? And from what sources do we draw and with what constraints do we begin? Working in Florida during the early stages of his architectural career, Paul Rudolph observed the increasing immovability of mobile home parks. As the first mobile home subdivision in the United States, nearby Bradenton’s Trailer Estates continued a trend toward permanence, its origins in the autocamping groups whose members lingered in the municipal camps of the 1920s and 1930s. And in 1941, only six years before Rudolph’s arrival, author E.B. White wrote of his fascination with the residual traces of Florida’s “unfinished cities,” remnants of previous building booms. Rudolph noted the paradox of the camp’s incomplete urbanism: “Once they are there then they are there . . . [the] portability is a misnomer to a degree.”5 Equipped with the idea of the trailer as the “twentieth-century brick,” Rudolph would later design - @EKIF;L:K@FE the Trailer Tower for a Graphic Arts Center in Lower Manhattan. In this conflation of trailer and skyscraper to form a city within a city, or more precisely a permanent campsite in New York City, the architect was following in an avant-garde tradition that involved not only Constant but also the British group Archigram, which frequently drew from camping procedure and its mobile vehicles for projects like Plug-In City and Free Time Node Trailer Cage.6 Today the latent ironies of permanent mobile housing are destabilized by disasters and, particularly in the Southern United States, by a new set of market forces. With increased land values and population, residents of mobile home parks in places like the Florida Keys have been evicted from this now uncertain housing niche. How do we rethink contemporary camp spaces as previously stabilized mobile homes are returned to the road? In translations from camp to city, the avant-garde impetus perhaps overlooks the implications of putting in place what Eileen Gray termed the “temporary concept.” Working at the scale of the house, Gray cautioned against the permanent acceptance of “le style camping,” which she believed was a temporary postwar phenomenon that would not last. In her house E1027, she did, however, take on the “camping style” as a “convenient method for an exceptional circumstance.”7 A frenetic life between the world wars had resulted in uprootedness, an increased exposure of private life, and a general call to action. Paralleling these wartime exigencies were the leisure camps, vacation centers, and weekend cities that had emerged out of legislation granting universal paid holidays. As an architect, Gray participated in the design and planning of these relatively new building types, but her abiding concern lay in the undifferentiated blurring of public and private life—unavoidable in the urbanized spaces of the vacation centers, but undesirable in Gray’s idea of domestic life. If this camping method suppressed intimacy and was symptomatic of an impoverished “inner life,” Gray tried to . accommodate interiority with the private zones of E1027’s main spaces, though they remained for the most part exposed to public view. And she reiterated an interest in clearly differentiating internal and external spaces. Gray’s work reminds us that, in the semipermanence of camps, we contend not only with the question of what happens when camping methods become fixed, but also how the camp’s spaces—open and closed, internal and external—are then affected. Gray believed that artists should take the lead in recovering the inner life and defining stable domestic and public grounds for living—perhaps made more accessible at the domestic scale, but then also underscoring the broader problematic of the urban context. If the realities of Gray’s “le style camping” remain, then how do we negotiate needs for autonomy in contemporary urban and domestic space? And how do camp spaces also make room for a public life? In transitions from temporary to permanent, camps play a part not only in these relations of necessity and autonomy but also in questions of control. Philosopher Giorgio Agamben focuses on the camp as a mechanism of control, often justified by its organizers with calls for necessity. For Agamben, camps are spaces where states of emergency or legal exception have become the rule. In these cases, control through camps is not understood as the effect of physically defensible military outposts but instead as the setting for the normative permanence of a suspended rule of law. The growing number of detention centers and zones d’attente has also elicited responses from protesters, who, often citing Agamben, set up camps adjacent to these concretized states of exception. In an increasingly visible extraterritorial environment, a network of protest camps now interrogates the detention camp’s extralegal permanence. / @EKIF;L:K@FE From Permanent to Temporary Camps also afford shifts from permanence to temporality. This renewed transience might be in response to economic turns or the effects of natural disaster. And in other cases, the camp is a recreational space of play outside societal norms. Where else other than Putnam Camp could Sigmund Freud chop wood with American philosophers in the uncanny spaces of the American wilderness? On August 6, 1809, the architect Benjamin Latrobe wrote in his journal, “A camp meeting however is a thing so outrageous in its form and in its practices, that I resolved to go to one,” before traveling to a meeting held a few miles outside of Georgetown, Virginia.8 Latrobe subsequently noted the camp meeting’s combination of formalized religious experience with the relatively unstructured space of the campground. In his sketches and diagrams, Latrobe documented the potential for societal freedom with a collapsing of the sacred and the profane into a single site as place-event, an indeterminate space temporarily extending the more permanently held tenets of Methodism. Latrobe’s observations hint at a secularization of the meeting—a process made possible by the camp’s geographic distance from the city, its combination of openness and closure, and its conceptual separation from traditional religious forms. In this sense, the architect presages the transformation from Wesleyan Grove’s revival-tent communalism to the recreational tourism of Oak Bluffs on Martha’s Vineyard, while also celebrating the potential educational value of an informal setting. But it will not be until the beginning of the next century that Charles Eliot, president of Harvard University, will speak of his own “conviction that a few weeks spent in a well-organized summer camp may be of more value educationally than a whole year of formal school work.”9 At 0 this point in 1922, Eliot was confirming that the American summer camp, heavily influenced by the earlier British emergence of the Boy Scouts and Camp Fire Girls, had emerged as a pivotal experience of youth. From its early stages in the nineteenth century, organized camping has been a fundamental program for young people, with thousands of camp offerings sanctioned by the American Camping Association and chronicled by former campers like Disney CEO Michael Eisner, for whom camp defined a way of living narrated in his 2005 book, simply titled Camp. In their natural, simulated, and sometimes wholly human- made environments, summer camps have tested the limits of institutional permanence and formalized openness, while maintaining a fixed set of values and principles. In contemporary permutations of this “experiment,” organized camps are joined by camps of the “unconference” movement— further extending, temporally and virtually, Eliot’s ideas about learning formats. Loosely differentiated from the rigorous schedules of conferences and drawing from the open-source technology movement and its philosophers like Harrison Owen, these camps provide an open space to explore self- organization’s capacity for creating environments of dialogue and invention. In 2004, media publisher Tim O’Reilly invited two hundred technorati to camp at his media group’s headquarters, with choices of campsites ranging from tents pitched on the newly sodded grounds to the headquarters building’s vast spaces left empty by the dot-com industry’s decline. Ideas for furthering open-source software were discussed, and Foo Camp was born—eventually spawning other camping experiments including BarCamp, the open- source, open-invitation version of Foo Camp, and Toronto Transit Camp, an ongoing design charrette and “solution playground” for the city’s embattled public transit system. Through its camping format and its virtual presence as “camp blog” on the Internet, the emerging “unconference” (' @EKIF;L:K@FE movement transforms the scheduled rigors and expected outcomes of the conventional conference. Camps also complicate permanence through the layering of successive occupations. Camp’s spaces are readily adapted to various uses and sometimes serve in the transitional phases of development. In the extended process of establishing Taliesin West, Frank Lloyd Wright temporarily installed his workshop on the grounds of an abandoned camp, and the building of Ocotillo Camp grew out of its desert context. The camp was essentially a provisional expansion of the Taliesin site in Wisconsin and a prelude to its Western counterpart. Wright’s camping metaphor of chrysalis, describing Ocotillo’s structures, expresses the phases of the camp and models a space of change.10 This constancy of change also runs through the modern history of the military camp. In its immediate postwar transformations, the permanence of the American university campus was called into question, as it became a multilayered, transitional space of higher education for a burgeoning student body. With the end of World War II, decommissioned military buildings from the nation’s military camps followed soldiers to universities, where the G.I. Bill had necessitated a dramatic expansion of facilities. The university campus became a veritable campsite, as Quonset huts, army barracks, and other provisional buildings were juxtaposed with campus Gothic architecture. And although university presidents claimed short durations for the mixing of camp and campus, many of the military facilities remained well into the 1970s. Conflating military and holiday camps, wartime planners in England quickly and altogether seamlessly converted Sir William Butlin’s exceedingly popular holiday camp at Skegness into a training camp for the British Royal Navy. With the end of World War II, soldiers left and holidaygoers returned, as the site was quickly switched back to its recreational camp mission. Military camps themselves are also reworked as (( adapted sites for subsequent camp spaces. In Southern California, Slab City was sited on the residual components and layout of the temporary naval training facility Camp Dunlap. Here, the military installation, made permanent through its remaining slabs, is the transitory site for seasonal Canadian campers (as “snowbirds”), homeless squatters, and less itinerant retirees. Military regimentation has yielded to a self-organization that only the spaces of a camp could accommodate. And it might be said that William James’s ideas about national service work outline this paradoxical camp space. In the early twentieth century, James effectively traveled from camp to camp. He retreated from Boston’s conurbation in Keene Valley’s Putnam Camp (where Freud stayed), he visited Chautauqua (which he disliked), he witnessed one of the nation’s first postdisaster relief camps, and he participated in the camp of ideas, if not through an overt political platform then in the vein of national service. Speaking at Stanford University in 1906, James foretold many of our contemporary camps when he stated, “The war against war will be no camping party.”11 In this speech, titled “The Moral Equivalent of War,” James alluded to a form of organized national service to fill a void left with the decline of the nation’s militia system. At one level, he was referencing the demanding conditions of wartime, but he was at the same time placing the camp at the center of the social and political questions of the time. How to provide work for the nation’s unemployed youth? How to accommodate a nation’s growing need for infrastructure? And indirectly, how to respond effectively to natural disaster? In the first part of the twentieth century, permanent government infrastructure required a more flexible apparatus for addressing immediate social and economic concerns— thirty years later finding a temporary solution in the four thousand camps of the Civilian Conservation Corps. James’s legacy continues in today’s Service Civil International work camps, an international network of camp programs to promote () @EKIF;L:K@FE peace through service learning, and less directly, though no less effectively, in the international peace camp typology. After delivering the Stanford speech, James traveled north to witness the San Francisco earthquake’s destruction and the nascent response with camps of temporary cottages, prescient of the Katrina Cottages developed after Hurricane Katrina. In San Francisco, these sites for housing relief were called “refugee camps”—terminology frequently repeated a hundred years later in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina. But what technically constitutes refugee status and thus a refugee camp is part of a global discussion, its finer points influencing how displaced people are accommodated and how cross-border politics transpire. This displacement of terms and naming conventions associated with camp parallels its temporal environments and our provisional encounters with these sites through mediated and direct experience. Guidebook: Autonomy, Control, and Necessity The ubiquity of camp’s contemporary spaces calls for a guidebook. This presentation of the complete range of camps, their diverse scales, contexts, and forms, navigates the paradoxes of these zones, which are neither temporary nor permanent. This guide maps camps’ spaces and arrangements, helps visualize the rapidly expanding global matrix of campsites, and lays out camp as experience—whether as a place of trauma, strategy, or incomplete liberation. With a guidebook’s utility and immediacy, the camps have been organized into three categories of response: autonomy, control, and necessity. The presentation of these groupings (* facilitates cross-referencing among the factors that have led to the formation and functioning of camps and thus suggests possible courses of action for rethinking these contemporary built environments. The categories are starting points to answer three interrelated questions. In terms of choice, power, and need, what are the origins of response and action? In cases of flexibility, distance and closure, and immediacy, why are camps chosen? And operating circumstantially, strategically, and variably, how do camps function and what do they mean in their current contexts? Camps of autonomy range from those involving institutionalized organization to particular, and at times improvised, variations. Chapter 1, “Autonomy,” explores camps of choice—ranging from broad self-government to a more localized self-organization, but in all cases retaining an aspect of free will. Some camps in this category arise from autonomous responses to an event or an instance of control. Campaign and protest camps are often defined by another previously established position—generating the camp’s counteraction and event specificity. The basis for other camps is a previously formalized autonomy. The summer camp and organizational camp rely on freedoms circumscribed by institutions, such as the Girl and Boy Scouts of America. This organized autonomy is complemented by a will to autonomous organization. Here, the ranges of scale and purpose are remarkable—from the self-organized defamiliarization of camping in one’s own backyard to the thirty thousand participants at Burning Man, which, it might be argued, has grown into an organized autonomy. Spaces reserved for negotiation and active participation rely on the reciprocity of autonomy and organization. Camp David is both presidential retreat and international venue for collaborative resolutions and accords. Boondocking, the practice of camping for one or two nights in department store parking lots, relies on the consistency of site-planning and store policies in combination (+ @EKIF;L:K@FE with the freedom to choose from thousands of Wal-Mart stores and to park for free. Chapter 2, “Control,” focuses on strategic camping areas, regulated by systems of power. These camps respond to perceived threats, expected hazards, or immediate pressures. Military organizations have traditionally exploited the flexibility of camps to hold strategic locations or to train soldiers in simulated conditions. This chapter reviews established military camps and looks at the elasticity of paramilitary camps that supersede the strategic significance of conventional military outposts, which in the past sought to control defined territories. Rapidly changing migration policies of supranational entities like the European Union have also generated the system of border camps. The combination of the entrenched and the provisional illustrates the paradoxical nature of contemporary camp spaces of control. Chapter 3, “Necessity,” explores the transient spaces of relief and assistance. Camps of necessity respond to the power of circumstance. External forces, such as natural disasters, economic shifts, and military conflicts, determine the location, scale and duration of these camp spaces. Lodged between circumstances of control and autonomy, camp administrators’ objectives to meet imperative needs of safety are sometimes complicated by lost mobility and resettlement programs. As camps of necessity change, the factors of need and the built environment are also transformed, resulting in what the United Nations High Commission on Refugees has termed the “protracted camp.” The origins of need have critical implications for those seeking refugee status, with many current stances differentiating “economic migrants” from those specifically fleeing danger. Camps of necessity are also sites of negotiation between external planning and long-held nomadic practices, like those of Gypsy-Travellers, for many of whom self-regulated camps are necessarily integral traditions. Village concept and homeless camps also engage such questions of necessity and autonomy. (, These designations of autonomy, control, and necessity are not exclusive, and overlaps occur. The cross-referencing of these camps takes into account points of view, spatial politics, and the multivalent contexts in which camps are made, whether by choice, need, or force. These relations between categories are highlighted and given special treatment to understand further the objectives and implications of camp spaces. Situations of need found in refugee camps sometimes shift to the politics of control with changes of leadership and organizational techniques. Languages of control are sometimes applied to sites that began out of necessity—at Renaissance Village, security officials refer to FEMA’s temporary group housing site as the “installation.” Strains of autonomy and control are found in the parallel, though sometimes coincident, contemporary camps of Roma and Gypsy-Travellers in the United Kingdom, where government-regulated council sites have transformed traditional camping methods. And autonomy and necessity combine in the “meme” camps of Burning Man, where theme camp becomes disaster relief site. Camp Katrina near Biloxi, Mississippi, continued the festival’s exploration of arts in the service of human development and has created common ground for addressing need as a form of resistance. Other camps register the rapid transition from necessity to autonomy—as with Umoja Village in Miami and Dignity Village in Portland, Oregon, where homeless residents, advocates, and artists have established communities within legal and social interstices and with advocacy support. (- @EKIF;L:K@FE Imaging Camp as Built Environment The imaging of camp spaces reflects their paradoxical environments, the complexities of their formation, and the varieties of their programs. A broad spectrum of media— diagrams, sketches, building and site plans, photographs, video-game screen shots, aerial and satellite images, and maps—present how camps function as diverse built environments. The array of sources for this material also attests to the varied set of actors involved in the construction, analysis, and experience of camp spaces. Government and NGO documents; the work of artists, architects, and planners; political cartoons; and documentation by photographers and journalists all combine for a reading of camp’s subtleties of environment and context. In spite of the diversity of these resources, the visualization of camp spaces works between two main nodes: the singularity of a camp’s space-event and the general understanding of a set of camp spaces. As such, the guide works between detailed occurrence and territorial context, seeking to understand the physical, phenomenal, and experiential facets of the contemporary camp’s built environment. The spaces of camp both resist and lend themselves to documentation. Diagramming camps proves rhetorical in MigMap’s presentation of European migration, practical in the schematic layouts of disaster relief structures, and subjective in the Boy Scout field manual. The use of aerial photography and satellite imaging to document camps ranges from the self-reflexive to the quantifying. Participants at Foo Camp uploaded an aerial image of their campsite onto Google Earth—at a resolution of one pixel for every three inches of campground. And in more urgent settings, panchromatic satellite imaging affords essential information to understand refugee camps before beginning fieldwork. In other cases, the (. iconicism of camp is visualized through the documentary photographs of the Paris homeless camp’s red tents, labeled “SDF” (sans domicile fixe), dramatically lining each side of the city’s Canal Saint-Martin. And at other times, I have taken a cue from artistic works that address issues of camping and identity, as in the installations of Do Ho Su in which his displaced Korean home is reconfigured in silken envelopes of camp space. From Camp to Camp This book lays the foundation for a continuing dialogue about the politics, economies, and cultural practices that increasingly engage the global community. As the media focus moves, often quite literally from campsite to campsite, the question of what a camp is shifts, almost seamlessly, from Camp Casey in Crawford, Texas, to refugee camps in Africa and Indonesia, to the improvised camps of the Superdome, before again traversing vast stretches of political ground to Camps X-Ray and Delta in Cuba. Camps are at the focus of emerging political and spatial questions of identity, residency, safety, and tensions of mobility and fixity. Acknowledging the Italian philosopher Giorgio Agamben’s critical question of “what is a camp,” this guide expands points of entry to understand how traditional forms of strategy, tenure, and lifestyle are called into question through built environments. Camp spaces register these struggles, emergencies, and possibilities of our contemporary world. On August 17, 2005, the CNN program “American Morning” began with a report on Camp Casey in Crawford, Texas, before (/ @EKIF;L:K@FE moving seamlessly to the program’s main story about the forced evacuation of Gaza that had begun the previous day. Anchor Soledad O’Brien interviewed two young men who were a part of the Seeds of International Peace Camp in Otisfield, Maine. Liav, a twenty-five-year-old Israeli, and Fadi, a twenty- one-year-old Palestinian, discussed their views of the evacuation. Within a period of fifteen minutes, CNN’s media attention had moved from camp to camp, where the politics of camp spaces as diverse as peace camps in Texas and Maine and settlement camps in the Gaza Strip provided indicators for broader global perspectives on distant camps and on global political forces at work on that morning in mid-August. (0 ( Camps of autonomy confront, retreat, teach, and celebrate. These diverse sites of self-expression make room for self- organized protests, longer-term frameworks for camping experiences, and protean desires for singular zones of cultural practice, expression, or simple escape. In some cases, autonomy affords fundamental connections between camp and politics, in its varying forms of protest, rhetoric, and diplomacy. At other sites, organizing principles parallel autonomous directives, where participants yield to the rites of passage, whether at summer camp or in the experience of naturism. And when millions of North American retirees 8LKFEFDP choose to camp in a dispersed network of camps, regulated and unsanctioned, while across the globe a comparable number of Indians convene at the sacred-site festival camps of Kumbha Mela, we realize that the roots of camping practice are not only a question of necessity or control. Cutting through camp’s autonomous spaces are generative forces as indicative of the contemporary moment as they are of camp’s resolutely open structure. Countering the reductive and controlling influences of closed camps, autonomous responses to events, instances of organized autonomy, and cases of autonomous organization reopen the possibilities of a camping life. Protest Camp Opposition to control defines the autonomy of the protest camp. Corollaries to walks, marches, and sit-ins, such camps provide a duration to sometimes fleeting expressions of opposition. As a communal space of autonomy, the protest camp provides visibility to a group’s message and at the same time affords a cohesiveness that partially insulates its members from public exposure—the dramatically imaged protest along Canal Saint-Martin was exceedingly legible in its form and composition, while activists and homeless alike camped in relative obscurity. Protest camps are often event- specific. In other cases, they are reactions to long-standing policies or ideologies. From conferences to direct action, camps make room for diverse protest techniques. In 2004, the Camp for Oppositional Architecture challenged participants to seek modes of disciplinary resistance to commodification of space and controlling forces in the built environment. The Berlin congress adapted “camp” as oppositional position, reflected in many of the presentations, and also deployed camp as the collaborative space of dialogue. Participants camped in a former production hall of Berlin Wedding on a sleeping landscape designed by architecture students. Combining workshops with direct action in 2006, the Camp for Climate Action hosted six hundred protesters in a Yorkshire field adjacent to the coal-fired Drax power plant. England’s land access rights allowed for the temporary establishment of the ecovillage camp, which worked symbolically in its juxtaposition with the plant’s cooling towers and served as the base for protest demonstrations at the power station’s gates j\\k_\j\Zk`fe ÈN`c[:XdgÉ .1 )) 8LKFEFDP (%( (%) :Xdg:c`dXk\e\Xi Jc\\g`e^cXe[jZXg\`e Pfibj_`i\# )* Protest camps often begin interrogatively. The Camp Campaign asks the question—“How is it that a camp like Guantánamo Bay can exist in our time?”—and begins a camping tour with the premise that the GTMO base is symptomatic of broader states of exception j\\k_\j\Zk`fe È>KDFÉ . Camp Campaign eschews conventional political action that targets a specific predetermined end. The link between camp and campaign instead serves as a provocation to generate questions and thus returns campaigning to process and to its roots in the open country of the campagne— its military connotations remaining only in a resolve for autonomy, not in a pursuit of control. Motivated by Giorgio Agamben’s work, Camp Campaign formulates questions that do not seek to infer camp’s definition through historical events but instead ask more directly “What is a camp?” and “How could such events have taken place there?”2 For the group, GTMO serves as a “critical site for developing a discussion with a public about various timely themes in politics today.” The openness espoused by the “campaign” as format and forum also accommodates a duality: camp as object of protest and camping as artistic practice and field research. As an operative form of protest, particularly conducive to asking questions, camping becomes an autonomous act to interrogate sites and contest normative formulations of camp space. Artists Rene Gabri and Ayreen Anastas of Camp Campaign used a van as a camping vehicle and as a “mobile studio/billboard/library” for traveling, conducting interviews, and investigating diverse sites ranging from detention camps to summer camps.3 The camps served as efficacious sites for generating additional questions about the politics of twenty-first-century spaces. Protest camps make room for autonomously generated responses and give concrete form to the auxiliary denotative use of camp to describe the commonly held ideas of a group. The protest camp thus counters the political camp. Motivations for protest also connect back to necessity—a perceived need )+ 8LKFEFDP for actions that do not come, for policy revisions believed beneficial to others, and for recognition of alternative viewpoints. The urgency of many protest camps underscores this necessity. Strategic sites in the built environment—the Zócalo, Crawford’s Prairie Chapel Road, or the Washington Mall—gain symbolic and physical presence in the spatialization of one side of an argument, leaving the opposing group to defend its “camp” of ideas, to restate its position, to meet with the protesters, or to build a camp. Counterhegemonic Spaces The MigMap project combines the art of map making with the flexible, virtual terrain of the Internet to interrogate European migration policy. Funded by the German Federal Cultural Foundation, the MigMap series includes four main maps: Actors, Europeanization, Places and Practices, and Discourses. The latter map zones three sets of primary discourses—illegal migration, asylum, and trafficking—as a background to visualize confluences of geographic borders, campaigns, terminology, and political positions. Zones of interdiscourse— what MigMap’s authors have called “counterhegemonic” spaces—populate the discursive field, which is itself a virtual campground. Begun in 2004, the MigMap series has paralleled the increased number and organization of protest camps along Europe’s internal and external borders. Having been made room for through the actions of both protesters and migrants, these mapped spaces have been carved out of the matrix of multilayered discourses in highly figured white zones. Some of the spaces identify specific activist campaigns ), and others circumscribe the “autonomy of migration.” The MigMap artists have argued that migrant tactics circumvent European Union (EU) policies based on knowledge transfer, experience, and collective actions. The autonomy of the refugee, in a world without borders, is both premise and objective for European activists who protest within the “counterhegemonic” campaign spaces shared by migrant and activist.4 (%* DXg(18Zkfij#]ifdD`^DXgÇ >fm\ie`e^D`^iXk`fe# DXgg`e^ )- 8LKFEFDP ). )/ (%+ DXg)1;`jZflij\j#]ifdD`^DXgÇ>fm\ie`e^ Working along the MigMap’s contour lines of “interdiscourse” and at the EU’s geopolitical edges, the No Border group organizes camps to protest migrant policy and the detention of asylum seekers. Since making the first camp in 1998, No Border has promoted a universal freedom of movement and action. At one level, the No Border camps are direct and unequivocal oppositions at specific sites to promote “free and unlimited immigration” in the European Union. But organizers also espouse the camp as a community-building event in and of itself—a microcosm of global space without social exclusion. Not necessarily utopia, but an alternative to what No Border sees as a supranational monotopia. Organizers of the 4th No Border camp wrote, “Free immigration is . . . only the beginning. A society which excludes people from all over the world can’t be free . . . come and camp with us.”5 Not only spaces of global solidarity, the No Border camps are vehicles of protest, networked sites for dialogue, and field research stations for witnessing the border situation. Fifteen hundred participants convened at the fourth iteration of the annual No Border camps held outside Frankfurt Airport in 2001 to protest the airport’s zone d’attente j\\k_\j\Zk`fek`kc\[ ÈQfe\[ËXkk\ek\É`eZ_Xgk\i) . Calling the camp a “spectacular experiment,” organizers also set up three other camps simultaneously at the east German “foreign border” to research and “examine the inner and outer borders within the German Republic” at that time. The eighth annual camp near Gorizia, Italy, protested the Detention Center of Gradisca d’Isonzo and the Internment Center of Postojna in Slovenia. From July 19 to 23, 2006, the No Border group continued its mission to create “an effective regional and transnational network of opposition” to the systems of border detainment. At the same time, the siting of this camp suggests an increasingly complex *' 8LKFEFDP mix of attributes—a global and symbolic camping milieu made idyllic by its scenic location and the camp’s shared activities of dialogue and communication. No Border organizers set up the camp in Nova Gorizia’s Piuma Park along the Isonzo River. The river, rather than being important merely for water resources, as in primitive camping, also afforded a symbolism to the camp’s mission—a geographic feature that makes a border but is in essence a “river without borders” linking its Slovenian origins to the Adriatic Sea after traversing a historically charged European frontier. In spite of this frontier setting, the site does not deny comfort or services to its campers. As a kind of frontier campus and interactive research station, the park’s amenities and its green-field aesthetic have been exploited for their ironies: “the ideal place in order to pass one pleasant week of anti-racist mobilization.”6 The camp was also a conference, entertainment destination, and education center. Each day’s events included organized debates, meetings, workshops, film showings, and other projections—all linked through Wi-Fi camping equipment and a “global point” for media access and a “media angle.” In addition to this virtual positioning, the campsite furnished a military camp’s strategic location—a deployment to defend the autonomy of migrants and to contend with what No Border saw as the “Europeanization” of Slovenian immigration laws. Such protest camps work from both center and periphery, from rural and marginalized locations to urban sites.7 Although media accessibility no longer limits the possibilities of exposure or the degrees of public attention, the camping environment and its location do influence the public’s ability to occupy and experience the camp, as in the critical site specificity of Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s Asamblea Permanente. *( Asamblea Permanente One week after the No Border group broke camp in Gorizia, Mexican presidential candidate Andrés Manuel López Obrador led what was promoted as the largest demonstration in modern Mexican history. On July 30, 2006, Obrador sited a protest camp in the Plaza de la Constitucion, known as the Zócalo. Although most of the estimated one million people dispersed after protesting the July 2 election and asking for a recount, a substantial group remained as campers in Mexico City’s most visible and historically layered public space. To camp in the Zócalo was for Obrador to occupy the city itself and the nation as a whole. This “permanent assembly” extended out from the Zócalo along the city’s main avenues— Reforma, Avenida, Juarez, and Madero. Each day the politician would leave his tent to walk the city and mingle with supporters. In the evenings, Obrador would give speeches, which he called “informational assemblies,” from his well- organized camp near the plaza’s eponymous soclo—the historically and symbolically charged platform where the flag now flies. In his first speech from the camp, Obrador announced the establishment of forty-seven campamentos in which supporters and state delegates could reside. The presidential candidate noted that he would also be camping in the plaza, “Yo tambien vivire en este sitio mientras estemos en Asamblea Permanente,” and asked that participating campers observe discipline, respect, and cleanliness.8 This speech characterized one side of what would emerge as two spatial practices, not contradictory but different in how they were experienced and how they were made. In the camps, top-down, staged political demonstrations mixed with grassroots protests and festivities, and prefabricated tent walls emblazoned with political symbols shared space with ad hoc, multipurpose fabric shelters. ThePDR party, Obrador’s *) 8LKFEFDP Partido de la Revolución Democrática, published maps, locating the campamentos and organizing the asamblea, and scheduled daily artistic and cultural events. To extend the camping mechanism, the party also called for the establishment of a network of resistance camps throughout the country.9 Camping in protest sustained Obrador’s political camp, which was spatially materialized in a site already cleared by revolution, military exercises, and celebration. As the historic center of settlement since the Aztecs founded their island city, the Plaza de la Constitucion’s fifty-eight thousand square meters have held an array of temporary events, many enduring like the asamblea permanente for months at a time and ranging from an individual’s protest camp to demonstrations exceeding the plaza’s capacity of three hundred thousand people. In earlier instances, a farmer camped on the Zócalo with his donkey to protest agricultural legislation, and in August 1993, groups of farm workers (campesinos) set up protest camps in the plaza. In 2000 the plaza witnessed the longest strike in Mexico’s history with the Strike Council of the student movement from Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (UNAM). From his campsite on November 6, 2006, Obrador concluded his own installment and initiated an “itinerant presidency,” what was also called his “parallel presidency,” with a mock inauguration in the plaza.10 ** (%, M`\nf]8e[ijDXel\c Cg\qFYiX[fiËj8jXdYc\X G\idXe\ek\#QZXcf# D\o`Zf:`kp% 8G@dX^\j& 8c\oXe[i\D\e\^_`e` *+ 8LKFEFDP Camp Casey As Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s supporters continued the Zócalo encampment in August 2006, Cindy Sheehan reestablished an earlier protest camp near Crawford, Texas, before traveling to Washington to set up her own “permanent assembly.” Camp Casey had begun one year earlier as a protest against the war in Iraq. At noon on August 6, 2005, Sheehan opened a folding camp chair and sat down alongside Prairie Chapel Road to bring attention to her son’s death in Iraq. The first group of protesters included associates of Crawford Peace House and members of Vets for Peace, who had recently concluded a conference in Dallas. Through the medium of her camp, Sheehan sought to pose a question to the president: “For what noble cause did my son die?”11 Within days of setting up the camp, media attention and participants had increased to the point that CNN was conducting on-site interviews and the McLennan County Commission was seeking to address a perceived safety problem. Narrating some of the local perceptions of the protest, McLennan County Commissioner Ray Meadows outlined the camp’s context and its site constraints: “I was out here last Saturday, and we had—the sheriff told me he had counted and stopped counting at 992 cars. We’ve got a 20-foot road out here, and we’ve got 12 feet of right of way on each side where they have to park. And if they get too far in, they’re going to be in the bar ditch.” With its quasi-public designation, the easement had become the ground for camping—a roadside site of public accessibility and visibility. But as Meadows continued his interview on CNN, he underscored the county’s concerns: We had a lot of foot traffic. They were walking up and down the road. A lot of people have never been out in the *, country. You know, they’re used to walking on sidewalks. And if you get out in the ditch, you’re going to get red bugs or snake bit. But it’s a dangerous situation. And what I’m looking at here, this is a curve. And when people come around this curve and they start looking at the camp or the crosses, they could swerve and either hit a person or a vehicle, and we don’t want that. We’ve got liability out here.12 The McLennan County Commission had met the day before in Waco to hear county residents’ concerns about safety, traffic, and property rights violations and subsequently banned camping in county ditches or parking within seven miles of the Bush family’s ranch. The office of the president had also voiced safety concerns, particularly after its motorcade passed the camp on August 12, 2005. Before the county reached its decision, Prairie Chapel Road’s public right of way became a forum for opposing sides of the war debate. Setting up across from each other in the roadside easement’s narrow constraints, these iconic camps recalled “camp” as political faction and at the same time framed the camp as a potential avenue for political diplomacy j\\k_\j\Zk`fefeÈ:Xdg;Xm`[É . Supporters of the president’s policies established Camp Reality across the road from Camp Casey. Other counterprotesters set up Camp Qualls in the town of Crawford to oppose Sheehan’s camp and the Crawford Peace House, which had also become a national locus of media attention. Facing eviction from the roadside, Sheehan and other antiwar protesters relocated as Camp Casey II to a donated one-acre piece of private property closer to the Bush family ranch. One mile from the ranch’s entrance, this site included the field of crosses and supporters who would remain at the camp until its official closure on August 31, as the realities from Hurricane Katrina’s devastation became evident j\\k_\j\Zk`fejÈDXjjJ_\ck\i:XdgÉXe[ÈD\d\:XdgÉ`e Z_Xgk\i* . *- 8LKFEFDP (%- È8ccn\_X[;Xp(#É:Xdg :Xj\p#:iXn]fi[#K\oXj% G_fkf^iXg_Yp;\[\D`cc\i (%. :Xdg:Xj\pXcfe^GiX`i`\ :_Xg\cIfX[`e:iXn]fi[# K\oXj#8l^ljk).#)'',% *.*. Reflecting camp’s provision for flexibility and relocation, iterations of Camp Casey continued in the following years. As a network of peace camps formed through the country, Sheehan’s supporters reconvened for the Thanksgiving holiday in 2005 to coincide with the president’s residency at the Crawford ranch. One participant held a sign, “Give me liberty or give me a ditch,” before twelve protesters were arrested on November 23 for violating the ban on camping in county ditches. Another camp was constructed for the following Easter holiday and again in August 2006 as a prelude to the formation of Camp Democracy on the Mall in Washington, D.C.13 This installation covered two sites—one located on the Mall and the other along Constitution Avenue. Between 3rd and 7th Streets, the National Mall camp included four 20 ft. × 60 ft. tents, two 20 ft. × 20 ft. tents, and one 30 ft. × 60 ft. tent. Organizers also set up the site along Constitution Avenue at 14th and 15th Streets from September 5 to 21. Camp Democracy was a “non-partisan camp for peace, democracy, and the restoration of the rule of law” with the broader objectives “to create a larger camp focused not only on ending the war but also on righting injustices here at home and on holding accountable the Bush Administration and Congress.”14 The initial protest camp had been transformed into a more broadly defined peace camp—a starting point for the group’s global work. Extending the Crawford camp’s localized beginnings, Sheehan would continue this mission with a series of camps in Korea and at the marine base in Guantánamo Bay, Cuba. Back in Texas, Camp Casey III was planned to coincide with the 2007 Easter holiday at an undisclosed location, and visitors were asked to contact the office at Crawford Peace House on their arrival in McGregor, Texas. For this permutation, the transition from protest camp to peace camp was complete, and the publication of the rules for the camp— “Camp Casey Etiquette”—confirmed not only its broader goals but also its iconicity. */ 8LKFEFDP ILC (% N\n`ccY\Xjb`e^]fi[feXk`fej]fiD\Xcj% )% N\_Xm\c`jk\[((g%d%Xjhl`\kk`d\fek_\:Xc\e[Xi%C`^_kjc\\g\ijY\ ]fi\nXie\[k_fl^_%;l\kfk_\iliXceXkli\f]:Xdg:Xj\pdXep ZXdg\ijjefi\[l\kfXcc\i^`\j%Flimfclek\\ijkX]]XjXilc\fecp^\kj kfi\cXoXe[\eafpk_\dj\cm\jX]k\i_flijjfgc\Xj\i\jg\Zkk_\`i i`^_kkf]le%N\jl^^\jkpfl\`k_\iYi`e^\Xigcl^jfijc\\g`eX_fk\c fiXkk_\:Xdg^ifle[XkKfebXnX=Xccj% *% N_\eZflek\igifk\jkfijZfd\kf:Xdg:Xj\pn\\eZfliX^\pflkf gc\Xj\[fefk\e^X^\k_\d%N\Xi\Xg\XZ\dfm\d\ekXe[k_\pXi\ \ek`kc\[kfk_\`ifg`e`feXjdlZ_Xjn\Xi\%@]k_\Zflek\igifk\jkfij ^\kflkf]c`e\n\n`ccZXcck_\cfZXcXlk_fi`k`\j% +% ,% 8Yjfclk\cpefXcZf_fcfi[il^jXi\g\id`kk\[Xk:Xdg:Xj\p% N?8KKF9I@E>ÈC`jkf]k_`e^jkfYi`e^É :Xdg\ij1 K\ekj Jc\\g`e^9X^j =cXj_c`^_kfiCXek\ie ?Xe[JXe`k`q\i 9l^JgiXp JlejZi\\e LdYi\ccX :Xee\[>ff[j Efk\Yffb G\eZ`cj&G\ej Efe:Xdg\ij1 9l^JgiXp JlejZi\\e :Xee\[^ff[j LdYi\ccX Efk\Yffb G\eZ`cj&G\ej NXk\i ;XpKi`gg\ij1 9l^JgiXp JlejZi\\e :Xee\[^ff[j LdYi\ccX Efk\9ffb G\eZ`cj&G\ej NXk\i (%/ Ilc\jXe[\hl`gd\ek]fi:Xdg:Xj\p@@@% ;\i`m\[]ifd >fc[JkXi=Xd`c`\j]fiG\XZ\#nnn%^j]g%fi^ *0 Peace Camp Sheehan’s formation of subsequent camps follows in a tradition of peace camps formed by women to protest war and military presence. All protest camps are not necessarily peace camps, but all peace camps have some element of protest. Both demand action or change. Sheehan began her protest with a direct question, while many peace camps begin silently with the campers’ provocative presence j\\k_\j\Zk`feÈ:`m`c :XdgÉ .15 Not unlike Sheehan’s protest of procedures at the naval base in Guantánamo Bay, the Welsh group “Women for Life on Earth” protested the siting of ninety-six nuclear cruise missiles at the Royal Air Force (RAF) Greenham Common Airbase. On September 5, 1981, the women marched from Cardiff to Greenham Common in Berkshire, England, and set up camp immediately outside the base’s fence. The resulting peace camp, also known as Yellow Gate Camp, served as the base for other protests in England and for direct action carried out by the women’s group. In 1990, the members of the camp won a Bylaws Case heard by the House of Lords, helping overturn the laws’ prevention of common land access— which amounted to a major victory for activists as military security was being tightened across the country j\\k_\ j\Zk`fek`kc\[ÈN`c[:XdgÉ . Other actions associated with legal challenges made by the group contributed to the eventual removal of missiles from the air base and their return to the United States. The Peace Camp closed on September 5, 2000, and became a commemorative and historic site. The site design references the four elements of fire, earth, air, and water, with a circle of seven standing stones around a Flame sculpture by Michael Marriott to represent the central campfire. This commemoration and the methods of resistance used by the women’s group underscore the connection of camp to campaign. Maintaining +' 8LKFEFDP (%0 >i\\e_Xd:fddfegfjk\i% :fgpi`^_kBXki`eX?fnj\ +( the camp’s distance from the static permanence and official status of organizations, such campaigns also follow an enduring tradition of “direct action” protest, memorialized in the designation of the Women’s Camp at Greenham Common as a historic landmark. The centrality of the campfire in the proposed site design tempers the monumentalization of the campaign, linking the universality of elements and the lithic stability with the fire’s fleeting space of reverie and action. As a commemorative space, the camp works retrospectively but continues the process of witnessing at the heart of ongoing struggles of peace and protest. The peace camp registers and sometimes facilitates the thoughtful, often painstaking, development of campaign into organization.16 Faslane Peace Camp (FPC) has been continuously occupied since June 12, 1982, when protesters first arrived to dispute England’s testing of the Trident nuclear missile. This site, referred to by its founders as a “permanent peace camp,” continues adjacent to the Faslane Naval Base on the River Clyde northwest of Glasgow, Scotland. On the eastern edge of the A814 road, the camp is strategically located so that it is visible to traffic coming toward the base from Helensburgh. In its recent forms, FPC has included at least twenty campers, eleven caravans, a bus, a tepee, a bender tent, a tree house, and an array of self-built outbuildings. With respect to the camp’s longevity, its residents received unlikely support from the local government councils until 1997, when the Argyll and Bute Council won its initial case to expel FPC. Council boundaries had changed between 1996 and 1997, making the camp vulnerable to legal action and possible eviction. The protester- residents “built up physical defences such as tunnels, tree-houses, and walk-ways” and increased their numbers at the camp to resist forced expulsion. The campers ultimately defeated the eviction plans by showing that the process would cost the council £300,000. The duration of this and other peace camps is notable— contradicting more typically fleeting protest camps, which +) 8LKFEFDP react to specific events or must move with geopolitical shifts. The campers had originally planned to occupy the site for two weeks, but, like the Welsh group at Greenham, they soon found that the camp’s location and resources could provide a base for organizing direct action protests of the nuclear program. In spite of the conflicts in the mid-1990s, campers leased the land for a small monthly fee and were given “continuous planning permission from the district council.” The story of the camp’s siting and formation summarizes its context, flexibility, and mission in a “brave new world”: June 12th, 1982 started off grey and miserable but ended up a lovely, warm, happy day. At 9:30am, 14 of us set off in convoy for Faslane Submarine Base. We’d had all kinds of dire warnings from Dumbarton CND that we’d be immediately arrested for sedition so our feelings were a mixture of apprehension and excitement. We arrived at the site we had chosen for the camp and started putting up tents and banners. By midday we had the two tents up and the kettle on when along came our first encounter with the MoD. They informed us that we were on MoD land and would have to move but not to worry because they had found us another site. Down the road about 500 yards was the perfect place. There was a stream behind us and a tunnel which crossed over the busy main road. As well as this, the land belonged to Strathclyde Regional Council which had declared itself a nuclear-free zone. We moved the tents, re-erected the banners, lit a fire and set up camp. With many visitors who had arrived, we sat around the fire singing peace songs and dreaming of a “brave new world” early in the morning, hoping that Faslane Peace Camp could help in any small way to stop the arms race.17 The United Kingdom’s tradition of the “common” and its system of regional councils have proven particularly conducive to peace camps. Nuclear-free zoning and the inveteracy of its +* activists contributed to the historic legacy of Faslane Peace Camp—a heritage reinforced by its colloquial designation as “FPC.” Glasgow’s Museum of Transport installed one of Faslane’s original caravans in its collection, confirming the camp’s presence within Scottish cultural memory.18 SDF Camp Red tents painted with “SDF” (sans domicile fixe) in white letters lined the Canal Saint-Martin to protest failures of “droit au logement” legislation to provide housing for Paris’ homeless population. The protest became known as Camp les Enfants de Don Quichotte for the advocacy organization led by Augustin and Jean-Baptiste Legrand, who set up the initial array of nearly one hundred tents. The camp served two purposes—to provide a site for Parisian citizens to give up their homes temporarily in solidarity with the homeless and to make available temporary lodging for homeless citizens, while at the same time creating an urban space for dialogue among agencies and those with and without “fixed domiciles.” The protest’s success in appropriating urban space as a zone of provocation makes the SDF more effective as a site of radically autonomous organization than as a resolution of need, for which other camp permutations have proven more efficacious j\\k_\j\Zk`fejk`kc\[È?fd\c\jj:XdgÉXe[ÈM`ccX^\ :feZ\gk:XdgÉ`eZ_Xgk\i* . The visibility of the red tents and their position along the canal resulted in an immediate and readily accessible urban image, symbolic as a space of transition, dialogue, and dispute. ++ 8LKFEFDP The site of the SDF camp is strategic not only in its imageability but also in its defensibility. Legrand validated the choice of the canal site as one of the “few places where authorities couldn’t send the police in to break it up without chasing the homeless into the water.” Reversing the barricade strategies of earlier Parisian struggles, this use of indirect force to maintain a position between opposing conditions characterizes the tactical space of the camp, which appropriates existing urban conditions for its efficacy. The SDF camp then follows the philosophy of the larger movement in Paris and France to address homelessness. Since 1990, the mission of the association Droit au Logement (DAL) to affect changes in legislation and policy has included the objective of ensuring that evictions do not occur without rehousing, thus assuming that a lack of rehousing results in marginal, exclusionary, and unacceptable camping or squatting. Like DAL’s earlier homeless camp that lasted for months in Paris’ 20th district, the protest camp calls attention to this transition between no housing and “rehousing.”19 This camp, in its imageability and its linear rationality, reads as a planning mechanism. The camp is infinitely photographable, invoking the aesthetic drama of the city’s perspectival vignettes and picturesque Haussmannian boulevards. Deeper though is the canal’s presence in Paris’ urbanization, its land tenure debates, and revolutions. Overseeing construction of the canal system that included Saint-Martin, Napoléon Bonaparte planned the canals as critical infrastructure for water supply and for economic trade. With a stated intention to make the banks of the canals a public park, the city acquired land for the canal under laws of expropriation and proceeded to allow the construction of commercial buildings.20 During the Revolution of 1830, Canal Saint-Martin’s bridges gave passage to the withdrawal of insurgents from the Faubourg Saint-Antoine. And during his urban transformation and recanalization of Paris, Baron +, Haussmann made this canal system secondary and inferior to a modernized “noble” water system fed by springs. TheSDF camp is on contested ground, its historically charged strata activated by a new logic of defensible space and rights to housing. The camp returns urban density and mixed-income settlement to the canal’s cleared urban space. (%(' J;=k\ekjXcfe^:XeXc JX`ek$DXik`e#GXi`j% G_fkf^iXg_Yp;fd`e`hl\ ?Xjj\cdXee (%(( J`^eXcfe^:XeXcJX`ek$ DXik`e#GXi`j% G_fkf^iXg_ Yp;fd`e`hl\?Xjj\cdXee +- 8LKFEFDP +. Mock FEMA Camp On August 23, 2006, St. Bernard Parish restaurateur Rockey Vaccarella met with George W. Bush in the Oval Office to thank the president for his FEMA trailer and to ask that he not forget about the people of the Gulf Coast. The first anniversary of Hurricane Katrina’s landfall was approaching, and Vaccarella’s survival story of four hours on top of his roof as floodwaters rose recalled the city’s many displacements and disappointments after the hurricane’s devastation.21 Vaccarella had hoped that the president would accept an invitation to dine in the trailer outside the Capitol, but instead Gulf Coast coordinator Don Powell joined the traveler for a meal of Cajun food. As protest camp and as a trailerite’s singular, independent mobilization on national television, Vaccarella’s trailer came to symbolize FEMA’s embattled postdisaster camps of necessity. But these symbolisms were not without ironic coincidence. The trailer’s signage was patriotic and sympathetic to the president but at the same time was critical of FEMA’s response and administrative lapses, challenged by one of the trailer’s signs— “forgotten on the bayou.” Because it is illegal to tow a FEMA trailer, Vaccarella and his crew pulled a privately owned trailer modeled on the FEMA-issued units. This “mock” FEMA trailer’s atypical mobility drew attention to the paradoxes of (%() IfZb\pMXZZXi\ccX#DfZb = +/ 8LKFEFDP +0 the agency’s temporary housing solutions that had become increasingly permanent one year after the disaster j\\k_\ j\Zk`feÈ= Civil Camp As a part of La Otra Campagna begun in July 2005, the Zapatistas have used a diverse set of camps to publicize their mission, to train adherents, and to serve as a global forum of communication (encuentros). The camps form a complex network of need, isolation, and control—all factors working from diverse perspectives and political platforms, involving the Zapatista group, Mexico’s indigenous population, and the world community, those who agree and disagree with the Zapatistas’ mission. Countered by military and paramilitary ,' 8LKFEFDP encampments in the months following the unrest in January 1994, earlier Zapatista training camps have been transformed into what Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN) terms “peace camps” and have become multifaceted spaces of encounter within an increasingly wired global community. From these camps, EZLN and its adherents stage encuentros, carry out protests, and reclaim indigenous land—activities that emerged as counterstrategies to the more traditional insurgencies in which camps hold space by violent force. This transformation is complicated, however, because subsequent Zapatista camps have both subtle and explicit rules for ordering the experiences and outcomes of the camps.22 At 9:20 a.m. CST on March 13, 2007, EZLN established two camps in the Tzotzil region of Chiapas near the town of Huitepec. This precisely recorded, ceremonial installation formalized the Zapatista’s “reserve” in the ecologically sensitive forest. Along with signage on the reserve’s perimeter, the purpose of the camps was to define territory and to bring attention to the group’s objectives of defending indigenous culture and protecting the region’s natural environment. To that end, one camp served more explicitly as a tool for international exposure, a campamento civil de observacion por la paz, or “civil camp.” A second camp was more closely linked to the EZLN’s own internal support system and the base community, or caracol, of the Zapatista territory’s Section II. Organizers set up a precise set of regulations and requisites for the camps, which became paradoxical sites for maintaining control and for establishing and promoting autonomy. The camps include factors of inarguable control (“no declarations to the press during your stay” and “do not leave the site without authorization”), aspects of propaganda and media communication (“bring your notebooks, pens, recorders, video and still cameras”), and recognition of ecological sensitivity (“it is prohibited to mistreat or cut any trees”). The requisites reflect a didacticism, not just describing but “teaching” how the participant should respect nature. They are pragmatic, noting ,( the necessity of keeping a clean campsite, and they are prescriptive, requiring a written report. The camp controls the process of witnessing and the procedure of writing the testimonial, while remaining at a distance from external sovereignty and authority. The Encampment Regulations for Cucapá Camp, another installation to the north in Baja, served more as a demonstration of what it means to occupy a place understood as a sacred site by its indigenous inhabitants. The regulations were indirectly a localized constitution designed to protect fishing rights and practices. Formally installed on February 26, this camp coincided with the 2007 fishing season, which continued through the month of May. Entrance to the fishing camp required respect for the place as a sacred site. Organizers prohibited political and religious uses of the camp as well as “activities that do not promote the defense and recognition of the history, culture, and rights of the original people of the American continent and the world.” The camp was to be installed in three zones, each related to the local settlements in and around the village of El Mayor. Through their regulations, the camps became a device—rhetorical, polemical, and actual— for the Indigenous Cucapá Accreditation Committee to present and outline its position.23 The subtle differences between the camps in Baja and Huitepec highlight the dual purposes of protest and protection, of externalization and internal definition. Both camps required that participants carry evidence that they had been certified by the Indigenous Cucapá Accreditation Committee. Posted and translated on the Internet, the rules for the camps became rhetorical devices for stating the group’s mission and served as practical tools for protecting the sites where they were located and to which they responded. Based on the Zapatista’s stated objectives and mission, the camps were meant to serve as nodes of media exposure, as zones for portraying a state of affairs to the media, and as places of dialogue and visualization. These camps also served ,) 8LKFEFDP I =`ijkÇ9i`e^pfliefk\Yffbj#g\ej#i\Zfi[\i#m`[\fXe[jk`ccZXd\iXj#\kZ%kf [fZld\ekpfli\og\i`\eZ\j% J\Zfe[ÇGXik`Z`gXekjXkk_\ZXdgn`ccY\i\jgfej`Yc\]fik_\Zfjkjf]k_\`i jkXpjlZ_Xj1kiXejgfik#]ff[Xe[cf[^`e^% K_`i[ÇK_\Zfejldgk`fef]XcZf_fc`ZY\m\iX^\jfi[il^j[li`e^pflijkXp`j gif_`Y`k\[%=X`cli\kfZfdgcpn`k_k_`jilc\n`ccY\ZXlj\]fi\oglcj`fe]ifd k_\j`k\% =flik_Ç8cck_\[\Z`j`fejdX[\n`ccY\X[d`e`jk\i\[`eZfealeZk`fen`k_k_\ fi`\ekXk`feXe[XggifmXcf]k_\i\jgfej`Yc\Zfddle`kpZfdd`jj`fe% =`]k_Ç;fefki\jgfe[kfXepb`e[f]gifmfZXk`fek_XkZflc[\e[Xe^\ik_\ Zfddle`kpXe[k_\ZXdg\ij% J`ok_ÇFYj\im\ijXi\efkkfdXb\Xepkpg\f][\ZcXiXk`fejefigfc`k`ZXc dXe`]\jkXk`fejkfk_\gi\jj[li`e^k_\`ijkXp% J\m\ek_Ç;fefkc\Xm\k_\j`k\n`k_flkXlk_fi`qXk`fe]ifdk_\i\jgfej`Yc\ Zfddle`kpZfdd`jj`fe#]fi\oXdgc\1kfdXb\gliZ_Xj\j#_\Xck_i\Xjfej# ]Xd`c`XcZfddle`ZXk`fe#fikf\ogcfi\k_\\Zfcf^`ZXci\j\im\% <`^_k_Ç8cnXpjdX`ekX`eXZc\XeZXdgj`k\#Xj`ek_\b`kZ_\e#[`e`e^Xi\X# [fid`kfip#cXki`e\Xe[fk_\igcXZ\j% E`ek_Ç@k`jgif_`Y`k\[kf\`k_\id`jki\XkfiZlkXepki\\j#XepgcXekj#fib`cc Xe`dXcj`eXe[flkj`[\f]k_\\Zfcf^`ZXci\j\im\% K\ek_Ç8kk_\\e[f]pflijkXp`ek_\ZXdg#pfln`cc\cXYfiXk\`eXni`kk\e i\gfiklgfepfliXZk`m`k`\j#XYflkpfli\og\i`\eZ\Xe[k_\j`klXk`fepfln`cc _Xm\j\\eÔijk_Xe[#n_`Z_n`ccY\jlYd`kk\[kfk_\A9>f]k_\QfeX8ckfj n`k_XZfgp]fi=iXpYX% 8epefeZfdgc`XeZ\n`k_k_\j\i\^lcXk`fejn`ccY\ZXlj\]fi\oglcj`fe]ifd k_\Z`m`cfYj\imXk`feYi`^X[\jXe[n`ccY\i\gfik\[kfpfligXi\ekfi^Xe`qXk`fe% (%(+ I\hl`i\d\ekj]fi:`m`c:Xdg1>ff[>fm\ied\ek :fleZ`c#ÈI\^lcXk`fej]fik_\:`m`c:Xdg`e?l`k\g\Z#É DXiZ_()#)''.% ,* as training sessions—no longer the militarized “training camp” but instead a no less controlled but perhaps equally effective means of promoting ideas and reaching the group’s goals. Most explicitly, the civil camp at Huitepec included training sessions run by the Fray Bartolome Human Rights Center. The use of the camp as a site of both dialogue and controlled communication relates to the Zapatista encuentro, which itself might be understood as the a priori template for the EZLN’s camp spaces. This encuentro“ camp” began with the “encounters” in the mid-1990s as the EZLN sought to expand its communication with international organizations. As a less defined space and a shorter-lived gathering, the encuentro has been adapted and adopted, particularly in its name and format, by groups like deletetheborder and the Radical Encuentros j\\ÈEf9fi[\i:XdgÉ .24 For many of these groups, the camp spaces serve not only as training grounds but also as sites for communal exchange. Anarchist Camp Between July 14 and 23, 2006, anarchist groups convened the Anarchist summer camp (somera tendaro) in northern Lower Austria. The site’s location and transportation options were disclosed on an Internet posting one month before the opening of the event. Known as “a-camp,” the annual Anarchist camps in Austria have combined the “island” space of the holiday camp, the activity centers of summer camp, and the reactionary objectives of protest camps. Organizers defined the a-camp as a space that provides room for combining theory and praxis, room apart from authoritarian oversight ,+ 8LKFEFDP “in a context free from pressure.” The main question posed by the planners was how camper-participants can knock down the “barriers in our heads.”25 One main premise and framework for reaching the event’s goals was that the a-camp does not contain discrimination or repression, one of the main topics found in the conference’s program. While a-camp is not framed as a holiday, its promoters seek a “relative freedom.” The resulting camp lingered in the difficult territory between organization, facilitation, and complete openness. With no premade schedule of events, participants were to generate program and discussion spaces throughout the camp’s duration. Related to the unconference, organizers set up the anarchist summer camp but then dispersed to allow participants to define specific formats and content j\\k_\j\Zk`fefeÈ!:XdgÉ . Placed in the context of conventional, or paradigmatic, camping procedure, a-camp coordinators choose the site and clear the grounds, while participants are expected to make and break camp. In addition to selecting the location for the 2006 camp, organizers were responsible for setting up preliminary communications and providing basic resource and infrastructural facilities. Organizers employed three advance decisions, essentially the event’s only prescribed rules, to foster the fundamental principles of no repression and no exclusion. A tent was reserved for women and transgender persons, another tent was dedicated as a space for children to play and families to interact with their children, and dogs were banned from the a-camp. The 2006 camp in Austria also had an intensively pragmatic purpose to move beyond the isolation of “German-speaking anarchists.” The camp’s pamphlets and website extended its message in at least fifteen languages, translating “camp” as tendaro, campez, tabor, acampada, kamp, kamperen, vasaros stovykla, havingheha, and campeggio, among others. Organizers hoped to establish and strengthen a network across east and west Europe.26 Practicalities also extended to camping gear, and ,, the a-camp website recommended a tent, sleeping bag, “camping basics,” crockery and cutlery, and waterproof and warm clothing among the suggested items. The camping environment became a hybrid of the practical and the ideological. Plans for the camp called for subjects of discussion not to be limited to “traditional” anarchism, and organizers were quick to point out that the camp’s objective was not utopian or idyllic—“some kind of togetherness feelings”—but should allow for constructive disagreements. And yet the a-camp’s event space itself is a kind of heterotopic zone—a paradoxical site that might accommodate individual and communal aspirations and can exist as an “island” and still remain tied to the multilinguistic social network of Europe’s anarchist community. Neo-summer Camp The “Marxist Computer Slim-down Camp” is not a neo-summer camp. While Hakim Bey mocks this hypothetical camp’s anachronistic hyperspecialization, the philosopher also draws from its exemplary autonomy. Not a scenario where one camp exists for every individual, but a scheme in which the latently autonomous decadence and self-referentiality of the contemporary summer camp might be mitigated and indeed exploited by the necessity for community. The neo-summer camp then approaches what Bey calls the “utopia of utopia” where work is play and threat becomes solution. The neo-summer camp is a periodic autonomous zone (PAZ). This camp operates within the broader context of what Bey has called the temporary autonomous zone (TAZ), which ,- 8LKFEFDP includes summertime. In the PAZ, summer campers occupy a space of relative freedom, fleetingly approaching “transhumancy.” Critical to the neo-summer camp’s practices, transhumancy follows two vectors. Historically, the transient human moved “across soil” for agricultural purposes. Transhumants migrated between regions of different climates, sometimes out of necessity variously occupying summer camp and winter camp, but more typically (and ideally) they moved within a perpetual summer by traveling with the extended growing season. The neo-summer camp attempts to reaffirm the mobility of this summer season as a kind of freedom and then to collapse work and play in contemporary, postindustrial contexts that have separated the two modes. Conceptually, transhumancy also suggests a condition that is “beyond human,” not in a Taylorist sense of dehumanization, but in the “superego” of summer camp’s “wildness and laxness,” a Dantean abstraction of becoming divine or superhuman. Along these conceptual and historical threads, the dialogue of camp and transhumancy arcs toward the neo-camp formulation. First, this sequence moves from an archetypal nomadism to the necessities of migrational labor. These vestiges of Bey’s “pastoral transhumancy” then yield to sedentary, industrialized urbanisms, which require the invention, Bey’s “creation,” of camps. Paralleling suburban reactions, summer camps of the nineteenth century were temporary, back-to-the- country antidotes to urban distractions. Romanticized as such, camps are now deeply ingrained within our collective memory. This idealized nomadism of the camp has two consequences, which for Bey provide the necessary tension for the new camping schema. Camps become spaces of resistance or sites of tourism. With the former, Bey invokes the vernacular precedents studied by Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari. Holiday camps and theme parks typify the latter. Sited along the lines of desire between leisure camp and autochthon’s camp is the psychic space of the neo-summer camp. Its residual nostalgias and romanticism conflate the ,. spiritualist camp, the hunting camp, and the nudist camp. For Bey, the “radical aspect of poaching” meets the “utopian rural commune.” And the neo-summer camp is then a corollary to his “pirate utopias” and “islands in the Net.” In 1888, Charles Ledyard Norton wrote prophetically and no less rhetorically about the summer camp: “A few years ago . . . it occurred to some thoughtful and enterprising person that to a very considerable extent a well-ordered camp-life would prove a reasonable antidote for incipient piracy and kindred diseases.”27 But here is where the threat is a solution. The summer camp has long accommodated the yearning to be a pirate, to be an Indian, to be a hunter, and, as camps finally became spaces of undifferentiated, ungendered freedom, to be an explorer. The neo-summer camp reinvents the piratical islands and intentional enclaves that Bey once studied as temporary autonomous zones. Although this re-creation does not lack rigor, it does eschew militarization. Here again, Bey refutes but also “poaches” earlier summer camping schema. Bey argues that increased regulatory governance contributed to the summer camp’s decline in the 1980s, but the camp’s relation to the state is more complex. Camps in fact lack comprehensive government regulation, a gap filled by such agencies as the American Camp Association and the National Camp Association. What Bey’s neo-summer camp template reacts to is the earlier authoritative, at times militarized, overlays onto camping practice. Norton’s 1888 summer camps combined “daily life” with the “routine of the army” and thus belonged to “a larger pattern of nineteenth-century, military-style standardization of group behavior.”28 No longer conceived purely as constructs empowering an autonomy, these anticamps, by Bey’s account, set stultifying norms for individual and communal activities. Forgoing this overlaid strategy, the neo-summer camp does however work tactically, and in doing so combines work and play. ,/ 8LKFEFDP One such tactic is camouflage. The ironies of the neo- summer camp’s camouflage are found in the programmatic intersections of the military camp and sites of education and play. In the Second World War, Camp Kilmer, considered vulnerable because of its proximity to the coast, was designed to look like a village hamlet from the air and in postwar years would be annexed to Rutgers University. From military camp to simulated hamlet to college campus j\\k_\j\Zk`fe È:Xdglj:XdgÉ`eZ_Xgk\i* . And out of the postwar rubble of London emerged the adventure playground, in which wartime urban dereliction provided sites for and at the same time hid the free play of urban youth. The playground’s building materials, which might easily be mistaken for products of destruction, were instead the matter of creation in a camping zone, its autonomy symbolized by the campfire areas established by youthful adventurers. These temporary zones of destruction were made permanent by play as year-round summer camps lodged, even hidden, within the urban environment and thus virtually ignored by parents, officials, and many citizens. Although Bey does not cite the adventure playground, he does discuss the apparent dereliction and marginalized delinquency of summer camps that folded in the 1980s. Bey notes not altogether ironically, “One possible disguise for the neo-camp . . . would be to assume the precise guise of an old-fashioned half-bankrupt summer camp.” As a useful analog to the neo-summer camp, the adventure playground also embraces the necessity of its self-regulation. These urban enclaves fostered a culture of play that generated rules internally as a function of who was playing and what the particular objectives were. The objects of play in a typical adventure playground require collaboration—how else can pieces of plywood become walls and long boards become seesaws? These adventurers are transhumants par excellence. They create the zone, where a fleeting combination of autonomy and community allows for a relative freedom. The neo- summer camp might then avoid the pitfalls of specialized play, ,0 the hyperindividualization of the Marxist Computer Slim-down, and might thus be “saved from mere selfishness . . . by the necessary fact of its self-organization.” Although in all likelihood preferring to camp out in the relative freedom of the writer’s psychic space, it is rumored that Bey himself lives in an Airstream trailer in the middle of the New Jersey Pinelands.29 *Camp *Camp is proposed here conceptually as a type of camp space, broad in its openness but at the same time particular in the immediacy of its self-organization. *Camp mixes attributes of do-it-yourself (DIY) practices with recent ideas of “open- space” meetings, which like DIY invoke a neoprimitivism and an appropriation of the old for the new. For its openness, *camp relies on a fundamental variability—the asterisk representing multiple alternatives of individual experience and group organization. With its syntactic constraint and semantic indeterminacy, *camp waits for substantive meaning through what has been called its “metasyntactic variable.” But its inherent self-determination, not unlike truly autonomous and even liberating practices of camping, does frame *camp’s conceptual meaning, which ties together a set of specific event camps that exchange the metasyntactic variables “foo” and “bar” for the * j\\k_\j\Zk`fejÈ=ff:XdgÉXe[È9Xi:XdgÉ . One thread of the contemporary camp’s resurgence is the conceptualization of its ritual practices and the translation of its archetypal spaces. Harrison Owen has argued that open- space technology (OST) originated with the first gatherings around the campfire. His own recognition of this long- -' 8LKFEFDP standing principle came during his work as associate director of the Peace Corps in Liberia, where he witnessed villagers gathering in circles to resolve disputes. For Owen and his formulation of the unconference, this approach engages the “capacity of self-organizing systems to create Peace for themselves and with their environment.” In what might have been the first unconference, Owen convened eighty-five participants in a “campfire” circle, and in a short time the group came up with the conference’s topic areas and content and organized a complete agenda for the ensuing three days. In his subsequent meetings and in other open-space events, Owen advocates discussion rather than prescription, with a bulletin board as the only structuring device in addition to the circle meetings.30 Owen’s work with OST and open-source technology parallels the emergence of the unconference movement, in which conventional conferences become open-ended camps. The OST formulation resonates with attributes of other camping practices. Besides promoting the campfire circle, Owen has invoked the boot camp to discuss the role of initiation into organizations and their effective leadership j\\k_\ j\Zk`feÈ9ffk:XdgÉ`eZ_Xgk\i) . He makes clear that he is not putting forward boot camp and its military structure as a model but that he is instead proposing the camp as something that “goes right to the soul of the matter” and to the story of a company to which an initiate has committed.31 With the connections between a recreational freedom and a training camp’s productivity in mind, the mobility of Owen’s Law of Two Feet parallels the transience of RV camp life, particularly for “boondockers” who value their choice of site whether they reside in a Wal-Mart parking lot or a secluded LTVA: If at any time you find yourself in any situation where you are neither learning nor contributing—use your two feet and move to some place more to your liking. Such a place -( might be another group, or even outside into the sunshine. No matter what, don’t sit there feeling miserable. The law, as stated, may sound like rank hedonism, but even hedonism has its place, reminding us that unhappy people are unlikely to be productive people.32 Here, the variability of the asterisk in *camp is linked to the open-endedness of different places. In adaptations of Owen’s ideas, the * can symbolize the diversity of interaction and participation—requirements for what is considered a successful unconference. Organizers of unconferences have interpreted Owen’s Law of Two Feet to mean that all members must actively engage with other participants and move between groups to find where they might learn or contribute.33 Groups of participants define the unconference space, and just as outdoor wilderness camps are cleared for occupation, Owen’s gatherings begin with a large open space. *Camp then approximates the Internet’s networked environment where dialogue makes space. Discussions preceding the typical unconference, like so many blogs and listservs, provide a virtual camping experience that often rivals its “real” component for content and critical dialogue. Planning the camp becomes a form of camping in the virtual world. Owen describes the archetypal unconference space: The space required is critical, but need not be elaborate or elegant. Comfort is more important. You will need a room large enough to hold the entire group, with space to spare in which the participants may easily move about. Tables or desks are not only unnecessary, but will probably get in the way. Movable chairs, on the other hand, are essential. The initial setup is a circle with a large, blank wall somewhere in the room. The wall must be free from windows, doors, drapes, and with a surface that permits taping paper with masking tape. The wall should also be long enough so that the total group may stand before it, and never be more than -) 8LKFEFDP three to four deep. The center of the circle is empty, for after all we are talking about Open Space. If the room is very large, additional break-out areas may not be required, but they are always helpful. Best of all is the sort of environment in which there is an abundance of common space. If you are going to use a conference center or hotel, find one with plenty of conversation nooks, lobbies, and open grounds, where people may meet and work undisturbed, and without disturbing others.34 Foo Camp Type “Me at Foo camp” in Google Earth and you will be transported to Sebastopol, California, where you will hover over a carpet of freshly sodded ground dotted with tents, yurts, and lounging techies. Yahoo designer Bill Scott’s self-location in a high-resolution camping oasis of Google’s otherwise pixelated aerial imagery is perhaps the first globalized occurrence of the self-made campers’ map.35 Between October 10 and 12, 2003, Tim O’Reilly organized the first Foo Camp event in the unused space of O’Reilly Media’s headquarters in Sebastopol. Invitations went out to open- source programmers, hardware hackers, and other “technorati” from around the world. To give an idea of what could be expected at the camp, in his 2006 invitation to prospective campers, O’Reilly compared the event to Burning Man, where it is expected that everyone is a participant and not merely a spectator j\\k_\j\Zk`fejÈ?\[fe`jk:XdgÉ Xe[ÈK_\d\:XdgÉ . In spite of O’Reilly’s expertise as a media -* communicator and publisher of technical and knowledge- based books, the second wave of dot-com declines had left many of the complex’s offices unoccupied. Participants were given the option to camp inside or to set up their tents on the manicured lawn known as O’Reilly’s “campus green”—an artificial grounds in stark contrast to the area’s naturally brown, windswept grasslands and Northern California’s rolling orchard terrain. This backyard camp included the following advice: “Lawn campers, please stay around the edges, and avoid depressions with drainage grates, as they tend to be damp. Orchard campers, be on the lookout for yellow jacket nests” j\\k_\j\Zk`feÈ9XZbpXi[:XdgÉ . Those who opted for the indoor campout and the convenience of its electrical “hookups” chose between the headquarters building’s cubicles and offices, labeled as “camping zones” on the floor plans.36 At Foo, *camp is event and image. With Wi-Fi in your tent and Owen’s open-space principles at work, the camp is a highly productive event space. In recent years, self-organized breakout sessions have hashed out approaches to stop spam, to streamline file management, and to filter newsfeed.37 And with the capacity of the programmers and computer techies to make the camp work and also to image and locate it geographically and virtually within cyberspace, the Google camping portrait is self-reflexive and immediately globalized. It is also a source for invention in and of itself. In an entry on the OverFlight wiki for Foo Camp 2006, Chris DiBona, the open-source program manager for Google, announced that pilots would be taking an aerial photograph of the O’Reilly Campus “on or around noon on Saturday [August] 26th . . . for inclusion in Google Earth and Maps.” The resolution of the overflight photograph yielded 1 pixel for each 3 inches of campground, but DiBona encouraged the group to use a half-square-foot per pixel rule of thumb “for any kinds of display projects [the] foo camper might indulge in.”38 To the question of whether “we will be taking a picture of tents or can we come up with something more entertaining to -+ 8LKFEFDP (%(, (%(- >ff^c\Õp$fm\if]=ff ÈD\Xk=ff:Xdg%É >ff^c\ :Xdg)''-% >ff^c\ -, (%(. M`\nf]FËI\`ccp ?\X[hlXik\ijXe[=ff :Xdg% )''-Alc`Xe 9c\\Zb\i#E\Xi=lkli\ CXYfiXkfip -- 8LKFEFDP photograph,” Foo campers answered with their intentions to build a series of HexaYurts, to camouflage the camp as an optical illusion of a mountain or a “huge hole,” and to invent a “whole new art form” with reams of grayscale paper and a “very low res png.”39 The aerial visualization of the camp then becomes a tool to explore dwelling, aesthetic practice, and technological limitations. Evoking but transforming the eclipse camp, in which earthbound scientists view the celestial body, Foo Camp participates in a kind of subject-object reversal and allows technologists temporarily to understand not only how they are making a physical place in the world but also how they might transform its evolving reliance on communication and interconnection. Although the name Foo has at least two other derivations—“Friends of O’Reilly” and colloquial use as a variable in computer science, this process of the camp’s visualization recalls the use of foo to describe the unidentified lights that appeared on radar scans during World War II and were attributed to natural phenomena, alien spacecraft, or enemy weapons. In this etymological conflation, the Foo Camp might be understood as the field that negotiates the technical mysteries of the cybercamp with the earth-bound exigencies of camping.40 -. N?8KKF9I@E> =ff:Xdg)''- =ff:Xdg`j_Xc]nXpY\kn\\eZXdg`e^Xe[jhlXkk`e^%PflZXeg`kZ_Xk\ekfe k_\cfm\cpÕXkcXnefi`ek_\cldgp$Ylk$Z_Xid`e^fiZ_Xi[%K_\i\ËjjgXZ\ `e[ffij#`emXZXekZlY\jXe[f]ÔZ\j#]fiifl^_cp,'g\fgc\Çdfi\`]]fcbjXi\ n`cc`e^kfY\Zfqp% Efk\kfi\klie`e^:Xdg\ij1n\_Xm\j`^e`ÔZXekcpc\jj`e[ffiZXdg`e^jgXZ\ k_Xe`ep\XijgXjk#jfgc\Xj\gcXeXZZfi[`e^cp% :Xdg`e^jkl]] Jc\\g`e^YX^#g`ccfn#]fXdfi`eÕXkXYc\dXkki\jj K\ek#`]pflËi\jc\\g`e^flkj`[\ Kf`c\ki`\j =cXj_c`^_k 8kfn\c`jXYflkk_\dfjkdXjj`m\cplj\]lck_`e^Xe`ek\ijk\ccXi_`kZ__`b\i ZXe_Xm\%GXikcp`k_Xj^i\XkgiXZk`ZXcmXcl\%PflZXeniXg`kXifle[pfl ]finXidk_XjpflYfle[XZifjjk_\Zfc[dffejf]AXYcXe9\kX2pflZXe c`\fe`kfek_\Yi`cc`XekdXiYc\$jXe[\[Y\XZ_\jf]JXekiX^`eljM#`e_Xc`e^ k_\_\X[pj\XmXgfij2pflZXejc\\gle[\i`kY\e\Xk_k_\jkXijn_`Z_ j_`e\jfi\[cpfek_\[\j\iknfic[f]BXbiX]ffe2lj\`kkfjX`cXd`e`iX]k [fnek_\jcfn_\XmpI`m\iDfk_2n\k`k]filj\`e_Xe[$kf$_Xe[ZfdYXk2 niXg`kifle[pfli_\X[kfnXi[f]]efo`flj]ld\jfiXmf`[k_\^Xq\f] k_\IXm\eflj9l^YcXkk\i9\Xjkf]KiXcc Xd`e[$Yf^^c`e^cpjklg`[Xe`dXc# `kXjjld\jk_Xk`]pflZXeËkj\\`k#`kZXeËkj\\pflÆ[X]kXjXYilj_#Ylk m\ipm\ipiXm\eflj 2pflZXenXm\pflikfn\c`e\d\i^\eZ`\jXjX [`jki\jjj`^eXc#Xe[f]Zflij\[ippflij\c]f]]n`k_`k`]`kjk`ccj\\djkfY\ Zc\Xe\efl^_% Nfib`e^&GcXp`e^jkl]] N`i\c\jj$\eXYc\[cXgkfg ;fe^c\#`]pflgcXekf_ffbk_XkcXgkfglgkfXgifa\Zkfi :Xd\iX Efk\Yffb G\e E\knfibZXYc\ @]pflË[c`b\kf_ffblgkfk_\n`i\[e\knfib E`ek\e[f;J gcXpn`k_fk_\ij#c\XieXYflk_fd\Yi\n`ek_\;J?XZb`e^ j\jj`fe Jkl]]k_Xke\\[jX^ff[_fd\ >fkXepe\n$Ylk$lj\c\jjjnX^pflË[c`b\kfgXjjfekfjfd\fe\n_fË[ Xggi\Z`Xk\dfi\k_Xepfl[f6N\Ëcc_Xm\X=i\\9fo#jfYi`e^Xcfe^pfli [feXk`fej%Jli\cpjfd\fe\nflc[ki\Xjli\k_Xkpfpf]ifdX[\Z\Xj\[ [fkZfd% (%(/ -/ 8LKFEFDP BarCamp If Foo is the private *camp gathering, then BarCamp is its public, though no less publicized, counterpart. In 2005, Ross Mayfield hosted the first BarCamp in Palo Alto, with an open invitation in a conscious effort to counter the exclusivity of Foo Camp. The offices of the networking and social software company Socialtext served as the alternative campground for what Mayfield insisted was not an anti-Foo event.41 Echoing Harrison Owen’s principles of self-organization, its planners defined the camp as “an ad hoc gathering born from the desire for people to share and learn in an open environment.” To encourage and facilitate the planning of a network of BarCamps, the organizers have also established a central mechanism for the open-source licensing of code written at the camp. The original licensing agreement for code formulated during BarCamp reads with the informality of both camp and open source: “The BarCamp License (Revision 1): -0 must give a demo, a session, or help with one. This is called sharing and we like it.”43 Participants post ideas and session proposals on a main board—called the “marketplace” by Harrison Owen—from which the camp’s structure and agenda is developed. With its common licensing, readily available online templates, and simple rules, BarCamp has brought attention to, if not partially formalized, the broader unconference movement. In spite of this loose structuring, each BarCamp maintains the open format of *camp through its combination of workshop, conference, and open-space methodologies. As a result, BarCamps have proliferated with the same energy and diversity of specialized summer camps. To classify thousands of BarCamps in more than thirty countries, “geographical” and “thematical” categories have been established. Organizers have created BarCampBangalore, BarCampSaskatoon, CodeCampSiliconValley, BarCampPeoria, WineCamp, CookCamp, PodCamp, and BarCampEarth, which celebrated BarCamp’s first anniversary with simultaneous global camping on August 25, 2006 j\\ÈNfic[:XdgÉ . Two limiting factors for carrying out a BarCamp’s predrafted online planning are space and sponsorship—where to camp and how to fund it. Circumventing these issues, virtual spaces have accommodated recent unconference camps. RomeCamp, BarCampVirtual, and BarCampSecondLife have used the environment of Second Life as the virtual campground for carrying out open-space methodologies of self-organization. BarCampSecondLife was the first event hosted by the Hipcast Expo and Conference Center.44 BarCamps also work directly with urban contexts. Organizers described the TorCamp, or Toronto Transit Camp (TTC), as a “solution playground” in which participants worked toward improving the Toronto transit system. Bloggers have described the camp event as an experiment combining the BarCamp event format and community principles to address the problems of Toronto’s transit system. TTC also synthesizes the unconference with the community design .' 8LKFEFDP charrette to elicit feedback and proposals from artists, designers, residents, and public agencies, including the Toronto Transit Commission (also referred to as TTC). The charrette as camp model also works more generally to address immediate urban design issues. Inspired explicitly by open-source software, organizers planned an event called OpenCities that in June 2007 explored the idea of openness (“all that is open”) in the city of Toronto. In doing so, they pointed out that they were tapping into a particular cultural-social vein in contemporary discussions of public space, education, electronic content, and art.45 In the loose structuring of BarCamp, the open-source BarCamp template becomes a camping ground on which participants can pitch their ideas and stake out spaces of dialogue. The campsite’s “codes” operate from the open-source substrate (*camp) of programmers’ language but are then easily adapted and mobilized by bloggers, techies, surfers, and other virtual campers. The steps and structure for BarCamp do follow an adaptation of the time-honored sequence of camping that moves from siting to clearing to making to breaking.46 .( (%(0 (%)' 9Xi:XdgJXe=iXeZ`jZf% 9Xi:XdgM`iklXc`eJ\Zfe[ :flik\jpf]JZfkk9\Xc\ C`]\#?`gZXjk .) 8LKFEFDP GI '%=`e[Xm\el\ (%J\k[Xk\Xe[k`d\ Zifjj$Z_\Zbn`k_nnn%lgZfd`e^%fi^ )%:fddle`ZXk\1Zi\Xk\gX^\fennn%YXiZXdg%fi^ ZXeXcjfY\j\gXiXk\cp _fjk\[n`b`2lj\\dX`c#Ycf^#@I:#Xe[n`b` *%JXpn_Xkpfle\\[ +%E\knfib`ekif[lZk`fe k\Z_jlggfik#c`ebj#\kZ% ,%Gi\j\ekXk`fej]fidXk J,jc`[\j_fnk\dgcXk\ -%K\ekj\klg g`Zb`e^X^ff[jgfk#j_X[\#Zc\Xi`e^ifZbj&Yldgj#\]ÔZ`\ek j\klg#n`e[pj\klg#iX`ej_`\c[#X`iÕfn .%Jc\\g_XZb`e^ 9Xi:Xdg /%N\Xi\\hlXc`e[`m`[lXcj`eXefg\eZfddle`kp 0%C\X[\ij_`gZXe\d\i^\]ifdXepn_\i\ ('%N\Xi\XccgXik`Z`gXekj (%)( >l`[\c`e\j]fi9Xi:Xdg% ;\i`m\[]ifdYXiZXdg%fi^ &?fnKf>\kJkXik\[ .* Gaming Camp In computer games, spawn camping threatens a player’s opponents and at the same time questions the game’s integrity. Spawn camps are strategic sites where gamers wait to ambush other players or linger to accumulate resources and “experience points.” This combination of attack and defense parallels the diverse set of conventional military camps j\\k_\j\Zk`fejfe È:FELJ:XdgÉXe[ÈFm\ij\XjD`c`kXip=XZ`c`kpÉ`eZ_Xgk\i) . Making this connection, gamers employ strategic practices of siting camps on high ground, camouflaging and providing a low profile to the bivouac, or shifting camp to avoid detection.47 To simulate further the sites of warfare, computer games also furnish ready-made, often generically equipped camps like the Allied Camp in Wolfenstein’s Enemy Territory. Camping practice in the virtual world of gaming also challenges the classic precepts of war, like those found in Sun Tzu’s The Art of War. In one spawn strategy, gamers “camp out” at respawn locations. To spawn camp at these points of entry for refreshed or new players is to confirm ironically a Sun Tzu axiom: “Whoever is first in the field and awaits the coming of the enemy will be fresh for the fight.” So fresh that programmers and rule makers have scrambled to circumvent these spawn camps, perceived as an unfair advantage in computer gaming. In other camps, gamers find points of limbo, even if seemingly vulnerable in an open field or highly accessible location, where they can increase their “survivability,” a practice that contradicts another art of war: “When in difficult country, do not encamp. In country where high roads intersect, join hands with your allies. Do not linger in dangerously isolated positions. In hemmed-in situations, you must resort to stratagem. In desperate position, you must fight.” In computer gaming and the spaces of its camps, players have found that you do not have to fight to win. .+ 8LKFEFDP With spawn camp, lingering is strength and isolation empowers the gamer with the artifice of inactivity and a self-made ethics of noncombat. In Enemy Territory, campers are programmers who use the command “setspawnpt” variable to map their spawn locations. This strategy draws on the latent meaning of spawn—the manipulation of origin and effect. The solitary gamer, as camper, reprogrammer, and avatar-warrior, controls the rules of the game and its outcome, putting the game itself into a kind of limbo. The unwitting player, expecting confrontation and “war,” is haunted by Sun Tzu’s army on the march: “If his place of encampment is easy of access, he is tendering a bait.” Yet, the artifice is not necessarily to engage directly with the enemy, and it is the nonengagement of the camper with other players and the code of conduct, along with the camp’s manipulation of the game’s programming “code,” that make the spawn camp unsocial and by all accounts unfair. Spawn camping exceeds the art of seeing to approach spaces of modern warfare, which are characterized not by vision but in terms of speed—a topological rather than topographical approach.48 Spawn camp, like the related practices of turtling, base camping, wait-screen camping, and refresh camping, plays on the computer gaming construct itself. Waiting at the game’s entry point, spawn campers exploit the threshold between the game’s virtual spaces and its external realities. Gamers also control play through an autonomy afforded by technologies of speed and interconnectivity. Spawn camps function most efficaciously and maliciously in the “public” worlds of online gaming. Here, the virtual gamer survives through the distances of the social network and the hyperproximities of the game’s landscape. Spawn camp affords an absolute position, controlling the game not by strategic action but through immobility—to the extent that popular games like EverQuest have come to be known as EverCamp. ., (%)) È=`ijkJgXneZXdg .- 8LKFEFDP Hacker Camp Camps reverse decentralization without sacrificing hacker ethics. At the Chaos Communication Camp (CCC) in August 2007, more than two thousand hacker-campers found the requisite open space to satisfy one of Steven Levy’s codified rules of hacking—to disperse authority—and at the same time to generate a centralized community physically located at coordinates 52.8317,13.6779. This was an open-air and open-source environment for hackers, not defined by stealth but by technical expertise. Art and beauty on the computer, another of Levy’s codes, manifested in the camp as a bricoleur’s laboratory, where hackers excel at making one thing from something else—the trick, or artifice, of bricole “turning” technology to unintended but significant, and beautiful, use. CCC’s planners turned the former Soviet–East German airbase near Berlin into a hacking community linked to the Internet through a two-mile cable. And Porta-Johns were deployed in the camp as network hubs, their switches elevated and protected in the ventilated space of the datenklos (“data-loos”), which then became the data-campfire nodes of tent clusters. Camps allow for such nonstandard use of site and facilities. For five days, CCC’s campers resided in thirty autonomously themed villages where informal discussions were encouraged and experiments were carried out j\\ ÈK_\d\:XdgÉ . Although for the most part camper-defined, the camp posted rules prohibiting dogs, regulating the flight of drones, and delineating a “no camera camping” zone. CCC’s history of camping extends back to 1999 in a Berlin field and builds on previous hacker camps. Although it did not provide open-air camping, the Galactic Hacker Party (GHP), held in 1989 in the converted church of Amsterdam’s Club Paradiso, did help initiate a series of hacker gatherings. Dutch hacker magazine Hack-Tic hosted a follow-up event in .. ./ 8LKFEFDP (%)* :_Xfj:fddle`ZXk`fe :Xdg#8l^ljk(000% :flik\jpf]Fjkbi\lqXe[ DXli`Z\N\`jj (%)+ ;Xk\ebcfe\knfib_lY# :_Xfj:fddle`ZXk`fe :Xdg#)''.% Af_e9ficXe[ .0 1993 that was billed as an “in-tents summer congress.” Participants in Hacking at the End of the Universe (HEU) camped thirteen feet below sea level in Holland’s Laserbos campground. HIP (Hacking in Progress), known as “HIPcamp,” convened two years later at the Kotterbos campground in Almere, The Netherlands. Connections between camping and hacking have also extended to TechTrain sessions described as intensive “hacker camps” for rapidly acquiring expertise in information technology systems, but organized camp planners have seemed to resist the “hacker summer camp” designation because of the term’s potentially negative connotations.49 At Chaos Communication Camp, members of the Hacker Foundation from the United States explored European models for collective meeting spaces. The foundation has developed its Hacker Space Initiative to support the development of infrastructure for research and services. For the group, “hacker space” is the camp space of CCC where the intellectual commons espoused by Free and Open Source Software (FOSS) ideology gains a physical presence. For the Hacker Foundation, the open camp, apart from decentralized isolation, is a potential model for hacker community outreach—charitable work and advocacy. To that end, participants in the CCC event called for a U.S. network of fixed hacker research spaces like Metalab in Vienna and Berlin’s C-Base—legendarily sited on the crash site of a spaceship and a reverse-engineered space station. As a starting point, they proposed a camp—the “Hackers on a Base” camp, also making use of a decommissioned military base j\\k_\j\Zk`feÈ8[Xgk\[:XdgÉ . And so, in the annals of hacker terminology, the phrase “AOS the campfire” denotes the augmentation of “add one and do not skip” (AOS) programming instructions—a cumulative process also found in campfire-building and an increased exchange similarly afforded by the camp’s locative qualities of geography and placefulness.50 /' 8LKFEFDP Queue Camp Sony released its long-awaited Play Station 3 (PS3) to North American consumers on November 17, 2006. In spite of cold weather throughout much of the United States, PS3 camps emerged in the parking lots and along the entry walks of the nation’s electronic department stores. Prospective buyers of the game camped out days before the release date, some auctioning off their positions in line once they realized the value of these campsites.51 On YouTube, the PS3 camp video became a common type of footage, exhibiting hauntingly uniform site conditions, with Best Buy’s rusticated concrete block the standard background to a hodgepodge of lawn chairs, Coleman tents, and bleary-eyed tedium. From Miami to Davenport, Iowa, from Aventura to Germantown, Maryland, storefront walkways became tent-laden campsites. Many Best Buy stores posted their store policy disallowing overnight stays on the site and required customers to remain offsite until the product release date. One printed sign in Burbank, California, read: “Best Buy appreciates your interest and excitement for the upcoming gaming release but we have a general practice that we do not allow lines to form prior to the day before a release. We hope to see you on the release date.” But many managers of Best Buy, Circuit City, Target, and Wal-Mart stores tolerated the anticipation and embraced the publicity, while in all likelihood secretly fretting about the liability. The console launch-day campout continued with Nintendo Wii’s release on November 19, and bloggers compared the phenomenon to its virtual gaming counterpart of spawn camping j\\È>Xd`e^:XdgÉ .52 Not limited to far-flung big-box hardscapes, the queue camp also accommodates tent dwellers seeking to purchase event tickets. Here, spectacle replaces fetishized object as the motivation for suspending daily life to camp out in the /( 8LKFEFDP elements. Camping for seats at sporting events entered the popular imagination with the juxtaposition of tents and collegiate Gothic in the 1980s when Duke University students founded the tent city of Krzyzewskiville, after head basketball coach Mike Krzyzewski. More than a thousand students camp for up to seven weeks to claim free admission to the basketball team’s games at storied Cameron Indoor Stadium. The grounds adjacent to the basketball arena and Card Gymnasium have become a part of the university’s landscape master plan and are typically included as a stop on campus tours. In 1998, students camping in K-Ville participated in an early pilot program to bring wireless computer access to the campus, and camp infrastructure now includes Wi-Fi and Ethernet ports in the light poles. The Duke University Student Government regulates the queue camp in a highly articulated policy that includes the following permutations: preblue tenting (for those who set up camp before the official 8:30 a.m., January 7, start time); blue tenting (sixty registered tents with a maximum of twelve occupants can be pitched at 10 a.m. on January 7); and white tenting (supplanting blue tenting on January 29 in preparation for the basketball game with the University of North Carolina). Line monitors, as rigorous as boot-camp sergeants, administer K-Ville’s policy of tent checks (Duke ID and required tent occupancy), grace periods (for a one-hour daily break and for instances of health and safety problems), personal checks, and tent roster changes. Tent city life culminates with the distribution of wristbands for admission to the game with North Carolina.53 (%), (%)- GJ*ZXdgflk`e]ifekf] CXleZ_gXikpZXdgflk 9\jk9lpjkfi\`eDflek ]fi`G_fe\#8i[dfi\# CXli\c#E%A%#feN\[e\j[Xp# G\eejpcmXe`X#Ale\)/# Efm\dY\i(,#)''-%K_\ )''.% G_fkf^iXg_Yp ZXdg\ijXi\nX`k`e^]fik_\ 8XifeDl[\i`Zb i\c\Xj\Xk()1'(X%d%=i`[Xp f]JfepËjGcXpJkXk`fe* ^Xd\% 8GG_fkf&D\c /* /+ 8LKFEFDP (%). Biqpq\njb`m`cc\ B$M`cc\ # ;lb\Le`m\ij`kp:Xdglj% :fgpi`^_k:_i`j?`c[i\k_ /, GFC@:P ]ifd;lb\Jkl[\ek>fm\ied\ekI\^lcXk`fejf]B$M`cc\ >Xd\Gfc`Zp:cXjj`ÔZXk`fej1K_\k\ek`e^^Xd\`jLE:%K_\j\e`fi^Xd\ `j>\fi^`XK\Z_%Ni`jkYXe[^Xd\jXi\k_\gfglcXin\\b[Xp^Xd\j% NXcb$LgGfc`Zp1>iflgjf]lgkf-jkl[\ekjdXp]fid&af`ek_\c`e\XkXep k`d\#Xe[_Xc]fidfi\dljkY\gi\j\ekXkXcck`d\j% N_`k\K\ek`e^I\^`jkiXk`fe18iXe[fdcfZXk`fen`ccY\gfjk\[fek_\ B$m`cc\n\Yj`k\#Xe[^iflgjn`ccY\i\^`jk\i\[feXÔijk$Zfd\Ôijk$j\im\ YXj`jXkk_XkcfZXk`fe% N_`k\K\ek`e^I\hl`i\d\ekj1)g\fgc\Xke`^_kXe[([li`e^k_\[Xp% >iXZ\Gfc`Zp1)'[\^i\\jfi)`eZ_\jf]XZZldlcXk\[jefnn`cc ^lXiXek\\^iXZ\%?fn\m\i#dXepfk_\in\Xk_\ik\dg\iXkli\jXe[ Zfe[`k`fejd\i`k^iXZ\% G\ijfeXcZ_\Zbjn`ccY\_\c[]ifd0g%d%lek`c/X%d%feknfe`^_kj% G\ijfeXcZ_\Zbj]fi:Xifc`eXn`ccfZZlifek_\n\\b\e[Y\]fi\k_\^Xd\% @]Xepk_`e^`jY\`e^lj\[`eXk\ekk_Xk`jefkYXkk\ip$fg\iXk\[#`kn`ccZflek XjXd`jj\[k\ekZ_\Zb#ZfeÔjZXk\[#Xe[klie\[fm\ikf;lb\=`i\JX]\kp% K\ek\ijn`ccefkY\g\id`kk\[kf_Xm\dfi\k_Xe)d\[`ld$j`q\[k\ekjXk Xepk`d\% KXigjXi\efkXccfn\[kfY\jki\kZ_\[fm\ik_\kfgf]dlck`gc\k\ekj% 8ccjkl[\ekj\ek\i`e^:Xd\ifedljkY\n\Xi`e^Xni`jkYXe[]fi `[\ek`ÔZXk`fegligfj\j% Jkl[\ekjXi\`e\c`^`Yc\kfk\ek`]k_\pn\i\]lcc$k`d\jkl[\ekjXkk_\ Le`m\ij`kpf]Efik_:Xifc`eXXk:_Xg\c?`cc[li`e^k_\]Xcc)''-j\d\jk\i% @]jkl[\ekjXi\lj`e^k_\@D9l`c[`e^]fiXepgligfj\fk_\ik_Xelj`e^ k_\YXk_iffdj#`kn`ccZflekXjXd`jj\[k\ekZ_\Zb% (%)/ >l`[\c`e\j]fiBiqpq\njb`m`cc\% jkl[\ek%^iflgj%[lb\%\[l&b$m`cc\ /- 8LKFEFDP PS3 campers choose to participate in the commercial hype of the computer gaming industry, and the culture of K-Ville reflects the pleasures of college life; but queue camps, particularly those with a focus on acquisition, also register more complex situations of displacement and consumption. In April 2007, civilians and service families hoping to purchase decommissioned housing units camped on the former British Royal Air Force military base in Coltishall, Norfolk. Development company Annington Homes bought the camp’s 328 houses in 1996 and planned to dispense 48 units that had been leased back to the Ministry of Defense. Under requirements imposed by the developer, service families found themselves camping two hundred yards from the home they were leasing and hoped to buy, with further stipulations that vacating a tent for more than two hours in a given twenty-four hour period would sacrifice the place in the queue. This camp indicated the lack of affordable housing in the region, provoking many service families to camp out for more than three weeks for a chance to buy their leased homes.54 The necessity of dwelling-in-line relates to the queue camp’s corollary—camping while waiting.55 Donna McSherry has developed a website to dispense information about how to camp in airports. The site also serves as a zone of exchange for travelers and includes testimonials and experiences. Postings to the website range from camping experiences behind the airport terminal in Maun, Botswana, to provisional couch campsites in the liminal spaces of London’s Gatwick airport. McSherry’s website takes on the camping principles of adjusting to circumstances. Her recommendations for camping accessories include: $2 inflatable pool rafts, bottled water, snacks, and alarm clock. The popularity of London’s Stansted airport with young travelers in Europe has caused congestion in the prime airport camping locations, which have become so frequented by budget travelers that “you need to arrive by about 11pm at the latest if you want to secure a bank of padded seats to sleep on.”56 Singapore’s Changi Airport is /. famed as a prime destination for travelers with its free “napping lounges”—the Plaza Premium Lounge and the Rainforest Lounge. The latter “campsite,” located in the Transit Area of the Changi Airport, is open twenty-four hours a day and includes areas for napping within its “thematic lifestyle lounge,” a re-created tropical rainforest. The Plaza Premium Lounge includes fee-based napping suites. McSherry summarizes the airport’s amenities: “I am almost inclined to travel to Singapore, just to camp out in the airport.”57 // 8LKFEFDP (%)0 8`iÔ\c[:Xdg`e^N\\b\e[# IXdj^Xk\Dle`Z`gXc 8`igfik#B\ek# (%*' 8`iÔ\c[:Xdg`e^N\\b\e[# IXdj^Xk\Dle`Z`gXc 8`igfik#B\ek# /0 Tree Camp Cosimo Rondò camped for most of his life as baron of the trees. Having left his parents’ table on June 15, 1767, the twelve-year-old oversaw central Europe’s green canopy without ever setting foot on earth again. The matrix of leaves and branches and his headstrong autonomy necessitated an impermanence. After he gave up on the construction of a full-blown aerial house, his only shelter was a suspended hammock lined with fur. And his movement from foliaged camp to foliaged camp was at the mercy of natural distribution and later became a function of human intervention after the Napoleonic Wars drastically altered and diminished the arboreal coverage. In spite of this transience, Cosimo, temporarily immobilized by grapeshot in his leg, was able to formulate a counternation called the Republic of Arborea, with its own Constitution of an Ideal State in the Trees. Cosimo Rondò camped on air. Tree camps and the hanging bivouacs of cliff camps approximate this suspended, unfortunately for the most part fictional, existence along a vertical campground described in Italo Calvino’s novel: “From the tree Cosimo looked at the world; everything seen from up there was different, which was fun in itself.”58 This playful change of perspective combines with the challenges of extreme camping. With tree camping, you might feel as if your new ground is the sky, as your bird’s-eye view of the world collapses what is near and far into a near-vertical frame. Having climbed trees recreationally and professionally, Peter Jenkins founded Tree Climbers International in 1983. According to the classification system established by Jenkins, a Class 6 tree with a commitment rating of VI or VII would rival the Baron’s own expedition, if not in duration then in its difficulty, which takes the tree climber as high as 370 feet into remote areas “with several days of tree-top camping.” Derived 0' 8LKFEFDP from mountain climbing and arborists’ procedures, technical tree climbing requires helmet, ropes, throw weights, carabiners, and harnessed saddles, within the self-belay system of using two ropes to raise and lower oneself—an autonomous movement that culminates in a night’s sleep in a “tree boat.” Typically carried out in a four-cornered canvas hammock, tree-boating is a form of suspended camping where, according to Jenkins, sleep is enhanced by vivid dreams and a nervous system “in a state of mental readiness.”59 Tree camps are also longer-term, environmentally sensitive sites of protest. Just as Cosimo’s canopied territory diminished, timber harvests have left islands of publicly owned, old- growth forests where environmental activists have established village networks in the air. Tree-camping practices to protect these stands are solitary and communal—from Julia Butterfly’s two-year tree-sitting protest to save the thousand-year-old redwood named Luna to the village camp of Fall Creek in the Willamette National Forest. The Fall Creek camp, also called “Red Cloud Thunder,” floated at an elevation of two hundred feet in the forest’s fir and hemlock stands in a six-year ecoprotest campaign from 1998 to 2003. The canopy camps afforded the tactical positioning of direct action along with the seclusion necessary for the protest’s longevity. The tree camp also became an ad hoc field research station, and the tree villagers’ familiarity with the canopy environment unexpectedly added to the protest’s success with the discovery of previously unknown habitats. As amateur zoologists, botanists, and arborists, the tree campers identified nests of the red tree vole, common prey of the Northern Spotted Owl, by law forcing the U.S. Forest Service to reduce the extent of its logging and thus saving more than half of the ninety-four acres slated to be clear-cut. As a site for both the detachment of anarchoprimitivism and direct action’s engagement, the tree village camp becomes not the ideal state of Cosimo Rondò but an aerial scene of pragmatic imagination.60 0( 8LKFEFDP (%*( (%*) Fm\ie`^_kZ_`c[i\eËjki\\ Ki\\j`kXk=Xcc:i\\b ZXdgXk8iYfi\kldEXk`feXc :XdgX`^e`eÈP^^[iXj`c#É [\j9Xii\j#Cf`i\k#=iXeZ\% N`ccXd\kk\EXk`feXc=fi\jk# Ki\\:c`dY`e^=iXeZ\ Fi\^fe% :flik\jpf] ;\Xe\I`d\idXe % 0* Wall Camp The lightness of camping vertically might certainly induce a unique dream state, but it is the practicality of lightness that characterizes the hanging bivouac of rock climbing, more accurately termed “big wall climbing.” When Warren Harding and his climbing team completed the twelve-day ascent of El Capitan’s northeast face called the “Nose” in November 1957, he had drawn national media attention to the sport for his traffic-jam inducing visibility from Yosemite’s popular Meadow site below. He had also reinvented the “siege tactic” for shuttling provisions between camps during the grueling climb. If the vertical climbing route does not include a ledge for camping, then a prolonged ascent requires climbers to camp suspended with thousands of feet of air between the ground and their prone, hopefully not wakeful, bodies. The visual exposure of Harding’s camp to an enthralled public is also the natural vulnerability of the “bivvy” camp to wind, snowmelt, and temperature extremes. But it is the campfire, disengaged from its earthen conventions and suspended as cookstove, that poses the greatest threat to the wall camper. (%** NXccZXdgefik_f]k_\ 8iZk`Z:`iZc\#>i\XkJX`c G\Xb#9X]Ôe@jcXe[# DXpÆAle\(00/% :flik\jp f]>fi[feN`ckj`\ 0+ For a week in early summer 1998, a wall camp’s hanging tents—more than a half-mile above the frozen Arctic Ocean— provided respite from the vertiginous context of Baffin Island’s Great Sail Peak. North of the Arctic Circle, climbers had continuous daylight during the ten days to pitch the camp and the seven days to occupy the wall camp, a staging point for reaching the peak’s 5,305-foot summit. Combining hammock and hanging tent, portaledges provided the camp’s three shelters—intricate cocoons of vapor barriers, insulation layers, and carabiner connections, tethered to a “bomber” hold—a tie-down, actually a “tie-up,” in which the experienced climber has the greatest confidence. Here, camping becomes a sleeping and clothing system that must be tailored to exposure, weather, the available “pitches” and holds, and the duration of the climb. Tree camping and cliff camping reorient the grounding of camp’s spaces, to harness, poetically and technically, the tensile nature of tent camping.61 (%*+ ;\j`^ejb\kZ_]figfikXc\[^\#(00-% :flik\jpf]Af_e D`[[\e[fi] 0- 8LKFEFDP Philosophers’ Camp The first installment of Deleuze Camp convened in the late summer of 2007. But it is likely that this collision of terms was latent in our minds for many years previous. When postgraduate students met at Cardiff University’s Centre for Critical and Cultural Theory for “a hectic combination of lectures, seminars, and workshops,” they did not camp outdoors or engage in the rusticism typically associated with the iconic summer camp. But their conference confirms one of many philosophical, and semantic, trajectories that can be traced along its own camping plateau, particularly the events of August 5, 1858. When Ralph Waldo Emerson, Louis Agassiz, James Lowell, and other members of the Saturday Club left on their camping trip with their guide William James Stillman, they departed not only the urban distractions of Boston but also a world still slowed by paper telegraphy. But before hearing the news of successful tests of a transatlantic cable—an irony itself given the presumed inaccessibility of the camp—Emerson would write elegiacally about their experience: “Follansbee’s Pond. It should be called Stillman’s henceforward, from the good camp which this gallant artist has built, and the good party he has led and planted here for the present at the bottom of the little bay which lies near the head of the lake.”62 Urbanite- turned-woodsman Stillman documented the experience at what he named Camp Maple in The Philosophers’ Camp, in which Louis Agassiz can be seen dissecting a trout on a tree stump while James Lowell’s group, with Stillman himself, fires rifles at a target in the valley. In the center of the painting, among the eponymous and highly symbolic maples, the transcendent figure of Emerson anchors both groups and, acting as a transcamp figure, links the two “camps”: science and the arts.63 0. Still camping, the group reacted with some degree of agitation at the news of the transatlantic experiment, which though marginally successful revolutionized the speed of communication and telegraphic connectivity. The camp, it seems, was uprooted from this “good camp”—an organic construct, its rhizomatic influences apparent through Emerson’s subsequent poetic essay “The Adirondacs” about the transcendence of the camp and through William James’s radical empiricism that can be said to have paralleled his own camping experiences. James begins his famous essay “What Pragmatism Means” with his return to camp, where he finds his fellow campers in a heated debate about a squirrel and a tree. Reflecting his philosophy of pragmatism and his practice of empirical psychology, James’s resolution of the conflict entirely fits with the camp’s setting, one in which the rationalized methods and rigorous sequence of camping (from siting to breaking camp) are tempered, and at the same time radicalized, by the “real” experiences in nature. Though one of James’s favorite camping destinations, Putnam Camp was not wholly primitive and was in fact semipermanent, with rustic cabins and some amenities. The distance from the city and the connection with the remaining wilderness was such that other campers like Sigmund Freud might chop wood and “rough it” in relative seclusion. First the transcendentalists and then the pragmatists went camping in the rapidly contracting American wilderness. If the camp is a transcendental field, its spaces might be understood through events of a transcendental empiricism. Perhaps this is the “pure immanence” that Freud expressed with his exhilaration from the camping experience: “Of everything I have experienced in America this here is probably the strangest: a camp, you must imagine, in a wilderness in the woods, situated like a mountain meadow. . . . Stones, moss, groups of trees, uneven ground which on three sides merges into densely wooded hills.”64 Or, the camp may simply be a spatial parallel to what Deleuze called the minor American 0/ 8LKFEFDP literature—marginal sites for experimentation. Today’s philosophers’ camp is virtual, a function of what the August 1858 transatlantic connectivity has brought with it. Camping, we set up home pages, blogs, and wikis—the latter conceived as a campsite from the outset—a place where the nomadic thinker is asked to set up temporary residency, to pitch a tent and to converse across the campfire, now flickering with a refresh rate j\\È9Xi:XdgÉ . These open camps of the Internet are indeed a kind of place-making apparatus, when place is defined as a site (campsite) for debating, telling stories, and asking questions—even if remaining as sites for an idealism or aspirations of utopia j\\È!:XdgÉ . (%*, N`cc`XdAXd\jJk`ccdXe# K_\G_`cfjfg_\ijË:Xdg`e k_\8[`ife[XZbj#(/,/% :flik\jpf]:feZfi[=i\\ GlYc`ZC`YiXip 00 Eclipse Camp In late April 1919, Sir Arthur Eddington, British scientist and adventurer, arrived at the eclipse camp on the Island of Principe. From this camp, Eddington recorded the first measurements of starlight deflection since Albert Einstein’s publication of his general theory of relativity three years earlier. A Quaker and a conscientious objector to the First World War, Eddington was avoiding one camp by traveling to another. In 1917, his pacifist convictions almost led him to North England, where he knew that many of his friends were peeling potatoes in the objector camps. In spite of Eddington’s acceptance of this fate, the Astronomer Royal Sir Frank Dyson nominated Eddington to lead one of the expeditions planned to prove Einstein’s theory in the next two years. The war ended and Eddington went to an eclipse camp to weigh light.65 This intersection of camping and science was not new— the Victorian propensity to traverse its colonial grounds in the name of science and leisure had begun in the previous century.66 However, the idea that attempts would be made to provide experimental proof of Einstein’s theory on a camping trip was profound, if unexpected, and the result of an extraordinary effort. Assistants carried massive equipment over the Atlantic from England to the islands along Africa’s west coast in preparation for the event months in advance. Along with simultaneous observations from another British expedition in Sobral, Brazil, the Principe site was chosen for its clear skies, its accessibility for heavy equipment, the availability of local labor and construction material, and most important, the existence of a source of pure water for photographic work. It was the flexibility of the camp’s location and its precise positioning along the path of totality that rewarded the mobilized scientist Eddington with the practical measurements that had eluded Einstein. ('' 8LKFEFDP Although the precision of these measurements has been questioned and Eddington’s camping excursion has since been mythologized, eclipse astronomers have successfully measured the distances between the stars flanking the covered disk of the sun during totality.67 Comparisons made with prior images of the stars’ configuration then show whether the sun’s gravitational forces have resulted in the space-time curvature predicted by Einstein’s theory. The eclipse’s occurrence on May 29, 1919, was especially auspicious and provided the optimal conditions because at that time of year the sun traversed a patch of particularly bright stars, which aided as reference points in the measurement of light’s deflection. Previous researchers had attempted proofs of Einstein’s earlier special theory of relativity in 1912 and 1914, but weather and eventually war intervened. At Principe, a momentary break in the rain and cloudy skies yielded only two photographic plates in the last phases of totality, enough data for Eddington’s island-bound confirmation of Einstein’s theory three days later.68 By November 1919 with the additional measurements from Sobral, British headlines announced both a “revolution in science” and the observance of the first Armistice day. For Eddington, the eclipse camp and its results were significant not only scientifically but also politically—the outcome of a British Quaker astronomer collaborating with a German Jewish scientist, transcending nationalism and nationalistic boundaries through the camp’s far-flung African location. Following Eddington’s work, equally obsessive scientific pursuits have generated an array of research camps that track a geography of discovery. On September 21, 1922, in what has been lauded as the follow-up proof to Eddington’s confirmation, an expedition led by William Wallace Campbell convinced the skeptical Lick Observatory Director of the value of Einstein’s theory at the Wallal eclipse camp in Australia. With the momentum of these previous explorations, the eclipse camp entered into collective memory and social-scientific aspirations. The 1937 joint expedition of the National ('( Geographic Society and the U.S. Navy took scientists, naval officers, one painter, a broadcast announcer, and two engineers to Canton Island. A Marine Corps sergeant oversaw the thirteen-member crew’s construction of the camp, which took the form of a prototypical American town and borrowed from New York City’s iconography. National Broadcasting Company (NBC) announcer George Hicks worked from his tent dubbed “Radio City,” a town hall was established, “Fifth Avenue” ran through the residential tents, “Broadway” divided the tents and instruments, and the fourteen-foot telescopic camera was named “Big Bertha” after World War I howitzers. On June 8, with antennas raised by kites, a swimsuit-clad Hicks narrated a fifteen-minute broadcast from this hybridized military, science, media, and artist camp.69 Descriptions of preparations and totality reached NBC studios for rebroadcast and eventually arrived at BBC studios in London. Worldwide broadcasts had not only captured the eclipse’s longest duration since A.D. 699 but had also provided a vision of island camp life in its daily rituals and extraordinary observations. Confirming its temporary permanence, camp was broken and the USS Avocet set sail for Honolulu thirty hours after the last glimpse of totality.70 8LKFEFDP (%*- :Xdgf]EXk`feXc>\f^iXg_`ZJfZ`\kpÆEXk`feXc9li\Xl f]JkXe[Xi[j ('+ 8LKFEFDP Although observing eclipses has become easier with lighter, smaller, and more powerful equipment, eclipse camps remain expensive and logistically demanding because of the often- remote paths of totality. The tourism of science and its attendant mythology of place and phenomenon now illuminates a new century of campers calling themselves eclipse chasers, umbraphiles, ecliptomanics, and eclipsoholics. Alex Soojung- Kim Pang, author of Empire and the Sun, notes with a degree of reserve that he uses eclipse events to plan his holidays. Paralleling the equipment of funded scientists, eclipse chasers’ gear typically includes laptop, GPS receiver, compact telescope, and detailed charts of the moon’s valleys and mountains. The tourist-scientist feels particularly at home in the eclipse camp. Two hundred tourists camping in Chisamba, Zambia, noted the dramatic temperature change during the 2001 eclipse’s totality, and campers in the Sahara Desert marveled at the phenomenon of shadow bands during the 2006 eclipse. In this latter event, campers wore eclipse badges issued by the Libyan government and passed through multiple checkpoints before reaching their barbed-wire enclosed grounds. The eclipse camp is no longer the colonizing agent of its Victorian past, but the space of the camp is a protected enclave in a foreign land and can itself be appropriated by tour companies and government agencies as a lucrative construct. “Eclipse City,” run by the tour group of the same name, provided an area of fruit stalls, coffee shops and restaurants, daily entertainment that included belly dancers, and electric power poles at each tent.71 Eclipse camps mark the intersection of tourism and field research—finding the best location along the thousands of miles of a typical path of totality is a function of preference for particular places, pragmatics of accessibility, and climatic and human-made phenomena. Camps mark the event. To describe Eddington’s return from camp, Alfred North Whitehead noted “a great expedition in thought had come ashore.”72 Perhaps Newton should have gone camping. (', (%*0 J\kk`e^lg]fikfkXc\Zc`gj\ `eJX_XiX;\j\ike\Xi 9Xe^_Xq`#C`YpX#DXiZ_)0# )''-% :fgpi`^_k)''- Afj\g_8%:Xii ('- 8LKFEFDP Ice Camp Camps serve as research stations in remote areas. Their flexibility and portability allow for rapid deployment and seasonal occupation and staffing. The extreme conditions found at many of these sites have also influenced how the camp is formed and how its inherently temporary qualities can be reworked for particular research missions. Programs of scientific investigation in the earth’s polar regions demonstrate the complex interaction of environmental extremes and scientific inquiry formalized in the research camps. North Pole camps drift, and South Pole camps are generally fixed. Related camp typologies vary within each region—Arctic base camps support ice-floe camps and longer-term research projects, and Antarctic sea-ice camps generally rely on the infrastructure of the continent’s developed field stations. But overall, the geographic conditioning of the camps, a function of the earth’s obliquity and resulting characteristics of the sites’ grounding, defines a unique differentiation, with the polar taxonomies of drift camp in the north and field camp in the south, qualifying the mixtures of science, practical logistics, and adventure. Research camps lie at the juncture of scientific method and place, the rigors of each, here cast within horizontal form, not unlike the vertical adventure camps of Mount Everest j\\ k_\j\Zk`fejÈ9Xj\:XdgÉXe[ÈKi\\:XdgÉ . Certainly the adventurer-scientist has found a tenuous home in ice camps, from Robert Peary’s North Pole camps to Otto Sverdrup’s deliberate drifting in the icepackbound ship Fram. The Arctic frontier’s inaccessibility has rivaled, if not exceeded, that of its vertical counterpart. It was not until sixteen years to the day after Hillary and Tenzing summited Everest that Wally Herbert traversed the Arctic landscape on foot for the first surface crossing on May 29, 1969.73 And just as the Everest ('. climbers received a hero’s welcome after their famed ascent, it was the return of four Russian explorer-scientists, rescued after ten months on their drifting Arctic research camp, that invoked celebrations throughout the Soviet Union in 1938. Drift Camp On May 21, 1937, the Russian research team of Ivan Papanin, Eugene Federov, Peter Shirshov, Ernst Drenkel, and Jolly the dog erected five tents twelve miles from the North Pole on a sheet of floating ice a square mile in area and nine feet thick. The drifting station North Pole 1 NP( -1) inaugurated the Soviet Union’s research on the Arctic region’s meteorology, hydrology, magnetism, and aeronautics—the latter critical to the safety of air travel across the country’s far-flung, broad northern territories.74 The drift camp was conceived as an absolute point of scientific research, but one made nomadic by its untethered site and the complex currents above 80˚ North latitude. The project leader, Otto Schmidt, described the camp as a “stationary center of constant observations and a travelling expedition”—a conditioned autonomy of simultaneous mobility and fixity, not unlike another Russian’s earlier artistic theories of linear forces acting on points, Wassily Kandinsky’s “point and line to plane.”75 Along its 1,324- mile journey, the drift camp entered the popular imagination of the time through fleeting radio communications and daily metereological reports published in The Times and other newspapers internationally. These accounts transformed public perception of the Arctic, from static desert to delicately balanced ecosystem with temperature fluctuations directly ('/ 8LKFEFDP influenced by North Atlantic storms. To obtain measurements, researchers released balloons in −30˚C temperatures, and one report logged the depth and labor of an ocean sounding: two hours forty minutes to reach a depth of 4,290 meters and six hours to raise the bottom sample of “dark grey mud.”76 Although disengaged from their popular narratives of environmental extremes and stories of human exertion, the climatic data sets, from measurements throughout the NP station program (1937, 1950–1991), would again enter public consciousness in the mid-1990s as critical information in debates about global warming. The drift camps recorded statistically significant increases in temperatures each decade from the 1950s through the 1980s, and the protracted “drift” of the camps during extended seasons has become an analogue for global warming’s transformations.77 Drift camps also map territorial disputes past and future, from wayward Soviet Union stations approaching sovereign territory of Greenland to the station data’s indicating the long-term viability of the Northwest Passage, claimed by Canada, Russia, and the United States. This increased trafficability potentially makes the drift camps strategic stations of reconnaissance and surveillance. But the drift camp had already proven to be an intersection of military base and research station with the Cold War’s tensions and the ambiguity of its disputes. In 1950, unknown to U.S. intelligence, the Soviet Union had restarted its Arctic research program with the launch of NP-2. In a routine November mission across remote stretches of the Arctic region, a Ptarmigan flight from Eilson Air Force Base reported seeing landing-field lights from their B-29 aircraft. Controversy ensued, and the report went unsubstantiated to a skeptical high command and Washington leadership. NP-2’s station leader, Mikhail Somov, had turned out the lights of the camp when he heard the “enemy” plane approaching— transforming the research station into an untrackable, invisible camp, its existence debated until 1969 when Somov laughingly retold the story to Air Force Colonel Joseph Fletcher in Leningrad.78 ('0 On March 6, 2004, the thirty-second iteration of the Russian drift camp program broke apart, triggering another rescue operation at temperatures of −39˚C and highlighting the vulnerability of the floating camp. NP-32’s predecessor, North Pole 31, had hosted evacuees when a portion of the Beaufort Ice Shelf crumbled along with the Soviet state’s fragmentation in 1991, when economic and political imperatives halted the research camp program. In April 2003, NP-32 had been established with seven “panel homes,” six Arctic-10 modules, two KAPSh-2 tents, one KAPSh-1 tent, a diesel generator unit, a workshop, and a bath. Over its ten-month lifespan, what had been planned as a “Long-Term Drifting Observation Platform” traveled 1,430 miles at an average rate of five feet six inches per minute. One of the program’s directors, Arthur Chilingarov, had christened its journey by firing a pistol, raising the Russian flag, and thus claiming the ice island for the Russian state and the ensuing research.79 NP-32’s twelve researchers experienced the “meander” that Le Corbusier had only seen and drawn from high above the Algerian desert. The drift camp’s vernacular of movement, a typological “voyage en zigzag,” also attracted tourists to its ambulating ice island. And with this expected intersection of exploration, research, and tourism, the drift camp, like Le Corbusier’s mobile eye, has mapped a modernist voyage, from north to south, from avant-garde to syndicalist, and from fleetingly audible (or visible) to exceedingly imageable. When on August 16, 2004, the German vessel R .V. Polarstern accidentally came upon the wreckage of NP-32 after the thirty-foot-high wall of pack ice had eventually collapsed over the top of the camp, the crew momentarily diverted their resources for a cleanup operation, finding among other debris, a researcher’s journal with its last entry hauntingly dated March 6, 2004. These were traces of a camp in which researchers and tourists alike surrendered control over the route for the autonomies, now intertwined, of scientific and self-knowledge—a tenuous mix underscored by the unexpected and quite literal breaking of camp as a result of natural forces.80 ((' 8LKFEFDP (%+' DXgkiXZb`e^Iljj`XeEfik_ Gfc\jkXk`fej% >ff^c\ ((( (%+( (%+) >\fg_pj`Z`jkP\m^\ep Gi\c`d`eXipj\klgf]EG$** =\[fifmY\^Xed\k\fifcf^$ [i`]k`e^jkXk`fe`e `ZXcfYj\imXk`fejfeEG$( J\gk\dY\i)''+% G_fkfYp Xkk_\Efik_Gfc\`eDXp M%Jkil^Xkjbp (0*.% G_fkf^iXg_YpD%8% KifpXefmjbp#I>D88 XiZ_`m\j (() 8LKFEFDP Field Camp Lodged between drift camp and field camp is the mooring station. This lightly tethered, typically five-day camp sets up the mooring’s two forms of measurement—Lagrangian drift and Eulerian fixity—which are emblematic of the research camp’s kinematic nature. These types of measurement have also led to the automation of drifting data buoys and unmanned platforms. These changes highlight the extraordinary nature of manning the drift camps throughout their twentieth-century program, beginning in 1937 when onsite researchers ran crank generators and sent up balloons for climate readings, in spite of the camp’s danger and inaccessibility. By the time of NP-32, tourists accompanied field researchers because of the floating station’s inaccessibility. Such automation has relegated some Arctic researchers to base camps like Camp Borneo, established by the Russian POLUS program and named for its remoteness, now made doubly ironic with research suggesting that the Arctic was once tropical, albeit fifty-five million years ago. After setting up equipment in Borneo, research teams live in the temporary field camps next to the deployment site of the nearly three-mile-long mooring, anchoring its string of equipment to the bottom of the Arctic but stopping fifty meters short of the chaotic ice floes at the surface. Even the field camp’s fixity is susceptible to the Arctic’s seasonal warming, as April 2007 cracks in the ice underlying Borneo unmoored the base camp.81 In Antarctica, field camps have also become drift camps. In 1962, ice holding the ruins of Admiral Richard Byrd’s Little America Camp broke away from the Ross Ice Barrier to become a tabular iceberg in the Bay of Whales. Byrd had made a presentation on May 18, 1938, to the Circumnavigators Club in a room of Manhattan’s ((* Hotel Astor designed to simulate his recently established Antarctic camp. Club members dressed in parkas, ice penguins melted, an Eskimo dog accompanied the polar campers, and Byrd noted he was “pretty nearly broke” after his most recent expedition. (%+* :`iZldeXm`^Xkfij:clY 9Xehl\k`e_fefif] I\Xi$8[d`iXcI`Z_Xi[<% 9pi[#?fk\c8jkfi#E\nPfib :`kp#DXp(/#(0*/% :`iZldeXm`^Xkfij:clY ((+ 8LKFEFDP The mobility of the field camp, whether climatically arranged or symbolically constructed, is uncommon, however. Benefited by the 1959 Antarctic Treaty delimiting 60˚ South latitude as a special area of peace and research, the longevity of research stations run by the U.S. Antarctic Program (USAP) has resulted in semipermanent villages with year-round populations ranging from ten to more than a thousand. In its “Palmer-area Sea Ice Travel Policy,” USAP prohibits floating campsites: “Under no circumstances should a stranded party attempt to camp on sea ice.”82 These established field camps provide the base for research at another set of fixed, although temporary, camps—deep-field camps and remote-field camps. Arrival at these remote sites, like Patience Camp, One Ton Camp, and Corner Camp, requires that camper-researchers consult with the pilot during the “pull-in” to establish a definitive Grid North with two bamboo flags, for the disoriented researcher’s reference but also to aid in location during camp “pull-out.” In addition to requirements of weight and palletization of equipment, visiting researchers must undergo training to learn fire prevention (necessary because of the exceedingly dry air), the deployment of survival caches (at least two hundred meters upwind from the camp and outfitted with a two-week supply of food, tents, and sleeping bags), and the construction of survival camps with “island survival cache gear” j\\ ÈJlim`mXc`jk:XdgÉ`eZ_Xgk\i* . The Jamesway, the standard, premanufactured shelter system in the field camps, is a portable insulated tent with a modular rigid frame such that its fixed height and width can be extended to any length. In its field manual’s parenthetical and relatively informal prose, the USAP promotes the construction of snow shelters: “If a camp is occupied for several days, it’s a good idea to build a snow shelter for an emergency shelter (just in case).”83 And hinting at ice camp’s ennui, the manual stipulates the procedures for procuring “Field Camp Liquor Rations” before deployment by aircraft to deep-field camps. The generally expected solitude of the field camp, the standardization of its components, and the ((, undeniable remoteness with a relatively neutral, high-albedo landscape make the Antarctic field camp as much a psychological as a physical space. Jean Rivolier was a physician who traveled to Antarctica with the French Polar Expeditionary Society in 1951 to study the emperor penguin. Rivolier described the ensuing camp life as a mental syndrome: I should like to see anyone who thinks himself more strong- minded live for months on end in cramped conditions, surrounded day after day by the same faces, without any chance of escape except through the imagination. . . . There are perhaps several causes behind what the psychologist would probably call the “mental syndrome” of a winter camp: loneliness, the feeling every member of the party gets at times of being struck off the register of the living, the climate, the trying difficulties of living so much on top of one another, the undeniable fact of being starved sexually. Taken together all this could so easily account for either a show of hysterics or a mental collapse to the verge of madness. But everyone in our party found a way of remaining calm.84 If its limbo lacks temporal definition, this mental syndrome remains an exercise in functional thrift and can be understood in terms of the exigencies of the camp’s sheltering systems, delimited by the allowable cabin load (ACL) and further conditioned by survival. ((- 8LKFEFDP Field Camp Wt/lbs CU Construction Materials: Jamesway Boxes: / Intermediate section 340 32 /nd section 420 32 / #&).%- 150 32 Polarhaven shelter 1450 96 8’ x 12’ with insulated floor Polarhaven shelter 1650 96 12’ x 16’ with insulated floor "" ."*#!$ !t 350 48 ' ,.!), "* 200 64 *# ': / 0&".,%% 50 2 / 0&".,%% 60 2.5 / 0&".,%% 70 3 /” x 4” x 8’ 8 .5 /” x 6” x 8’ 12 .75 / ” x 4” x 8’ 17 1 (%++ =`\c[ZXdgZfejkilZk`fe dXk\i`Xcj#È=`\c[GcXee`e^ 8`[#É=`\c[DXelXc]fik_\ L%J%8ekXiZk`ZGif^iXd# )''-#n`k_\hl`gd\ek n\`^_k nk&cYj Xe[ZlY`Z ]\\k Zl % LJ8G#)''- ((. First Aid Kit: Personal Medical Information 1 Each Book: A Comprehensive Guide to Wilderness & Travel Medicine 1 Each Book: Illustrated Guide to Life-Threat- (%+, ening Emergencies =`\c[ZXdgÔijk$X`[b`kXe[ Essential Equipment fe\$g\ijfe[\\g$Ô\c[ 1 Each EMT shears jlim`mXcYX^#=`\c[DXelXc ]fik_\L%J%8ekXiZk`Z 1 Each CPR Barrier Lifemask® Gif^iXd#)''-% LJ8G# 1 Each Splinter Picker forceps )''- Wound Management Items 2 Each Double Antibiotic ointment 3 Each Antiseptic towelettes 1 Each Tincture of Benzoin 2 Each Butterfly closure strips Blister Items 1 Each Moleskin (7x4) Infectious Control Items 2 Pair Nitrile examination gloves 1 Each Antimicrobial hand wipes 1 Each Infectious control bag Bandage Materials 6 Each 4x4 or 3x3 or 2x2 sterile dressing 2 Each Non-adherent sterile dressing (3x4) 1 Each Adhesive tape, 10 yards (1/2” or 1”) 7 Each Strip & knuckle bandages 2 Each Cotton tipped applicators 1 Each Parachute cord (50’) 1 Pair Wool socks 1 Pair Wool mits/gloves 1 Each Balaclava Food 3 Each Dehyd. Meals 1 Each Big chocolate bar 6 Each Tea bags 6 Each Hot Chocolate 1 Pack Mainstay food bars (9) One Person Survival Bag: Deep Field This survival bag is intended for use by an individual traveling away from an established camp on a daily basis. The fuel bottle is empty in the survival bag, and will need to be filled in the field; it cannot be flown full into the field by an LC-130. Otherwise all the contents are the same as in the Local One Person Survival Bag. ((/ 8LKFEFDP Base Camp In June 2007, China announced its project to build a highway to the base camp on Mount Everest’s northeast face. On the Nepalese side, the base camp for the southern route is still only reached by trekking. With an estimated cost of twenty million U.S. dollars, the highway will form part of the 2008 Olympic torch’s route to the summit and will facilitate access by tourists. The journey that took weeks by rail, yak, and mule in the early 1920s will now be traversed in a few hours along the road’s sixty-seven-mile paved route up to 17,160 feet. What is today the increasingly accessible Tibetan base camp was once the Alpine Camp of George Leigh Mallory—an indeterminate site floating in the November 1921 map’s uncharted spaces.85 Climbers and Sherpas still “carried” camps, and the fixing of base camps was in its early stages. A year later Mallory would report on the camp’s pivotal role in future expeditions to reach the summit: “It seems that almost certainly a sixth camp, at about 27,000 feet, might be carried up; and the limit of climbing, instead of being determined by the difficulty of fixing camps, will be determined simply by the factor of endurance among the trained climbers.”86 In the early 1920s, an array of experimental and accidental camps marked the multiple passages along the Rongbuk Glaciers. On the north face of Everest, where Mallory and Andrew Irvine would fatefully disappear in 1924, six main camps, seven including the Base Camp, now measure not only vertical elevation but also the lengths of human endurance—an interaction of stamina and topography now mapped into the mountain through the fixed camping installations.87 After World War II and the closure of Tibet’s borders in 1949, expeditions focused on the mountain’s southern routes through the Nepalese base camp. Since the triumphant summiting by Sir Edmund Hillary and Tenzing Norgay in 1953, the southern ((0 route has become a preferred passage and its camps, from Base Camp to Camp IV, iconic. In 2005, visitors estimated that there were two thousand trekkers camping in four hundred tents, and in 2006 the Rubin Museum of Art, with its focus on Himalayan culture, hosted an overnight camping program called “Peak Experience.” On the evening of June 10, forty children set out from the museum’s basement, modeled on the town of Lukla at 9,200 feet, with five-time Everest summiter Luis Benitez on an expedition up the museum’s spiral staircase. Additional guides helped the explorers acclimatize at an elevation of 17,700 feet in Base Camp, established in the museum’s first-floor colonnade, and professional guide Mike Barker dressed in wool and tweeds as a mountaineer from the 1924 British expeditions. Each floor of the museum was a camp and a “personal challenge” for the overnight campers. In one case, a scavenger hunt was held to find malachite pigments used in a piece of the museum’s collection; in another, campers tried to tie knots while they wore mittens. Each camp then housed what the curator called a “meditation tool,” which like the Himalayan art required contemplation and at times exertion. Single-section aluminum ladders simulated the crossing of crevasses in the Khumbu Icefall. On the museum’s fifth level, Camp IV, the young mountaineers faced a metaphysical challenge presented by an RMA docent dressed as mahasiddha camping ascetically in the “Deathzone” above 26,000 feet. After the final test, an avalanche interrupted their ascent, forcing the campers to retreat to Base Camp for the night, before being awakened at 4:30 a.m. by the Yeti. At the museum, the camps became pedagogical zones to learn about climbing and culture, just as they have always been physical and psychological challenges for more than fifty years of mountaineers.88 Everest camps have also become indicators of environmental conservation, shockingly susceptible to human intervention in spite of their remoteness. ()' 8LKFEFDP In 1963, climber Barry Bishop declared Camp IV, the South Col camp at 7,980 meters, to be the “world’s highest junkyard.” In their volume of refuse, the camps had come to register the conventional strategies used to conquer Mount Everest. Climbing methods of “siege tactics” required redundancies of equipment and resources that resulted in large accumulations of waste, particularly with the focus on summiting rather than recycling and sustaining the life of the climber rather than the sustainability of the mountain. In 1990 the New Zealand group of Rob Hall and Gary Ball removed four and a half tons of garbage from the Nepalese base camp, and in the same year the Everest Environmental Expedition constructed a system of waste management at the Tibetan base camp.89 In 2008, the Olympic torch and accompanying tourists made their way to the Tibetan base camp. One of the 2008 event’s main concepts was the Green Olympics, but it remains to be seen how greater access to the mountain will affect the already well-traversed, though still vertically remote, environment. Base Camp symbolizes access, as well as the pragmatism of Mallory’s plan for a facilitating access point that has now been capitalized on by Airstream in the spirit of green design and Leave No Trace philosophy through its high-end, though small-scale, trailer. The trailer is no longer called “Bambi” but has been newly christened “Base Camp” j\\k_\È>cXdgÉj\Zk`fe . ()( Camp David Some camps exist in a national consciousness. Formally established in 1942, Camp David has connoted secrecy, negotiation, nostalgia, utopia, and political sentiment. In 1959, Cold War talks between Nikita Khrushchev and President Dwight Eisenhower first transformed this latter attribute into what was called the “spirit of Camp David”— broad phraseology critiqued at the time for its noncommittal intangibility but later invoked for its implied intentionality. The camp form itself parallels this range. As an event, it is an ephemeral experience. At the same time it is a place, a site that can be located. From its beginning, Camp David has served as both retreat space and idea. Camp David’s official designation as “Camp #3, Shangri-La, NAVSUPPFAC, Thurmont, Maryland” catalogs the site’s combination of “spirit” and layered place.90 Camp Hi-Catoctin, as Camp #3, was the third installment of the Catoctin Recreational Demonstration Area (RDA), developed as a part of the Emergency Relief Act of 1935. Along with the earlier two camps and a proposed fourth, Camp #3 satisfied the Works Progress Administration’s objectives to furnish work for area residents, to provide recreational opportunities to city dwellers, and to work with “submarginal farms” and inaccessible forests j\\k_\j\Zk`feÈ::::XdgÉ`eZ_Xgk\i* .91 After its completion in late 1938, Camp #3 hosted Federal Camp Council retreats for government employees and also served as a campsite for Girl and Boy Scouts. With World War II, the RDA became a temporary training camp early in 1941 to respond to the developing European conflict. And Camp #2, known as Greentop, lodged British troops whose ships were in the Baltimore drydock, before it was transformed into Area B, an Office of Strategic Services (OSS) camp.92 It was within this camping matrix that Franklin Delano Roosevelt established ()) 8LKFEFDP his Shangri-La, where he could meet with OSS Director William “Wild Bill” Donovan from the adjacent camp, fish with Winston Churchill on Hunting Creek, and play a solitary card game on the hideaway’s screened porch. On April 22, 1942, Roosevelt emerged from his White House confines and boarded a nondescript Secret Service car for the drive north into the Maryland mountains. On his way, he would have passed near his WPA program’s work camps, new military installations (one of which had recently adapted a CCC camp at Round Meadow), the historic sites of Western Maryland Railroad camps, Camp Airy (founded by a Jewish youth organization in 1924 and still operating in 2007), former President Hoover’s preferred fish camp at Richey, and Camp Cozy at the Cozy Inn. On this drive, Roosevelt might have read within the landscape the receding history of the place, replete with the traces of American Indians and early settlers along the Great Wagon Road from Philadelphia. But he probably understood this system of camps in their more recent permutations, as experiments in relief and necessary results of wartime exigencies beginning to transform labor networks into military training sites. The seclusion, a mysterious autonomy, afforded by what would become Camp David, was named the day before Roosevelt’s drive north. In the Oval office on April 21, President Roosevelt answered a reporter’s question about the origin of Doolittle’s planes, which had bombed Tokyo only days earlier, with a similar response he had made to a dinner guest the night before: “Yes, I think the time has come now to tell you. They came from our secret base at Shangri-La.”93 Although Camp #3, at 1,800 feet, did not match the dramatic elevation of the Shangri-La in James Hilton’s Lost Horizon, the view of the Monocacy River Valley held Roosevelt and other visitors spellbound. Having named the camp Shangri-La, it was clear that Roosevelt saw the site as remote, secret, and beautiful. It was not until October 14, 1943, that the camp hideaway was involuntarily disclosed to the public. “I don’t know who did ()* ()+ 8LKFEFDP this. I did not,” and “RDA 501 Catoctin” annotated a presidential copy of the Chicago Daily News clipping that exposed the camp’s existence and propelled it into national consciousness, although its exact location was still undisclosed. The camp has since served as both international event space and presidential retreat to varying degrees with each presidency—a place of as much privacy as is available to a standing president’s public life. Leaving office, Ronald Reagan noted that he would miss Camp David the most. In addition to hosting Churchill and planning the Normandy invasion at the camp, Roosevelt learned of Mussolini’s resignation there on June 25, 1943, and strategized about Guadalcanal there as well. The “spirit” of the camp was echoed in the Camp David Accords of President Jimmy Carter, President Anwar el-Sādāt, and Prime Minister Menachem Begin in 1978. And on September 15, 2001, George W. Bush delivered his weekly radio address from Camp David, where he had been meeting with his advisors in the Laurel Cabin to discuss the U.S. response to the attacks of four days earlier. (%+- (%+. Gi\j`[\ekIffj\m\ckXe[ J_Xe^i`$CX :Xdg;Xm`[ N`ejkfe:_liZ_`ccÔj_`e^ gXjj#`jjl\[kfN`cc`Xd Xcfe^?lek`e^:i\\bXk ?Xjj\kk#(0+-% =iXebc`e :Xdg;Xm`[% =iXebc`e ;\cXefIffj\m\ckC`YiXip# ;\cXefIffj\m\ckC`YiXip N`cc`Xd?Xjj\kkGXg\ij (), Airlock Campout On April 3, 2006, astronauts climbed into the Quest Joint Airlock of the International Space Station, lowered the chamber’s air pressure to 10.2 pounds per square inch, and began an overnight stay to test spacewalk preparation. NASA had been planning what it called the “airlock campout” since 2001 in order to understand how sleep at particular air pressures might help purge astronauts’ bloodstream of the nitrogen that can cause decompression sickness.94 With its air pressure corresponding to an alpine campsite at ten thousand feet and amidst NASA press releases joking about s’mores, the “campout” has emerged as an important procedure in spaceflights. With the April experiment, astronauts sought to reduce the time spent in the airlock, which affords the critical transition from the International Space Station to spacewalks. The Joint Airlock, launched in 2001, is twenty feet long and thirteen feet in diameter—dimensions making for a yurtlike space for sleep and research. In this airborne camp, the Quest Joint Airlock provides the controlled environment for changing pressure, for carrying out research, and in this case for simulating earthbound camping practices j\\k_\ YffbËj\g`cf^l\#È@e$=c`^_k:XdgÉ . Before sealing the hatch and lowering the pressure in the chamber, the astronauts brought in their sleeping bags and personal items and prepared for an overnight sleep and for the possibility that camps are thresholds to other frontiers of space. (%+/ (%+0 8jkifeXlkD`Z_X\cC% jZ_\[lc\[JKJ$('+jgXZ\ 8jkifeXlkAXd\j=%I\`ccp`e >\ie_Xi[k#JKJ$('+ nXcbjkfnfibfek_\ k_\X`icfZbXkk_\Zfdgc\k`fe d`jj`fejg\Z`Xc`jk#ÕfXkj \ok\i`fif]k_\@ek\ieXk`feXc f]k_\ÔeXcJKJ$('+ `ek_\Hl\jk8`icfZb JgXZ\JkXk`fe @JJ % \okiXm\_`ZlcXiXZk`m`kp gi`fikf^\kk`e^jl`k\[ E8J8#JKJ('+$<$,(-+# ()- 8LKFEFDP (). Festival Camp Touted as the “largest Greenfield music and performing arts festival in the world,” Glastonbury Festival attracted 153,000 attendees in 2005 to listen to bands ranging from the White Stripes to Brian Wilson, to participate in environmental debates, and to camp out on the nearly one-thousand-acre, one-and-a-half-mile wide patchwork of farmsteads. Worthy Farm first hosted the event as a commemoration of Jimi Hendrix on September 19, the day following the musician’s death in 1970. Rechristened the Glastonbury Fayre the following year, the music event was also rescheduled to coincide with the summer solstice—beginning the festival camp’s mythology and capitalizing on its location 35 miles from Stonehenge and 120 miles west of London.95 Through the requisite ley lines, the festival camp has been drawn into an imagined and in some cases documented historical geography. Amateur archaeologists and professional anthropologists alike have explored connections between the matrix of sight lines connecting Druid megaliths, pre-Roman Iron Age encampments, and Roman marching camps. In this part of England, the festival camp has thus become inextricably linked to these ancient camps through direct occupation of the legendary sites, as in the Hippy Convoy’s annual celebrations at Stonehenge prior to 1985, and through bricolaged historical approaches not unlike the speculations of photographer Alfred Watkins j\\ÈK_\d\:XdgÉ . In 1922, Watkins summarized his findings about Britain’s early camps: “I find that every camp seems to have several leys over it, and that these usually come over the earthworks, not the camp centre, as with moats. Also that camps almost always show signs of part of their earthworks being tumps.”96 Watkins continues his hypothesis, breathlessly insisting that these ley lines preceded the camps: “Here again sighting settled the sites of camps.” Watkins’ ()/ 8LKFEFDP findings suggest that Glastonbury Festival may in fact be following in a two-thousand-year-old tradition of surveying that sites camps at the nexus of ley lines.97 Popular folklore also places King Arthur’s burial near the festival site and recounts the passage of Joseph of Arimathea across this district of England. And in 1990, the festival added what is called the Sacred Space, a modern circle of stones that includes crystals from Stonehenge, water from the Ganges River, and stone from the Pyramids. Among other spiritual linkages, the reference to the Ganges is propitious for its connection to what might be the world’s largest festival camp, and perhaps the largest camp of any kind—the Kumbha Mela, where millions of Indians camp along the Ganges River. Marketing its mythologies, imagined and actual, Glastonbury’s festival camp is explicitly and unabashedly for profit. Four ATM machines define the quadrants around the main music venue called the Pyramid Stage. This is not the camping environment of Burning Man, where no commerce except for the distribution of ice and coffee can be carried out, and Glastonbury Festivals Limited generates profits for its mission to stimulate youth culture with music and other art forms, to maintain the grounds of the camp, and to distribute aid to humanitarian causes. By 2003, the festival’s contributions to organizations like Greenpeace, Oxfam, and Water Aid had exceeded £1 million. And in 2006, the festival formulated the project “Give Me Shelter” with the nonprofit organization Global Hand to recycle camping equipment. In 2006, Global Hand reused its donated tents for summer camps and day centers in the Ukraine and Sri Lanka. Although camping at the Glastonbury Festival is included in the admission price, high-end options have grown with the popularity of the event. In 2007, groups of six festivalgoers could rent one of the three hundred highly sought-after Worthy Farm “tipis” for £1,620. Camp Kerala, on privately owned land adjacent to the main site, leases shelters modeled on traditional Indian Shikar tents used by the maharajas for ()0 hunting expeditions. Marketed as the “most elegant and romantic place to stay outside of India,” the camp is an example of luxury camping, each tent commanding £3,000 for the weekend j\\È>cXdgÉ . But these external camps are the exception, and most participants pitch their own tents within one of the many designated camping fields. At Burning Man, camping is the event, and here at Glastonbury, while they are not the centrally featured experience, campsites are fully integrated within the site plan and festival topography. This strategic combination of temporary shelter and spectacle might make for a brazen typology of the “party camp,” but the programmatic hybridity amplifies the festive, and profitable, experience. Disconnects between camping and stage areas have resulted in the decline of long-running festivals. An increase in the event’s scale and an emphasis on camping, at the expense of the culture of the event, contributed to the suspension of Bread and Puppet gatherings in Glover, Vermont. Thirty thousand spectators witnessed the final performance of Our Domestic Resurrection Circus, which had come out of Peter Schumann’s Bread and Puppet Theater in New York’s avant-garde art scene of the 1960s. Many of the festivalgoers spent their time in three “party campgrounds,” ancillary to the amphitheater but central to the festival atmosphere, displaced by vendor licensing and enforced restrictions on drugs and alcohol.98 By the mid-1990s, the straightforward party camp had supplanted the intricate politics and lyricism of the Bread and Puppet Theater’s festival camp. (*' 8LKFEFDP Hedonist Camp The purpose of Burning Man is to camp. In its simple objective, the festival differs from other annual events, in which camping mainly satisfies the need for accommodation while participants focus on other attractions such as music, rock hunting, or stock-car racing.99 At Burning Man, the camp is the festival—in part out of necessity, with winds regularly exceeding 40 mph and temperatures averaging 110 degrees— but mainly because, for “burners,” camping is playing. Camp as play includes the spontaneously ludic, for which Burning Man is an open field, and the purposefully theatrical, in which the festival’s theme camps are its stages. In all cases, the focus is on pleasurable camping, and such hedonism facilitates an unmitigated, even if climatically tempered and theoretically communal, focus on self. At what becomes Black Rock City (BRC), truly one permutation of Hakim Bey’s temporary autonomous zone, autonomy frames a communal space that conflates the nudist camp, the research field station, and for that matter the camp meeting. We might wonder how many Californians have echoed Benjamin Latrobe’s resolution to visit a camp meeting, which for him was “a thing so outrageous in its form and in its practices” that he resolved to go to one j\\k_\j\Zk`feÈ:XdgD\\k`e^É . Like nineteenth-century camp meetings, where attendance could sometimes reach 25,000 participants, the population of BRC has grown from 8,000 in 1996 to more than 35,000 in 2006. To attend the festival is to camp, perhaps to have a religious experience, but ultimately to burn the man—the culmination of the gathering’s events, if not the only fixed goal besides the practice of camping on the desiccated playa. Black Rock Arts Festival is the lesser-known designation of the now legendary Burning Man event. Indexing what it means to attend a festival camp, this official title identifies the (*( mix of hedonism and comfortable asceticism that has evolved in the Black Rock Desert. The desert’s dry lake bed, or “playa,” is considered one of the earth’s flattest places, a site that has fortuitously dried, cracked, and crystallized by the time thirty thousand revelers arrive in late August or early September. The Nevada site’s austerity has in the past hosted land speed trials and long-range artillery tests, but it is now known for the weeklong experiment in flash urbanism, which originator Larry Harvey first considered experiences of labor and play. Ameliorated in part by technologies of self- contained vehicles and sustainable energy sources, the desert remains the desert, and participants are still camping in a conscious exercise of self-discipline, even though most campers understand from the outset they are embarking on a communal experiment and even if its rigors are mollified by a commodified system of preparation. The hedonist camp is then a secularized religious spectacle, a self-reflexively communal meditation at the limits of geography and social organization. Burners reinvent a camping world where self-expression radicalizes an already delineated, publicized, and thus popularized self-reliance. To conflate the duality of Harvey’s experience—the festival camp is a working ludism, laborious in the off-season, with time made ordinary by preparation, cleanup, and online postings and discussion. What began as an informal event to burn the “man” on a California beach in 1986 and was then translated into the Cacophony Society’s Zone Trip #4 in 1990 has become a full- blown nomadic, though fenced and gated, city. Its diameter having expanded to one and a half miles, the camp’s layout is a two-thirds circle with nine concentric semicircles in its interior. Clock-time and degree-based coordinates orient participants and locate theme camps. Main axes occur at each half-hour spoke. Festivalgoers burn the man at the center of the circle, and the open one-third area of the circle hosts the main communal space, the human-made playa within the natural playa. Since 1998, Tony Perez has served as the site (*) 8LKFEFDP manager for Black Rock City. Each year, the camp’s layout begins with a concrete stake driven into the ground as the center of the temporary city. Perez uses a railroad transit to generate radius site lines, which are then marked by driving a truck from center to periphery. Under the site manager’s direction, volunteers use 200-foot chains to partition the concentric rings. (** (%,' C`jX?f]]dXe#>l`[\kf )'',9lie`e^DXe%;\kX`c fe]XZ`e^gX^\% :flik\jp f]C`jX?f]]dXe (*+ (%,( C`jX?f]]dXe#>l`[\kf )'',9lie`e^DXe#i\m\ij\ j`[\%;\kX`cfe]XZ`e^gX^\% :flik\jpf]C`jX?f]]dXe (*- Theme Camp Given Burning Man’s focus, the theme camp hints at the roots of recreational camping. Why do we camp? To “find” ourselves. How do we camp? By transforming ourselves. And all of this by temporarily relocating our homesite. With deracination taken care of by the remote and harsh geographies of Black Rock Desert, theme camps provide the framework for a kind of method acting as self-discovery. Thus, the campiness of thematizing the camping experience, as an ironic practice, recalls Susan Sontag’s notations on camp. The festival’s “Theme Camp and Village Resource Guide” does not cite Sontag, but it might begin epigraphically with her warning: “It’s embarrassing to be solemn and treatise-like about camp. One runs the risk of having, oneself, produced a very inferior piece of Camp.”100 Organizers also note that theme camps should be participatory, interactive, and visually stimulating, and that they should “create an ambience” and “in some way provide a communal space or provide activity.” Each year, with responses to the (%,) JkX^\j\k[\j`^e\[Yp :Xk_Xi`eXJZ_fck\e]fik_\ gif[lZk`fef]8ekfe :_\b_fmËj@mXefm#Xkk_\ 8djk\i[Xdj\9fjGXibËj K_\Xk\i?\k#)'',% :flik\jpf]:Xk_Xi`eX JZ_fck\e (*/ 8LKFEFDP “Placement Questionnaire,” Harley K. DuBois, who is Director of Community Services for BRC, decides where to locate theme camps based on their time of activities, expected noise levels, and degree of age appropriateness for audiences. Theme camp designers must submit a Camp Map with plans of the layout and a Clean Up Plan j\\k_\j\Zk`fek`kc\[ÈCEK:XdgÉ . BRC planners also accept applications for camping villages, cities within the city that typically accommodate at least 150 campers. Themes of these camps range from Camp Blank “about potential and possibility” to Fat Frat Boy Camp, from Camp Katrina j\\ÈD\d\:XdgÉ`eZ_Xgk\i* to 7 Sins Lounge constructed annually since 1997, and from Couch Surfing Camp to Cult of Levitating Plywood Camp. Many of the theme camps illustrate another observation made by Sontag about camp as “the farthest extension, in sensibility, of the metaphor of life as theater.”101 Camp as space, method, and idea. So it may be that Lisa Hoffman’s text map of Burning Man ensnares the essence of the festival’s theme camp like Sontag’s own “form of jottings” that, both “tentative and nimble,” capture camp’s “sensibility in words, especially one that is alive and powerful.”102 (*0 At Rainbow Gathering camp, the theme is love, and the purposefulness of the camping experience models itself on an interpretation of the American Indian community, with the resulting tribalism of the Indian camp, as a meditation on the roots of community. At the same time, this theme camp is self-consciously political—a well-planned exercise that invokes the First Amendment to camp constitutionally free and spiritually expressive on public lands. And so each year thousands of the Rainbow Family camp in the national forests, which are understood as “Cathedrals of Nature” and as sites of constitutionally mandated assembly and expression. Camping both in nature and in politically defined public spaces, Rainbow Gatherings began in Colorado in 1972, and the 2006 annual Gathering of Tribes drew an estimated 20,000 participants to its camp at Routt National Forest in Steamboat Springs, Colorado. Established to respond to the Forest Service’s concerns about resource degradation and to negotiate each camp without federally required permitting, a well-organized and highly articulated process of scouting precedes the Seed Camp. Local “focalizers” take into account feedback from the virtual tribe to identify potential sites that meet criteria for the gathering—safe drinking water, open meadows, firewood, access roads, and parking. The Seed Camp, made one week before the main gathering, addresses practicalities (systems of water, food, and health, layout of trails, and selection of the Main Circle site) and further negotiates the legal and spatiotemporal implications of the camp. At this point, Rainbow campers notify local forest rangers but typically do not sign permits or agreements with the government. When the main camp finally opens and participants arrive, greeters at the “Welcome Home” tent offer hugs and cups of tea to facilitate each camper’s transition to “Babylon” in the second- and third-growth, but symbolically primordial, forest. (+' 8LKFEFDP Within the grounds defined by the Seed Camp, tribes form neighborhoods as smaller camps set up around improvised kitchen areas and “neighborhood fires.” A system of councils or temporary meeting camps administer each gathering’s localized discussions (Main Council) and its negotiation of future sites (Vision Council). An array of other council circles manage each aspect of the Gathering and organize satellite camps such as Bus Village, where those who have arrived in campers, live-in buses, and vans reside. Similar to Burning Man’s theme camp structure, participants in Rainbow Gatherings construct internally focused camps, such as That Camp, Shut Up and Eat It, and Bear Necessities, and neighborhoods like BRC’s villages accommodate particular groups. Those who plan to drink alcohol at Rainbow Gatherings typically live in A-camp, apart from the Main Council sites and other neighborhoods and theme camps. The blowing of the conch shell signals that a Main Council will convene on the gathering’s Main Meadow. On July 4, participants at the annual national camp known as the Rainbow Gathering of Tribes meditate silently for world peace from daybreak until noon. Other activities include sweat lodges, workshops, and acoustical instrumentation and music. In an ironic collision of camps at a 2004 regional gathering (Region 6 of the festival network), designated hunting camps in the Ocala National Forest served as the “holding camps” that have typically accommodated the early arrivals of the Rainbow Family of Living Light. The end of hunting season had fallen close to the February 6 full moon, the date that participants had considered as the gathering’s opening but instead served as the initiation of the Seed Camp. Annual gatherings at the Ocala site have also registered conflicts between theme camp and government policy. In spite of its general aversion to contractual relations with the government, the Florida Rainbow contingent has applied for and signed permits since February 2002, after a series of court (+( cases testing the legality of the group’s nonpermitted camping assemblies in national forests. In a 1998 case at the Ocala Division of the U.S. District Court, plaintiffs from the Rainbow Gathering sought relief from “pro-active” police tactics that, they argued, violated Fourth Amendment protections and prohibited their First Amendment rights.103 Two years later, in June 2000, Pennsylvania’s U.S. District Court charged three members of the Rainbow Family for “use or occupancy of National Forest System lands without authorization” and sentenced them to three months in jail. Selected as representative participants, the “Allegheny Three” had camped with an estimated 20,000 other attendees in the state’s Allegheny National Forest at the Summer 1999 Rainbow Gathering of Tribes. In Florida, as in other regional gatherings, Rainbow planners have identified adjacent campsites outside of the permitted area for those who believe that the permitting procedure compromises the constitutional autonomy of their camps. Previous festival and theme camps have also conflicted with government regulations. In 1985, members of what became known as the “Hippy Convoy,” traditionally camping at Stonehenge from the end of May to the first of July, had tested the legality of camping at Stonehenge after prohibitions by the National Trust and English Heritage that banned midsummer festivals on the ancient site’s grounds. In the “Battle of the Beanfield,” police arrested five hundred festivalgoers in a show of force televised nationally, placing the summer solstice theme camp at the epicenter of national discussions about police tactics and trespass law. The following year, one hundred assembled campers, including those again specified in a court injunction barring them from the monument’s grounds, camped in a meadow at Cooks Cary Farm near Stonehenge. This protest camp once again brought criminal trespass law to national attention, and critics argued that the issues of trespass on private land would (+) 8LKFEFDP not have occurred if authorities had provided appropriate campsites, particularly under the Caravan Sites Act of 1968, requiring local governments to provide “adequate accommodation” for gypsies and travelers j\\k_\È>pgjp :XdgÉj\Zk`fe`eZ_Xgk\i* .104 In 2000, the National Trust lifted the ban, but not before a simulated Druidic monument was added in 1990 to the Glastonbury Festival in an attempt to invest the site with mythical meaning and to draw festivalgoers thirty miles westward to the large festival camp’s site j\\k_\È=\jk`mXc:XdgÉj\Zk`fe . Naturist Camp Koversada is an open camp. Naked, you might camp among eight thousand others who have also forsaken “textiles” in the campground’s million square meters.105 Touted as the first and largest “commercial” naturist center in Europe, Koversada was established in 1961 on Croatia’s Mediterranean coast, where according to legend Casanova himself was the first naturist-visitor. Koversada’s scale attests to the popularity of naturism in this part of Europe, particularly associated with Croatia’s Mediterranean tourism. The camp’s grounds include varying clothes-free environments, with the degree of nudity increasing with the distance from the entry points, where “textiles” are most accepted. The camp includes a small island, connected to the main area by a bridge, where tent camping is practiced and where most campers are naked. The modern naturist camp combines tenets of “naturism” with the organizational attributes of the nudist club. Like the (+* summer camp, the naturist movement began as a reaction to industrialization, and its philosophy of healthful living and self-help reform found parallels in many nineteenth-century discussions. When Henry David Thoreau writes that it is an “interesting question how far men would retain their relative rank if they were divested of their clothes,” he echoes the camp-space egalitarianism that would move through turn-of- the-century social philosophies of nudist colonies and early explorations of nudism in films of the 1930s. Frequently used epigraphically by essayists and promoters of naturism, this excerpt from Walden’s “Economy” outlines the divide between “true utility” and “false skin”—a rift forming one of the basic premises of naturism, but one also pointing toward the complex utopianism of this pursuit and its camping spaces.106 The camp at Koversada reinforces these underlying precepts with its expansive site but also complicates them in its status as a contemporary megapark. It thus accommodates the more closed spaces of the typically privatized nudist club with the more public-recreational zones of naturist pursuits. In contemporary places like Haulover Beach north of Miami, and through more historically charged events like the Free Beach Movement of 1970s California, the spaces of nudity are measured legally. At Haulover, Miami-Dade County laws allow for public nudity along an 800-yard stretch of the county-owned beach’s shoreline. The recreational camp’s spaces lend themselves to practices of naturism, in which the mix of participants differs by degree rather than kind in a milieu that avoids the juxtapositions of the demarcated boundary. What happens where the sign reads “Beyond this point you may encounter nude sunbathers”? At Koversada, the ideals and concomitant moral and legal debates of naturist practices are embedded within the sprawling camp, a context that rivals the accessibility, scale, and commercialization of theme parks. Here, the camp makes room for degrees, types, and durations of naturism. Koversada’s unreserved scale provides for the (++ 8LKFEFDP highest degree of naturism, and perhaps the culmination of utopian unrestraint, on the island where campers dwell among the bare necessities of the primitive tent camp. Not clothing-optional but simply-naked. Reenactment Camp Some members of the Rainbow Family trace their group’s origins to a set of Native American Indian prophecies that variously foretold of Rainbow Warriors and a Rainbow Tribe, who would emerge as protectors of the environment. The mission, for many at the Rainbow Gathering, is to “make the earth green again.” The gathering then thematizes this objective by modeling the camp on a genericized Indian Council plan and process, drawing from multiple American Indian traditions. In Lakota traditions, the council fire symbolized a family group’s autonomy within the general camp’s assemblage of tepees, particularly in the winter camp circle where each tribe’s nomadic lives came to rest each season.107 The Rainbow Gathering has adapted the council camp’s circular form but has elided its traditionally hierarchical administrative structure in favor of a consensus decision-making approach. Also, at the gatherings, a feather is passed around to designate who is allowed to speak at each council. This themed space parallels the simulated camps of other reenactment festivals. Framed more explicitly as socio- historical re-creations, the reenactment camps commemorate events that measure the campsite’s duration and its historical dates of occurrence. If the Rainbow Gathering theme camp is (+, hyperritualized, then the reenactment camp, whether at Valley Forge or Whittington Castle, emphasizes a vision of historical accuracy and approximates the materials, technology, and characters of the original event. But the reenactment camp that is not considered completely authentic is called a Plastic City. In contrast, Rainbow Gathering camps appropriate the form of American Indian camps but emphasize the often fluidly improvised social interactions that might be elicited— camp as a way of living, rather than a historically accurate, temporary glimpse of a way of life. Summer camps and Scout camps work between these two models, and the raising of the totem at Glastonbury Festival’s “Tipi Field” confirms the camp as a popularized scene for simulated ritual. (%,* =`i`e^Xi\gc`ZX(..-$\iX 9ifne9\jj#9\cm`[\i\ G`fe\\i=\jk`mXc)'')`e 9\cm`[\i\#@cc`ef`j% :flik\jp f]AXd\jXe[MXe\jjX Iljj\cc (%,+ :XdgXkKiX`cf]?`jkfip `eI`e^nff[#@cc`ef`j#)'',% :flik\jpf]AXd\jXe[ MXe\jjXIljj\cc (+- 8LKFEFDP (+. Museum Camp The museum sleepover has returned to the American Museum of Natural History after a twenty-year dormancy. In April 2007, four hundred campers unfolded their camping cots in Milstein Hall of Ocean Life, the New York museum’s central space tented by its floating blue whale. The camping program’s reintroduction parallels trends that have fused museum and camp with such popularity that museums not offering overnight stays appear to undermine their expected institutional presence.108 Such events support current interests in early educational programs and in safe and climate-controlled venues for children’s play and families’ interaction. The museum camps also satisfy a nostalgic impulse not just toward the AMNH’s camp program of the 1980s but perhaps a deeper interest in finding home in the quasi-public, institutional spaces “lost” to privatization and disurbanization. Photographs of the AMNH event depict families in cots clustered around the cool flicker of the museum’s Ocean Life exhibits, publicly mediated substitutions for the mythologized television-hearth foci of ordinary domestic life j\\È9XZbpXi[:XdgÉ . From the museum’s perspective, camping reinvents the institution’s spaces to invigorate a young generation of museumgoers— offshoots of the camping program’s resurgence at AMNH sell out in minutes. An eight-year-old remarks that sleeping in the museum is “so weird,” and another young participant revels in the fact that he “hiked all over the museum” with his mother.109 (%,, :XdgflkXkKXk\Df[\ie% KliY`e\?Xcc#jgi`e^)''.% :flik\jpf]KXk\Df[\ie (+/ 8LKFEFDP (+0 These camps allow for vicarious experience, either as privileged guests after hours, engaging in typically unauthorized activities (lingering, sleeping, eating, playing), or as adventurers through an environment symbolized by the museum’s didacticism and often simulated by program events such as the Rubin Museum of Art’s climb of Everest from base camps j\\k_\[`jZljj`fe`eÈ9Xj\:XdgÉ . Cynically, we might imagine that the AMNH program’s reinstatement came after the success of the movie Night at the Museum released in December 2006, but the museum had planned to bring back the program well before the Ben Stiller film was produced. To camp in the museum is to traverse prohibited ground and to linger within a suspended time “after hours.” This intercalary and interstitial experience repackages Henri Lefebvre’s festival space, placing the extraordinary urban events inside the institution. In this model, life on the streets remains ordinary, and the extraordinary camps out in the museum j\\ÈJldd\i:XdgÉ . (%,- (%,/ :fd]fikXYc\Zcfk_`e^]fik_\e`^_k% GfcXi9\Xi;`fiXdX# N\i\Zfdd\e[jn\Xkj_`ikjXe[nXidZcfk_`e^% È8E`^_kXkk_\Dlj\ld#É :_Xe^\]fim\e[`e^dXZ_`e\j D`cjk\`e?Xccf]FZ\XeC`]\# 8d\i`ZXeDlj\ldf] (,' 8LKFEFDP Backyard Camp “Quite a few of the world’s great explorers learned many of their personal survival skills in a backyard camp.” Writing in 1968, Allan Macfarlan never identifies these adventuresome travelers but, with a hyperbolic style and gendered specificity, he does argue that backyard camping teaches the American boy self-reliance, hardiness, and self-respect. Macfarlan makes a case that the fixed travel afforded by the backyard camp is an indispensable educational tool—the site of an emerging yet ubiquitous instructional trend. Indirectly though no less forcefully, his handbook seeks to facilitate the creation of a productive, reliable, and inventive workforce. The “skilled backyard camper is able to hold up his end in any enterprise,” and as an “American pioneer,” he is a “good member to have on any team.”110 But the backyard camp is not merely an inherited patriotic impulse. Symbolized by the picket-fence graphics on Macfarlan’s cover, the backyard’s domestic spaces offer the “ideal conditions” for acquiring skills and the practical expertise of campcraft—pitching tents, campfire cooking, tying knots, using compasses, staging backyard camping shows, and “being outdoors with indoor comfort.” Two years earlier, Margaret White wrote a brief article for Ladies’ Home Journal about a new line of sleeping bags made for indoor camping. If Macfarlan’s backyard served as the springboard for widely flung adventures and the experimental ground of masculinity, White’s living-room floor here completes an internalization and a domestication of camping practices, albeit one focused on the family unit: “Here’s an adventure for the whole family—indoor camp-out in pretty, practical, lightweight but warm sleeping bags . . . the ideal campsite is, of course, the floor.”111 The new ground of the camping experience is the controlled environment of the carpeted, sometimes sunken (1960s), surface of domestic order and comfort. In both cases, the backyard camp is a (,) 8LKFEFDP domestic space, gendered by its location on the homesite and its objectives to train or to engage the family. One turns the camp in on itself procedurally, exploiting the yard as a safe and controlled zone for experimentation, and the other models the “camp-in” as an exclusively indoor, stylized setting— complete with bandanna and patchwork quilt covers or blue-and-white damask-print percale. Other forms of backyard camping approximate the dwelling space itself. Henry David Thoreau’s rigorous displacement of his Walden cabin’s interior will later be reconceived as the regulated substitution of the trailer for the house in the space of the yard.112 Simultaneously affirming property rights and self-reliance while also revealing necessities of the construction process and space requirements, this inside-outside camp cuts to the roots of North America’s combination of domesticity and mobility, which has become a sometimes- uneasy mix of autonomy and necessity. The trailer-house coupling works by degrees through America’s domestic landscape. In the best cases, the trailer, as cabin, begins a gradual process of building a more permanent house—a sometimes-vernacular process rationalized in the modernist design of Marcel Breuer’s Trailer House, where the trailer embedded in the house’s core served as a domestic bridge between disparate programs and spaces. And in the direst circumstances, a trailer on a lot points more toward economic necessity than any fundamental desire for autonomy—a situation most dramatically illustrated in the FEMA trailer’s postdisaster adjacencies to destroyed or severely damaged houses j\\È= (,* postdisaster reconstruction, residents can live for up to a year on site.113 Is this camping a kind of recolonization? An affirmation of property rights, the yard camp consolidates interior safety and externalized symbolism. The inside-out legibility of the domestic fence follows this logic of the externally projected fortification and the internally understood freedom of rethinking our place (homesite) in the world.114 And in its backyard manifestations, it is as much a privatization of camp space as it is an exploration of the techniques and phenomena of camping practice. Perhaps its most delightful paradox is the controlled defamiliarization of camping at home—one that easily folds into a nostalgia for the “early days” of backyard camping found in Macfarlan’s and White’s 1960s publications. We camp in the backyard to try out a new tent, to scan the night sky for constellations, or to tell ghost stories in the open air.115 (%,0 È@e[ffi:Xdgflk#ÉCX[`\jË ?fd\AflieXc#Ale\(0--% K\okYpDXi^Xi\kN_`k\# g_fkf^iXg_YpD`b\:l\jkX (,+ 8LKFEFDP Wild Camp In parts of Europe, unfettered access to open space is a cultural tradition that is deeply rooted in regional histories and has been gradually transformed into a formalized recreational practice, from England’s Ramblers Association to the wild camps of Norway. If the practice of wild camping can be constrained, it might be the legal grounds established by Nordic countries and Scotland for public recreational access to land. Norwegians have the right to access and pass through the countryside’s uncultivated (utmark) lands regardless of ownership. Greater restrictions govern access to and use of cultivated land (innmark), particularly during the growing season from April 30 to October 14. The Norwegian Outdoor Recreation Act codified this “right of access” and provided for two-day camping excursions no closer than 150 meters to inhabited houses.116 Other Northern European countries have adopted similar acts, but generally these acts cannot impede landowners from using their land, and local regulations along with land conservation issues can transform each act’s application. In Scotland, the Land Reform Act of 2003 includes provisions for wild camping within the Scottish Outdoor Access Code. After indicating that access rights extend to wild camps, the code succinctly defines the practice: “This type of camping is lightweight, done in small numbers and only for two or three nights in any one place. You can camp in this way wherever access rights apply but help avoid causing problems for local people and land managers by not camping in enclosed fields of crops or farm animals.”117 To temper the concern of landowners, legislation requires wild campers to leave sites unchanged— stipulations akin to applications of Leave No Trace by the U.S. National Park Service and registered under “proper conduct” in Norway’s act j\\ÈCEK:XdgÉ . One of the three main principles of Scotland’s code is the care for the environment, (,, specifically advocated by the Mountaineering Council of Scotland. Further characterizing the “lightness” and remoteness of the wild camp, these acts prohibit motor vehicles from the rights to access. This formulation of wild camp parallels the open access of Long Term Visitors Areas (LTVAs) in the United States, but differs significantly in the policy’s coverage and scope. Under European outdoor access codes, entire countries essentially become campsites, with the potential that your backyard, with restrictions of proximity, might be someone else’s camp. The LTVA, as much a function of the American West’s traditions of frontier and land use as an ideology of recreation, contains pockets of unlimited space for camping. And although these sites encompass large areas and individual boondockers might find themselves in an often-unexpected propinquity to other campers, LTVAs are not national policy overlays and they do not yield the same radical juxtaposition of public use and private land tenure found in European wild camping j\\ÈCKM8:XdgÉ . Wild camps in particular and land access generally are at the crux of dialogues about property rights. From one side is the argument for common land, the right not to be excluded; the other position advocates the right to exclude. In its provision for dwelling, albeit only for two days, the wild camp is “wild” not only in its return to nature but also through its social references to medieval systems of inclusive rights. Combining the uncultivated and the politically generated, the temporary land tenure of the wild camp thus exceeds the natural “wildness” found in the U.S. Wilderness Act of 1964, with its exclusion of man from nature’s “untrammeled community.”118 With wild camping, rights of access satisfy an autonomy and independence from land tenure’s potential constraints on recreation. Similar questions of access, cast within questions of necessity, occur in more urbanized spaces of protest and homelessness, particularly in the droit au logement camps of Paris j\\ÈJ;=:XdgÉ . The former camps accommodate the right of access to play, and the latter provide (,- 8LKFEFDP for primary shelter. Historically, the “freedom to roam,” along with its corollary the “freedom to camp,” is tied up in rights of access and its legislation. Mass trespasses in northern England in the 1930s and postwar squatting resulted in land policy reforms, which were updated in 2000, signaling a partial return to more open access to the countryside.119 LNT Camp “Sweep your camp for every little, last piece of trash.” Breaking camp at Burning Man, you are asked to naturalize your campsite and ultimately to “leave no trace.” Burning Man’s exercise in “radical self-reliance” experiments with this fundamental practice and more than thirty thousand participants. It is camping lightly on a grand scale, or camping as desert restoration. The camping rubric of Leave No Trace (LNT) has its administrative and conceptual origins in the establishment of the National Parks system with Yellowstone in 1872. And with the Wilderness Act of 1964, the U.S. Congress defined these undeveloped parcels as “untrammeled” by visitors who do not remain—campers or hikers who must leave no trace of their temporary occupancy. LNT gradually became more structured policy. The National Park Service established a “No Trace” program at the core of its National Outdoor Leadership School (NOLS) in 1982, set up an LNT coordinator position in 1990, and finally orchestrated a Memorandum of Understanding among Federal Land Management Agencies in 1993 to make LNT the “nation’s official wilderness ethics program.”120 Although LNT has become a part of policy, training, and code of conduct for the camping public, its origins remain in (,. the basic pragmatism of camping.121 We must only recall wary settlers breaking the cinematic frontier camp, its cooking fire doused and other marks evidencing occupation swept clean. Also, embedded within most camping expeditions, autonomous as they are from urban settings and social restrictions, is the necessity of lightness. Backpacking, we can carry only so much; tent-camping, we can only shelter so much. As parks became more accessible and as camping technologies have improved, accessibility to these once-remote spaces increased, and management for occupying these naturalized wilderness zones was expanded. The Bureau of Land Management’s seven principles translate this fundamental camping pragmatism into a framework of environmentalism, where the spaces of camp provide the venue for exercises not only in self-reliance but in a self-consciousness about our transformation of sensitive habitats, natural ecosystems, and the intervening marks we make. In this way, the LNT principles have their origins in the practices of camping but imply a reading far beyond the campground to frame outdoor ethics as a way of living: 1. Plan ahead and prepare 2. Travel and camp on durable surfaces 3. Dispose of waste properly 4. Leave what you find 5. Minimize campfire impacts 6. Respect wildlife 7. Be considerate of other visitors122 The old camping adage of “pack in, pack out” parallels other documents of sustainability like the Hannover Principles, acknowledging interdependencies and the need for a natural contract while advocating the elimination of waste and the permissible limits of environmental change.123 If the camping principles of LNT reflect the ethical underpinnings of government policy for an evolving national (,/ 8LKFEFDP program to manage wilderness, then the Earth Guardians might be its localized practitioners and the Burning Man parlance of matter out of place (MOOP), its vernacular. After their certification as LNT Masters by the Bureau of Land Management (BLM) in the Cabeza Prieta National Wildlife Refuge, the Earth Guardians returned to the 2002 Burning Man with the objective to “green” the festival’s temporary city. The event’s theme camps can be certified as Leave No Trace sites, and in 2006 the Guardians established an LNT Model Camp Tour to showcase camps with LNT best practices. Solar showers, recycled materials, gray-water disposal, and other green technologies are profiled in the camps on the tour. Along with LNT training trips organized annually by the Earth Guardians, the demonstration tour transforms what is already the experimental laboratory of Burning Man’s theme camps into an educational zone for examining, testing, even consuming sustainable design. This tour of homes culminates in a kind of postcamping, desert lawn care in which the playa is restored and MOOP is picked up. The invocation to clean camp proceeds, “Sweep your camp. . . . Every twist tie, feather, cigarette butt, sequin, staple, and watermelon seed must be removed. Get the whole camp involved by laying out an imaginary grid, then sweep from one end of each section to the other with a line of people spaced every 6 feet or so.”124 This cleanup is both ironic and highly orchestrated. By contract, the BLM requires biannual inspections of the playa site. Beginning in 1999, volunteer groups, along with BLM officials, walked three sectors, or “transects,” of the campsite to pick up garbage and other MOOP that individual theme camp cleanups had missed. “Line walks” covered each of the 100 by 1,500 foot transects randomly chosen within Black Rock City’s territory. In 2004, a new cleanup standard and protocol allowed no more than one square foot of “residual debris” for each acre. The inspection method shifted to more precisely delineated, one-tenth acre circular plots randomly selected after each year’s event.125 This a posteriori regulation (,0 of the camping experience recalls Superstudio’s gridded camp in Vita: L’Accampamento (1971–1973)—the color lithograph that suggested a primitive mode of existence relinquishing material objects and that also promoted an egalitarianism of the postapocalyptic landscape where self-reliance occurred by proximity and “no trace” was the avant-garde ideal of minimalism. Burning Man’s LNT spaces work between this aesthetic experiment and, out of necessity, BLM’s bureaucratic overlay and the playa basin’s natural underlay: camping both rhetorically and contractually. (-' 8LKFEFDP (%-' (%-( 9li\Xlf]CXe[ ÈDffg`e^É]fi[\Yi`jX]k\i DXeX^\d\ekZc\Xe$lg k_\Z_X`ec`eb[iX^f]k_\ `ejg\Zk`fec`e\X]k\i gcXpX#9lie`e^DXe)'')% 9lie`e^DXe)'')% :flik\jpf]N`ccIf^\i :flik\jpf]N`ccIf^\i (-( (-) 8LKFEFDP (%-) (%-* I\m`j\[Zc\Xe$lggifkfZfc =cXi\ Xik`jkJk\m\eIXjgX lj`e^Z`iZlcXigcfkj]fi mXZlldjk_\GcXpXXkk_\ 9lie`e^DXe#;\Z\dY\i 9lie`e^DXe]\jk`mXc# )'',% :flik\jpf]If^\i 8l^ljk)'''% G_fkf^iXg_ =XijZ_fe YpDXli`q`fE`ZZfcX` (-* Adapted Camp Slab City is an unlikely legacy of Jeffersonian policies granting land for public education. But the camp’s eponymous slabs would not exist without this 640-acre plot’s designation as Section 36 of the six-square-mile township in the exceedingly remote and harsh environment of Imperial County. The Land Act of 1848 expanded the policy of granting for public education use the one-square-mile section at the southeastern corner of each platted township.126 With California’s statehood, Section 36 T10N R14E SBBM, along East Mesa and later flanked by the Coachella Canal, was reserved as public land in “support of common schools.” This Section 36 never became an educational center, but in 1942, as the wartime Pacific theater expanded, the Navy Department did transform the land into a training camp for the 12th Marine regiment for high-angle artillery practice. Camp Dunlap’s troops soon left for Guadalcanal, Bougainville, and Iwo Jima—abandoning what would become a welcome infrastructure for subsequent deployments of snowbirds, squatters, and other campers. The installation follows the standard layout of a military bivouac and tent camp, with one exception. As if to foreshadow the site’s later use for recreation by retirees, a swimming pool interrupted the military camp’s hierarchy and the regimentation of its layout. On the southwest edge of the central parade ground, the Olympic-size pool offset and reestablished the main axis for the entire camp, with company streets symmetrical about the pool’s directional orientation. By the time the land was returned to the state in 1961, the War Department had relocated the decommissioned camp’s structures to the city of Niland, the nearest town four miles to the west, but the slabs remained along with the pool, sixty- seven manholes, two bomb shelters, two 1-million-gallon water tanks, and a guardhouse now painted sky blue with the text “Welcome to Slab City.” The Corps of Engineers further (-+ 8LKFEFDP modified Slab City’s desert context with the 1948 completion of the Coachella Canal. Drops 7 and 8, impossibly conveying natural runoff from the Chocolate Mountains over the canal, bracket the regimented traces of Camp Dunlap. And the camping slabs float on the local matrix of Superstition Gravelly Sand, as the diverted waters of the Colorado River irrigate the burgeoning population of Coachella Valley.127 This residual infrastructure is Slab City’s campsite. Occupying the administrative overlays and material vestiges from Jefferson to Roosevelt, the self-regulated community has adapted to the site’s constraints and provisions for a way of life that is at once utopian and unremittingly hard. Snowbirds, squatters, and other campers have visited the site since the mid-1950s, and the temporary wintertime population peaked at six thousand in 1985 after Trailer Life magazine advertised the Slabs as a “free place to live!” The broken regimentation of the military camp now hosts a social hierarchy ranging from those occupying the favored slabs in Class A motorhomes, many of whom live ironically in Poverty Flats, to the disenfranchised homeless population on the camp’s southern periphery derogatorily called “bush bunnies.” Designating internal divisions of the camp “areas” and “far areas,” the “slabbers” have appropriated residual military site planning and nomenclature to zone the subcommunities, like Area 8 for Slab City Singles and Area 16 for Loners on Wheels. Services include the Avon Lady, Sun Works for solar power maintenance, the Christian Community Center, and the Lizard Tree Library at Drop 7. Longtime resident Builder Bill has also established an entertainment venue called “The Range,” and slabbers can play nine holes of golf at Gopher Flats Country Club. Slabbers communicate by CB Radio, more permanent campers receive mail at the Niland post office with zip code 92257, county buses transport the community’s children to schools, and residents relate sometimes uneasily to police and fire department officials—demonstrating the adaptations between a makeshift camping population and its administrative context. Debatable amenities aside, how (-, Slab City’s population has appropriated what the site provides and adapted to its constraints indexes the autonomies of existence and resistance afforded by the residual provisions of Section 36. Here, gleaners have transformed a five-foot-long bomb casing into a porch post, welfare recipients subsist in immobilized vans, Canadian snowbirds retire in self-imposed obscurity, and a new generation of hitchhikers hold annual gatherings for “Digihitch.” Neither atavistic, because there is no real ancestral precedent, nor futuristic, because of uncertain land tenure prospects, this layered adaptation somehow forms a complex public node indicating the present possibilities and limitations of a nation’s infrastructural and social networks, just as it once modeled the expansive spaces of Pacific air and sea. (-- 8LKFEFDP (%-+ (%-, DXgf]:Xdg;lecXg#E`cXe[# =`i\dXij_Xci\]\i\eZ\^i`[ :Xc`]fie`X#Ale\*'#(0++% ]fiJcXY:`kp% :fcc\Zk`fef] ;\gXikd\ekf]k_\EXmp D`b\8c\bj`b (-. (%-- JcXY:`kpjb\kZ_$dXg% :fcc\Zk`fef]D`b\8c\bj`b (-/ 8LKFEFDP LTVA Camp Each winter season the population of Quartzsite, Arizona, temporarily peaks at a quarter of a million visitor-campers, far exceeding the town’s 3,550 permanent residents.128 Some visitors stay in one of the town’s more than seventy privately owned campgrounds, but most reside on public land in camping areas administered by the BLM. In 1997, BLM’s Yuma Field Office established 5 fourteen-day camping areas near Quartzsite to provide 5,500 acres of free overnight camping.129 After spending fourteen days within a twenty- eight-day period in one area, visitors must relocate at least twenty-five miles away. Highly prized camps at the height of Quartzsite’s gem show season in January and February, these camping areas are slightly more regulated versions of the BLM’s relatively open allowance for camping almost anywhere within its 1.3 million acres overseen by the Yuma Field Office. BLM is careful not to refer to these public lands as campgrounds, but this expansive field, with the exception of recent closures for resource protection, makes up a camping ground slightly smaller than Delaware, where boondockers might take up a partially sedentary residence from September 15 to April 15.130 BLM’s other programs grew out of the popularity of camping on the Western United States’ public lands. The agency classifies the region around Quartzsite as an “intensive camping” Recreation Management Zone (RMZ) in which the two Recreation Fee Programs, Special Recreation Permit (SRP) and Amenity Recreation Fee (ARF), operate. The latter group allows campers to use what are essentially full-facility campgrounds managed by BLM. TheSRP category includes the Long Term Visitor Area (LTVA) program, which has generated a type of camp space that mirrors not only BLM’s departmental (-0 objectives but also larger issues of independent recreation on public lands. The LTVA program applies the BLM’s broad mission for the balanced management of public lands, resources, and their “various values”—specifically to negotiate multiple uses with sustained yield.131 BLM seeks to ensure that functional natural resources are available to future generations. With this goal in mind, the Yuma Field Office established the La Posa LTVA, its first such land designation, to accommodate the “needs of winter visitors” and at the same time, to protect the environment and its ecosystems.132 In the La Posa LTVA’s 10,700 acres, campers set up home bases for the area’s nine major gem shows and fifteen swap meets between October and March. Under the recreation fee schedule, RVers must purchase an LTVA permit, but the two LTVA locations of La Posa and Imperial Dam near Quartzsite provide dump stations, water services, a dance floor, and other amenities, so that LTVA campers are “boondocking” close to services ameliorating the RV’s self-containment j\\ k_\j\Zk`feÈGXm\[:XdgÉ .133 TheLTVA ’s supplemental regulations also stabilize the camping experiences—wheels must remain on all vehicles, quiet hours occur between 10 p.m. and 6 a.m., fifteen feet must separate dwelling units, and no camping is allowed in desert washes. Each fall, the region around Quartzsite becomes a “community of place.”134 With this official BLM designation, the town encompassed by the temporary RV city is both destination and threshold, where one and a half million visitors—twice the population of Delaware—arrive to engage in the shows’ commerce, and a quarter of a million campers use this site as a gateway to the area’s other resources. Specific events, like Quartzsite’s annual RV show, operate within an extended field—a temporary city that surrounds the town and dwarfs other such festival events like Burning Man and The Rally j\\È?\[fe`jk:XdgÉXe[ÈIM:clY:XdgÉ . And the “city” endures for more than half the year, with the LTVA spaces (.' 8LKFEFDP facilitating the massive scale and paradoxical independence of this “community of place.” The particular sense of community found in LTVA spaces grounds the autonomy and mobility sought by its camper-residents—tethered however ephemerally both to land and to commerce. (%-. 8\i`Xcm`\nf]HlXikqj`k\ IMJ_fn#HlXikqj`k\# 8i`qfeX% G_fkf^iXg_Yp B\eepB`e^ (.( Dry Camp Dry camps are off the grid. Sites for dry camping range from extremely remote geographic areas to urban parking lots. This camping freedom, an autonomy of de facto sustainability, comes from the constraint of “dryness”—discounting and forgoing any “hookups” for water, sewer, or electricity and thus indicating self-containment. Dry camps exploit the RV’s inherently self-contained attributes. Most factory-issue RVs can sustain themselves without external power and “dumps” for two to three days. But this short-lived dry camping can be maximized with conservation and high technology, and the self-containment of the dry camp facilitates “boondocking.” In popular use, boondocks describes an exceedingly remote place, typically a natural wilderness, and in its active form the practice encompasses camping as much in the artificial wilds of vast parking lots as in pristine natural areas j\\ÈCKM8 :Xdg#ÉÈGXm\[:Xdg#ÉXe[È8[Xgk\[:XdgÉ . The boondocks are sometimes officially identified, as in the State of Florida’s designation of the “semi-primitive wilderness camp,” which is exempt from meeting codified standards of RV parks, implying that the campers will have to manage on their own without amenities in a dry camp. The American Society of Sanitary Engineering provides the most comprehensive definition of self-containment and highlights the limiting technical issues of the dry camp: “Self-contained . . . means a recreational vehicle which can operate independent of connections to sewer and water and has plumbing fixtures or appliances all of which are connected to sewage holding tanks located within the vehicle and does not include a manufactured home or a mobile home.”135 These mobile facilities, differentiated from more fixed mobile homes, make for a difficult autonomy between reliance on grounded infrastructure and complete transience. Adaptations of this (.) 8LKFEFDP definition by local Land Development and Building Codes seek to differentiate the self-contained RV not only from mobile homes but also from “dependent” travel trailers that cannot subsist in a dry camp and might result in health and safety issues. To avoid such dependence, the ultimate dry camping vehicle might include the following technical amenities, some standard and others optional: built-in generator, solar photovoltaic panels (particularly for dry camping more than seven days), a battery bank up to 1,000 pounds (some RVers have opted for 24-volt systems with industrial batteries), 100-gallon freshwater tank, 75-gallon fuel tank, 50-gallon black-water tank, and 75-gallon gray-water tank—all packed into a Type A motorhome forty feet long.136 In addition to these technical constraints, the self- containment of the recreational vehicle makes room for the traveler’s possessions. This internalized domestic space is paradoxical—it allows for mobile independence while also calling for a liberating reduction in material possessions, but it is in the end a limited, closed volume. Anne Harris, a member of the Escapees RV club and retired schoolteacher, has illustrated the trials of self-containment. Her drawing series “Law of Inner RV Space” depicts a logic that all available space will be filled, regardless of dimensional changes. This idea was derived from Roger’s Law, after Lynn Roger, an earlier member of the Escapees Club, who was known as SKP #2 j\\ÈIM:clY:XdgÉ .137 This internalized space makes the dry camp relevant to aesthetic experience (if the RVer is seeking what might be identified as wilderness areas) but often unrelated to location—yielding dry camp spaces that fall into contemporary categories of atopia, non-place typologies that have been marginalized, remain at a distance from populated locales, or reside in interstitial or residual zones. Dry camps also include paper company lands, rest areas, “land- and house-sitting” on private property, gas station lots, casinos, department store lots j\\ÈGXm\[:XdgÉ , and public lands j\\ÈCKM8:XdgÉ .138 (.* (%-/ 8ee\?Xii`j#ÈCpee If^\iËjCXnf]@ee\iIM JgXZ\#ÉÔijkXgg\Xi`e^ `ek_\DXiZ_Æ8gi`c(0/. (.+ 8LKFEFDP Paved Camp A guide to camping at Wal-Mart reminds its readers: “A final note: please be aware that Wal-Mart is not a campground. It is a retail store. Limit your stays to one night or two in an emergency.”139 Boondocking, a term transported by Marines from the rugged topography of the Philippines and mobilized in postwar recreational contexts to describe camping in remote areas without restriction, has come to rest in Wal- Mart’s parking lots.140 Sometimes as members of the RV club “Wal-Mart Bound International,” boondockers camp in the asphalt isolation of the store’s well-lit territory, and in most cases the store’s management sanctions this camping experience—one that many adherents prefer to call “independent parking.”141 The store’s special edition of the Rand McNally Atlas, priced at $9.95, identifies the comprehensive network of parking-lot campsites.142 A burgeoning cottage industry of companion guides, published as brochures and Internet references, also aids the RV boondocker, tempering Wal-Mart’s normalized atlas with detailed local information about particular sites. Wal-Mart boondockers exercise their freedom of mobility in the convenient spaces of these lots, sized for limited periods of maximum use by the antithetical practices of rooted suburbanites, but rarely filled.143 Autonomy here is equated with the economic freedom of camping without cost. RVers—some of whom find in their own expeditions parallels with Lewis and Clark’s daily twenty- five-mile journeys—have noted that the geographic spacing of Wal-Mart stores is ideal for their itineraries. Embedded, and in many ways hidden, in this logic is the pattern of small towns that initially attracted the network of stores and that now measure and pace the movement of Wal-Mart boondockers. The well-documented demise of small-town commercial centers parallels the less well-known loss of revenue by campgrounds—a (., conflict that has resulted in lawsuits challenging Wal-Mart’s policy to allow overnight camping in its parking lots.144 This contested autonomy on the surface appears to circumvent necessities of full RV hookups and direct payment for camping. But campers, no matter how self-contained, always need supplies, and parking-lot boondockers take advantage of the store’s proximity to their mobile doorstep—a fact not lost on the chain’s administrators and its local managers. The Wal- Mart parking lot’s similitude and neutrality is preferred by some RVers, who are averse to the unexpected conditions of more conventional campgrounds. Though not to the same extent or with the same loyalty or degree of corporate systematization, RV campers overnight in other parking lots like Flying J Truck Stop, Kmart, Camping World, a range of casinos, and some Cracker Barrel stores, although company policy prohibits the practice. Wal-Mart parking lots have also been proposed as postdisaster recovery centers. These permutations of the Long Term Community Recovery (LTCR) Centers continued Hurricane Katrina relief efforts and offered venues for reconstruction events to take place. At the Arabi Super Wal- Mart, residents set up a tent for nondenominational services in the parking lot on October 9, 2005. And the St. Bernard Parish Wal-Mart also included a medical relief center. In early spring of 2006, the parking lot of the Wal-Mart Supercenter in Chalmette, Louisiana, across from the St. Bernard Parish Government Complex, hosted the unveiling of the Katrina Cottage II by the Louisiana Recovery Authority (LRA). (.- 8LKFEFDP (%-0 :Xdg`e^`egXib`e^cfkf] 9`cc`e^j#DfekXeX#NXc$DXik% :flik\jpf]Dfi^XeKpi\\ (.. Urban Camp To camp in the city is to continue the rich dialogue between camping and urbanization. One dialogic thread is the evolutionary growth of cities from military outposts and frontier operations. The Roman castra, as military camps, yielded such urban centers as London, Prague, Barcelona, and Manchester. This relation of camp to colonialism continued in other cases with embedded urban quarters assigned to “foreigners.” Another oppositional interplay is between city and country—the conceptual distance between polis and chora. Camping to escape the city parallels the growth of suburbia. Expediting, if not modeling, development from urban centers, camping reflects a populist precedent for the exurban settlement. At a regional scale, Florida’s sprawling fabric of mobile home parks, both planned and unplanned, dominates the suburban field. Dramatic reversals of this city-to-country vector also occur. The Italian campo, born out of exigencies of land tenure, folds countryside into cityscape—a spatial pocket of what was originally a privately held but publicly accessible “field.” The campo essentially provided the clearing for an aristocratic autonomy of dwelling, more of an urban campground than a cultivated ground for urban agriculture. In American urban contexts of the early twentieth century, gracious municipal camps welcomed autocampers to the heart of the city. Enjoying their move from farmyards and roadside camps, tourists shopped, saw the sights, and boosted the host city’s overall economy. But many of the visitors never broke camp, leaving cities with the economic burden of their new guests. Laws were passed, and most camps moved out to the country, or at least to the urban margins. More contemporary practices of camping in the city occur autonomously in their artistic objectives and a sometimes comfortable independence. By century’s end, urban sprawl (./ 8LKFEFDP was receiving camping guests, from the booming populace of RV owners in the Wal-Mart parking lots to younger PS3 gamers camping and waiting for the latest release outside the closest Best Buy store j\\k_\j\Zk`feÈGXm\[:XdgÉXe[k_\ [`jZljj`fef]GJ*:Xdgj`ek_\j\Zk`feÈHl\l\:XdgÉ . But at the same time, neoprimitivism and artistic impulse have returned isolated practices of tent camping to the city. In Brooklyn, the urban camp has become the blogger generation’s alternative domestic site—a backyard bricoleur’s laboratory for radical gardening, recycling, and camping in the city. To camp on the wide but dauntingly precarious median of Times Square is to practice indulgence in the urban center—neither homeless nor decisive in protest, but defamiliarizing nonetheless. Generating critical social and political questions through its urban camp, the collective of artists called Stalker has established an operational base at Rome’s Campo Boario to carry out urban interventions, to provide a laboratory within the layered urban context, and to test ways of occupying the city. The artists thus work from a site already invested with the histories of the campo generally and more specifically with the Roma Gypsies and immigrant and refugee communities who have occupied the site. In London’s post–World War II urbanscape, Travellers camped in bombed-out sections of the city. These scars, in their dereliction, offered free spaces for itinerant living in much the same way that they made room for the adventure playgrounds that also came out of the postwar need for recreational areas j\\È>pgjp:XdgÉ . As if to complete this camp-city dialogue, the Cuban artists Los carpinteros mobilized a scaled-down Havana as a city of stretched fabric. In the tradition of John Hejduk’s urban masques, this tent city uprooted the urban monuments to underscore cultural dislocation but also to defamiliarize the political and spatial attributes of a new site. The result was a third city—the urban campsite—or more precisely the decamped and disurbanized city of our daily life, whether conceived in the mobility of the (.0 commute, the North American proclivity-necessity to relocate, or the rapid global displacements of capital. It is then not surprising when a town is sold on eBay and when one of its longtime residents suggests that it might become a camp: “Schuman says the best plan for Bridgeville is to tear it down, but he concedes it might make a good summer recreation area, perhaps an RV campsite.”145 (%.' ÉG`kZ_:XdgÉ`ed\[`Xef] K`d\jJhlXi\#E\nPfib :`kp#Ale\)'',% :flik\jp f]8d`k>lgkX (/' 8LKFEFDP Car Camp The car camp reached its prefabricated zenith in the 1960s and 1970s, with the elongated station wagons offering ample storage for camping equipment and equally suitable room for sleeping. The family wagon doubled as commuting and camping vehicle and has reemerged in the camping possibilities of the roomy interiors of oversized sports utility vehicles. Wholly different from the trailer in scale, self-mobility, and hybrid use, these car camps have followed a historical trajectory that began with self-contained autocampers of the 1920s. The home-modified camping vehicle epitomized the nascent auto culture’s aspirations for mobility and independence. Often mounted on a Model T one-ton truck and, in at least one case, outfitted with a thirty-gallon water tank, veranda, and icebox, these house-cars proved less mobile than expected, and municipalities soon evicted their residents, sending the wagons home and making way for the suburban car camp, with its more privatized spaces and occasional, short-term camping expeditions j\\ÈLiYXe:XdgÉ Xe[ÈJlYliYXe:XdgÉ . The Camper’s Bible would later laud station-wagon campers for their thrift and their “rig’s” maneuverability, and in the spirit of the continued DIY camping experience, would recommend a homemade corrugated cardboard tray for stowing and sliding out camping gear from the wagon’s rear hatch. The earlier panelized wagons had lingered in an uneasy permanence as homesites in the municipal camps closely linked to the rapidly developing urban centers of the Southern United States. More recent practices of car camping test the limits of this municipal space and its remnants, now relegated to automobile parking spaces. Michael Rakowitz’s P(LOT) proposes the rental of urban parking spaces for onsite living. The project’s tented structures simulate the automobile but (/( (%.( (%.)#(%.*#(%.+ ?flj\$ZXifne\[Yp D`Z_X\cIXbfn`kq# G CFK# D%?ffm\if]F_`f# )''+Æfe^f`e^%:ljkfd`q\[ g_fkf^iXg_\[XkXK`e n\Xk_\igiff]XlkfdfY`c\ :XeKfli`jkZfem\ek`fe`e Zfm\ij#GM:g`g\#k\ek 8iZX[`X#=cfi`[X#(0)0% gfc\j`ejkXccXk`fe]ifdk_\ JkXk\C`YiXipXe[ Dlj\ldDf[\ie\i 8iZ_`m\jf]=cfi`[X BlejkJk`]kle^Cl[n`^ N`\e% :flik\jpf]D`Z_X\c IXbfn`kqXe[CfdYXi[$ =i\`[Gifa\Zkj#E\nPfib house domestic practices like reading, getting ready for work, and receiving visitors. Here, the car camp maintains the semblance of vehicle through the car’s form and signage on the fabric—in one case, branded with United Parcel Service symbols. This practice of extended parking reintroduces the more suburbanized practices of camping, in terms of vehicle and nonurban sites, back into the city by appropriating a temporary municipal system—extended parking becomes boondocking j\\ÈGXm\[:XdgÉ .146 (/) (%., JkXk`fenX^feXe[ZXdg`e^ \hl`gd\ek% =fi[Ki\Xjlip f]JkXk`feNX^feC`m`e^# (0,.Æ,/ (%.- JkXk`fenX^feZXdgflk% =fi[Ki\Xjlipf]JkXk`fe NX^feC`m`e^#(0,.Æ,/ 8LKFEFDP Suburban Camp In the 1920s and 1930s, cities embraced the municipal camp as an attraction to tourists and as an income generator. But as public perceptions linked the camping tourism to vagabondage and as these camper-denizens strained the municipalities’ resources and extended their stay, confirming the fears of city administrators, urban camps were closed. The automobile, which had ironically concentrated the newly mobilized camping public in urban centers, facilitated the return of the recreational camp to its bucolic, now forcibly exurban, context j\\k_\È:Xi:XdgÉj\Zk`fe . The suburban camp not only followed its site-built counterparts, but the mobile homes and trailers allowed development further afield than the midcentury housing growth did, presaging sprawl and subsequent real estate booms at the millennial threshold. Whether formally planned or incrementally grown, these trailer and mobile home parks have reached a degree of permanency that contradicts the transience associated with such clustering of “mobile homes.” Sprawl has overtaken these immobilized suburban camps, and market forces have destabilized what was once reliably affordable housing. Increased land values and suburban growth patterns have spurred the sale and development of sites such as White Oaks Mobile Home Park in St. Mary’s County, south of Washington, D.C., and Paradise Park in Highlands, New Jersey, across the Raritan Bay from New York City. But it is in Florida, where by some estimates a mobile home park is sold each week, that this increasingly unstable niche in the housing market has been most affected by high-end suburbanization. In St. Petersburg, developers purchased Lake Shore Mobile Home Park’s three and a half acres for $2.5 million—dispersing a community whose (/, youngest resident was fifty seven years. In January 2007, the shareholders of Briny Breezes, a mobile home park between Boca Raton and Palm Beach, agreed to sell their 43-acre property to Ocean Land Investments for an estimated $510 million. Mobile home park residents, even if they own the manufactured unit, do not typically own the lot, and as renters they lack the rights that go along with land tenure. In Florida, laws provide detailed but limited assistance for mobile home tenants faced with eviction by developer-landlords. In this transition, developers often purchase the mobile home units for less than $3,000 in a revaluation of the lot (as small as 35’ × 100’) that approaches more than three hundred times the resident’s compensation.147 Although mobile homes and trailer parks are imperfect forms of affordable housing, their niche in the housing market has paralleled suburban growth, in many cases providing denser settlement patterns with a heightened sense of community. Conservation issues have also emerged with urban growth’s absorption of suburban camps. Los Angeles city officials added Monterey Trailer Park to its Historic-Cultural Monument Listing in 2002. Linked to Route 66 and embedded within one of Los Angeles’ first suburbs, the South Pasadena site accommodated migrants and tourists at the urban margins in the 1920s.148 The historic designation seeks to maintain the open site for temporary use. It is then the park’s space and its legacy of mobile housing that are protected, rather than the trailers (however “vintage” they may be). Just as the mobile home lot holds real estate value, conserving pockets of formerly suburban space makes room for sustained public occupation and practices, even if they are now carried out in an urban context. In the summer of 1898, New Yorkers were encouraged to visit a “model suburban camp” in the city’s newly acquired Pelham Bay Park.149 Camps Hobson-hurst and Dewey-dene were vacation camps and included reconfigurations of domestic space, particularly the kitchen, at the urban (/- 8LKFEFDP margins. Lodged at the edge of the Bronx’s urban field, the site today remains as the city’s largest park—yielding the possibility that camps, often at the transitional hinge between urban and suburban, witness and, if preserved, record growth patterns. NASCAR Camp Race fans can camp for three weeks within the Daytona International Speedway’s 2.5 mile track’s tri-oval loop. At what has been called NASCAR’s “most RV friendly” event, having won the Good Sam Welcome Mat award five years in a row, the 180-acre infield is a campsite, forming the core of what becomes Florida’s fourth largest city each February. The Speedway markets the campsites as “specialty vehicle packages,” designations that zone the speedway infield by use and value. Visitors can park their cars or pitch tents in the reserved spaces of the orange zone at Turns 3 and 4, while the green zone at Turn 4 offers pull-through motorhome lots. Views of the race and site amenities determine the economic hierarchy of the camping sites, with the waterfront Lake Lloyd Premium lots the most expensive and the West Lot outside Turns 1 and 2 relegated to sites that are “not for viewing.” Added in 2005, Lake Lloyd campsites are standard RV lots measuring 20 by 40 feet, with an additional 20 by 15 foot grass area. The infield camp is also a temporary construction site where RV owners build viewing platforms and scaffolding to watch the race from elevated couches and lounge chairs. (/. During the racing season, the infield becomes a dense event space where recreation and sport combine. Though separated by the packaged zoning distinctions, racers and spectators occupy the grounds circumscribed by the track. Drivers live in RVs along with their racing vehicles in the paddock RV park, while spectators pay as much as $1,350 to join them in the infield—encompassing what Daytona Beach’s Land Development Code terms the Major Sports District. Although high priced for the Daytona 500, the infield accommodates thousands of temporary residents in a mode not found at other racing events. Its zoning connotes a populist and at times agrarian field of settlement. While Churchill Downs only provides infield suites at a premium, the racing infield caters, with the exception of high-profile races like the Daytona 500, to a wider socioeconomic group. But the infield space of racing does share an agricultural lineage with the Kentucky Derby and other racing sites. The connection with other sporting infields and racetracks, particularly horse racing, is reinforced by the use of the term paddock to describe the enclosure for cars and drivers to prepare for a race.150 Section 4e of Daytona Beach’s code outlines the requirements for this campsite: The use of trailers, travel trailers, or mobile campers as temporary living quarters shall be permitted on the grounds of a sports stadium or racetrack, or within walking distance of a sports stadium or racetrack on property zoned MS, subject to the following conditions: 1. Sanitary facilities or services shall be available at all times in sufficient capacity to serve the temporary residents. 2. The use shall be limited to temporary periods not in excess of 21 consecutive days. 3. Any new area which was not utilized for temporary living quarters prior to July 3, 2001 shall be additionally subject to the criteria found in article 13, section 3.8 of the Land Development Code.151 (// 8LKFEFDP To occupy the typical NASCAR infield is to camp out within the spectacle. Even more centrally located than the action on the racetrack, the campers become a part of the spectacle, or at the very least its background. For Daytona’s 168,000 people in the stands of the world’s largest lighted sports complex, the campground and infield form the visual backdrop to passing cars and the consistent middle ground for the strident sounds of the race cars during each minute’s lap. While many NASCAR tracks offer infield camping, the link between camping and racing also includes the campground sprawl around racetracks such as east Tennessee’s Bristol Motor Speedway, where a patchwork of camps offer lodging for race fans. At Daytona, it is the infield camp’s urban density that makes up the storied landscape of the event, where a hundred square feet of camping ground accommodates each of the estimated 65,000 temporary infield residents. (%.. CXpflkf]ZXdgjXk9i`jkfc DfkfiJg\\[nXp% :flik\jp f];Xm`[Ifn\#9i`jkfc DfkfiJg\\[nXp RV Camp If you are forty-nine, married, with a household income of $56,000, you are the typical North American RV owner among eight million RV households. And if you belong to the one million member families of Good Sam and you took the RV club’s 2007 Welcome Mat Survey, then you probably buy gas at Flying J stations, eat Subway sandwiches, shop at Wal- Mart, purchase your craft supplies at Michael’s, and opt for Cracker Barrel as your favorite “sit-down restaurant.” While overnight camping in state and national parks has languished, RV ownership has surged as baby boomers hit the road, and trends show that early-retirement Gen Xers are next.152 If not in the park system, where is everyone camping? As a Good Sam Club member, you might be camping at America’s Best Campground, the five-time Welcome Mat award winner. ABC is not the biggest or the most scenic, but it provides entertainment, which has emerged as a primary purpose of RV travel. “Camping is no longer just an outdoor experience.”153 And the campground celebrates its proximity to Branson, Missouri’s burgeoning entertainment center, easily accessed along the Shepherd of the Hills Expressway in your dinghy vehicle that you probably towed behind your RV. “City close” and “country quiet,” ABC’s streets index the celebrity theaters you will find in Branson. From the home base in a pull-through lot between Mel Tillis and Mickey Gilley, you can travel less than a mile to catch each performer’s show. The campground is a reception area that maps its guests’ destinations and spatializes the semantic connections of this traveler’s theater. With its own Celebrity Station, ABC supplements this approximated theatrical experience with live entertainment in an environmentally conditioned pavilion. The park’s easily accessible RV wash concludes your departure after breaking camp. (0' 8LKFEFDP The recreational vehicle classification system and its hierarchies of the mobilized society can be read in ABC’s site plan, which is itself a machinic construct indicative of the combined intensive functionalities and recreational excesses of the RV unit. Industry standards of the Recreational Vehicle Industry Association (RVIA) define the RV as a “motorized or towable vehicle that combines transportation and temporary living quarters for travel, recreation, and camping.” The degree that the RV can be “hooked up” then defines site amenities—from none j\\È;ip:XdgÉ to partial (electricity only) to full (water, electricity, and sewer). Ninety percent of ABC’s sites offer full hook-ups, with the additional, recently added service of Wi-Fi—a twenty-first- century virtual “hookup.” Directly associated with amenities is the convenience of parking, the height of which is the pull-through lot. With ABC’s Lots 1 through 115, campers can pull their RVs through the spaces and do not have to back their thirty- to forty-foot motorhomes into place. Related in part to this dimensional length, the RVIA has identified three classes of motorized recreational vehicles: Type A, “generally roomiest” with “luxurious amenities,” typically sleeping six and costing $400,000 or more j\\È;ip:XdgÉ ; Type B, commonly called “van campers,” comfortably sleeping a family of four; and Type C, with similar amenities as Type A and its identifiable above-cab sleeping space allowing for the accommodation of eight campers. Towable RVs, the minority at ABC, are most likely to be found on peripheral lots 116 through 138—commonly known as “back-in” sites. As if to affirm its “campground” naming convention, ABC includes two tent campsites in the far northeast corner of the grounds.154 Ironically, Branson’s tourism originated with a tent camp. Author and preacher Harrison Bell Wright camped and wrote at “Inspiration Point” for eight summers before publishing The Shepherd of the Hills in 1907. Tuberculosis had forced Wright south from Kansas for the mild climate of the Ozarks. Starting in 1896, his accidental hosts John and Anna Ross, with their (0( homestead overlooking the White River Valley, and Wright’s own convalescent platform tent motivated the story that would become one of the bestselling novels in American history and the impetus for the Branson area’s initial tourism of literature. But perhaps you stopped at ABC not for country music or legendary dramatizations but for its convenience, a transit midpoint between cardinal directions and between packaged entertainment and literary folklore. ABC’s location and the other five thousand campsites around Branson approximate a national crossroads for RV-owning middle America, unsurprisingly located only a hundred miles southwest of the nation’s mean population center.155 The camp’s easy access, less than two miles, from Highway 65 facilitates a connection with the east-west corridor Interstate 44, thirty miles to the north. If you were camping at ABC early in July 2007, you might then have departed for Redmond, Oregon, where Good Sam’s annual gathering, called simply “The Rally,” would host 5,000 RVs and 12,000 RVers in a megacamp with its own diversions—“fabulous live entertainment,” rally dog show, and an attempt to break the World Record for the largest whoopee cushion.156 (%./ 89::Xdg^ifle[ gcXe#9iXejfe#D`jjfli`% :flik\jpf]89: :Xdg^ifle[ (0) RV Club Camp RV full-timers are homeless. Such was the upshot of the 2000 census, treading the difficult ground of defining residency and residence. The preeminent organization for full-timers is the Escapees RV Club, and many of its members fell through the statistical and categorical gaps of the millennial census. Between census counts and with increasingly urgent and complex self-examination, the U.S. Census Bureau investigates what it terms “residence concepts” to analyze, understand, and address shifts in mobility, ways of dwelling, and residents’ identification with place. In past census reports, officials have attempted to define “group quarters” and to count migrant workers—categories now joined in concept by the RV club and the mobilized group communities that camp in Wal-Mart parking lots j\\ÈGXm\[:XdgÉ or call Slab City their seasonal home j\\È8[Xgk\[:XdgÉ . With the growth of a nonhousehold population, the Census Bureau has narrowed down two options for RVer responses to answer the residency question: Usual Home Elsewhere (UHE) or RV as housing unit (HU). By default then, the camp at the time of the count is listed as the place of residence. Escapees, who have chosen to use the club’s headquarters as their permanent address to obtain drivers’ licenses and insurance, would answer “Rainbow’s End,” 140 Escapees Drive, Livingston, Texas, 77351, as their UHE. But the approximately 34,000 member families are a fraction of what some surveys estimate to be 1.4 million full-timers on the North American road. As the decennial census report points out, residence rules are in fact meeting real life—a grounding without ground in which the “right place” is a fleeting home place defined more by the RVers’ club affiliations and camping network than an identification with a particular location.157 (0+ 8LKFEFDP These sets of locations, as camps, form a network of dwelling sites for the Escapees constituency that satisfies degrees of longing for home both conceptually, as a recreational community and support net for health and elder care, and locationally, with optional home-base camps. To review the options for the Escapees member is to understand the different needs and spaces of the RV full-timer. “SKP Co-Ops,” with a total of eleven locations in 2007, are independently owned, nonprofit camps set up for club members to use a specified lot until death or until membership is sold back to the Escapees Corporation. This option relates as much to the aspirations of members to establish their own parks as it does to the needs of members to “come home” each day to familiar living quarters—a recurrent home base, though in different locations. The club’s founders, Joe and Kay Peterson, had originally planned for all members to build their own informal, inexpensive parks, which were to be in essence transformations of each member’s home base into a private campground. The second permutation of Escapees camps is the Escapees Rainbow Park (ERP) category, which replicates the archetypal Rainbow Park headquarters and includes the option for lot ownership, constituting a long-term home base with adjacent short-term camping sites to expand further the network of homes away from home. The Escapees Club developed a third type, the ERPU (U for “unlimited”), to resolve the growing problem of lot ownership found with ERPs. Increasing regulation of trailer parks and the time necessary to build campgrounds with deeded lots resulted in a five-year lease plan in this third option, which the club calls a “permanent base.” This evolution from the networked nomadism of theSKP Co-Op to the partial transience of ERPU provides what was determined within the club to be a necessary range of options for living on the road. Ultimately, this set of SKP camps provides a support network in which “SKP” is a phonetic shortening of “escapee” but is also an acronym for Support, Knowledge, and Parking. (0, It is this triplicate provision of necessities that allows for the full-timer’s autonomy. “Parked together for mutual support,” the Escapees headquarters in Livingston, Texas, also includes a Continuing Assistance center for members who are “temporarily limited or permanently stopped because of age or disabilities.”158 Organizers promote this lifelong extension of the support network as a way for its members to remain in their RV home in spite of decreased mobility. In these conditions apart from UHE or momentary camp as fleeting place of residence, the Escapees member falls into a third census category—“person is a usual resident of: The camp.”159 Rule 16 for the 2010 Census summarizes one way of defining the full-timers’ residency, within this network of club camping facilities: “On Census Day, person is at a recreational camp (i.e., a commercial or public campground). This rule is targeted to persons known as ‘full-timers’ or ‘good sams’ who live and travel in a recreational vehicle, and the recreational vehicle is their only or usual residence. . . . Count person at: The location where the person spends most of his/her time (UHE allowed).”160 Having “escaped” to a life of camping, the RVer finds statistical solidarity and support for a way of living in a camp that can now be categorically counted—officially verifying the home on the road. A concluding note in the Escapees publication titled “Full-Time RVing: Is It for You?” encourages the prospective RVer and reaffirms the longtime escapee: “You are the ultimate homemaker who carries your home with you. You are not homeless.”161 (0- 8LKFEFDP Franchise Camp In April 1962, Dave Drum watched World’s Fair–bound travelers pass his property along Highway 10 in Billings, Montana. Drum’s land, shaded by cottonwoods, sited along the Yellowstone River, and conveniently located next to the highway, became the ideal place to accommodate the travelers moving to and from Seattle for the fair. The Billings site went on to become the first KOA Kampground. With his business partners and his background in real estate development, Drum took what he had learned from those camping on his property and set up a franchise of campgrounds that within ten years had a network of six hundred campgrounds. By 1982, the system had peaked at nine hundred camps in spite of the Arab oil embargo that had generally hurt trailer travel and camping in the mid-1970s. Drum’s camping empire has continued to expand and includes sites in North America and Japan. KOA’s franchising also extends to its provision of “level RV sites,” trademarked eighteen- by twelve-foot Kamping Kabins, and its development of work camps for retirees who want to work on the road. The Work Kamper program matches the recreational traveler’s transience with the franchise’s need for seasonal employees, and its rewards program ties the Work Kamper to the RV enthusiast, with free camping and other incentives offered to part-time KOA employees (j\\ÈNfib :XdgÉ`eZ_Xgk\i* .162 Another campground franchise, Yogi Bear’s Jellystone Camp Resorts, opened its first campground in Sturgeon Bay, Wisconsin, in 1969. The story of its founding mixes a standardized trope of “humble” beginnings with the business acumen of a successful advertising executive and a fabular legend ready-made from domestic popular culture. On his own trips, Doug Haag vowed to create the “destination campground” after witnessing throngs of vacationing families (0. with limited camping options forcing them to park their trailers along highways. English entrepreneur William Butlin had earlier built an empire of holiday camps in England, but Haag envisioned a more narrowly themed fusion of camp and resort, an iconic adaptation of domestic television culture j\\ È?fc`[Xp:XdgÉ . In January 1969, Haag overheard his children’s Saturday morning cartoon: “OK Boo Boo, let’s get our pic-a-nic baskets ready, the campers are coming!” Advertiser Haag had found the theme for his franchised camp in the cartoon construct. Mediating the transition from the public national park (Yellowstone) to privatized resort (Jellystone), the television program provided the content and the branding of more than seventy franchised campgrounds. Flying J gas stations and Camping World stores have also franchised a particular camping experience by allowing boondocking in the stores’ parking lots j\\ÈGXm\[:XdgÉ . Homer Staves, who began his RV camp career with KOA, runs an international consulting firm for the construction of campgrounds. In 1971, he wrote construction codes for RVs and campgrounds, and his fundamental principle is that these two business models should be run by market research, matching the facility with its market clientele. Staves Consulting lists the following steps in designing and building a campground and RV park: (1) comprehensive feasibility study; (2) identification of the specific parcel of land for development (location, location, location); (3) development of specific layout with sites and amenities; (4) zoning and planning department approval followed by final plans drawn up for soliciting bids; and (5) construction and finalizing business and marketing plans.163 This procedure, though not groundbreaking in its individual procedural components, is striking in its approximation of the camping process itself, a sequence that moves from siting to clearing to making to breaking—the latter aligned with the “breaking” into the market upon the franchise camp’s substantial completion. (0/ 8LKFEFDP (%.0 J`k\gcXe#FË:fee\ccËj Pf^`9\XiËjA\ccpjkfe\GXib :Xdg$I\jfik#8dYfp# @cc`ef`j% PF>@9<8IXe[ Xcci\cXk\[Z_XiXZk\ijXe[ \c\d\ekjXi\kiX[\dXibj f]Xe[?XeeX$9XiY\iX2 Zflik\jpf]Jflk_\Xjk GlYc`ZXk`fej (00 Holiday Camp The park at Skegness records the holiday camp’s ascent in British culture and measures the arc of William “Billy” Butlin’s own camping empire, which began with his vision of an affordable luxury camp before emerging as the themed resort Funcoast World. The interruptions of this popular rise also chronicle twentieth-century Britain’s military and popular histories. Beatles fans might speculate about the music group’s chemistry if Butlin had not been determined to restore the holiday camp after it was requisitioned during World War II and if Ringo Starr had not gone camping at Skegness in the early 1960s. Resolute, Butlin added an airport to the resort in 1948 and a chairlift in 1962, just in time for campers to witness an equally ascendant Ringo, who played his final two nights with Rory Storm and the Hurricanes during the summer music season at the holiday camp. On August 15, 1962, John Lennon and Paul McCartney found their drummer in a trailer parked outside the front gate of Skegness camp. Ringo was camping there with bandmate Johnny Byrne after their eviction from the main camp’s chalets, where they had been caught playing loud music after hours. Unhesitatingly, Ringo broke camp to join the Fab Four in Liverpool. Butlin began construction of Skegness Holiday Camp in September 1935 on a two hundred acre turnip field along the North Sea coast in Lincolnshire. Butlin was following in a British tradition of organized holiday camping begun at the end of the previous century and initially focused on the Norfolk coast, across the East Anglian Wash from Skegness. Initially planned to accommodate a thousand campers, Skegness was expanded to allow for ten thousand temporary residents. Concerned with the lack of socialization among the campers, Butlin instituted the “Red Coats” as entertainers and facilitators with the camping experience. Three years after )'' 8LKFEFDP the April 11, 1936, opening of the camp, the British Royal Navy requisitioned the site as a base for HMS Royal Arthur. The camp’s garish color scheme repainted, military planners converted the Viennese Dance Hall into the naval armory and located the training camp’s air raid shelters in the rose gardens. Butlin’s holiday camp at Filey was still under construction in 1939 when he agreed to adapt the project for military use. The Royal Air Force occupied the now militarized holiday camp as RAF Hunmanby Moor, accommodating six thousand military personnel. Such wartime appropriation was not new—Cunningham’s Young Men’s Holiday Camp, thought to have initiated the holiday camping tradition, was transformed into an internment camp during the First World War. This ready, though uneasy, translation of holiday camp into places of detainment and military organization suggests how fluidly, and sometimes alarmingly, the spaces of camps in their perceived temporality can be transformed in kind but also by degree. The scale of Butlin’s enterprise, its strategic location along England’s vulnerable east coast, and its ready-made, although primitive, infrastructure confirmed its suitability for military planners. After fifty-two German Luftwaffe bombs had landed within the camp’s grounds during the Second World War, the camp at Skegness reopened on May 11, 1946, only six weeks after the decommissioning of the naval facility.164 From its initial planning in Butlin’s cigarette-packet sketches, Skegness concretized many of the impermanent features of the burgeoning British holiday camp. Tents became chalets, and communal buildings grew into the Butlin Theatre and Ingoldmells Hotel. Butlin hybridized traditional, more primitive British holiday camping experiences with the amusement park, spectacular entertainment venues, and recreational amenities like Funsplash water park. In addition to the airport and other transportation improvements to accommodate the influx of tourists, Butlin also incorporated the United Kingdom’s first commercial monorail in 1965. With such expansion and Disneyfication of the camp and after )'( additional refurbishment in the late 1990s, Skegness has emerged with family shows, water park, and spa as a multi- functional resort that forms a part of the renewed Butlins corporate network along with Minehead and Bognor Regis resorts. As the camping facilities have expanded and been made increasingly permanent, actual practices of camping have moved outside the gates of the now decisively themed park space. Skegness camp’s planners have added a caravan park to accommodate more temporary visitors in smaller-scale lodging, albeit in “static van” units. Built in the 1960s, Red Camp to the west of the original campground includes caravan sites, and the original Blue Camp along the coast maintains some of its now historically significant chalets.165 But at the center remains the Skegness resort, Butlin’s legacy that demonstrates the thematization of camping practices as holiday recreation. (%/' 9\cck\ekjXk:lee`e^_Xd :Xdg#;fl^cXj#@jc\ f]DXe% :fcc\Zk`fef]=% :fXbc\p2Zflik\jpf] ;fl^cXj9fifl^_:fleZ`c (%/( I\m\ij\j`[\f] :lee`e^_Xd:Xdg gfjkZXi[% :fcc\Zk`fef]=% :fXbc\p2Zflik\jpf] ;fl^cXj9fifl^_:fleZ`c )') 8LKFEFDP )'* Summer Camp More than eleven million children attend summer camp each year. The American Camp Association (ACA) accredits 2,400 of an estimated 12,000 camps, at least 7,000 of which are overnight or “resident” programs. Except through local building codes and ordinances, there is no overall regulation or governmental oversight of camps. Membership in accrediting institutions, like the ACA or the National Camp Association (NCA), is voluntary and camp sponsorship ranges from agencies like the YMCA and the Boy Scouts of America, to independent nonprofit groups, with other organizations supporting for-profit or religious camping ventures. The NCA has estimated that the industry generates $11 billion in gross revenues each year—most of that amount in the two-month high season. The contemporary summer camp inspires choice. Special needs and specialty camps cater to a youthful population’s increasingly diverse and progressively more exacting needs, desires, and expectations. Focus areas of specialty camps range from weight loss to surfing, from Shakespeare to Nike field hockey, from space camp to Summer Sonatina International Piano Camp. And at the Summer Explosives Camp in Missouri, participants learn about blasting agents, dynamite priming, and detonator safety measures in a one- month program that culminates in setting up a fireworks display. Summer campers also still enjoy the archetypal camping activities, with swimming the most widely provided recreation, followed by horseback riding and wilderness programs. According to parents, fun and safety are the most important aspects of camps. Summer camp experiences are so ingrained in American life that historians have found their origins difficult to ascertain. As Charles Ledyard Norton wrote in 1888, “Precisely who was )'+ 8LKFEFDP the originator of the idea is difficult certainly to determine.”166 Camp has come to be our summer environment. Its spaces are programmatically malleable, and summer camp is a home that inspires nostalgia without the longing to return—we know that return is impossible but that our children will participate in this perfected likeness of a home apart from domesticity’s unheimlich consequences. It reflects a kind of hypersentimentality that marries the frontier fort and the family room, the adventurer and the armchair traveler, the colonist and the autochthon. Its origins are perhaps indeterminate because we are chronically living this summer camp. Nonetheless, historians have effectively cited early camps as progenitors and precedents to the typology—useful expedients to help delineate the summer camp’s objectives and transformations. The ACA places the birth of the summer camp with the 1861 founding of the Gunnery Camp, Frederick Gunn’s two-week excursion with boys at the Washington, Connecticut, home school that he ran with his wife. This camping program tied into the rural and “back-to-the-country” schools, which in the mid-nineteenth century provided campout sessions in the wilderness classroom to capitalize on the idyll of nature apart from urban ills.167 Early retreats of intellectuals and adventurers in the Adirondacks also mirror this midcentury inclination to camp j\\ÈG_`cfjfg_\ijË:XdgÉ Xe[È>cXdgÉ . Gunn’s “breakaway camp” remains tied to its educational institution as a “base camp,” but it also points toward the growing number of organized, though short-term, camping trips not directly connected to educational institutions.168 YMCA’s camps began with excursions led by Sumner Dudley in 1885 before the founding of a permanent Camp Dudley in Westport, New York, where it remains today, having long since completed the transition from tent camp to cabin camp with its long-standing, permanent structures. Just as educators, religious devotees, drillmasters, adventurers, parents, and corporate magnates laud the institution of camp, so the summer camp is didactic, )', transcendent, spiritual, disciplined, wild, and safely fun. Historically, it has also existed as a gendered space. Cast within a “virile” nature, camp spaces were thought to accommodate boys’ raffishness and a maturing masculinity. When Theodore Roosevelt wrote “What We Can Expect of the American Boy,” he might have had in mind the summer camp as much as his famed Rough Rider encampments in Tampa and then in Cuba. The summer camp is thus a site for the “rough pastimes” that cultivate the “thoroughly manly” boy. And those who were able “to camp out whenever they got the chance, were better fitted for military work than any set of mere school or college athletes could possibly be.”169 Roosevelt is arguing that Civil War soldiers who came from the backwoods and rugged farms were more prepared to fight and to camp than those who grew up in “big Eastern cities.” In this logic, agency- sponsored summer camp parallels the training camp, and it is not surprising that Roosevelt was the Boy Scouts of America’s first honorary vice president j\\ÈAXdYfi\\:XdgÉ . As early as 1874, with the establishment of the YWCA’s residence at Asbury Park, Pennsylvania, summertime vacation areas also accommodated programs for girls. Four decades later, summer camps for girls had become sites to test social constraints and expectations placed on girls and at the same time to remain as a single-sex organization, particularly with such groups as the Camp Fire Girls and Girl Scouts j\\ È>`icJZflk:XdgÉ . By the 1920s and 1930s, coeducational camps were instituted, affirming the broad, if not institutionally structured, educational offerings of the camp.170 In the intervening years, the day camp has become a popular alternative to summer camps that offer residency. If overnight summer camps serve as the base for tripping and exploring, then the day camp forms a supplemental site to the camper’s permanent home, which becomes a kind of summer “base camp.”171 Summer camp is an extracurricular space for transformative learning—an educational experience lauded over “formal” )'- 8LKFEFDP schoolwork by Harvard President Charles Eliot, who saw camp as the U.S. contribution to the world of education. Summer camp’s informal, yet not “unformed,” education has influenced generations of participants but only one Disney CEO. For Michael Eisner, summer camp defined a way of living and, more specifically, a way of working. As a mental and procedural space and the one-word title of his book, “camp” might be said to form Eisner’s ethical matrix. And as a physical construct, camp holds family legacies as well as archetypal childhood memories. Camp Keewaydin is one of the extant turn-of-the-century summer camps, surviving the rise and decline of organized camping. Attending Camp Keewaydin was “the most important formative experience” of Eisner’s life and defined “to a remarkable degree” his “core values.”172 So fundamental is this foundation that Eisner makes the summer camp central to his discussion of the merger between ABC and Disney in his book Work in Progress: “While there were plenty of differences between Disney and ABC, our two companies shared a set of core values that I first learned at Camp Keewaydin: Work hard. Help the other fellow. Tell the truth. When you make a commitment, stand by it. Be tough, but fair.”173 In his follow-up book, more ostensibly about a camp life, Eisner compares corporate work to the camping canoe trip in which teamwork supersedes the individual. Summer camp is Eisner’s business model (he claims to have taken only one course in accounting), but he recognizes its limitations: “The world is not camp—and that’s too bad.”174 Ironically underscoring this camp-CEO relation, summer campers have recently begun arriving by private, sometimes corporate, jet to summer camps. )'. Glamp Accessibility to the urbane camping experience has increased. Retirees drive Class A motorhomes, thirtysomethings pull Airstream’s new BaseCamp trailers, and international ecotravelers sleep in canvas bungalows. Glamour camps and their stylish vehicles are not new, but the frequency and the expansion of their production have altered the way recreational camping is imaged, promoted, and carried out. Greek poet Horace lauded the countryside villa but not without its infusion of the city’s benefits, the maharaja tented in royal hunting camps, and European and American noblesse oblige required summer cottages for status and retreat. After his time at Camp Maple, Emerson wrote: “We flee away from cities, but we bring / The best of cities with us, these learned classifiers, / Men knowing what they seek, armed eyes of experts” j\\k_\j\Zk`feÈG_`cfjfg_\ijË:XdgÉ .175 Unavoidably, there is a camping style. As Emerson later recounts, the sophisticated camper shouts “well done” on hearing a masterful piano rendition of Beethoven from a log cabin in the wilderness. Stylish recreational campers might still listen to classical music in tents, but how we “get away”—apart from social standing but not without dispensable income—and what we take with us have changed. “Go play and take your toys with you” reads the promotional slogan for BaseCamp, a recreational-automotive collaboration between Airstream and Nissan. Less than fifty square feet in area, the aluminum trailer, in the iconic style of Wally Byam’s early 1930s models, is an exercise in spatial efficiency. But this product furnishes an image of technological design for more than $30,000 with optional features. If BaseCamp tracks the recalibration of stylized domestic nomadism, the well-appointed lodging of ecotourism emphasizes, exploits, and commodifies the lightness and noninvasiveness of tent camping. In many )'/ 8LKFEFDP (%/) Jc\\g`e^k\ekf] )'0 environmentally sensitive areas, tents are easier to permit than site-built, permanent structures. So the tautology, at once a commercial conceit and a function of burgeoning mobility, is that camps, though less invasive than hotels or cottages, allow for greater tourist access where it might not have otherwise occurred. The “boho,” as the Bohemian hobo has been called, might vacation in a fully wireless-accessible Mongolian yurt before checking into the Four Seasons Tented Camp in Thailand’s “golden triangle” region and its bamboo jungle. In addition to the long tradition of upscale African safaris, luxury camps and fully furnished tents now extend to Patagonia, Jaipur, and the Amazon. In their stylization, glamps appropriate local materials and crafts, but they also simulate archetypal camping forms. The glamp is then rendered iconographically. And for festivalgoers in England, the luxury camp is again recast, this time simulating modern reproductions of the maharaja’s (shikar) tent in Camp Kerala, an elite community juxtaposed with the muddy revelry of Glastonbury Festival, where glampers are called “tossers” j\\ È=\jk`mXc:XdgÉ . Glimpses inside Camp Kerala’s shikar tents return us to Emerson, “What in the desert was impossible / Within four walls is possible again,” and recall the tent camps of America’s earliest glamps in the Adirondacks.176 Though his words precede the height of the region’s Great Camps by nearly half a century, Emerson forecasts their stylized mediation of wilderness and culture and of rural and urban contexts. In the Upper St. Regis Lake region of New York, proprietor and guide Paul Smith established a resort hotel in 1859 and outfitted his guests with sometimes-luxurious day camps for tenting in the wilderness. Out of this tradition, wealthy vacationers established more permanent campsites around the lake. At Camp Wild Air in 1882, the sleeping tent of Ella Reid Harrison exemplified the modern comforts of tent camping in the Adirondacks, with its canopy bed, Oriental rugs, full-length framed mirror, window draperies, and dresser. Whitelaw )(' 8LKFEFDP Reid, the founder of the camp and Ella’s uncle, would later hire William Mead of McKim, Mead and White to design the camp’s cabins, which the architect modeled on the tent camp form.177 Within Emerson’s four walls, whether fabric or wood, the Adirondack camps fused a rusticated log cabin typology with living spaces that mirrored the patrician accessories found a day’s journey away in New York City. Generally known as the Adirondack “Great Camps,” these sites are in essence the “decorous camps” of elite vacationers like Reid, J.P. Morgan, and Alfred Gwynne Vanderbilt. Decor characterized the stylistic tropes of early iterations like William West Durant’s Camp Pine Knot (1877) and the later opulence of “trophy camps” like Prospect Point Camp after the turn of the century.178 The forms of Durant’s early cabins served as models for subsequent, larger-scale Great Camps and as prototypes for the National Park Service’s camp structures. In the latter formulation, taken out of its glamping context, the “decorous camp” was rerusticated by the National Park Service, leaving future campers, eschewing primitive accommodations, to unhitch their BaseCamps, extend their high-end Kelty tent canopy, and hook up their self-contained motorhomes. )(( (%/* (%/+ Jl`k\K\ek#:cXpfhlfk ;\clo\>l\jkK\ek# N`c[\ie\jjI\jfik#9i`k`j_ :cXpfhlfkN`c[\ie\jj :fcldY`X% :flik\jpf] I\jfik#9i`k`j_:fcldY`X% :cXpfhlfkN`c[\ie\jj :flik\jpf]:cXpfhlfk I\jfikXe[Af_e>iXe\e N`c[\ie\jjI\jfikXe[ Af_e>iXe\e 8LKFEFDP Winter Camp Winter camp is a site of rejuvenation, isolation, and entrenchment. In 1846, Brigham Young set up a winter camp north of Omaha, Nebraska—a temporary village for nearly four thousand of his westwardbound followers. Known as Winter Quarters of the Camp of Israel, the layout formed the town of Florence, Nebraska.179 Migrant farmworkers in the 1930s also formed winter camps in Northern California. Antarctic researcher Jean Rivolier documented the “mental syndrome” of loneliness in the winter camp j\\È=`\c[:XdgÉ , and Indian hosts received English colonial ambassadors in white-tented winter camps j\\È )(* with consistently warm weather. The sports training camp generally aspires to the rejuvenation found in the cocoon spaces of the foot army’s winter camps. The “camp” is then metaphorical in its connotations as a place of refuge and reconditioning. Athletes also become “campers” to renew their focus on the game and their health. Regimes of food, diet, and conditioning restore the athletes’ strength for April’s opening day and the upcoming season. In spite of their off-season status, the baseball camps in Florida, and now in Arizona, are spectacles. Sites such as Joker Marchant Stadium in Lakeland, where the Detroit Tigers have trained since 1934, and Holman Stadium in Vero Beach, home of the Los Angeles Dodgers since 1948, attract diehard visitors who obsessively “camp out” in the stands to see star players in the 8LKFEFDP relaxed climate of the winter sun. And so the spectators are also campers. In the 1930s, a nascent but addictive baseball culture attracted wintering tourists to the playing field’s spectacle and to its territory. The Tin Can Tourists of the World camped on the grounds surrounding Sarasota’s Payne Park. In one particular instance, the Farm Security Administration (FSA) photographer Marion Post Wolcott documented the cluster of tourists parasitizing not only the ballfield, where the Boston Red Sox trained, but also the municipally owned Sarasota Trailer Park. This camping sports complex was one of the first of its kind in a state increasingly filled with tourists, presaging monumentalized spectacles like NASCAR racing events that mix sport and camp j\\k_\ÈE8J:8I :XdgÉj\Zk`fe . (%/, GXefiXd`Zm`\nf]GXpe\GXibXe[K`e:XeKfli`jk Zfem\ek`feXkGXpe\GXib I\[JfoKiX`e`e^ Xe[:`kp KiX`c\iGXib#JXiXjfkX#=cfi`[X#(0*-% JkXk\C`YiXip Xe[8iZ_`m\jf]=cfi`[X Camp Meeting While Harvard University sought to hire Walter Gropius as a design professor, architect Harold Bush-Brown, who had already transformed Georgia Tech’s architecture school from a Beaux-Arts program to a Bauhaus stronghold, was documenting the grounds of Salem Camp Meeting in Covington, Georgia. That summer of 1936, Bush-Brown included a thumbnail plan and section of the camp’s tabernacle on the back of the Historic American Building Survey (HABS) catalog card. Whether or not Bush-Brown saw the camp’s grounds and its modular tabernacle as indicative of the school’s and the general profession’s own transition, we might read his diagrammatic annotation to represent not only a recognition of the main structure’s proportioned functionality and perhaps mystical standardization but also the significance of the camp as a typology integral to American traditions of building practice. Perhaps Bush-Brown also found in the camp meeting a social experiment not unlike the Bauhaus’ mix of rigorous schedules, exercise, and communal and spiritual growth. Early in the nineteenth century, architect Benjamin Latrobe had also sketched and diagrammed a camp meeting, this time as a skeptical but soon captivated participant rather than as an authorized preservationist. Before leaving for the camp a few miles outside of Georgetown, Virginia, Latrobe noted his expectations for its outrageousness and at the same time his resolve to attend. Witnessing its unstructured rigors and enticed by its immersive mysticism, Latrobe found a wholly absorbing event space with “scattered inhabitants [in] a night scene of the illumination of the woods, the novelty of a camp . . . the dancing and the singing, and the pleasure of the crowd, so tempting.”182 But Latrobe also sketched the camp, providing us with plans and sections of the camp meeting— the latter drawing type, rarely found in the documentation of )(- 8LKFEFDP ephemeral camps, and one that will not reach its full development until Louis Kahn draws the sections of Trenton JCC Day Camp and Carlo Scarpa sketches the grounds of the camp at Fusina, Italy. Like these later permutations of camp space, the camp meeting, in all of its latent ephemerality, was laid out to fit with the landscape—in the case of Latrobe’s meeting, the semicircular form matching the concavity of the site while also structuring the social hierarchies and visual connections of the event. Sectionally, the camp meeting also works under the canopy of the sacred grove, where the profane is naturalized and the spiritual is reconfirmed and strengthened. In his own documentation of the Salem Camp Meeting, Bush-Brown found a geometric legibility and consistency not unlike Louis Kahn’s own Platonic orders in Trenton. Camp meetings typically take rectangular, semicircular, or circular forms. At Salem, the nearly square site plan clearly organizes the daily activities of the weeklong annual religious meeting and diagrams its institutional symbolism—this mix of the ordinary and the extraordinary strengthened by its continuous practice since 1832. At the center of the grounds is the tabernacle, where classes are held every day at 9:30 a.m. and services occur twice a day. The tabernacle began as a brush arbor in 1828 and was shifted to its present location in 1854, when its still-extant hand-hewn frames and posts were set in place with wood pegs. The tabernacle’s expansive, tentlike roof form represents the collective space of the spiritual family that assembles each year at the camp. The twenty-foot spans allow for visual connection to the open clearing and to the camp’s periphery and its 7,000-square-foot shaded area easily accommodating 500 participants. Historically, tabernacle refers to a portable sanctuary, specifically referencing the curtained tent court of the Israelites during their nomadic life in the desert, commemorated in the Feast of Ingathering. The Jewish tabernacle includes the fenced grounds—a sacred space left open for rituals associated with the temporary temple and with thanksgiving for the harvest. Though indirectly, )(. Salem camp parallels this ritual and spatial formation. In the spirit of the Second Great Awakening, also called the “Great Revival,” farmers from this region of Georgia had originally convened near Covington’s springs to celebrate their harvest. And the field surrounding the Salem tabernacle is the more open-ended, though no less formalized, space for ritual practices of the assembled community. This “campus” is a transitional zone between the more public religious gatherings in the tabernacle and the semiprivate porches of the family tents at the periphery of the site plan. At 4 p.m. each day, the open field hosts an all-ages baseball game. With the baseball diamond being a recognizable part of the southeastern corner of the grounds, this spirit of play confirms the importance of sequential schedule (it is played every day at the same time), family entertainment, and what Latrobe called the “novelty” of the camping experience.183 At two edges of the main grounds, the family tents provide more localized family gatherings, with the open, sometimes continuous porches affording an intermediate communal space. Many of the tents have been passed down through generations, and these structures register the annual return of families and the associated permanence of the camp meeting. By the middle of the nineteenth century, the itinerant preachers, whose traveling circuits can be traced back at least to central Kentucky’s Red River gatherings in 1799, were essentially stationed at fixed points. Preachers soon realized that the growing network of camp meetings had formed a networked community of faithful parishioners on a national scale to rival the congregation of more conventionally regional churches. Preachers stayed put, and parishioners’ tents became cabins like the wood-frame structures of Salem Camp. As Atlanta expands eastward, Salem Camp’s now suburban setting recalls the pressures of growth, and success, in earlier northeastern versions of the camp meeting. With meetings at Wesleyan Grove in Martha’s Vineyard, tents had evolved into cottages by 1859. Amidst this increased permanence, the )(/ 8LKFEFDP entrepreneurial development of neighboring Oak Bluffs soon became a middle-class family resort in which leisure often superseded a religious focus. Given its regional location, sites like Salem Camp also remain a part of the public imagination, framed by the late nineteenth-century song “At a Georgia Camp Meeting.” This song describes an African-American meeting and narrates the tension between spirituality and revelry, where preachers and deacons “glare” before joining in with the young people “prancing” amidst the “entrancing” music.184 To accommodate the shifts in popularity of the camp meeting in the complex religious environment of the Bible Belt, Salem Camp became interdenominational in 1939. Although the camp retains its religious focus, this amalgamation confirms the camp’s emphasis on family and suggests that in spite of Atlanta’s sprawling conurbation, the camp space will maintain its qualities of home. Although not directly related to the camp meeting in content, Spiritualist camps provide places for the general public to observe and to experience the group’s practices. The camp becomes the medium. The spiritualist camp is not merely a passive venue but is an immersive environment, activated by practices of mesmerism, trance, healing, and spiritual communication, and thus active in the National Spiritualist Association of Churches’ outreach program. Promoted as a “commonsense religion,” spiritualism involves living, knowing, and camping. )(0 (%/- :XdgD\\k`e^#]ifek`j$ g`\Z\kf9%N%>fi_XdËj :XdgD\\k`e^DXelXc#(/,+% 9fjkfe1?%M%;\^\e ))' 8LKFEFDP Bible Camp Bible camps fall under the general aegis of summer camps but deserve special attention because of their sheer number and because of their uniquely drawn methodologies and their popularity. According to surveys conducted by the American Camp Association, religious organizations are second only to agencies for camp sponsorship—meaning that nearly one- third of all summer camps focus on religion. Framed as places apart from secular influence, Bible camps follow in the tradition of camp meetings and spiritualist camps j\\È:Xdg D\\k`e^É . But prayer conferences and youth evangelism camps, as subsets of this type, have for the most part graduated to sophisticated practices of active tutoring rather than a basic confirmation or conversion. Some Bible camps have become training camps.185 Until 2007, the Billy Graham Evangelical Association ran Cove Camp as the summer camp division of its Training Center in Asheville, North Carolina. The “Kids on Fire” program in Mandan, North Dakota, hosted children at a conference center on the shores of Devils Lake. At the camp, Becky Fischer, director of Children of Kids in Ministry International, led children aged six and older in Charismatic and Pentecostal affirmation exercises in prayer and training sessions. As documented in the 2006 film Jesus Camp, the program politicized issues of abortion and religion in schools, transforming the camp into a training ground for religious and government policy reform.186 Paralleling the summer camp as religious training model, Lake Beauty Bible Camp offers a supplemental program called Serf Camp, taking its name from Matthew 20:27–28, interpreted by the Evangelical camp’s leaders as a call for believers to be the “servant of all.” Serf Camp does not focus on the Minnesota lake’s recreational opportunities, but instead seeks to develop leadership potential and to work as a team in the service of others. ))( Girl Scout Camp After having led a Girl Guide troop in Scotland for Robert Baden-Powell’s emergent scouting movement, Juliette Gordon Low returned to Savannah, Georgia, and established the first American troop of Girl Guides on March 12, 1912. Soon afterward, responding to comments from girls in the troop, Low changed the name to Girl Scouts to parallel the naming conventions of the boys’ organization, incorporated two years earlier. To this day, Girl and Boy Scouts share a motto, “Be prepared,” and a slogan, “Do a good turn daily,” but the controversy of calling the girls’ organization “scouts” points toward differences, now subtle, in the groups’ objectives, procedures, and spatial contexts. By definition, guides direct along often previously traversed paths, while scouts lead beyond established knowledge, traversing into new and unexplored territories. Along with Baden-Powell’s assertion that scouting is “men’s domain,” BSA leader James West wanted the Girl Scouts to relinquish the name and to fuse with Camp Fire Girls. A lawsuit alleging patent violations was prepared but never filed. London’s Crystal Palace had been the original scene for this debate when, in 1909 as Baden-Powell transformed the Palace into the inaugural camp of the English scouts rally, a group of girls demanded entry into the proceedings, leading to the formation of Girl Guides the following year. Measuring Low’s resolve to keep the name, Girl Scout camps became sites of “practical feminism,” challenging what was considered suitable for girls through outdoor activities and tests of physical fitness paralleling those of boys’ camps. In early practicalities, the teaching of traditional domestic tasks was transformed into “campcraft” with kitchen “gadgets” fashioned by hand in the camp.187 In 1921, Low founded the still-extant camp in Cloudland, Georgia. At her only personally established camp, Low’s ))) 8LKFEFDP objective was to make a place where Girl Scout leaders could be trained and younger girls could experience wilderness camping. Before leading the Girl Guides troop and founding the Girl Scouts, Low had witnessed camping at the nation’s frontier. After Savannah’s surrender to General Sherman, Low lived with family near Fort Winnebago in Chicago, where her grandfather, John H. Kinzie, was an Indian government agent. Low heard stories of Fort Dearborn and saw Indians camping on the grounds of the fort. Her grandmother had frequently camped with her husband’s detachment in the 1820s and 1830s, and Juliette Kinzie’s fascination with the process was not lost on her granddaughter and perhaps anticipated the effect of Low’s Georgia camp on newly arrived girls: “This was my first encampment, and I was quite enchanted with the novelty of everything around me.”188 The Cloudland Girl Scout camp was organized into units with seven 4-person platform tents. Each unit’s staff member lives in a tent at the center of the configuration. In the 1930s, the nonprofit camp became independent from the Girl Scout organization and is currently known as Camp Juliette Low. (%/. ]fccfn`e^gX^\ DXgf]:Xdg=`i\>`icj XZk`m`k`\j% 9ffbf]k_\ :Xdg=`i\>`icj#`ej`[\ Zfm\i#(0+. ))* 8LKFEFDP World Camp When Juliette Low led the American Girl Scouts delegation to Foxlease, England in 1924, she was returning to her origins as camp leader, but she was also following in the internationalization of the organized camp space. In conjunction with a series of international conferences, the World Camps organized by Lord and Lady Baden-Powell framed the establishment of the World Association of Girl Guides and Girl Scouts (WAGGGS) in 1928. By 1931, the global extent of WAGGGS’s membership exceeded one million girls. Throughout their history, these gatherings have also been referred to as World Conferences, occurring every two or three years.189 In 1926, under Juliette Low’s direction, Camp Edith Macy hosted a meeting of Girl Scout and Girl Guide leaders from thirty-nine nations at the fourth international conference. This camp near Ossining, New York, has since served as a central training camp for Girl Scout leaders. Themed by each site’s cultures, the world camps have become a system of four main international centers—Pax Lodge in London; Our Chalet in Adelboden, Switzerland; Sangam in Pune, India; and Our Cabaña in Cuernavaca, Mexico. These world centers served as refuges during World War II—the Pax Lodge, then known as Our Ark, harbored Guides and Scouts in camp beds throughout London air raids, and Our Chalet sheltered refugees and helped those displaced by the war reunite with their families. Globalized camps now foster the combination of recreation and service that was brought together in the Girl Scout mission. As early as 1919, the Tin Can Tourists of the World, an autocamping club in the United States, speculated on the possibility of camping overseas. It was not until Wally Byam organized his around-the-world caravans that the recreational world camp was realized. Although he regarded his travel as ))- 8LKFEFDP nonpolitical, Byam met with world leaders, including Fulgencio Batista of Cuba and Haile Selassie of Ethiopia, and saw his group as ambassadors of peace and an American way of life. Photographs from Airstream Corporation’s archives depict provocative juxtapositions of mobile trailer with permanent monument, suggesting that the world camp consists of “world monuments” as much as fleeting international experiences and temporary campsites. Having carried out caravan tours of Africa “from Capetown to Cairo,” across Europe, and through Central America, Byam planned an unrealized global network of land-yacht harbors to accommodate Airstreamers who were vacationing internationally. Byam’s vision of the world camp does necessitate unique and not inexpensive modes of transportation for water crossings. The floating caravan camp, often tenuous and unwieldy, makes the global tour a particularly complex undertaking charged with overtones of colonialism and militarization j\\k_\YffbËj\g`cf^l\#È@e$ =c`^_k:XdgÉ . World Camp is also the educational outreach program founded by university students in 2000. The nonprofit organization runs programs in Malawi, Honduras, and India to help teach children, with an emphasis on disease prevention in populations particularly vulnerable to HIV/ AIDS. Reminiscent of American Indian Councils and Rainbow Gathering camps, each day at World Camp in Malawi begins with program volunteers forming a circle with local students for songs introduced by the camp’s facilitators who seek to create a “summer camp atmosphere.” The globalization of summer camp as an educational tool has continued to expand with organizations such as World Camp j\\ÈNfib:XdgÉ`e Z_Xgk\i* . )). Boy Scout Camp The third edition of the Boy Scout Fieldbook begins with an epigraph from Rufus Sage’s 1846 “Rocky Mountain Life.” Sage writes both pragmatically and poetically about the camping experience: “Camp is usually located in some spot sheltered by hills or rocks for the double purpose of securing the full warmth of the sun’s rays, and screening it from the notice of strolling Indians that may happen in the vicinity. Within a convenient proximity to it stands a grove, from which an abundance of dry fuel is procurable when needed, and equally close the ripplings of a water-course salute the ear with their music.”190 In his invitation to the 1937 Boy Scout Jamboree, President (%// ;`X^iXdf]ZXdg^ifle[`e 9fpJZflkjf]8d\i`ZX =`\c[Yffb#(0/+% :flik\jp f]9fpJZflkjf]8d\i`ZX 8LKFEFDP Franklin Delano Roosevelt will allude to these pioneer camps of Rufus Sage and his fellow Western explorer Warren Angus Ferris as a “way of [American] living,” but in fact the diagrams of Scout camps suggest practical imperatives that are simple yet faintly poetic. Sage’s camp becomes the Scout camp, if not the universal outdoor wilderness camp—its layout measuring the practical consequences of site and phenomena. After quoting Sage and discussing how to choose the camp’s site, ideally near “ripplings” of a stream, the Fieldbook explicates the making of camp Making the Boy Scout camp begins with the kitchen shelter, or dining fly, which serves as the camp’s staging area. Its location sets the configuration of the rest of the camp’s components. The fire pit can then be located slightly upwind, a minimum of ten feet from the kitchen area. Campers locate the tent sites further upwind of the fire site, but with attention to the warmth of the rising sun and scenic vistas that might be viewed from an open tent flap. Firewood storage and bear-bag locations define the other “quadrants” around the fire pit, with the latter holding food storage at least twelve feet above the ground. This diagrammatic camp layout also includes the abstracted components of “tree,” dirt (from fire pit), and a “shady place” to symbolize the emotive aspects of camping in a “grove” and a “sheltered spot.” This campsite then serves as the setting for the Boy Scout activities of camp. “Campcraft” includes hiking, overnighting, canoeing, rowing, sailing, knot tying, and tent making. The latter craft entails the onsite layout of tents and shelters—combining knowledge of geometry with skills of manipulating canvas and wooden frameworks. Like campcraft merit badges, the Boy Scout camp, rarefied though it is as a rationalization of site and ground, remains a nostalgic space lodged deeply within an American imagination that continues to seek a pioneering West in its provisional and recreational camping excursions. The camping diagram, as a way of living that will be called on by President Roosevelt, is “in our very blood.” ))0 (%/0 ;`X^iXdj_fn`e^_fnk\e [`]]\i\ekk\ekjZXeY\ dX[\n`k_ÈYlkfe\g`\Z\ f]ZXemXj%É 9fpJZflkj f]8d\i`ZX#?Xe[Yffb]fi 9fpj#(0(( Jamboree Camp On June 30, 1937, the Boy Scouts of America set up an urban camp among the monuments of Washington, D.C. The Camp Chief’s tent was installed at the foot of the Washington Monument and at the head of the General Headquarters, which occupied the grounds between the monument and the Reflecting Pool. Because of the monument’s slight offset to the east, this location placed James West, native Washingtonian and president of the Boy Scouts, on a north-south axis with the White House. For ten days, this area—along with the Tidal Basin and Potomac shores—became a campground that combined military and recreational activities for the 27,232 Scouts attending this first National Jamboree. )*' 8LKFEFDP The camp’s central area certainly transformed the Mall into the standard U.S. Army “Tent Camp,” but this first installation of the Jamboree also positioned the camp itself as a pivotal space for negotiating the Scouting mission of service and ethics and its relation to national identity. The political and social implications of this private institution, an organization that parallels many of the civil body’s objectives and needs, have continued to be fashioned and debated among political leaders, Boy Scout adherents, and the general public. Linked axially, and perhaps axiomatically, to the Camp Chief’s headquarters tent, former Scout President Franklin Roosevelt attended the event, and it is his official invitation to the Jamboree that highlights the significance of camping in general and the event’s Washington location in particular: I am glad that this is going to be an encampment because it is fitting that a movement such as ours should hold its first great national demonstration in the out-of-doors. Yes, we are planning to have a city of tents rise here in the Capital actually within the shadow of the Washington Monument. On a site only a short distance from the room from which I am speaking to you today twenty-five thousand boys will live together under canvas from June thirtieth to July ninth. It stirs my imagination and I am sure that it gives all of you a genuine thrill. Our country was developed by pioneers who camped along the trails which they blazed all the way from the Atlantic Ocean to the slopes of the Pacific. To the American people for generations camping was a way of living—it is in our very blood.191 Roosevelt delivered this address on February 8 to commemorate the founding of the Boy Scouts of America in Washington on that same day in 1910. In subsequent years, the Jamboree camp moved to less urban, and in some ways less visible, sites in state parks such as Moraine State Park in Pennsylvania, as well as to national historic sites like Valley Forge. )*( Almost seventy years later, Camp Clark at Fort A.P. Hill hosted 43,000 Boy Scouts at the sixteenth National Jamboree in 2005. On July 31, 2005, President George W. Bush addressed the Scouts at the Jamboree. The U.S. Army base supported twenty subcamps and six action centers, or “skills sites,” including the Army Adventure Area with interactive displays about ordnance, air defense artillery, and other facets of the U.S. Army. In his letter to the soldiers involved in the event, Major General John A. Yingling noted not only that the camp would constitute the seventh largest city in Virginia, but also that it would be the “fastest growing,” with 17,000 tents set up in one day.192 The sprawling compound has hosted the event since 1981, completing the movement away from urban contexts and at the same time concretizing a military connection begun with the Washington, D.C., “tent camp.” What began as an exercise to provide primarily experiences of outdoor camping, albeit with clear military symbolism, has been officially supported by the 1st U.S. Army since 1989, with the Jamboree and the Boy Scouts having received previous support since 1972 through Public Law 92-249.193 U.S. military officials see the large-scale and complex logistics of the camp as a mission-oriented training opportunity—beneficial practice for mobilizing troops and facilities. If the Boy Scout Jamboree is then in part a training camp for soldiers, it is also an immersive experience for the Scouts and an opportunity to gain media exposure for Scouting organizations. Paralleling camping traditions of the carnival, the Merit Badge Midway serves as the focal point of the camp’s public spaces, with demonstration areas and exhibits. The military camp’s Standard Operating Procedures regulate the public experience of the site, and the “Media Ground Rules” outline the media’s participation in the event.194 Each of the twenty subcamps was named for a modern-day American explorer. In addition to such thematic overlays, the Jamboree camp, in its contemporary form, is designated as a “Leave No Trace” camp j\\ÈCEK:XdgÉ , a dry camp, and a wilderness camp—the latter because only one field latrine is in place for the many thousands of participants. )*) 8LKFEFDP (%0'#(%0( 8\i`Xcm`\nf]>\e\iXc ?\X[hlXik\ijXe[J\Zk`fe H#9fpJZflkjf]8d\i`ZX EXk`feXcAXdYfi\\#K_\ DXcc#NXj_`e^kfe#;%:%#(0*.% :flik\jpf]9fpJZflkj f]8d\i`ZX )** (%0) ;`X^iXdf]k\ekZXdg#JkX]]F]ÔZ\ijË=`\c[ DXelXc#=D('($('% L%J%NXi;\gXikd\ek#(0+* )*+ 8LKFEFDP World Jamboree Camp “At top speed we drove (on the left-hand side of the road, as they do in England) all the way to the big Jamboree Camp. We had arrived at last!” After more than a weeklong voyage across the Atlantic, the U.S. contingent had reached, breathlessly, Liverpool on the English coast and, with exhilaration, passed to the campsite at Birkenhead on “swift motor buses.”195 An estimated fifty thousand Boy Scouts from more than seventy nations attended this third international gathering, which began on July 31 in Arrowe Park. The anonymous authors of the testimonial published the next year were struck by the many different sizes and colors they witnessed when they arrived at the camp’s highest point, where “thousands of tents looking like small dots spread over a piece of cloth” covered the grassy plains of the park. In this discovery that Scout troops from other countries did not use “our American” tents, they were realizing one of the main objectives of the international Jamboree: to learn more from the differences among other scouting programs and methods. In this spirit of “high idealism,” Sir Robert Baden-Powell, founder of the Boy Scouts, had first assembled the international scouting community at Olympia, London, in 1920. The use of jamboree to describe the International Rally of Boy Scouts originated with this event, which confirmed the term’s description of strident revelry and an indulgence away from the typical rigors of scouting and daily urban life. The term is often found hyphenated as “jambo-ree” to call out the Swahili phrase for “hello” (jambo). The jamboree camp thus has its early permutations lodged in two vernaculars, one Western in its slang and sometimes militaristic denotations, and the other an indigenous, “primitive” term, suggesting not only world travel but also colonization. And the camp was the experimental ground for this synthesis of imperial )*, maintenance and boyhood education. The second installation of the international Scout gathering, held at Wembley, was promoted as the “imperial jamboree.” Laying the semantic- colonial ground for this production, Baden-Powell had previously founded the Scouts with an experimental camp on Brownsea Island in 1907, when he first blew the Zulu war horn he had taken from the tribe’s chief during his trip to South Africa a year earlier. Baden-Powell was applying his experiences from the Boer War as a way of training young men, twenty- one at first, for future service. The Brownsea site now hosts a “living museum” camp that combines historic site and reenactment camp. Simply called “Replica Camp,” the site is an event space for Scouts to re-create and participate in the routines of 1907.196 (%0* ÈE\Z\jjXipG\ijfeXc :Xdg`e^ )*- 8LKFEFDP !( AXdYfi\\[l]]\cYX^]fiZXiip`e^Xe[jkfiX^\ gXZb]iXd\jdXpefk Y\lj\[ !( AXdYfi\\[XpgXZb]fiZXiip`e^`k\dje\\[\[n_`c\kiXm\c`e^ ( jc\\g`e^YX^ ( jc\\g`e^YX^c`e\i ( jkl]]jkXZb]fijc\\g`e^YX^ ( nXk\igiff]gcXjk`ZYX^ _\Xmp[lkp ( X`idXkki\jjfijc\\g`e^gX[ ( nXk\igiff]^ifle[Zcfk_ ) Zfdgc\k\JZflk&M\ekli\iaXdYfi\\le`]fidj fecpfe\_Xk#Y\ck#Xe[ aXZb\ki\hl`i\[ ( gX`if]JZflk&M\ekli\icfe^kiflj\ij + j\kjf]le[\in\Xi * \okiXgX`ijf]JZflk&M\ekli\ijfZbj ( j\kf]jg\Z`XcXZk`m`kp^\Xi ) gX`igXaXdXjfijn\Xkjl`kj ( jn`djl`k ( gX`i_`b`e^j_f\j ( cXle[ipYX^#]filj\`e[l]]\cYX^kf_fc[jf`c\[Zcfk_`e^ ( ÕXj_c`^_k n`k_]i\j_YXkk\i`\j$efÕXd\$kpg\c`^_kjn`ccY\g\id`kk\[ ( JZflkgfZb\kbe`]\ ( ZXek\\efigcXjk`ZnXk\iYfkkc\ () Zcfk_\jg`ej jgi`e^kpg\ ( c`gYXcd ( Yfkkc\f]_Xe[jXe`k`q\i ( `ej\Zki\g\cc\ek ( klY\f]jlejZi\\e*'Æ+,JG= ( jdXccZXeYf[pgfn[\i ( nXcc\k ( kf`c\kb`kZfekX`e`e^jfXg`eZfekX`e\i#ZfdY#kffk_Yilj_`eZfekX`e\i# d\kXcd`iifi#Xe[[\f[fiXek ( d\jjb`kZfekX`e`e^(be`]\#(]fib#Xe[(jgffe ) _Xe[kfn\cj ) YXk_kfn\cj ( j\n`e^b`kZfekX`e`e^e\\[c\j#k_i\X[#jX]\kpg`ej#Ylkkfej ) gcXjk`Zfi]fc[`e^_Xe^\ij CXle[ipdXk\i`Xcj [\k\i^\ek`egcXjk`ZYX^fiYfkkc\ NXkZ_ ;l]]\cYX^ZfdY`eXk`fecfZb Jle^cXjj\j 9`Yc\#K\jkXd\ek#figiXp\iYffb$XZZfi[`e^kf]X`k_ fgk`feXc :Xd\iX#Ôcd fgk`feXc J_f\cXZ\j#\okiXgX`i fgk`feXc 8`ig`ccfn#jdXcc fgk`feXc J_Xm`e^^\Xi `]e\\[\[$\c\Zki`ZZlii\ek`j))'mfckj$,'ZpZc\j fgk`feXc )*/ 8LKFEFDP (%0+ DXfi`JZflkjXkk_\ \ekiXeZ\kfk_\`iZXdgXk k_\Nfic[AXdYfi\\#(0*'% AXd\jN\jk#K_\JZflk AXdYfi\\9ffb )*0 ) Strategic camps of control seek to hold areas by force. More conventional installations still find in military camps the expedients and organizational structure to extend territories and to wage war. But contemporary camps are also tools for controlling migration, work, and public exposure. Discernible and invisible, authorized and unsanctioned, these camps control obliquely but are at the same time central to geographic definition and debate. The border camps established by European Union member countries and the adopted Schengen policies hold varied arguments ranging from politics of control to imperatives of necessity. The elasticity of paramilitary camps has in many cases superseded the strategic significance of conventional military outposts that have historically sought to control defined territories. Camps of control also :FEKIFC take on highly specialized functions as in demobilization camps—highly controlled transitional zones for ex-combatants on their return from cross-border conflicts. Man camps and the portentously named “permanent accommodation camps” of resource extraction have also reemerged with recent energy booms, as spaces of gendered and equally mythologized labor. And the horrific legacies of concentration camps raise questions about the preservation of physically impermanent places with a monumental permanence of atrocity. Attending to this full range of camp’s functions reminds us that camps are witnesses, grounds for seeking to come to terms with our most conflicted histories and our highest aspirations. The complexity of camp’s spaces, like the unsettling range of necessity, control, and autonomy, cannot be resolved but must be considered. Europe of Camps Camps are indicators of global forces and national and transnational identities. Discussions and transformations of the European Union’s migration policies have revolved around camp spaces. Debates about the needs of the Union as a whole and its states in particular have oscillated and in turn shaped the typologies and methodologies of the border zones and migrant processing. Operating from a perceived need for control—a politicized necessity stemming as much from popular expectations as analysis—an array of spaces now make up what has been called “Europe of camps.” In camps, definitions of asylum and refuge are reworked, while the needs of guest and host remain indefinite operators, sometimes embodied in economic refugees and at other times carried by asylum seekers. With camp as both catalyst and political tool, the politics of control define the meaning of state. The Schengen SCH( ) Agreement of June 14, 1985, set up the gradual abolition of checks at internal, common borders for the European Union. Integrated into the EU framework through annexes to the Amsterdam Treaty in 1999, the Schengen acquis represented the total body of European Union law accumulated since Schengen’s inception in the mid-1980s. Under Schengen, internal borders become soft and external borders harden. The contents of the acquis had not been previously published during its fourteen-year evolution, leading the Director-General to note that “this publication will serve to ensure greater transparency.” But the transparency and visibility of camps of control remain an issue of debate.1 Schengen’s centralization of control has hardened the European Union’s external boundaries and in the process prompted debates about common European identities. To administer this ring of security, the European Union established in 2005 the FRONTEX Agency for the common management )+) :FEKIFC of the Union’s external borders. In FRONTEX’s logo, stars representing the European Union link the green line that is the land border, the blue circle that is the sea border, and the white background that is the air border. Accompanying these lines of defense, camps are deployed at land crossings, on islands, and at the legal terminus of “airside” space. Writer Georges Perec had already envisioned these species of camp space when he wrote: “My country: Defense, the integrity and the safety of these three spaces terrestrial, maritime and air are the object of constant concerns on behalf of the authorities.” And, paralleling Perec’s threefold concerns, the logo’s inscription “Libertas, Securitas, Justitia” places the securing camp at the threshold of sovereignty.2 The camps, complex and diverse as they are both in name and in formulation, illustrate spatially the bordering process of a continually emergent union and a developing system of multiple statehoods.3 Within this overall rigidity, strategies along the European Union’s multivalent external borders vary widely with individual state and political influences and confluences of history, geography, and local exigencies. Out of these multiple responses and their ostensibly centralizing legislation has emerged a Europe of open and closed camps. To visualize such a European geography defined by camps, Migreurop has constructed a map documenting systems of migrant policy and its spaces. In this classification, open camps, symbolized by a square, limit movement by “administrative constraints” and thus symbolize the “externalization of border”—that is, nongeographic boundaries inscribed by each migrant’s limited choices, whether economically or politically driven. The map’s closed camps, designated by a circle, primarily control movement by physical detention at one site. Whether a camp is open or closed illustrates the administrative structure of control, but the procedural experiences and status of the migrants themselves add another layer of control that is documented in the map. )+* If open-closed identifies the kind of spatial control, then the color-coded symbols denote the degree that time controls the process carried out in the camps. Blue represents migrants waiting for admission, orange designates areas where migrants are about to be deported, and red locations include a mixture of deportation and examination centers. Symbols also identify the location of informal camps and other places within Europe and on its periphery. In the map, “Europe of Camps” becomes the blue square camps in Eastern Europe, France’s ring of yellow circles, and northern Africa’s blue- circle camps. Although the clustering of the mapped camps suggests a reinvention of “fortress Europe,” which would make the European Union itself a supranational encampment, the camps function more indirectly. Less the resurgence of an authoritative political power, the camps are symptoms of a state’s weakness and a resulting need to demonstrate the semblance of a policy of control. In the spaces and discourses of camps, these contradictions dissolve.4 )++ :FEKIFC =fccfn`e^knfjgi\X[j1 )%( D`^i\lifg#=fi\`^e\ijË :Xdgj`e )%) I\m\ij\j`[\f] D`^i\lifg=fi\`^e\ijË :Xdgj`e )+, Zone d’attente Legally defined in France as espace physique, the zone d’attente is a waiting area that has come to symbolize many of the contemporary processes of migration control. Camp as space and legal status. This “physical space” was applied to ports, airports, and stations in the first official formulation of zones d’attente des personnes en instance (ZAPI) on July 6, 1992. French officials had previously considered these areas as legal exceptions, zones internationales outside of territorial jurisdiction. As initial reception centers on a potential host country’s soil, the zones are a first layer of the extension of control to define a buffer space between countries in particular and supranations generally.5 Technically the zone d’attente extends from the point of disembarkation to the point of border control. In airports, these zones represent a freezing of airside space apart from the flow of travel but still contained within the transportation hub’s infrastructure. The 1992 French law called for hotel-like (de type hôtelier) accommodations, and at Roissy’s Charles de Gaulle Airport migrants were detained in rented rooms of the Ibis hotel before the opening of “ZAPI 3.”6 Theoretically, migrants who enter these zones have access to all areas not under French jurisdiction and an open door to return to countries of origin. By law, migrants are maintenus rather than being détenus while claims of asylum are processed during the maximum twenty-day waiting period. But in spite of this “maintained” status, financial resources and a port’s isolation often restrict mobility, and the zone d’attente remains essentially a closed camp.7 Two additional permutations of the closed camp expand the airside space of the zone d’attente—extending the process and its geographies of distance. Waiting becomes “holding” ),' :FEKIFC in France’s centres de rétention administrative (CRA), located primarily at the country’s periphery and within its urban centers in a policy of distance (éloignement). After thirty-two days—a time period increased from twelve days in 2003—migrants are either granted asylum or deported. If migrants do not comply with deportation orders or refuse transportation, they enter a third type of closed camp designated as infraction à la législation sur les étrangers (ILE). With terms of imprisonment of up to three years, these sites confirm the “island” condition of their name’s abbreviated form. And ILE camps can be understood as the in-country equivalent of the offshore detention sites associated with the “Pacific Solution” and the outsourced transit sites beyond EU territory j\\ÈF]]j_fi\:XdgÉXe[ÈKG::XdgÉ .8 The complexities of the closed camp and its policy of distance have played out in Italy’s more geographically dispersed setting, attenuated by the country’s long marine border that forms one of the European Union’s most traversed external boundaries. Italy’s camps have become buffer camps, as points of first entry to EU territory and as subsequent sites for asylum seekers returned from other EU countries under the Dublin Convention.9 And Italy’s system of camps combines the temporary nature of processing with the permanence of detention. The Primary Assistance Center (Centro di Prima Accoglienza, or CPA) is the first phase of Italy’s reception of migrants, and the Temporary Stay Center (Centro di Permanenza Temporanea, or CPT), comparable to France’s CRA, holds the second phase in which migrants might be retained for sixty days as they await deportation. Although these centers have been defined separately, they often function interchangeably, and on the island of Lampedusa a hybrid facility functions as a Temporary Stay and Assistance Center (Centro de Permanenza Temporanea e Assistenza). With Lampedusa as the closest island to North African shores, the so-called CPTA facility has been central to refugee crises since ),( it was established in 1998, even though the island defines the EU periphery symbolically and geographically.10 The island camp of Lampedusa demonstrates the closed camp’s insularity, highlights the “temporary permanence” of the migrant’s status, and points toward the European Union’s complete externalization of migrant processing.11 )%* DXg*1 ),) :FEKIFC ),* )%+ DXg+1GcXZ\jXe[GiXZk`Z\j#]ifdD`^DXgÇ>fm\ie`e^ D`^iXk`fe#DXgg`e^ TPC Camp In 2004, German and Italian officials referred to proposed Libyan reception centers as “transit camps.” These camps are variations on the United Kingdom’s Transit Processing Centers and the more recently termed “Transit Service Points.” The transit camp in Libya, although it has been used by Italy in transfers of migrants from Lampedusa, was meant, at least in these German-Italian discussions of 2004, to be a site for “capacity building.” In this revised plan, asylum seekers would reach the transit camps for processing before passing into Mediterranean waters and EU territory, as opposed to the UK plan fifteen months earlier that had included transport of migrants from the European Union back into third-country locations. Officials supported this system of camps as a way to avoid catastrophes (such as Cap Anamur), but remained in a position of calling the migrants “illegal immigrants.”12 In November 2004, Italy began construction of a transit and reception camp in Libya.13 The series of transit centers also function as a series of extended “buffer camps” that combine with technological systems of control within the Mediterranean space.14 Libya does not recognize UNHCR and thus has denied the group access to the detention centers on its territory. The history of Libyan camps and Libya-Italy relations occurring through camps runs deep between the two countries. In an open letter to the Libyan ambassador in Rome, Libyan intellectual Abi Elkafi recalled the recent use of military camps to accommodate migrant workers (between 1996 and 2000) and the earlier deployment of colonizing desert camps in the 1930s by the Italians. The Italian governor of Libya, Marshal Petro Badoglio, oversaw the internment of thousands of Libyans as the colony’s resistance was quelled.15 A conceptual model for these closed camps outside of the European Union’s territory was formulated by the United ),, Kingdom. On February 5, 2003, Tony Blair’s proposed “New Vision for Refugees” was leaked to The Guardian newspaper. This plan and the revised concept paper one month later called for “safe havens” to mitigate the flow of migrants: transit processing centers (TPCs) and regional protection zones (RPZs). The latter component sought to prevent the causes of population movement by creating greater protection in “source regions.” And TPC sites, located in third countries outside the United Kingdom and European Union, would receive asylum seekers sent back from member states. TPC as camp characterized the migrant as “customer” of a target country’s economies and political structures. And in Blair’s proposed model, RPZ camps were sites to contain the “production” of migrants.16 The camp as service center would control economic stability and maintain a perception of control over the flow of populations. Although Blair’s plan was rejected, the development of third-country camps has proceeded, mixing transit camp and TPC and yielding what might be understood as the TPC camp. In this case, the camp is not only space but is also framed as a procedure of “service” and production that defers questions of migration law and migrants’ rights beyond the member states’ geopolitical periphery.17 Sangatte In the fall of 1999, thousands of migrants amassed in Pas-de- Calais, hoping to cross the English Channel. As their numbers grew, French authorities enlisted the French Red Cross to help provide assistance to this increasingly visible group of ),- :FEKIFC clandestine and “irregular” migrants. At this historically strategic coastal location, the resulting camp at Sangatte, technically a centre d’accueil et d’hébergement, occurred at the uneasy confluences of the Chunnel’s hypermodern infrastructure and refugees’ lack of mobility and transportation. As opposed to the closed camps of zones d’attente and transit camps, Sangatte was an open camp that allowed migrants to come and go. But migrants without paperwork (sans papier) were caught in an institutional framework requiring documents, at the political thresholds of France and the United Kingdom and within a contradictory space that highlighted the incompatibility of Schengen policy and the Dublin Convention. As a result, Sangatte became a site occurring completely outside of French “law,” an ad hoc campsite of tents covered by the industrial warehouse’s massive roof structure. The long-span spaces of industrial storage and manufacture “received” and “lodged” an estimated 1,800 migrants until Sangatte was closed in November 2002. And although the migrants themselves were not always visible, the gray roof, as an immense tent camp, became a symbol of injustice, visualized through increasingly frequent media reports and those passing fluidly between the United Kingdom and the European Union. The camp at Sangatte was a threshold for a life without papers. After Sangatte’s closure, the refugees and migrants set up a camp in a Calais church, before their eviction on November 14. This dispersal and its intermixture of activists and protesters led to another permutation of the camp in the Gare du Nord of Paris, where Afghans, Kurds, and Iranians gathered in early 2003. Officials provided a short-lived, inadequate housing solution before this group again scattered without paperwork or support network.18 The camp at Sangatte and its dispersal highlight another outcome of migrant experiences—the oscillation between formal, though “open,” detention and informal flight. Later in 2003, four hundred migrants, including two hundred Sudanese refugees, ),. ),/ :FEKIFC )%,#)%-#)%.#)%/ @ek\i`fim`\njf]JXe^Xkk\# 8l^ljk)''(% AXZhl\c`e\ JXcdfe#^Xc\i`\D`Z_ c\ :_fd\kk\#GXi`j ),0 camped in an abandoned rail storage facility at Rome’s Tiburtina train station. After passing through an initial reception center in Italy, many of the migrants were then neither detained nor assisted or protected, and they had been left to live in an ad hoc network of dispersed camps in spite of a legitimate search for accommodation.19 Offshore Camp On August 26, 2001, in Australian territorial waters of the Indian Ocean, the Norwegian freighter MV Tampa rescued 438 people, mostly Afghan and Iraqi asylum seekers. In response to this event, Australia initiated the decentralization of reception and processing centers for migrants. The resulting Pacific Solution would influence the United Kingdom’s New Vision proposals and eventually, though less directly, was compared with an emerging “Mediterranean Solution.” The Republic of Nauru, Manus Island, Papua New Guinea, and the International Organization for Migration accepted aid from the Australian government to host and manage detention camps for asylum seekers, including many of those from the MV Tampa.20 The resulting camps, the deplorable conditions of which some saw as a deterrent, became focal points of shifting responsibilities, debates about international law and refugee status, and human rights inquiries. )-' :FEKIFC Immigrant Camp As Australian officials were closing the immigrant camp at Woomera and shifting detention facilities offshore, the Australia Council for the Arts was granting support for the video game Escape from Woomera. The onshore camp had been established in 1999 near Woomera Village in the Woomera Prohibited Area (WPA), a territory comparable to the size of England. TheWPA employed the Aboriginal term for spear thrower (woomera) to designate its mission of long-range weapons testing and satellite tracking. This arrogation of place and culture underscores the immigrant camp’s combination of in-country proximity and distance. Mediated only by fragmentary information and partial derestriction of neighboring sites like Woomera Village, the Woomera Immigration Reception and Processing Center parallels the states of exception found in Europe’s zones d’attente and transit centers but remains isolated, like immigrant policy in the United States, from the supranational overlay found in the European Union.21 In 2003, a group of artists, journalists, and programmers modified the video game Half-Life and designed Escape from Woomera with AU$25,000, obtained from the Australian Arts Council. The game’s designers saw the video game’s immigrant camp as an unmediated space, more “real” in its visual presence, or process of visualization, than the mediated reports about the Woomera site. The game received an array of criticism ranging from activists who have said that it trivializes the refugee situation to Australian government officials who have decried it for promoting unlawful behavior. But the designers argued that the virtual camp’s first-person, three-dimensional interface “mobilized experience” and empowered public discourse in a medium necessarily outside of controlled visualization.22 )-( )%0 )%(' @dd`^iXek[\k\ek`feZ\ek\i# DXk_`\l>Xccf`j# IXpdfe[m`cc\#K\oXj% :fekX`ed\ek% :flik\jpf] G_fkf^iXg_YpB`ijk\eClZ\ DXk_`\l>Xccf`j )-) :FEKIFC In the United States, increased control of illegal immigration has created a rapid expansion of facilities. Although estimates of illegal immigrants entering the country have decreased since the 1990s, the number of detainees has increased. And with federal immigration centers filled to capacity, the construction and management of immigrant camps have been increasingly privatized. As responsibility for these facilities is shifted to prison operators like Corrections Corporation of America and Geo Group, this privatization conflates the immigrant camp with space of imprisonment. Critics have argued that these agreements reduce access to services like health care, criminalize immigration, and constitute a substitution of legal enforcement for immigration policies. By the fall of 2007, in-country detention camps will hold an estimated 27,500 immigrants.23 )-* :FEKIFC )%((#)%() DXk_`\l>Xccf`j# :fekX`ed\ek% :flik\jpf] DXk_`\l>Xccf`j )-, CONUS Camp Camp Grayling might be the only military installation named after a fish. The histories of the camp and the grayling overlapped for only a brief time in the early twentieth century, but the installation remains connected to the AuSable River— the fish’s habitat until its disappearance in the 1930s—and to northern Michigan’s recreational opportunities. The Weyerhaeuser AuSable River Canoe Marathon, touted as the world’s longest canoe marathon, provides a civilian’s outdoor training ground along the southern boundary of Camp Grayling, the nation’s largest National Guard training site. When military training scenarios are inactive, snowmobilers, horseback riders, fish and canoe campers, and hikers traverse the installation’s 147,000 acres. Hybrid programs of combat training and recreation are not unique to Camp Grayling. Near Port Clinton, Ohio, Camp Perry has hosted the National Matches, the “World Series of the Shooting Sports,” since 1907.24 And Camp A.P. Hill hosts the annual Boy Scout Jamboree on its training grounds j\\ÈAXdYfi\\:XdgÉ`e Z_Xgk\i( . When Rasmus Hanson donated land for Camp Grayling’s installation in 1913, the timber-company owner presaged the now common industrialist-conservationist pairing found in the U.S. military’s continental (CONUS) camps.25 TheU.S. Department of Defense manages twenty-five million acres of some of the most “ecologically significant areas in the world.” And with added pressures of base closures, CONUS camps continue to negotiate military mission and environmental stewardship. The checklist of birds at Fort Bliss’s million acres is a formidable catalog of North American species. Eglin Air Force Base accommodates one of the largest remaining Florida black bear populations, and military consultants discuss the )-- :FEKIFC ecological footprint as well as the strategic significance of the nation’s camps and bases.26 In addition to their conventional missions of training and defense and their environmental impact, CONUS camps are significant cultural landscapes. Many camps, such as Camp Pendleton in California, overlap American Indian tribal territories and, with archaeological research, are major sites for property rights and human rights law in the United States. Other sites narrate past wars and legacies of internment and thus enter current discussions of historical preservation—a process complicated by sheer scale and by conflicted histories of a nation’s wartime detention of a segment of its citizenry. Between 1942 and 1944, more than one million troops received training in the eighteen thousand square miles of the Desert Training Center, established by General Patton to simulate the North African desert j\\È8[Xgk\[:XdgÉ`e Z_Xgk\i( . The camp complex included twelve field camps, for which the Bureau of Land Management has sought preservation funds since 1996. In early spring 1942, the War Relocation Authority (WRA) authorized construction of the Poston Relocation Center’s three cantonments in Arizona’s La Paz County. Del Webb, who would later found Sun City Centers, received the contract and began building Poston I on March 27, 1942. Webb’s crew completed the first phase in three weeks, and by September 1942 the three camps reached their combined maximum population of 17,814, making Poston the largest relocation center in the country.27 Planning to design playgrounds and gardens for the internees, Isamu Noguchi, the sculptor of Nisei Japanese and American descent, left his home in New York and voluntarily entered the Poston Relocation Center on May 12, 1942. When his plans for a cooperative community proved impossible, it took Noguchi seven months to be discharged from the camp, having only been able to negotiate a temporary permit for his release. But the experience of the camp followed Noguchi and his work, as the existence of )-. the internment camps has remained in the landscapes of many of the country’s extant military camps. Immediately after his release in November 1942, Noguchi produced the Monument to Heroes and sculpted My Arizona and the cast bronze This Tortured Earth. If the former serves as a witness to the encamped body, then the latter two map the internment camp’s landscapes and grounds—all attesting to the remnants of wartime. On December 21, 2006, President George W. Bush signed bill HR-1492 to establish a grant program to preserve ten “historic confinement sites.”28 Sited along the beach of Lake Margrethe, Camp Grayling Trailer Park also links the camp to the military’s recreational network. As an element of its nonpay compensation system, these campgrounds are part of the morale, welfare, and recreation (MWR) system set up exclusively for active and retired military personnel. A website dedicated to cataloging and reviewing the military campground offerings has noted the “secret” nature of many of these sites, exhorting subscribers to alert the webmaster when they find overnight camps embedded within the vast territories of the military bases and camps. Tied to this network of CONUS camps, the recreational sites are linked by the same strategic highway network (STRAHNET) that would facilitate a military response in the event of a national defense crisis. From base to base, veteran campers traverse the paths of mobilization, passing along STRAHNET instead for recreational pursuits.29 )-/ :FEKIFC Overseas Military Facility U.S. Military planners’ reluctance to use the term base stems from the radically changing patterns and irregularity of twenty-first-century conflict. With the Cold War’s end, basing patterns have shifted from east-west symmetries to an indefinite “war on terror.” In the process, military camps have been employed for their flexible timetables and strategically labile spaces as well as for their equally indeterminate terminology. As a result, a new taxonomy of overseas military facilities now reserves base for major, long-held fortifications in friendly host countries or for its pairing with camp to designate the standardization of a temporary and agile base- camp template—thus tempering the semantics of base’s permanence. Location and site join camp to describe places of ostensibly fleeting, but rarely ephemeral, military installations. The three main types of interservice forward military facilities are the main operating base (MOB), the forward operating site (FOS), and the cooperative security location (CSL). Each facility varies in its camp infrastructure, degree of permanence, location, and function. To anchor training and a long-term committed military presence, the MOB has a “robust” infrastructure with permanently stationed combat forces and includes family support facilities in an amicable host country. The 2006 Quadrennial Defense Review consolidated but retained most MOB sites, including Camp Humphreys in Korea, Kadema Air Base in Okinawa, and Ramstein Air Base in Germany. The latterMOB is a part of the Kaiserslautern Military Community, which accommodated 14,000 military members as of February 2008 and boasted a high quality of life (QOL), with extensive family housing, schools, supermarkets, convenience stores, and theaters.30 FOS installations are “scalable” and “warm” facilities for sustained )-0 operations but with smaller permanent personnel than MOBs. Forces are typically rotated through the site in conjunction with bilateral commitments and regional training. Although considered temporary, its lifespan can be extended if necessary, its facilities are expandable, and its resources are kept in readiness. Also called “lily pad” and “light-switch facility,” the FOS is often caught between the economy of its temporality and its units’ QOL. These camps, such as Camp Bondsteel in Kosovo, are considered contingency operations and fall under military appropriations, known as Title X—limiting their scope to “temporary construction” j\\k_\ È=FJ:XdgÉj\Zk`fe . But as units rotate in and out of the rapidly aging camp, maintenance and QOL collide in what is called the camp’s quality-of-life “creep.”31 Like Bondsteel, Camp Le Monier is an FOS prototype established at Djibouti International Airport on the Horn of Africa after the September 11 attacks. With little or no permanent U.S. presence, the CSL typically occupies host-nation facilities, as in Dakar, Senegal, and is often supported by two other subcategories of military installation. The preposition site (PS) houses war reserve material, and en route infrastructure bases (ERI) provide strategic stepping-stones to access distant conflicts. The events of September 11 and the resulting deployments in Afghanistan and military action in Iraq expedited a formerly protracted rethinking of foreign basing strategies. A series of plans and commissions not only transformed what military installations were called, whether base or camp, but also altered the networking and siting of those camps. The Department of Defense’s overseas basing plan of August 2004, officially titled Integrated Global Presence and Basing Strategy (IGPBS), proposed radical realignments of forces abroad, and the Base Realignment and Closure (BRAC) document called for the return of troops to a contracted set of domestic bases. A third commission in August 2005 questioned the intent and coordination of the other two plans—the Overseas Basing Commission (OBC) agreed with the need for post–Cold War ).' :FEKIFC reconfiguration of the U.S. bases and camps but argued that many of the changes would harm relations with allies. In 2006, the QDR consolidated and adapted many of the diverse issues and strategies to formulate an apposite system of camps.32 With its “Red Book,” the ODSCENGR has developed uniform facility standards for base camps and overseas military facilities. Construction standards are linked to the expected lifespan of the base camp, with three categories of duration: initial (less than six months), temporary (six to twenty-four months), and semipermanent (two to twenty-five years).33 In the housing-facility category, the initial stage calls for organic tentage with wooden floors (Tier I Tents), temporary phase indicates Tier III Tents and in some cases SEA huts and containers, and the semipermanent base uses SEA huts and containers for two to ten years and masonry or prefabricated buildings for bases with a duration of more than ten years. The billeting space for troops and civilians typically uses the standard SEA hut module, which is 512 square feet.34 Military engineers and planners seek to provide “base camp equivalent facilities” within fifteen days of troop deployment. Recent conferences on base camp standards and design have reviewed the sustainability and integrated life-cycle costs of the camps in order to minimize the footprints, costs, and logistics. Seeking alternatives to conventional camp structures like SEA huts, which use Class IV supplies—construction materials such as standard-dimensioned lumber and plywood—planners have promoted the adaptation of existing infrastructure to speed deployment and reduce requirements for material storage.35 Modeling and simulation systems have also developed templates for base camp master plans. Camps are tokens in the basing game. They accommodate the “expeditionary” character of operations to counter the shifting and often indistinct sources of terrorism and to check shifting threats of insurgencies, intrastate conflicts, and transnational crime. The use ofcamp also evokes a temporary ).( presence as opposed to the permanency inherent in the deployment of bases—conferring a transience to military activities in Iraq and Afghanistan, without at the same time denying implications of military control and strategies of defense. With bases, as camps no longer necessarily tied to specific locations, military planners have new tools for naming and describing deployment and for continuing to develop sites for irregular warfare amidst future conflicts, the locations of which are increasingly difficult to predict. )%(* 9Xj\ZXdg% 8idp=`\c[ Jlggfik:fddXe[# CF>:8G#)e[8eelXc9Xj\ :XdgNfibj_fg#)'', ).) :FEKIFC ).* FOS Camp To build Camp Bondsteel, the Engineer Regiment moved more than a half-million cubic yards of Kosovo earth, framed a quarter-million 2 × 4 boards, set two hundred tons of nails, and laid one hundred miles of electrical cable. In less than ninety days during the summer of 1999, the Regiment built the equivalent of a 355-house subdivision.36 And, though not uncontentiously embedded within a conflict zone, the camp’s amenities parallel those of suburban life—reflecting the design of U.S. base camps as providing “as high a level of comfort as possible in a temporary camp environment” j\\ ÈJlYliYXe:XdgÉ`eZ_Xgk\i( . Primary accommodations on the thousand-acre site are SEA Huts, and soldiers use Eagle Cash Cards—rather than cash, which is discouraged—to eat at the base’s Burger King, Anthony’s Pizza, or other dining facilities located in the camp’s North and South “towns.” Bondsteel PX, the camp’s post exchange, approximates a big- box retail store, its prefabricated building housing two stories of the latest merchandise. Its trade area includes the entire Kosovo region, drawing “lots of multinational soldiers from throughout Kosovo.”37 Located near the city of Urosevac, Camp Bondsteel is the main base of the eastern sector of the region’s Multi-National Brigade, known as KFOR. Begun in response to the Kosovo crisis, Bondsteel now serves as a forward operating site (FOS), where NATO and U.S. forces maintain a peacekeeping and strategic presence. The camp also served as a political FOS for U.S. leaders—President Bill Clinton visited for an early Thanksgiving with troops in 1999, and President George W. Bush addressed Bondsteel’s military personnel two years later while Laura Bush dedicated the Camp Bondsteel Education Center, further solidifying the installation’s services and refashioning camp as campus.38 In the camp’s material and ).+ :FEKIFC political construction, tents were rapidly converted to SEA Huts and a temporary presence became semipermanent— resulting in what was considered at the time of its completion to be the largest overseas military base since the Vietnam War. When Colonel Robert L. McClure, the chief engineer of Bondsteel’s construction, referred to the “Bondsteel template,” he made a case for how Camp Bondsteel demonstrates the application of base camp standards and how it can now be understood as an early experiment in strategic transformations of U.S. military operations after the events of September 11, 2001. Retrospectively, the camp forms a critical part of the Base Realignment and Closure policy of 2005, coinciding with EUCOM’s consideration of Bondsteel as an FOS.39 Reports at the time presented Camp Bondsteel as typifying the new approach . . . while representing a full time U.S. presence, these bases would lack the elaborate infrastructure of the major installations that evolved in western Europe. The buildings consist of Quonset huts or pole buildings, and in some cases are still tent cities. The troops are not accompanied by their families. Overall, the focus of military efforts would shift south and east, closer to current Middle-Eastern hot-spots.40 Rhetoric of the ephemeral collides with the sheer scale and infrastructural extent invested in this approach, making Bondsteel—its name commemorating a war hero but also connoting a firm sitedness—the tentative realization of attempts to resolve elasticity with stability. Suspended between temporary strategy and permanent presence, Camp Bondsteel also exemplifies how planning models and base camp standards are transformed by the particularities of site and mission. Colonel Joseph Schoedel, Engineer Brigade commander for the project, met with “force-protection experts and safety specialists,” while other planners negotiated helicopter flight lines, holding areas )., for ammunition, living facilities, and geological conditions. For the latter, military planners used data generated in Vicksburg, Mississippi, at the Waterways Experimental Station to discern underground sources of water from satellite imagery.41 Unexpected site conditions further transformed the camp template. Preliminary excavation unearthed a three-foot diameter natural gas pipeline, resulting in a dynamic asymmetry to the camp’s living areas, visible in the northwest to southeast diagonal green space that runs through the site. This unforeseen easement alludes to the imposition of a military presence on not altogether willing foreign soil. Its location, the timing of its construction, and its continued function have placed Camp Bondsteel at the center of debates—showing how the military camp is often a nexus for moral, political, and strategic concerns. Analysts have suggested that strategic protection and control of the economic interests in the region’s energy resources, particularly the oil supplies from the Caspian Sea, necessitated the Kosovo camp’s location near Corridor VIII of the Pan European Transport system.42 Planning for Bondsteel began before NATO’s first March 1999 airstrikes, opening up the space for debate about intentions behind the camp and for planners to argue for the alacrity of construction, in the process creating an operational, and apocryphal, vocabulary of war: “At the outset, planners . . . convinced decision makers to reach base-camp ‘end state’ as quickly as possible.” Contracts with Brown and Root Services Corporation to support Camp Bondsteel as well as base camps constructed in Iraq have also drawn criticism. And in September 2002, Alvaro Gil-Robles, Council of Europe’s Commissioner of Human Rights, toured the camp and later reported on the detention of fifteen prisoners without judiciary proceedings j\\k_\j\Zk`fefe È>KDFÉ .43 ).- :FEKIFC )%(+ )%(, :Xdg9fe[jk\\c#Ale\(,# :Xdg9fe[jk\\c#FZkfY\i (000% D>9`ccDZ:fp# (,#(000% D>9`ccDZ:fp# DXe\lm\iJlggfik:\ek\i DXe\lm\iJlggfik:\ek\i ).. Demobilization Camp Camps often occur between worlds, and the demobilization camp moves from militarized to civilian, from a weaponized existence to a life without weapons.44 How the combatant becomes an ex-combatant affects postconflict stability and recovery. In the complex situations of intrastate conflicts and ethnic violence, the demobilization camp replaces the identifiable ceasefire line and clear separation of warring parties—indicating that traditional peacekeeping operations have become multidimensional procedures of disarmament and detraumatization. Demobilization camps are sites of physical and mental processes. The United Nations has sought to formalize this process in the sequence of disarmament, demobilization, reinsertion, and reintegration.45 While arguably necessary for immediate stability and security as well as future recovery and development, this camp is also a site for controlling the collection of arms, the discharge of combatants, and frameworks for longer-term assistance and resettlement. In these camps, weapons become a currency exchanged for benefits and assistance. At the disarmament sites and the demobilization camps, only combatants with weapons or ammunition that meet criteria are eligible for the UN’s DDR program.46 In the United Nations model, the process of disarmament and demobilization moves through a series of zones for screening, organizing, and dispersing ex-combatants. Initially, combatants arrive at a pickup point (PUP) or a weapons collection point (WCP), from which they typically move to a disarmament site (D1 site) before passing into the demobilization camp (D2). Its location negotiated with a prearranged assembly time, the PUP is often the first meeting point between armed forces and UN groups who seek the minimal surrender of ammunition before combatants move )./ :FEKIFC )%(- @eZ`e\iXk`fef]n\Xgfej`e [`jXidXd\ekZ\i\dfep# 9fjjXe^fX#:\ekiXc8]i`ZXe I\glYc`Z#;\Z\dY\i)''+% G_fkf^iXg_YpD% Eq\e^fl#LE;G&9Xe^l`# `e@;;IJ>l`[\ ).0 to the WCPs. Buffer zones with secure corridors separate sites of conflict and PUPs. Laid out to maximize explosive and weapons safety, WCP sites focus on removing the small arms and light weapons of civilian combatants. The United Nations has recognized this first phase of relinquishing arms as a highly symbolic act, and ceremonies of disarmament sometimes culminate in the open-fire incineration of weapons. Organized around the military observer screening area, the disarmament site is the threshold between PUP and WCP sites and the demobilization camp as well as the juncture of military and humanitarian control. Site-based disarmament is recognized by UN standards as a “fairly coercive approach” because of the often-necessary involvement of leaders of the armed factions before control is passed to the UN’s DDR program.47 The demobilization camp itself sites the official certification of combatants’ change of status from military involvement to civilian citizenship. On this transition, the UN standards further describe the symbolism of the process: “Individual demobilization mirrors the wider demobilization of a society emerging from conflict, and is an important symbolic phase in the consolidation of peace.”48 To accommodate this emblematic procedure, the standards recommend against the encampment method but, although proposing a paradoxically loaded alternative in the mobile demobilization site, also include practicalities of semipermanent facilities with provisions for residency, from one week to one month. Adapted sites such as disused factories, warehouses, or schools are preferable. If necessary, site-built modular camps for as many as six hundred ex-combatants are securely located within the community of settlement. In demobilization camps, ex- combatants move from reception to registration areas (screening and documentation), where they are then briefed about the process and in many cases are also counseled and referred to other programs within the DDR process. As a part of this process, a quasi-military sequence of checkpoints and UN stations marshals the ex-combatants through the )/' :FEKIFC standard 250- by 900-meter site. The camp also includes health screening and sensitization—beginning what UN standards call the social and psychological “rehabilitation” of ex-combatants before their eventual reinsertion and reintegration. UN Peacekeeping Forces along with NGOs dispense transitional assistance packages, also categorized as “transitional safety allowances” comparable to the standard of living of the surrounding population, to ex-combatants during the reinsertion phase and at their discharge from the camp. Entry into demobilization camps is voluntary, but in practice departure from the camp is sometimes contingent on peace negotiations.49 In April 2006, Burundi’s government cabinet decided to open a demobilization camp for members of the country’s last remaining rebel group, known as Forces Nationales de Libération (FNL). Located in the northwestern province of Bubanza and staffed by the Burundi National Defense Force, the camp was seen by government officials as a security measure and as a mechanism for negotiation while the country’s leaders tried to bring peace to the region. Known as Randa “Welcome Center,” the demobilization camp was effectively a detention facility, its residents waiting for a peace agreement.50 In the Democratic Republic of the Congo in December 2002, the Refugees International organization noted that the demobilization camp there had two purposes: to help provide job skills for a productive return to their villages and to teach ex-combatants about what had been going on in Rwanda since they left the country. The information gap in some cases extended for as long as a decade and many had been subjected to propaganda in the DRC’s war theater. )/( )/) :FEKIFC )%(. )%(/ JZ_\dXk`ZcXpflkf]g`Zb$lg JZ_\dXk`ZcXpflkf] gf`ek`e@ek\^iXk\[ [`jXidXd\ekj`k\% Le`k\[ ;`jXidXd\ek#;\dfY`c`qXk`fe EXk`fej#)''- Xe[I\`ek\^iXk`feJkXe[Xi[j% Le`k\[EXk`fej#)''- )/* )%(0 >\e\i`Zdf[lcXi[\dfY`c`qXk`fej`k\% Le`k\[EXk`fej#)''- )/+ :FEKIFC GTMO The naval facility at Cuba’s Guantánamo Bay is the United States’ oldest overseas base. Its official abbreviation GTMO adds to a recently amplified iconic presence that supersedes its historical significance—inventing a new legacy of control as it has cast aside judicial and territorial conventions. Sidestepping classification and international criticism, GTMO camp falls into the broad category of detention camps as it has continued to break paradigms of protocol. In deploying the term enemy combatant, GTMO also invented language to elide traditional categories of detainees—such as dislocated civilians, enemy prisoners of war, and retained persons—and to invoke a war that has not been declared and an adversary who cannot be sited. So pervasive has been the space of GTMO, vaguely imaged but painfully visualized, that high theory and popular culture alike have invoked its exceptional departures from law and humanity. Following Giorgio Agamben’s groundbreaking studies of homo sacer and the states of exception found in new forms of detention, theoreticians and critics have further analyzed the implications of GTMO’s extraterritoriality and its treatment of the body, through torture but also in the normalized control over the “naked” life of individuals. For Agamben, the detainee, internee, or refugee, as homo sacer, falls at the intersection of sovereign power and political exception in which punishment can occur outside of preestablished juridical (or sacrificial) norms and rules.51 Working between philosophical implication and the grim reality of camp’s spaces, this attention to ethicopolitical struggles has also found a site in the rise of reality television. Reality TV has reconstructed the camps in broadcast rooms to simulate the torture, to attempt to convey the uncontrolled depravity of the now illicit symbolism of GTMO. A simulated camp in an east London warehouse was the site for The Guantánamo Guidebook, a forty-eight-hour )/, demonstration of the camp’s conditions and methods with seven volunteers and former Delta Force interrogators.52 Many years earlier, GTMO occupied another televisual space when Bob Hope celebrated Christmas with Jim Nabors and Charley Pride in 1971, following up on ten years of celebrity visits initiated in 1962 with Perry Como and then Ed Sullivan’s own Christmas show.53 Unlike other scenes of detention, GTMO has historically been a nexus not only of public performance but also of colonization, pirating, and military power. Four hundred years after Columbus landed in the Bay on April 30, 1494, after pirates legendarily preyed on Windward Passage ships, and after Spain and Britain battled in the eighteenth century for the puerto grande, U.S. Marines entered the Bay and cut the port’s communication cables linking it to Cap Haitien to the east and Santiago to the west. A critical moment in the Spanish- American War, June 7, 1898, might then mark the founding of the island within the island that is the camp at GTMO. Cutting ties was a necessary stratagem to establish the first camp on what would become McCalla Hill, but the action began the camp’s historical disconnect not just from the semiarid, unpopulated landscape, but from its political and legal context as well. Two subsequent cuts would widen the distance of the camp from these contexts. Reinforcing the Platt Amendment, the Permanent Treaty of May 22, 1903, yielded a contested “permanence” that remains in spite of the camp’s characteristic temporality. And on February 6, 1964, Fidel Castro’s government ordered the cutting of the water supply to the base—furthering the camp’s self-containment and a self-sufficiency based on the desalinization of nearly four million gallons of water each day and daily electric power generation of almost one million kilowatt-hours. But it was the U.S. forces who actually made the physical cut in the line to preempt expected rumors that the base was still receiving a supply of water. This gap—measured in inches—would later become an immeasurable geopolitical gulf, cementing the camp as an insular space that defined its own working methods and conditions.54 )/- :FEKIFC )%)' I8;DAf_e;%9lcb\c\p fYj\im\jk_\c`]k`e^f]k_\ Zlkj\Zk`fef]k_\(+$`eZ_ g`g\Xk>KDF% L%J%EXmXc 8iZ_`m\j )/. Starting in January 2002, detainees were held in eight- by eight-foot cells, while U.S. military personnel guarding the camp lived in Freedom Heights. At the end of April, Camp Delta was built on the site previously used as a Haitian refugee camp and replaced Camp X-Ray.55 The detention camps of Guantánamo Bay form a collisional field of national sovereignty and “imperial ambition” and of judicial law and arguments of extraterritoriality. Between 2002 and 2005, expansion of Camp Delta and GTMO’s facilities created a network of subcamps that form a hierarchical system of control—more complex than the singular camp “GTMO” sometimes presented symbolically in the media. Camp Echo, outside of Camp Delta, is the site for limited access between detainees and their representatives. Detainees wear orange uniforms, recognizable from news reports, in Camp 3, which maintains the highest security level. Camp 2 and Camp 1 are sequentially less restrictive. Sally ports control detainees’ movement within the camp, lights remain on twenty-four hours, and the camps are not air-conditioned. In February 2003, expansion of facilities added Camp 4 as a medium security facility, and Camps 5 and 6 are two-story, maximum security complexes modeled on American Corrections Standards. Camp Iguana houses juvenile detainees between the ages of thirteen and fifteen years. The two phases of Camp America North provide semipermanent housing for troops stationed at GTMO.56 If GTMO as island camp occupies an extraterritorial site many times severed by claims of control at the expense of sovereignty and legality, then GTMO as clustered camp accommodates a landscape littered by expansion and obsolescence, but forming the quintessential camp as space of exception. )// :FEKIFC Concentration Camp The concentration camps of the Holocaust were designed by the Third Reich as temporary installations.57 They have remained, and today the debate about their preservation continues, moving between the significance of the sites’ physical structures and their meaning, and between the sites as witness and as didactic tools for education—all of these questions complicated by the fact that the camps are temporary sites. These camps began with wilde Lager (wild camps) in 1933 as a part of the National Socialist regime’s system of detention centers for political opponents. At the center of Europe’s German occupation, the first camp at Auschwitz was established in 1940, but was expanded to the Birkenau site beginning in 1941. In 1947, Poland officially designated Auschwitz-Birkenau for preservation, and in 1979 the World Heritage Committee added the concentration camps to its list of heritage sites.58 After establishing the Auschwitz-Birkenau State Museum, the Polish government installed exhibits in some of the camp blocks and reconstructed selected areas of the Auschwitz site, but left the 430-acre Birkenau camp virtually untouched.59 By the mid-1990s, the remaining Birkenau structures were crumbling, and some of the wooden barracks had been shored up to prevent their collapse. In justifying the nomination, the committee described the universal significance of the site for the purpose of “bear[ing] witness to the conditions within which the Hitlerian genocide took place” and to serve as a “monument to the martyrdom and resistance of millions of men, women, and children”—the “largest cemetery in the world.” In its report, the committee noted its decision to enter the camp as a “unique site and to restrict the inscription of other sites of a similar nature,” and this site remains the only camp of any kind to be included on the list. In 2003, the )/0 Polish government called attention to the site’s atypical inscription under criterion VI alone, and with no equivalent site on the World Heritage List, the government sought advice from the committee on special approaches to the preservation of the site.60 Indirectly responding to this query in 2006 and recalling the criterion for the site’s inclusion, the World Heritage Committee reinforced the camps’ two-part universal significance—as a depiction of a horrific period in human history and “as a beacon of warning to uphold the human values and ideals that are part of the UNESCO constitution” that emerged from the Second World War in 1945.61 To carry out the latter objective, the report went on to encourage the formation of educational programs and media activities associated with the site.62 Like the unstable ground of the temporary construct, questions of how to carry out this objective remain. We must not only ask what the role of historic preservation is in places that were not built to endure, but we must come to terms with the site’s enduring memory and address whether to memorialize the remnant’s meanings. Complicating these questions is the diversity of the site’s visitors, its tourists, survivors, researchers, and pilgrims. To each group, the site has its own meaning such that the conventional tools of preservation, whether protection, restoration, or reconstruction, have different implications. The reconstruction of Auschwitz’s crematorium becomes the lasting symbol for many visitors completing the site’s tour. And the suppressed histories of the prisoner reception site, which now serves as the visitor center, have implications not just for the tourists’ spatial understanding of the site but also for how those who come to the site bear witness to the intricate transformation from civilian to prisoner occurring at the camps.63 At Birkenau, the scale and decay of the site preclude reconstruction, but preservation of the remaining structures must contend with the expectations of survivors, the possible experiences of other visitors, and claims of entitlement from external sources. )0' :FEKIFC )%)( Df[\cf]gifgfjXc]fiÈK_\@ek\ieXk`feXcDfeld\ek]fi M`Zk`djf]=XjZ`jd`e8ljZ_n`kq$9`ib\eXlÉYpGfc`j_ [\j`^ek\Xdf]FjbXi?Xej\e#A\iqpAXieljqb`\n`Zq# Alc`XeGXbX#C\Z_fjXnIfje´jb`#<[dle[Blg`\Zb`# KX[\ljqGcXjfkX9`ib\eXld\dfi`Xc#(0,/% G_fkf^iXg_ Yp8e[iq\aG`fkifnjb`2Zflik\jpf]8ljZ_n`kq$9`ib\eXl JkXk\Dlj\ld )0( The 1959 proposal of the design team led by Oskar Hansen for an Auschwitz-Birkenau monument addressed all of these complex factors except for the latter. Selected as the competition winner by a jury with artist Henry Moore as its chair, the Polish architects’ project included a 200-foot-wide granite walkway running diagonally across the camp for nearly two-thirds of a mile. Visitors would access the slightly elevated path through breaks in the site’s barbed-wire perimeter and would then traverse the camp’s apparatus, at the same time experiencing the continuity of the architects’ ideas of “open form.” As a countermonument, the design opens the camp without modifying or objectifying the site and allows time to take its course without forgetting. The granite walk holds the camp’s ground but resists the “illusion of memory.”64 The design’s abstraction and its proposed closure of the camp’s main entry gates, where trains delivered prisoners, did not meet many survivors’ expectations and the project was not built according to the original plan, but the proposal remains an influential commentary on public monuments and the conservation of temporally charged sites. POW Camp The occupants of prisoner-of-war camps have changed, but the spaces of their internment have retained connections to previous forms. The U.S. Army Field Manual FM 3-19.40 was last updated on August 1, 2001. This last edition sought to address the “handling of prisoners” after a quarter century of increased irregularity in military engagements. But even this most recent manual’s camp spaces read with a clarity of language and logistics soon to be further complicated by the )0) :FEKIFC unconventional battlefields of terrorism.65 Framing the procedures that circumscribe the internment camps, one of the manual’s objectives is to increase the military police commander’s “situational awareness” with field conditions complicated by additional categories of potential detainees. In this new military theater, where, according to the manual, internment and resettlement (IR) replace enemy prisoner of war and civilian internees (EPW/CI), commanders are expected to handle the complete range of categories during the course of one operation. Rules of interaction and rules of engagement vary for each group encountered in the combat zone, but the camp prototype remains the same, with only variability in treatment of U.S. military prisoners. Dislocated civilians (DC) are now included with enemy prisoners of war, civilian internees, and retained persons (RP).66 In the zone of combat, this unsettling range of categories moves through a series of detention spaces. The forward collection point first receives enemy prisoners of war and civilian internees. Although larger in area, the central collection point shares with the forward point the fighting position’s sight lines and the necessary mobility—“set up, expanded, and relocated quickly as the tactical situations dictate.” More permanent camps are the Corps Holding Areas (CHA), where captives are typically held for seventy-two hours. To provide for at least two different interconnected compounds, materials for this phase are GP medium tents, tarpaulin covers, water cans, triple-standard concertina wire, barbed wire, long and short pickets, and anchors. The manual places limits of five hundred captives for a platoon and two thousand for a company. The fourth step of enemy prisoner- of-war and civilian internee operations is the internment and resettlement facility, which is “semipermanent in nature and normally consists of one to eight compounds, each capable of interning 500 people.”67 Sample site plans give a sense of the scale of these facilities, with a standard eight-compound facility taking up more than a quarter square mile.68 )0* Field Manual 3.19-40 includes planning for dislocated civilian operations and humanitarian assistance. The plans of the camps for each operation are the same, but the manual’s diagrams for the environmental conditions are different. Dislocated civilian operations and the related camp facility occur within a demarcated topographic field, with a clear objective and lines of movement delineated between collection points, checkpoints, and assembly areas. The environment of humanitarian aid, on the other hand, is illustrated with a spectrum defined by the stability or anarchy of states. As the manual suggests, the distinction between the permissive and hostile environments might be clear, but much contemporary humanitarian assistance, whether necessitated by natural disaster or conflict, occurs in uncertain environments where state control is suspect and cannot necessarily be understood by degrees of stability. As a result, the camp, along with its inherent questions of control, occurs within the “uncertain environment”—diagrammed here as a delimited graphic cloud but in fact veiling the diagram’s representation of orders of statehood and permissiveness. Here, the camp’s location and purpose fall between oppositions of hostile and permissive environments. The implicit parallels of POW camp and emergency aid camp highlight the ambiguities of control and necessity that have placed the twenty-first-century camp at the center of increasingly “uncertain” environments j\\k_\ j\Zk`feÈI\]l^\\:XdgÉ`eZ_Xgk\i* . )%)) )%)* =finXi[:fcc\Zk`feGf`ek]fi :\ekiXc:fcc\Zk`feGf`ek]fi gi`jfe\ijf]nXi% L%J%8idp gi`jfe\ijf]nXi% L%J%8idp =D*Æ(0%+'#)''( =D*Æ(0%+'#)''( )0+ :FEKIFC )0, )%)+ :figj?fc[`e^8i\X% L%J% 8idp=D*Æ(0%+'#)''( )0- :FEKIFC Terrorist Camp It might be the indeterminacy of the recreational camping experience that made possible the suspected intersection of terrorist camp and holiday camp in England. In the summer of 2006, Scotland Yard authorities raided locations throughout the country where alleged terrorists gathered for training and meetings. From a farm in the northern Lake District to a caravan camp near Lyndhurst, southwest of London, a public uneasy from the 7/7 subway attacks learned of possible domestic terror training. When reports of training camps were first made in August and press conferences were held, authorities grappled with what the training event spaces should be called and how they should be described—a delineation significant for the way we are coming to define camps and camping today. In a media interview, Colin Cramphorn—West Yorkshire’s chief constable—disclosed that the “camps would be found in the Yorkshire Dales and the western Highlands, as well as the Lakes” and that they were “actually pure indoctrination camps.” But the following day, Cramphorn’s press officer attempted clarification, saying that he was “making an analogy” and that he was not “talking about camps as physical locations.”69 A double ambiguity is associated with such campsites, involving how we categorize their siting and how we understand training activities. They are ambiguous practices in indefinite spaces. In one case, the New Forest—William the Conqueror’s eleventh-century royal hunting grounds and now a national park—hosted activity-based training camps believed to have been centered around Matley Wood’s caravan camp, with its nearby paintball fields providing a site for suspected training.70 At a farm in the Lake District, surveillance indicated training activities since 2004, and The Guardian reported that “police believe they have clear )0. evidence the men were preparing a mission of some sort, not enjoying a camping holiday.”71 The highly publicized case of Abu Hamza Masri, convicted in 2006 of “inciting murder and racial hatred,” included revelations that the cleric took followers to rural areas for instructional “camping trips.”72 Such evidence indicated that training had joined recruiting in English territory, and although these were not “military-style” camps, their goals of training were facilitated by remoteness and integration with recreational activities. These camps, defined as physical location and as body of adherents, closed a gap between domestic spaces and terrorist camps abroad—previously understood by their remoteness, by distances maintained through inaccessible geographies, and by the cropped televisual imaging of the camp’s spaces via strictly choreographed interviews held inside tents. But the terrorist camp and its proliferating varieties elide location through the flexibility, invisibility, and often undefinability of the camp. Bombed by U.S. forces in early 2002, al Farooq training camp near Kandahar, Afghanistan, might be the best known, if not paradigmatic, terrorist camp with its connections to Al Qaeda and John Walker Lindh’s testimony in 2002. Militia camps can be found in Mogadishu, Somalia, and in Iraq, the Muthana Chemical Complex housed an insurgent training camp. In some cases, attempts are made to quantify the terrorist training camps of a particular region. In August 2006, reports documented 52 terrorist training camps in Pakistan and 172 “Indian insurgent group camps” in Bangladesh, leaving open the probability of innumerable undocumented camps.73 )0/ :FEKIFC Mining Camp Mining camps establish and maintain control over natural resources. Subcamps of the mining operation demonstrate the modern process of mineral extraction beginning with exploration camps, and then forming the construction camp at the selected site, where the more permanent operations— base camp and accommodation camps—are located. The mining camp is a finely tuned mechanism of analysis and production. Limiting factors of the contemporary mining camps are not the defensibility and inaccessibility of early camps but the finely tuned economics of profit margins and negotiations with government and native landholders. Daily operational safety and health have replaced the security concerns of garrisoned camps of the American West. Corporate planners still approximate the company mining towns in their proposals for a camping community j\\ ÈG\idXe\ek8ZZfddf[Xk`fe:XdgÉ . The period of mineral recovery and extraction is typically twenty-four months—a relatively long duration for energy resource acquisition but necessarily short-lived for the camp that cannot become a town on land leased from host authorities. Mining acts limit the length of time that workers and visitors can stay in camps.74 )00 *'' :FEKIFC )%), )%)- KiXdd\cD`[[c\:Xdg# 9XiiXZbjYl`c[`e^Xk ;`Zb\ejfe:flekp#M`i^`e`X% KiXdd\cD`[[c\:Xdg# ?`jkfi`Z8d\i`ZXe9l`c[`e^ ;`Zb\ejfe:flekp#M`i^`e`X% Jlim\p ?`jkfi`Z8d\i`ZXe9l`c[`e^ Jlim\p *'( Permanent Accommodation Camp Mining companies house remote-site workers in permanent accommodation camps connected to the main operational areas of the camp. Closely linking residency to production, these camps are the fixed housing of company-controlled communities. For the duration of the mine, workers live permanently with their work. This type of camp falls between the established temporality of camping and the assumed longevity of the residential town. Residences vary widely within this definition—from three-story dormitory housing to modular skid-mounted units. Unlike man camps, where the porosity of the camp can be linked to more ready access to nearby towns, permanent accommodation camps are typically more geographically remote. On Lac De Gras in Canada’s Northwest Territories, the Diavik diamond-mining camp on East Island relies on access via the Ice Road, which is reconstructed annually and provides ground-transportation links from early February to early April. For the rest of the year, access is by plane. Within the main mining camp itself, enclosed and insulated corridors typically link the housing units to each other and to the rest of the camp. In many far northern projects, as conduits for people and bundled utilities, Arctic corridors control access to and from the workers’ camp and the mill complex and shop. With climate delimiting circulation and geography directing access, the camp’s necessary attributes translate into a system of control that managers link to increased productivity and to a suppression of persistent substance abuse problems. If permanent accommodation camps control by neutrality and standardization, then their predecessors in the mining camps of Appalachia controlled through racial and ethnic distinctions and the geographic separation of dwellings. Camp clusters at Trammel Mining Camp in southern Virginia dictated *') :FEKIFC a social and economic stratification in the narrow, sloping valley of McClure Creek. Immediately down the slope from the Main Camp was the Lower Camp where African-American miners lived, on the other side of the Main Camp immigrant workers resided in Middle Camp, and white miners for the most part stayed in Upper Camp. This segregation typified mining camps during this period, although in the case of Trammel, the size and configuration of each camp’s units were consistent and did not radically change with racial distinctions. Lacking this overt segregation, more recent mining camps share a modularity with the earlier settlements. The shotgun housing of turn-of-the-century camps anticipates the manufacture of prefabricated barracks-style accommodations. This modularity extends to the overall configuration of accommodation complexes, designed and planned to meet the branding requirements of mining companies. In 2003, ATCO Structures produced four identical accommodation base camps for a client on Siberia’s Chukotka Peninsula. Each camp included two 22-person dormitory units, an office, and a recreation area with kitchen and dining facilities. Enclosed corridors linked the 50,000-square-foot complex. This permanent accommodation camp’s branded form diagrams the system of production and habitation. But its “permanency” remains problematic, complicated by land tenure and mineral rights. A proposal made for West Kimberley, in Australia’s northern Dampier Peninsula, summarizes the logistics of deployment: Due to the isolated location of the site, a permanent accommodation camp would be required to accommodate operations personnel with fly-in fly-out transport from Broome or other population centers in Western Australia. The northern Dampier Peninsula is mostly Aboriginal reserve land and the construction of a purpose-built town to accommodate operations personnel for the plant may be at odds with the social objective of the isolated communities. An accommodation camp would house fly-in *'* fly-out workers. It is not envisaged that a residential town would be developed for this project.75 The permanent accommodation camp’s temporality allows for the mining camp’s installation and in a sense attempts to justify the acquisition of resources on a “fly-in fly-out” basis. Thus the global mechanism of commerce is made ephemeral through a system of camping. Man Camp Man camps cater to a resident population made necessarily transient by the boom-bust economies and transitory nature of energy-extraction projects. The gendering of this camp space in name and in culture follows in the tradition of roughneck camps of earlier energy booms and 49ers settlements of the nineteenth-century Gold Rush. As energy costs have soared in the early twenty-first century, drilling-rig culture, with its insuperable dangers and alluring paychecks, returned. Although related in purpose and profit, man camp has neither the centralized stability of mining camps nor the fixity of permanent accommodation camps. Although by some degrees remote, access to man camp is less geographically controlled, yielding a more transient workforce, with greater effects on neighboring towns and their economies. But production mobility has increased with improved technology since the last energy boom in the early 1980s, and the itinerancy of the natural gas rig exerts a form of control over man camp’s residents, whose lodging must follow closely the geological eccentricities of “tight sands” and prehistoric sediments. *'+ :FEKIFC N N N Bunkhouse DRU N Features 0 Indi," +## '"% ( N %* &%*(&# 0 *&% %"* 0 , (! % ")# " !*"% 0 Pri, / +(tain N 0 "% &&('#+)*-&&*! r $ ( % / ."*) 0 % '#&/ &%*! (&+% 0 W##)( "%)+#* *& % *! "#"% *&! N .* ("&(% (&& ( &* N "%! *( # *", -!"* N N )%). K_`ikp$dXeYleb_flj\[`jXjk\ii\c`\]le`k% @ek\ieXk`feXc;`jXjk\iJ\im`Z\jXe[ *', )%)/ @ek\i`fim`\nf]j`o$dXe Yleb_flj\% :flik\jpf] ?Xcc\9c\jj`e^Xe[ *'- :FEKIFC In addition to its associations with a masculinized working environment, “man camp” identifies industry-standard bunkhouses designed to follow drilling rigs, thus balancing mobility with residential density. Energistx Shelters produces a “barracks module” that houses eighteen workers in a modified storage container, measuring eight by forty feet. Given these dimensions and multilevel sleeping bunks, the module at maximum occupancy provides eighteen square feet per person. The specifications texts for these units mix technical language with details of the spartan roughness of the camp’s “man spaces”—the barracks unit is “constructed using a ‘hi-cube’ intermodal shipping container . . . fabricated of corrosion resistant Corten steel with full height and width cargo doors . . . [and] is designed and fabricated to withstand the rigors of ocean and highway transit while fully loaded to a maximum of 67,000 lbs.”76 With their weight alone resisting 120 mile per hour winds, the portable bunkhouse buildings do not require a foundation and are designed so that a removable chassis system or permanent trailer axle can be used for movement from site to site. The siting and deployment of the man camp bunkhouse entails opening the container doors to expose the “personnel entry” door. Companies such as Energistx also advertise the man camp for disaster services, citing one- to three-day response times and production capabilities of fifty units per day. Marketed for their toughness and mobility, man camps are also “cozy.” Promotional photography of the Energistx bunkhouses features clean, well-lit interiors with folded-back sheets, a laptop on a desk, a cropped image of laundry facilities, and a kitchen sink below a valence-curtained window. Such overdomesticity may seem to undermine the durable, hard-edged shelter, but the producers of man camps know that managers want to keep the men in the camps. Typical modules include amenities like television and Internet access, and without any restrictions on access except for drug and alcohol tests, such enticements compete with entertainment *'. outside the camp. Before the previous energy boom ended on May 2, 1982, known as Black Sunday, workers found shelter under bridges and camped in ditches and culverts. With the optimism of this most recent boom, energy companies are funding man camps to fill housing shortages and to maintain control, however loosely held, over their employees. Whether or not the man camp hosts its workers between their twelve-hour shifts, the demographic shifts caused by the overriding economic incentives of the drilling industry and its burgeoning man camps have caused regional planners to review the impacts of projected growth. In the Western United States, the Rocky Mountain states have been particularly affected by the increased attention to energy resources and the deployment of man camps. In Sublette County, Wyoming, more than three thousand “temporary short-term residences” have joined the area’s six thousand permanent residents. With residents of man camps seeking permanent accommodation, the county’s population has increased steadily by 20 percent.77 By no means proprietary or limited to the American West’s drill rigs, “man camp” now identifies the temporary, sandbagged quarters of government contractors in Baghdad, and its connotations of gendered space also extend to the constructions of popular entertainment. Television personality Dr. Phil added a different version of the camp to a show that features his fictionalized house. This reality- television man camp becomes a site for Dr. Phil to attempt a transformation of husbands. . . . “Meet three women ready to divorce their controlling and chauvinistic husbands. In a last-ditch effort to save their marriages—and their sanity— Tara, Amanda, and Cherie turn their husbands, Scott, Nic, and John in to Dr. Phil’s Man Camp, an intensive weeklong stay in the Dr. Phil House, designed to give them an attitude adjustment and a new appreciation for their wives. With toxic attitudes, explosive fights, and abusive behavior, can these three couples repair the damage and save their marriages?”78 *'/ :FEKIFC Kijich’on Kijich’on is a Korean word for “camp town.” Associated with U.S. army bases on the Korean peninsula, these camps continued as sites of prostitution after the Korean War. With the solidification of the U.S. military presence in South Korea afterward, the institutionalization of political relations paralleled the establishment of ties between military base and peripheral camps. In spite of prostitution’s illegality in South Korea, degrees of sponsorship and oversight have influenced the kijich’on. Korean government officials referred to the prostitutes as “nationalists” and “personal ambassadors”—by some estimates more than one million sex providers since the Korean War. After the United States sponsored the Camptown Cleanup Campaign in the 1970s, the Korean Ministry of Health and Social Affairs began oversight of the kijich’on. These camps thus index a diverse set of controls. Although administratively directed by health officials and having arisen out of economic forces, the kijich’on camps have also influenced politics. H.S. Moon argues that rather than being silenced and relegated to invisibility by the set of controls, kijich’on women have been an “integral part of the tensions and negotiations between U.S. and ROK [Korean military] officials since the 1970s.”79 But the incorporation of one kijich’on as “American Town” completes the administrative control of prostitution in connection to the U.S. base. The camp-town is a completely isolated, walled compound where prostitutes live and work, paying rent to the corporation with its own president and board of directors. The self-contained camp is both residence and brothel, with restricted access through a guarded gate. Military camps deployed on foreign soil are reference points for both the occupying and the occupied countries— they are one way each group might begin to understand the *'0 other group’s identities and practices. In the cases of the kijich’on, the camp conflates public relations and national identities with private activities. And kijich’on residents are suspended between the culture of the military camp and Korean identities, which are also deeply affected by nationalism and solidarity. The fictions and realities of the peripheral camp towns contribute to the servicemen’s impressions of the foreign place and its residents and at the same time transform how national identities might be constructed.80 From the other direction, U.S. military bases abroad have reconstructed recognizable landscapes of suburban-style housing, commercial franchises, and retail opportunities—exporting images of consumption in spite of the relatively isolated spaces of the installations.81 “A” camp The “A” camp has been deployed after more than thirty years of dormancy. Not since the Vietnam War has this camp form filled the uneasy gap between host and guest, between visible power and concealment. The objectives of the “A” camp are protection and presence. To secure the space of the camp and to remain effective in its mission, this hardened, quintessentially defensible camp must remain paradoxically open to potential allies and to information. “A” camps are not stealthy—they are in fact unavoidably discernible. This visibility is a function of their mission to engage a counterinsurgency and of their fundamental defenses, particularly evident in the 300-meter field of fire carved out around the typical camp’s outer perimeter. In fall 2003, Operational Detachment Alpha (ODA) *(' :FEKIFC 936 established Camp Blessing (in Nagalam) in the foothills of the Hindu Kush mountains of eastern Afghanistan. This “A” camp—whose form had been used widely in Vietnam’s Central Highlands—has a basic directive to gain intelligence about Osama bin Laden and his location. Here, in the Kunar Province less than twenty miles from the Pakistan border, Special Forces troops live in uneasy proximity to local tribespeople, in a camp that is “unique from all other forms of field fortifications” and yet is also symptomatic of a shifting military order.82 )%)0 È8É:XdgcXpflk% I\gi`ek\[ n`k_g\id`jj`fe]ifd Jg\Z`Xc=fiZ\jÈ8É:Xdg DXelXc#GXcX[`eGi\jj#(00+ The A”“ Camp Manual seems at first theoretical and rough (even makeshift), but the authors of the handbook knew that they were filling a gap in military knowledge. And following their argument of increasingly diverse “threats” and downsized military resources, it is not surprising that the “A” camp has been revived in eastern Afghanistan to fit with each of their three predicted uses: unconventional warfare (UW), counternarcotics (CN), and foreign internal defense (FID). The latter, with its embedded paradox of inside-outside space, best summarizes the layout of the manual’s model camp—a site for guests and potentially cooperative hosts, “us” and “them” in the manual, to achieve the mission. The manual’s “A” camp typology registers its authors’ Vietnam experiences through their choice of the triangular plan and the location in a tropical environment. The prototypical “A” camp includes heavily fortified perimeters and barriers, each with inner and outer components, and intertwined programs of battle, accommodation, and administration. In the “hardened core” of the inner perimeter, bunkers and buildings diagram exigencies of defense and the ironies of cooperation, with 81 mm mortars at each apex and with the Tactical Operations Center, shared between host and guest, and complemented by a freestanding Host Country Team House. )%*' Flk\iYXii`\if]È8É:Xdg% I\gi`ek\[n`k_g\id`jj`fe ]ifdJg\Z`Xc=fiZ\j È8É:XdgDXelXc#GXcX[`e Gi\jj#(00+ *() :FEKIFC *(* )%*( )%*) @ee\iYXii`\if]È8É:Xdg% @ee\ig\i`d\k\if]È8É:Xdg% I\gi`ek\[n`k_g\id`jj`fe I\gi`ek\[n`k_g\id`jj`fe ]ifdJg\Z`Xc=fiZ\j ]ifdJg\Z`Xc=fiZ\j È8É:XdgDXelXc#GXcX[`e È8É:XdgDXelXc#GXcX[`e Gi\jj#(00+ Gi\jj#(00+ *(+ *(, It is unusual for camps to be designed sectionally, but the “A” camp’s section is critical. Because the line of fire must be able to pass over the camp’s outer limits, berms of the inner perimeter are above ground, and the outer perimeter positions are carved out of the ground. In a sense, the field of fire then extends up to the most hardened core, with its artificial ground of above-grade trenches and splinter walls. Across this overall above-below inversion of fortifications, an intricate defensive sequence catalogs the redundant components of the “obstacle zone” and the techniques of defending the hardened camp from external to internal: triple concertina fence, pungi field, double apron fence, controlled mine belt, triple concertina fence, tangle foot, double apron fence, pungi field, pungi moat, claymore belt, outer barrier’s fighting bunker and trench, triple concertina fence, tangle foot, claymore belt, double apron fence, inner barrier’s fighting bunker and berm, trap door, splinter wall, and finally the inner perimeter’s spaces.83 )%**#)%*+ :ifjj$j\Zk`fef]È8É:Xdg% I\gi`ek\[n`k_g\id`jj`fe ]ifdJg\Z`Xc=fiZ\j È8É:XdgDXelXc#GXcX[`e Gi\jj#(00+ *(- :FEKIFC *(. Boot Camp Darkness obscures details of arrival at the eastern Marine Corps Recruit Depot (MCRD). Equally invisible to the recruits known as “boots” are Parris Island’s immediate estuarine setting, the recruit bus’ passage along the camp’s semantically laden main road, Malecón Drive, as well as the island’s historical layers of sixteenth-century colonization. That colonization process began tenuously with the Huguenots, who like the Marine enlistees were bound by an oath of allegiance and faith.84 To set foot on the camp’s ground is to follow, quite literally, in the regimented steps of thousands of Marines trained on the island since 1915. Yellow bootprints form the camp’s threshold—climbing down from the bus, in the dark, recruits follow the drill instructor’s command to stand, heels together, feet splayed, in one of the four rows and eight columns of painted asphalt. Fitting feet to the yellow prints initiates the boot camp’s mission not merely to train recruits but to “make Marines.” Two boot camps host the making of Marines—Parris Island for recruits east of the Mississippi, and on the West Coast, San Diego’s MCRD. From the yellow bootprints, recruits report to “Receiving” to begin twelve weeks of basic training, which includes three phases. The first four weeks— known as “basic learning”—include military history, confidence courses, and personal defense. The focus of the second phase is marksmanship and field maneuvers, culminating in the Crucible challenge. And the final four weeks include swim week, instruction in small-group leadership, and graduation. Military historians trace the origins of the centralized training of recruits to Commandant Franklin Wharton’s early nineteenth-century school at Washington’s Marine Barracks and to Major General William Biddle’s eight-week training program at “depots” in Philadelphia, *(/ :FEKIFC Norfolk, Puget Sound, and California’s Mare Island. The boot camp also registers histories of gender and race. The two remaining boot camps began to admit African-American recruits in 1949 with the closure of Montford Point’s North Carolina facility. And in 2006, Brigadier General Angela Salinas was chosen to lead San Diego’s MCRD—a process that began in 1974 when she reported to Parris Island boot camp.85 The yellow prints establish the boot camp as a space of anonymity, solidarity, and survivability. Drill instructors construct a context of “total immersion” so that recruits can be “formed” during the first week of training. The resocialization of the camp’s recruits includes a new identity—symbolized historically in the initial haircut but also executed more deeply in the language of the camp, recast as a ship that recruits have boarded. Walls become “bulkheads,” floors become “decks,” doors are “hatches,” and more poetically a flashlight is a “moonbeam.” Although no longer an exclusively male space, a latent process of masculinization remains in the discourse of drill instructors within male battalions. Boot camp also forms a didactic site and educational landscape in which place and street names, monuments, and artifacts recall the histories of military training, conflict, and facilities. Drawing together and recollecting “other places” on Parris Island, street names index naval bases and famous battles. Malecón Drive becomes Boulevard de France, from which Guantánamo Street loops back to World War I’s French theater of Soissons Street, running parallel to Santo Domingo Street and perpendicular to Panama, Tarawa, and the Boxer Rebellion’s Peking Street. Here camp entails geographic, historical, and procedural immersion. In MCRD San Diego’s Crucible training, camp relocates to the Edson Range Area, where challenges and sites are also linked to historical figures, places, and events. Tasks include Baptista’s Weaver, Noonan’s Casualty Evacuation, Cukela’s Wall, and Gonzalez’s Crossing. Its “logistical nodes” paralleling the recruit depot’s organizational logic, this camp within the camp tests combat survivability, while at the same *(0 :FEKIFC time continuing to educate recruits about battle precedents and heroes of the marines’ military history.86 Military divisions in the United States and other countries also use the boot camp as a technique for basic training, but the intensity of the marine camp has been mythologized and refined in such devices as the Crucible and the training matrix.87 As a result, the Marine Corps boot camp has been stylized and adapted to programs from summer camp to correctional facility management. This reflects the concept of boot camp as method. Correctional boot camps for juveniles incorporate aspects of military basic training into traditional correctional plans—a sometimes-problematic site of brutality, made more conflicted by studies suggesting its comparably greater safety than conventional incarceration.88 Boot camp’s entry into popular discourse through films such as Full Metal Jacket and G.I. Jane (Navy SEALS training) has also made the MCRD a tourist destination. As many as a hundred thousand tourists, more than five times the annual number of enrollees, join graduates’ families and friends “aboard” the Parris Island site each year. Though relegated to nonrestricted areas, driving tours approximate the camp’s training procedure and didactic education. Following “Iron Mike” signs, visitors tour the camp’s Historic District, the Dry Dock, Drill Instructor School, Page Field Monument, Elliot’s Beach, the Rifle Range, and Leatherneck Square and Confidence Course, before passing the Parade Deck and the Iwo Jima Monument. Tourist and recruit meet at 5 mph in the immersive historical and procedural spaces of boot camp. )%*, P\ccfnYffkgi`ekj XkDXi`e\:figjI\Zil`k ;\gfk#GXii`j@jcXe[# >\fi^`X% :flik\jpf]A`d Xe[Cpee\kk\NXcZqXb# =leK`d\j>l`[\ *)( * Camps of need occur neither by choice nor, for the most part, by force. Camps of necessity certainly fall into a gray area between autonomy and control. But defining such camps by what they are not runs the risk of leaving their final definition to external control. At the same time, naming the camp of necessity has implications for its future—how it is named affects how it is funded, protected, and reported, and ultimately how it is lived. Doctors Without Borders has estimated that thirty-three million people have been displaced around the world, with nearly two-thirds of this dislocation occurring within home countries. This chapter explores the transient zones of relief and assistance and tracks the relations of crisis, camp, and need from the urgent worldwide situation of refugee camps to more particular iterations, such as internally displaced person (IDP), self-settled, and planned camps. Lodged between circumstances of control and autonomy, loss of mobility and suppression of liberties often complicate the objectives of these camps to meet safety and other imperative needs. From disaster responses and states of emergency to protracted conditions of homelessness to historically itinerant populations in conflict with “host” nations, camps reflect E<: shifting societal definitions of need. In some cases, causes of displacement measure degrees of need—a differentiation of “economic migrants” from those fleeing threats to life in emergency camps of crisis. In the latter cases, camps result from natural disasters and military conflicts, and in the former, economic imperatives might force movement from rural to urban regions. As responses to crises, camps are the spaces that offer accommodation, assistance, and protection. But as a function of policy and such questions as the “conditions of exile,” the camp does not always assist and protect at the same time. This schism, exemplified in the primary mandate of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to protect, places the semipermanent camp at the center of questions about longer-term assistance, involving international agencies, private initiatives, and the governments who host displaced persons or whose residents have fled. Other camps of necessity are not directly linked to natural disasters or political crises. Complex forces of site, duration, and context mix with factors of autonomy in the particular necessities of homeless camps and Gypsy camps. And other camps of necessity raise questions of communication, symbolization, and survival. Refugee Camp On April 28, 1994, nearly a quarter of a million refugees crossed Rwanda’s eastern border to enter Tanzania. The following day, Benaco Camp became the world’s largest refugee camp, and in two month’s time constituted the host country’s second largest “city,” before being dwarfed by camps west of Rwanda in Goma, Zaire, where an estimated one million displaced Rwandans settled.1 These emergency camps—with Benaco to the east maintaining a relatively ordered grid pattern and Goma to the west a chaotic mix of self-settlement and planned camps—evidenced previously invisible scales of dislocation and genocide and demonstrated the shifting politics and ethnicities of displaced populations, with Rwanda’s Hutus at times filling camps only recently vacated by Tutsi enemies. Although bringing to mind a disparate set of emergency camps, the refugee camp denotes a particular set of conditions, and with it an equally specific set of critical analyses. Population displacements immediately after World War II not only necessitated defined forms of response but also clarified parameters for those programs and agencies, including UNHCR. Modern formulations of the refugee camp emerged from the ensuing 1951 Geneva Convention, which defined the refugee as a person who has left his or her country of nationality because of a fear of persecution.2 UNHCR has since been criticized for its application of the term and its distribution of aid, by mandate focusing on those who have crossed borders, sometimes at the expense of those displaced within the borders of a country whose sovereignty makes the provision of relief difficult. The agency now uses “persons of concern,” a phrase eliding distinctions that remain within UNHCR’s classification of asylum seekers, stateless persons, and internally displaced persons j\\k_\j\Zk`feÈ@;G :XdgÉ . Refugee camp—used broadly to designate zones for displaced persons and more specifically as a mandated space *)+ E<: of protection—thus provides the conceptual and empirical ground for debates about how and why aid should be administered and discussions about identity and the status of migrants in an increasingly globalized context. How these camps register UNHCR’s primary objective to provide international protection, while seeking permanent solutions for a generalized refugee problem, has become a critical field of inquiry, as diverse and rhetorical as the multivalent camps it addresses. UNHCR administers camps to protect but is not always able, or required, to assist refugees. This makes the camp a zone of indistinction, semantically and practically, where identities might be lost, either in opposition to a region’s already established citizenry or through policies that substitute new guidelines for living within standardized contexts. Debates in the 1990s about the management of refugee camps influenced a set of handbooks that have broadened the scope of assistance and at the same time made more accessible the standards developed from years of fieldwork.3 In Transitional Settlement, the objectives of the refugee camp work between safety and assistance, within a semipermanent zone of expected, and by some measures planned, obsolescence: “Camps are not intended to be sustainable settlements, but every effort should be made to create and support livelihood opportunities for displaced populations, to empower them by increasing their self-sufficiency, and to reduce demands upon the aid community.” Considering the scale of refugee camps, many of which exceed populations of twenty thousand, environmental impacts complicate sustainable practices: “Camps are invariably established on marginal land, with little productive potential for agriculture and livestock; if the land was not marginal, the community would probably be using it.”4 Caught in this ecological aporia, camps succeed environmentally only when the increasingly complex needs of the displaced population are met more effectively with fewer resources. If natural disasters alone affected two billion people in the twentieth century’s last decade, then the *), environmental impacts of the resulting refugee and IDP camps yield increasingly greater epiphenomena. Mandate refugees soon become environmental refugees, who are then joined by economic refugees. And when one-quarter of a region’s population lives in semipermanent camps, as in the case of Tanzania’s Kasulu district, environmental and social constraints collide.5 At the crux of these complex interactions is the inevitable permanence of the refugee camp. In Kenya, Kakuma Camp has remained in use since its 1992 establishment for teenage refugees fleeing Ethiopian conflicts, and Palestinian camps in the Gaza Strip and West Bank have lasted for more than a half-century j\\ÈLEIN8:XdgÉ .6 Another set of manuals outlines possibilities for a social sustainability, in which the functional capacities of the camp and its shelters exceed minimal requirements for protection from natural and human- made dangers and serve as a foundation for “psychosocial support” and existing social practices.7 Hypothesizing shelter’s “other functions,” the Sphere Project highlights the refugee camp as a flexible space where the intrinsic hybridity of programs might assist, rather than reinvent, the equally complex network of temporary homes.8 Given this necessary social permanence, recommendations for planning refugee camps and shelters have attempted to combine efficiency with livability j\\ÈGcXee\[:XdgÉ . Customary living arrangements temper minimum standards, and rules of thumb constrain local practices. Arguments have been made that refugee camps promulgate Westernized, market-oriented practices and shift the resident population, in its artificial densities, from agriculture to market economies. At the same time, localized modes of production and self-sufficiency remain in spite of the refugee camp’s standardization, further complicating this emergent field. And refugee camps host a double exclusion, in which their residents are not only displaced from their home country but are also lodged in a foreign country that in many cases cannot sustain the camp’s environmental and social pressures.9 *)- E<: *%( 8\i`Xcm`\nf]k_\9\eXZf :Xdgf]InXe[Xei\]l^\\j# E^XiX#KXeqXe`X#(00+% :_i`jJXkkcY\i^\i&GXefj G`Zkli\j *). Planned Camp For displaced populations, planned camps facilitate security and the provision of services. But the standardization of their planning can conflict with traditional settlement patterns and ways of living j\\ÈJ\c]$J\kkc\[:XdgÉ . The scale of this complicated interaction disallows easy resolution, with the conventional planning of refugee camps tracking along two historical lines—the military camp’s systems of control and the evolution of twentieth-century housing plans primarily arising out of Western traditions. As a result, necessities of survival, cultural difference, and the provision of services collide in the refugee camp’s often uneasy hybrid of militarily gridded castramentation and cluster planning. Self-help approaches and greater involvement of the affected communities have tempered these planning methods, which, in spite of their efficacy, remain external and neutrally formulaic applications disconnected from local cultural practice. At one level, the effectiveness of refugee camps requires celerity and scale, and UNHCR’s standards and its related guidelines have sought to limit refugee camps to twenty thousand occupants. Minimum standards allotting each person four and a half square meters of sheltered space and forty-five square meters of overall space accommodate this maximum population in an area equivalent to a square with each side more than a half-mile long. The size and population densities of emergency camps regularly exceed this footprint, making established modules of family, community, block, and sector more difficult to maintain within the camp.10 At the larger end of this planning spectrum, Benaco Camp planners helped organize blocks and sectors that approximated the region’s ethnically defined districts. And in eastern Chad’s Treguine Camp, circular clusters of eight tents, each sheltering five people, comprised the smaller family and community *)/ E<: modules in a layout derived from the IDPs’ home villages in the Darfur region of western Sudan. Agencies referred to the plan as a model campsite that challenged conventional, gridded plans while still accommodating fifteen thousand displaced persons. These camps relied on an organized system of management related to the planning system. Fifteen miles southeast of Banda Aceh, Camp 85 accommodated sixteen hundred survivors of the 2004 tsunami. Its village leadership combined with a policy of community decision making to provide an overall sense of community, held up by relief agencies as an exemplary and “well-run” camp. In early 2005, journalists read the multinational response in the tents and items found in the camp: “Beef from Turks, Swiss-donated tents, T-shirts, pants and dresses from the Indonesian government.”11 Emphasis on security within planned camps can also lead to militarization of the camp, with fenced perimeters, limited circulation permitted in and out of the camp, and forced resettlement. Indonesian military detachments deployed barracks structures as relocation shelters in other camps within the Aceh province. The 2004 tsunami necessitated the development of an unprecedented master plan to coordinate comprehensive planning in the areas of Aceh and Nias Islands where flooding left no markings on a postdisaster ground that was out of necessity spontaneously settled by more than a half million displaced persons.12 Though not faced with the frequency or the scale of these displacements in the United States, the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) has developed response strategies for postdisaster emergency accommodations that include the distribution of mobilized trailers, designation of infill sites within affected cities, and comprehensive site plans. In recent history, FEMA set up tent cities in Miami after Hurricane Andrew in 1992, and the agency’s nascent attempt at larger-scale programs of temporary housing followed Hurricane Charley in 2004. But the Stafford Act does not allow *)0 the agency to provide permanent housing.13 After Hurricane Katrina, FEMA allocated single trailers to residents who remained on their lots and planned to rebuild j\\È9XZbpXi[ :XdgÉ`eZ_Xgk\i( . Trailers were also deployed on preexisting concrete pads in what remained of mobile home parks and campgrounds.14 FEMA sought “previously cleared sites” in New Orleans to house evacuees and those displaced by the disaster. The agency reviewed playgrounds, parking lots, sports fields, other undeveloped infill sites, and city-owned parks—from the main City Park to smaller parks throughout the city.15 As a third strategy, FEMA identified outlying areas where larger-scale, more comprehensively planned housing sites could be developed as “temporary group sites” for evacuees who were unable to rebuild or were not landowners.16 FEMA contracted the planning and construction of these sites to the Fluor, Bechtel, and Shaw Group. In spite of the planned attributes of the proposed temporary group sites, many nearby residents opposed their location. In New Orleans, the juxtaposition of camp and preexisting community elicited a cease-and-desist order from New Orleans Mayor Ray Nagin on March 24, 2006. Meeting in a tent behind the parish government complex in Chalmette, Louisiana, the St. Bernard Parish Council agreed that “no location that is used for a temporary group site for travel trailers will be able to be converted for a permanent trailer park following the recovery period,” which it designated as ending on December 31, 2007.17 Plans for temporary group housing sites draw from the precedents of mobile home and trailer park but, hampered by the Stafford Act, do not account for the well-known permanence of these antecedents. And the group site emerged as FEMA City. **' E<: *%) ;`X^iXdf]i\]l^\\ZXdg e\knfib`eKiXej`k`feXc J\kkc\d\ek#)'',% :flik\jpf]Fo]Xd **( FEMA City After Hurricane Charley in August 2004, FEMA established a temporary housing site next to the Charlotte County Jail in southwest Florida. Displaced residents of nearby Punta Gorda and other hurricane-ravaged areas took up residence in one of the more than five hundred trailers provided as temporary housing. After eighteen months, FEMA extended the date of planned evictions for another six months, allowing the remaining residents to rent the trailers. FEMA trailer occupancy would peak in Florida at more than seventeen thousand households after Hurricane Charley. By November 2006, forty-one trailers remained in the development that initiated the agency’s temporary group housing projects and became known as FEMA City. Genericized as a term that casts aspersion on the government agency and doubt about the settlement’s planned impermanence, FEMA City now designates many of the agency’s postdisaster housing sites, from the rooted settlements that remain after Florida’s 2004 hurricane season to the many sites currently found across the northern Gulf Coast. FEMA cities have also revealed problems not directly associated with the disaster event. The lack of affordable housing that preceded Hurricane Charley in areas of South Florida left evacuees looking for permanent housing solutions three years after the disaster, and Punta Gorda’s FEMA City, though closed, became a residual symbol, its clustered trailers having made the previously disjointed housing crisis visible. The enforcement of flood restrictions—rules codified both before and after the recent hurricanes—has disallowed the installation of temporary trailers or has made rebuilding prohibitively expensive for some previous residents. This process has also exposed topographical class distinctions, with many lower-income districts relegated to low-lying, unprotected land. Necessities of temporary settlements have also generated protest from neighboring residents, a postdisaster NIMBYism. **) E<: *%* 8\i`Xcm`\nf]= *** In late September 2005, construction began on a sixty-two- acre cow pasture owned by the Jefferson County Correctional Center for Youth, one mile from the town of Baker in East Baton Rouge Parish, Louisiana. Within three weeks, crews had laid out sewer lines and electrical infrastructure for nearly six hundred trailers. Named “Renaissance Village,” this FEMA city had an estimated population of more than sixteen hundred residents in October 2006. FEMA required residents to carry identification badges, and trailer addresses included a number and a letter based on the coordinate grid of the layout. Its normative design already discouraging community interaction, the housing site’s security officers, who reportedly referred to the camp as “the installation,” initially disallowed a communal tent structure in the center of the village.18 In spite of this inflexibility in plan and in management, the intrinsic scale of the campsite and the proximity of its occupants continued to motivate social interaction, and residents were permitted to hold religious and community services in a tent donated by Share Our Strength. Because of the media attention afforded to Renaissance Village, the camp became an advertising platform and attracted donations from companies seeking the exposure of their products. The cellular phone company T-Mobile provided Renaissance Village residents with free cell phones, a medical trailer periodically filled prescriptions and provided health services, and a “state-chartered nonprofit organization has established an on-site center for coordinating social services.”19 Construction of a community plaza next to Renaissance Village’s trailer grid confirmed the camp’s intransigence and demonstrated the relation between media exposure and publicity following Hurricane Katrina’s devastation. In October 2006, television host Rosie O’Donnell dedicated the Renaissance Village Children’s Plaza and Family Center with three playgrounds, facilities for Early Head Start and Head Start programs, a computer lab, and a counseling center. Initially, FEMA refused to provide the infrastructural hookups **+ *%+ *%, I\eX`jjXeZ\M`ccX^\#9Xb\i#Cfl`j`XeX#)''-% I\eX`jjXeZ\M`ccX^\n`k_:_`c[i\eËjGcXqXXe[=Xd`cp G_fkf^iXg_YpJk\m\Jd`c\p :\ek\i`e]fi\^ifle[#Ifj`\FË;fee\ccËj=fi8ccB`[j =fle[Xk`fe#9Xb\i#Cfl`j`XeX#)''-% G_fkf^iXg_Yp Jk\m\Jd`c\p **, necessary to install the trailers and other resources donated by Rosie’s For All Kids Foundation.20 The play areas and their adjacency, rather than centrality, to the housing site recall the carnival midway and its supplemental role in the main events of the fair or carnival. This juxtaposition to theFEMA site also sharply illustrates the lack of integrated community space, as if the site of Renaissance Village were a parking lot for a theme park that symbolizes a communal recreation area. One of the foundation’s primary goals was to provide a “sense of community” for Renaissance Village’s residents—the entire project underscoring the educational and social needs generated by the trailer city’s longevity. The plaza was designed so that it could be dismantled and moved to other FEMA sites. And five miles away, another FEMA trailer park, adjacent to the Baton Rouge Metropolitan Airport, received much less attention and media coverage than Renaissance Village. *%- B\`k_8ek_fep:iX]kZlkjk_\^iXjjY\_`e[_`j k\dgfiXip_fd\2_\`jk_\Ôijkg\ijfe`ek_\0k_NXi[ kf^\kX= **- E<: **. IDP Camp When Kofi Annan called internal displacement the “great tragedy of our time,” the former UN Secretary General was pointing to the particularities of a crisis and at the same time calling attention to the broadening complexities of global displacement. Introduced in 1998, the Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement provided a foundation for protection and assistance of internally displaced persons (IDPs), targeting gaps in international humanitarian law. Defining the flight of IDPs inside their own country to avoid conflicts, the principles identify their rights to choose their residence, to “move freely in and out of camps,” to be afforded a safe and “adequate standard of living,” and to be free from discrimination.21 Like the use of refugee, the definition of IDP and the categorization of the IDP camp continue to change. Although for the most part unrecognized by relief agencies, residents of the Gulf of Mexico region, uprooted by Hurricane Katrina, were in effect internally displaced persons.22 As disaster-related rather than conflict-driven IDPs, these camp residents did not face the extreme violence and poverty found in IDP camps elsewhere in the world, but the delivery of education and other services to FEMA’s housing sites and mass shelters parallels the precarious indeterminacy of global IDP status j\\È= **/ E<: working group in 2002, the Camp Management Project has sought to improve the safety of IDP camps through procedural organization—a focus on camp management as a direct response to cases of sexual exploitation in West African camps in 2002.23 The holistic involvement of camp management agencies in the site selection, design, and planning of the camps helps address the porosity of many IDP camps and provides a consistent administrative framework. Geographically, internal displacement can occur across short, but highly contested and dangerous, distances such that residents of the camps often leave during the day for their usual workplaces. And many IDPs can see their home villages from the IDP camp. This tantalizingly proximate home affects IDPs in Darfur’s urban camps such as Al Geneina town’s embedded Albuzar and Jama camps, as well as more peripheral sites like Abu-Shok camp north of El Fashir. Estimates of Darfur’s internally displaced population approached two million in 2006.24 In spite of the legacies of Rwanda, international relief was slow and incomplete. Past concerns about provision of aid violating a country’s sovereignty continued to politicize the displaced population and their settlements in spite of public statements like Annan’s “great tragedy.” Subsequent increases in relief-agency responses to the IDP crisis in Darfur and elsewhere now parallel a formalization of military policy that places humanitarian responses and stability operations on a par with combat. This development further blurs the functions of IDP camps as vehicles of necessity or control, voluntary protection, or involuntary resettlement. In the United States, the armed forces have attempted to fill a perceived gap in the administration’s policy, and in November 2005 the Department of Defense issued a directive conferring on missions of stability, security, transition, and reconstruction (SSTR) the same status as military combat operations.25 With this military support for SSTR, the IDP camps continue as sites of contested sovereign autonomy, humanitarian necessity, and military control. **0 Mohajir Camp Between the self-settled camp and the formalized refugee camp are the settlements of Afghan refugees in Pakistan. The mohajir camps and the katchi abadi settlements in Pakistan, although exceedingly diverse in their social and material structures, provide a framework for understanding exchanges between planning and self-settlement. By some estimates, 40 percent of Afghans in Pakistan live in refugee camps, with most of the rest finding unregulated refuge in urban and periurban settlements.26 Becoming permanent and gaining administrative recognition, these “irregular settlements” accommodating Afghan refugees from conflicts with the Soviet Union, and more recently with Taliban adherents, have come to be identified as “refugee camps.” Mohajir is an Arabic term for refugee and migrant, and the mohajir camp generally designates temporary settlements in Pakistan. In Karachi, numbered mohajir camps have been incorporated into bus and minibus routes and the city’s overall transportation network. Kinship, ethnicities, and religious sects have influenced the formation and internal division of Pakistan’s Afghan camps, which have themselves transformed the complex network of identities within the host country. Originally cultivated through external support for resistance and religious affiliation, the “subcamp” and “mosque-mohalla” structures of the refugee camps gained a degree of autonomy in the 1990s, the latter transferring to the camps an Islamic organizational structure typically associated with districts (mohalla) governed by mosques and determined by the ethnic background of its inhabitants. Sectarian camps also connect to a global support network, linking Hazara Shia Afghans with Hazara Shia Pakistanis to Shia Muslims based in Iran—a mobility of finances and other resources noted by UNHCR to be unique among particular groups of refugees.27 *+' E<: Jalozai designates a set of camps that demonstrate the complex negotiation between the identities of Afghan refugees and more generally between the self-settled, or irregular, camps and their planned, and officially recognized, refugee camps. Southeast of Peshawar, Jalozai was a UNHCR refugee camp closed in 2002, a historically Pashtun village, and a resettled UNHCR refugee camp that remained open until a planned closure date of spring 2007.28 Original residents of the town call the settlement, which is one kilometer away, the “mohajir camp.” Researchers described the most recent Jalozai Camp as an unbounded settlement made of durable materials such as mud, thatch, and timber (katche structures) and brick and concrete (pukka structures). Fifty distinct but “contiguous” districts called mohallas divide the population of 119,964 residents.29 Initially, local landholders donated the land for the original camp in 1980 when the first displaced people arrived from Afghanistan; stories are told that this first step was part of “Pashtun solidarity” with Afghan refugees. Tanzeem-e-Ittehad-e-Islami (TII), a political party of Afghan resistance to Soviet military intervention, later purchased adjacent lands and set up infrastructure and services.30 In this way, the Afghan refugee settlements became central nodes, and focal points, for NGOs, government relief agencies, and Islamic organizations. In 1982, UNHCR officially recognized Jalozai as a refugee camp, and the administrative system was synthesized with preexisting organizational patterns—such as the TII’s provision of tents, land plots, and basic infrastructure. Researchers reported on the complex systems of land acquisition and division: “Over time the camp acquired a definite structure. The system of acquiring land, dividing it into small residential plots and then allotting these plots to refugees had already been under way before the official recognition of the camp. UNHCR leased more land from local landlords and gave allotments to new refugees.”31 Prior to the camp’s official recognition by UNHCR, researchers also observed two patterns of “residential clustering”— *+( ethnicity/kinship and organizational affiliation—but the physical distance that separated these groups in the early stages of the camp diminished greatly with increases in population and density. These main camps also connect with satellite settlements. Turkmen Camp, with a population of approximately ten thousand, is located five kilometers from the main area of Jalozai Camp. Those who live in urkmenT Camp, for the most part former residents of Jalozai, must access their settlement through Jalozai Camp, which serves as the satellite camp’s main infrastructure. Just as the original Jalozai camp relates geographically to the town, Turkmen Camp relies procedurally and spatially on the refugee camp in a uniquely peri-sitic relation. Self-Settled Camp Self-settled camps begin from an essential necessity for immediate shelter. Such camps model significant practices and social-organizational modes, but the urgency of their establishment can yield unsustainable densities, environments that increase the spread of disease, and unsafe juxtapositions with conflict areas or irreconcilable host populations. For these reasons, emergency handbooks recommend immediate assessment of the viability of these camps, the population of which is often relocated to planned camps. But the formation of these camps, also categorized as spontaneous settlements, holds clues for how such invariably semipermanent “villages” might be rethought, redesigned, and recast for displaced residents and local host populations. In these cases, the camp approaches the methodology of the squatter settlement, but *+) E<: important distinctions are made because squatter sites begin from a politics of opposition, whether finding fissures in rules or finding a temporary stability on urban margins.32 In contrast, refugee camps arise out of an emergency situation in which relief is the preliminary structuring device. On June 30, 2004, the last convoys departed from Ethiopia’s Hartisheik Camp. Until the completion of UNHCR’s seven- year repatriation and resettlement programs, the camp had been known as one of the world’s largest refugee camps and at its peak hosted a quarter of a million displaced persons, mostly from Somalia. At the heart of the camp since its self- directed formation in 1988 was a market set up by displaced Somali merchants to approximate previous work environments in Hargeisa. Clan structure defined the camp’s siting and organization, and the development of the market continued the previously nomadic Issack clan’s newly urbanized practices.33 CARE, Oxfam, UNHCR, and other agencies provided additional necessary resources, but the combination of urban market with clan traditions defined the camp’s overall structure from the outset. Displacements caused by natural disaster also reflect the large scales of initial self- settlement. The October 8, 2005, earthquake in Kashmir and Pakistan’s Northwest Frontier Province left three million homeless and eighty thousand dead. And the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami, by some estimates, displaced four hundred thousand people in Indonesia’s Aceh province alone, resulting in a postdisaster demographic of renters, squatters, and the landless, most of whom self-settled in the wake of the disaster before moving into other settlements j\\ÈGcXee\[:XdgÉ . Although not technically forming a camp, a displaced population’s settlement by dispersal does necessitate what might be termed camping practices. Dispersed settlements of refugees can lessen the environmental degradation of concentrated camps but require effective management by the local population because agencies have little control over settlement patterns. In Guinea since 1989, influxes of *+* refugees from Liberia and Sierra Leone have in rare cases settled within existing communities in socially and environmentally sustainable ways. But the three-to-one, sometimes as much as six-to-one, refugee-to-local ratio has also been unavoidably deleterious to the communities.34 The “diaspora” after Hurricane Katrina gave some indication to residents of the United States of the extent of displacement caused by large-scale emergencies. Many hurricane evacuees, either not waiting for or not receiving planned accommodation, self-settled with families and host families or in motels and campgrounds. Institutions like hospitals and universities j\\ È:Xdglj:XdgÉ operated across broad organizational networks, for a time transforming the nation’s territory into a vast campground of necessity. Transit Facility Camp A network of transit facility camps coordinates the movement of displaced persons to transitional settlements.35 Spaced at a maximum of a half-day’s walk, transit points, way stations, and reception areas accommodate refugees, IDPs, and asylum seekers. At each stage, the facilities provide basic services but also allow for overnight stays, which are often extended indefinitely because of changes in the conflict areas or difficulties with mobility. Though planned as short-term facilities, the camps anchored by these stations sometimes become well established. Because movement occurs away from zones of conflict and destruction and in many cases across a border, the designs of these transit facilities have a *++ E<: directionality that makes the camps administrative thresholds within what is diagrammatically a finely tuned procedural network. Procedures of resettlement and repatriation, as staging points of return, reverse the network’s flow when refugees and IDPs become returnees. In extreme circumstances, transit facilities have received five thousand displaced persons in one day, and difficulties of transferring refugees to other sites caused African locations, like Zaire’s Kibogoye Transit Camp, to become permanent settlements for as many as twenty thousand inhabitants. In this network, transit camps occur at distances approximating a complete day of travel, and way stations are temporary stopping points between transit facilities. Transit facility camps most typically address refugee movements and border situations but are also applied to internal displacement. The transit facility here serves as a site of relief with complicated issues of temporary permanence and eventual repatriation or resettlement, but does not, initially at least, have the same implications of sovereignty and asylum status found in the transit camps of control outside of the European Union j\\ ÈKG::XdgÉ`eZ_Xgk\i) .36 Refugees move through transit camps and way stations to arrive at the reception camp, where officials determine their status and suitable sites for relocation. At the nexus of transitional settlement planning for refugees, planners expect reception camps to receive “all displaced persons” for temporary shelter, medical services, and registration—making the camp, in concept, a site of influx, which is soon dispersed after phases of contingency and emergency. Planning recommendations for security place the reception camp a minimum of fifty kilometers away from border or conflict zones. Nominally, the reception camp operates between military and hospitality purposes.37 Reception centers measure the duration and geographic extent of conflict and have served as sites for on-the-ground media exposure of refugee operations. The reception procedure *+, gained an expanded audience when actress Angelina Jolie talked with refugees at the Kakuma Camp reception center in 2002, though the details of this sequence and the implications of the site’s unexpected permanence might have been lost in media coverage—it had been ten years since the camp’s founding for teenage displaced persons. *%. ;`X^iXdf]i\Z\gk`feZXdg`eKiXej`k`feXcJ\kkc\d\ek# )'',% :flik\jpf]Fo]Xd *+- E<: GIS Camp To image and network emergency camps is to facilitate response and relief. Networking a system of camps works from the ground up and can address social and technological imperatives. Imaging the camp and its context complements the networked site with overviews and information for analysis, even as the qualities of life on the ground cannot be fully imagined with the quantitative data. The use of geographic information and imaging parallels the sequence of making camps. As a conceptual and analytical tool, the resulting “GIS camp” serves as a procedural foundation for expectations and interpretations of camp conditions. Since 1999, the International Charter for “Space and Major Disasters” has been developing a unified system of space-data acquisition and delivery. Having begun with European and French space agencies, the charter has grown to include NOAA, USGS, Argentina’s CONAE, and Japan’s agencies. Imaging begins with the siting of the camp in the contingency and emergency phases. Satellite images, at 1:25,000 and above, allow for estimations of refugee populations and a review of site constraints, based on existing towns and border locations. As the emergency situation develops, higher-resolution remote sensing allows planners to understand the “clearing” of the camp—including studies of land-mine locations and the necessities of security. As the making of the camp proceeds, satellite images and aerial photographs at a scale of at least 1:10,000 allow for the analysis of infrastructure and organizational logistics. After the establishment of the camp, phases of consolidation and maintenance require updated population information and visualization of shelter locations in relation to aid and relief hubs. Improvements in remote sensing resolutions and connectivity between GPS and aerial imaging have aided in daily camp operations.38 *+. The mapping of camps and their contexts generates analytical information sets for coordination and response. At Hagadera Camp in northern Kenya, remote sensing and satellite imaging provided an overview for understanding refugee movement between the camp and the neighboring village of Dadaab, for locating the existing facilities set up by aid agencies, and for planning expansions of the camp. During the crisis in Kosovo, UNHCR used regional maps and other working documents to prioritize villages for assistance. Geographic information systems (GIS) data showing the percentage of heavily damaged buildings, the agency’s “village assessment” reports, and satellite imagery resulted in a “Shelter Priorities” map that facilitated relief efforts for the internally displaced population. Satellite imaging has also aided camp population estimates. In the case of the 1994 Rwanda crisis, U.S. and French military information and agency surveys refuted eyewitness accounts, influenced by media pressures, and remote sensing data continues to provide increasingly accurate counts—tools to estimate preliminary emergency responses.39 With imaging and field surveys, UNHCR has also developed vulnerability surveys to coordinate protection of populations most susceptible to violence and disease. Satellite and aerial information is often used to place the imaged camp in its environmental context. Observed changes in forest cover allow for the estimation of distances that refugees travel for wood fuel. Measuring the environmental impact of Benaco Camp in the Ngara region, it was found that refugees traveled more than twelve kilometers for firewood. And in Chad during the crisis in Darfur, radar imaging showed potential water resources. This radar detection combined with global positioning systems (GPS) to help locate potential sites of additional camps and to define the “GPS camp.”40 One of the greatest difficulties associated with the imaging of camps remains the translation of data into operational information. The networking of camps on the ground *+/ E<: increasingly provides connectivity not only for relief workers but also for refugees. Early work toward “sustainable information technology” included the Deep Field Mail System (1998), which linked agencies and supplemented conventional communication through VHF radios and coordinated meetings. The networked camp provides possibilities for social interaction and connectivity—facilitating the reunification of families, reducing psychological isolation, and creating opportunities for more immediate repatriation. More recent research, carried out in combined civilian and military studies, has addressed language translation, open-source communications, and network infrastructure. Strong Angel’s Pony Express models a mobile vehicle used to establish a wireless cloud that services the immediate area of emergency and provides what is called a “sync groove,” linking with other sites across a hypothetical camp j\\k_\ÈDfZbI\]l^\\ :XdgÉj\Zk`fe . Coordination has also improved with the development of such projects as Global MapAid, an NGO specializing in the distribution of GIS technologies.41 UNRWA Camp In 1949, the United Nations established its Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) to aid Palestinian refugees in the Near East. The UNRWA’s working definitions of and working relationships with camps constitute a unique, particularly long-standing permutation of the refugee camp. UNRWA camps are typically on state land or local landowners’ property leased by the host government.42 In these camps, Palestinian residents thus face a double displacement, removed from an original home *+0 territory and from land ownership. UNRWA also works in the camps at a remove, overseeing the accommodation of refugees, while nongovernmental host authorities manage the overall camp and its operations. In Lebanon, residents of UNRWA camps, as noncitizens, are not allowed to receive social services and are employed in relatively low-paying work. Palestinian refugees and the camp territories remain at the core of debates about statehood—stemming from one interpretation of the 1993 Oslo Accords that proposes Palestinian statehood in exchange for abandoning the Palestinian refugees’ right of return, which was allowed for by the Geneva Conventions. As sites of continued debate, conflict, and struggles for identity, the UNRWA camps are also notable for their longevity and density. UNRWA’s operational definition of the Palestinian refugee starts with the Arab-Israeli conflict of 1948 and specifically identifies those who resided in Palestine between June 1946 and May 1948 and who lost their dwellings and their sources of livelihood as a result of the conflict. UNRWA also extends assistance to descendants of Palestinian refugees, making the agency’s camps the potential home for an initial population of 914,000 in 1950 to more than 4.3 million registered refugees, including second- and third- generation Palestinians, by 2005. Jabalia and Rafah camps, two of the first UNRWA camps, have remained as settlements and illustrate the growth and politics of the Palestinian refugee camp. In 2005 Jabalia had a density of one person for each one hundred forty square feet of camp area, making it one of the densest, long-term settlements in the world. And because available materials and technology preclude vertical growth, the density of the camp is horizontally defined, making for complicated statistical evaluations and comparisons with urban areas like Manhattan, which Jabalia’s density exceeds threefold, and Macao’s St. Anthony Parish, to which its density is comparable.43 Thirty-five thousand refugees initially settled in the camp at Jabalia in 1948. Having fled the Arab–Israeli conflict in *,' E<: southern Palestine, the refugees first lived in tents and later in UNRWA-provided shelters. Although more permanent in their cementitious material, few shelters exceed forty square meters, and the camp lacks basic infrastructure, even as it has become more permanent. UNRWA laborers collect solid waste, and various sources provide water. Jabalia Camp is the origin of the first Palestinian intifada in December 1987. Established in 1949, Rafah Camp originally housed 41,000 refugees at the southern border of the Gaza Strip. After the second intifada in September 2000, the Israeli military demolished much of the camp’s structure along the immediate border with Egypt. Currently, the camp’s 17 blocks house 95,187 persons. Following Israeli occupation in Gaza, Rafah Camp was extended in 1967 to include land previously held as Egyptian territory. The five thousand refugees had been displaced by the widening of roads as a part of Israel’s security measures. The Canadian Contingent to UNEF administered the new camp, which thus became known as “Canada Camp.” In 1982, when international boundaries were redrawn, Canada Camp fell within Egyptian sovereignty, and by the end of 2000, families had been repatriated to the Gaza Strip.44 Camp Kit Toolkits for displaced persons ideally complement management techniques in emergency camps and provide a preliminary resource base before services have been set up. Throughout the twentieth century, camping kits have also outfitted recreational and military pursuits, from the early modifications of autocamping vehicles by North American tourists to the *,( military’s combat kits to more autonomous and individualized amateur survivalism and special operations j\\ÈJlim`mXc`jk :XdgÉ . Recommended provisions and equipment for organized camping regularly exceed what might be understood as absolutely necessary for the recreational camp. The Boy Scout camping equipment recommended for the World Jamboree illustrates these expanded resources j\\ÈNfic[ AXdYfi\\:XdgÉ`eZ_Xgk\i( . Though not as extensive, the official Boy Scout Camper’s Kit focuses on personal hygiene and includes biodegradable camp soap, an absorbent camp towel, a durable scrubber sponge, and a resealable bag. The Boy Scout Survival Kit combines a folding wing stove with fuel tablets, tea bags, candy, sugar, poly water bag, energy drinks, matches, aluminum foil, instant broth, and survival instructions—all contained within a 3½" diameter and 2½" tall cooking pot that also serves as a drinking cup. These camp kits serve pedagogically to demonstrate tools and techniques of survival. Emergency camp kits for displaced persons are critical exercises in economy and mobility. TheFEMA camp kit, in its large-scale distribution after Hurricane Katrina, relied on external sources for shelter and included the following essential postdisaster items: camp stove with dual fuel option, cookset, lantern also with dual fuel option, one-gallon safety fuel can, five-gallon water container, wash kit, first aid kit, dinnerware, five trash-can liners, and a safety warning sheet. The domestic Disaster Supply Kit recommended byFEMA indexes the necessary postdisaster items for camping at home, from water (one gallon per person for three to seven days) to pet care items j\\È9XZbpXi[:XdgÉ`eZ_Xgk\i( . But in cases of displacement, the provision of shelter remains a primary objective, and the kit becomes the camp. In the 1970s, Oxfam made early refinements to the emergency tent kit j\\È9cl\ KXig:XdgÉ and began a sequence of research that has sought to package shelters in portable and efficient containers. Designed for five-year use, Sanford Ponder’s Ico Pods are *,) E<: semipermanent shelters that ship as a kit of parts with eight- foot-long sheets of Coroplast, a recyclable polypropylene material. Designed for humanitarian relief operations as well as recreational and promotional activities, the Pods combine camp kit with prepackaged box. The boxing and packaging of camp resources indexes the perceived necessities of a postdisaster population. The boxed camp makes contributions tangible—a prepackaged mechanism for linking donors to particular places at a relatively low, unit-based cost. Since 1994 relief efforts in Rwanda, UNICEF has distributed “School-in-a-Box” kits to refugee camps. Packaged in an aluminum box with surfaces that can be used as blackboards with a painted application, each kit includes school supplies for eighty children. The kits are not meant as permanent educational solutions but often serve as lasting tools that fill gaps in the camp’s resources. UNICEF has also developed “Recreation-in-a-Box” kits, which include balls, colored tunics for team sports, a whistle, and a measuring tape for laying out playing fields. Other proposals for camp kits have included life-in-a-box kits and the “seed box.”45 This “box-to-save-the-world” idealism has framed artistic practices addressing the complicated interaction of refugee camp and ecology and the charged ethical questions of providing “adequate” shelter. In Ives Maes’s project for a Recyclable Refugee Camp (RRC), the proposed camp and its kit of parts become a rhetorical ground for debating not only the necessities and environmental impacts of displaced populations but also the role of art in the process of responding to disaster j\\ÈD\d\:XdgÉ . Maes designed and built the simple barrel vault out of biodegradable polyesters after interpreting UNHCR’s recommendations for refugee shelter j\\ÈGcXee\[:XdgÉ . But the RRC’s dried hemp, pigments, and resin remain in the art gallery’s confines and, for the artist, confirm the impossibility of creating either a disaster response or a work of art that is purely ethical. Through the medium and interpreted necessities of the camp, *,* Maes comments on the pitfalls not only of administrated, agency-generated responses but also of the difficulties of the artist as consultant to disaster response. The artist is well aware of this isolated positioning in the art world, but Maes, through the medium of the camp, has exploited that gap. Distanced but not detached, the RRC constructs a ground for dialogue about the camp, the kit, and the possibilities of ethical response. *,+ E<: *%/ @m\jDX\j#J_\ck\i# I\ZpZcXYc\I\]l^\\:Xdg II: #i\j`e#_\dg# g`^d\ek#)''+% :flik\jp f]@m\jDX\jXe[ g_fkf^iXg_\i8eemXe N\j\dX\c *%0 @m\jDX\j#J_\ck\i# I\ZpZcXYc\I\]l^\\:Xdg II: #)''+% :flik\jp f]@m\jDX\jXe[ g_fkf^iXg_\i8eemXe N\j\dX\c *,, *%(' @m\jDX\j#?XqXi[DXib`e^ Jpjk\d#I\ZpZcXYc\I\]l^\\ :Xdg II: #)''-% :flik\jpf]@m\jDX\jXe[ g_fkf^iXg_\i8eemXe N\j\dX\c *,- E<: Staging Camp Difficulties of mobilization, political forces, and administrative complexities slowed the deployment of FEMA trailers following Hurricane Katrina. Aerial photographs of undelivered and stockpiled trailers in Hope, Arkansas, were featured in news coverage and editorials criticizing FEMA’s management of the disaster response. Eight months after the hurricane’s landfall, as many as 1,500 trailers were in place within “enclosed” urban sites of New Orleans and the Gulf Coast, an estimated 10,000 trailers were in yards and side yards, and 10,000 more disaster-affected persons were waiting for trailers to be delivered. In July 2006, almost 10,000 empty trailers remained in Hope. FEMA’s network of staging camps also included Disaster Recovery Centers in Slidell and Covington, Louisiana, where disaster victims could register for trailers, and a main staging area in Purvis, Mississippi. One year after Katrina’s landfall officials estimated that more than 140,000 FEMA trailers were in use or in storage in the two Gulf states.46 *,. *,/ E<: *%(( 8\i`Xcm`\nf]?fg\# 8ibXejXj% 8G@dX^\j& ;XeepAf_ejkfe *%() FeJ\gk\dY\i(*#)'',# kiXm\ckiX`c\ijn\i\Y\`e^ jkX^\[`eGlim`j#D`jj`jj`gg`% = *%(* K\dgfiXip_flj`e^le`kj Yifl^_k`ekf_flj\= *,0 Fitted Camp As government officials hastened to find shelter for evacuees in the chaotic days following Hurricane Katrina, Carnival Cruise Lines agreed to a contract that would house over seven thousand displaced people on three of its ships—Holiday, Ecstasy, and Sensation. The cruise ships’ decks became campsites on September 4, and Michel Foucault’s heterotopia had been formed.47 The irony of “carnival” as the named site for hurricane relief also recalls William James’s observations a hundred years earlier after the earthquake in San Francisco, where he noted an unexpectedly festive atmosphere in the devastated city. Whether by name or by experience, the novelty of such extraordinary circumstances quickly disappeared as the longer-term realities of displacement became apparent. Three weeks after the Carnival Cruise Lines contract, an outraged Congress would launch an investigation into the quarter-billion-dollar contract. One senator noted that it would have been substantially cheaper to have sent evacuees on an all-expense paid six-month cruise, which might typically cost $599 per week, rather than to have paid the cruise company $1,275 per week to anchor the half-filled ships in the Mississippi River and Mobile Bay.48 In the hurricane’s immediate aftermath, FEMA head Michael Brown had said that the agency was investigating a range of housing options, including state parks, military bases, private homes, and emergency trailer homes. But the immediacy of the displacement demanded temporary shelters. Besides occupying the cruise ships, evacuees camped in the New Orleans Convention Center and the much larger arena-camp of the Superdome j\\ÈDXjjJ_\ck\i:XdgÉ . The use of such “collective centers” as fitted camps varies in duration and appropriateness. Based on official determinations, the “fit” between site and displaced persons differs from the *-' E<: more independently generated adapted camps j\\È8[Xgk\[ :XdgÉ`eZ_Xgk\i( . An inevitable disruption of the modified site’s daily operations is weighed against the urgency of need, making these camps central to postdisaster and conflict- induced discussions of value and community objectives. At Fendell Camp, an estimated seven thousand internally displaced persons lived in classrooms of the University of Liberia’s College of Science and Agriculture. UNHCR began a voluntary resettlement process in 2004 after university officials requested a return to educational purposes.49 Under UNHCR’s emergency guidelines, the use of schools, barracks, hotels, and gymnasiums is common practice to accommodate provisionally displaced persons. But the adaptation of religious sites is less frequent. Laotian Hmong refugees had camped on the grounds of the Wat Tham Krabok, a Buddhist temple near Bangkok, since the early 1990s when United Nations camps closed. Rather than go to the agency-sponsored transit camp that was set up pending repatriation, the former residents of Laos, many of whom had been accommodated in Ban Vinai’s dense camp that had closed in 1992, chose to settle in the temple’s camp. Thailand’s government closed the camp in 2003, and in December of that year the U.S. State Department announced the resettlement of fifteen thousand Wat Tham Krabok refugees to Wisconsin. According to camp residents, the temple founder had prophesied the camp’s closure and the resettlement. Before his death in 1999, Abbot Phra Chamroon Parnchand said that the refugees should leave the temple when the pond on the grounds dried up as it did in 2003. Perhaps not aware of the prophecy’s motivation and the significance of the unique link between camp and temple, Thai government officials viewed this process as evidence that resettlement can occur without subsequent influxes of refugees, and Wat Tham Krabok has become a model for other projects such as Tham Hin Camp, also called “Karen Camp” after the site’s largest *-( ethnic group. The temple at Tham Krabok continues to function as a treatment center for drug addiction.50 Immediate postdisaster adaptations also provided staging areas for relief and security, with procedures adjusted by official perceptions of necessity. Problematizing the emergency appropriation of urban sites and blurring need and control, New Orleans officials adapted the Union Passenger Terminal as a temporary judicial space. The resulting “Camp Greyhound” showed how a transportation hub might be transformed into a “transit center” of detention and imprisonment j\\ ÈKiXej`k=XZ`c`kp:XdgÉ . After officials set the curfew at 6 p.m. during the weeks following Hurricane Katrina, the bus terminal held fugitives and violators of the postdisaster curfew. A week after Katrina made landfall, Camp Greyhound also served as the site for magistrate proceedings in which New Orleans Magistrate Judge Gerard Hansen conducted trials in a makeshift courtroom. Principally enacted to address the influx of fugitives after the hurricane, the uninterrupted judicial measures then traveled to an improvised courtroom at Orleans Parish Prison. To the north of the city, a sports facility, substantially smaller than the Superdome’s mass shelter, was transformed into “Camp Zephyr” to house military preparations and recovery efforts. The baseball stadium for the New Orleans Zephyrs and the training facility of the New Orleans Saints professional football team were staging sites for National Guard troops during the response to Hurricane Katrina. *-) E<: Mass Shelter Camp New Orleans officials advised residents to prepare for the approach of Hurricane Katrina as if they were planning to go camping. By 8 a.m. on August 28, 2005, the Superdome was declared a “refuge of last resort.” As Katrina moved closer, city residents’ status moved further from home, and evacuees were soon called “refugees.” The course of events rapidly transformed naming conventions as well as spaces of desperate response. And the Superdome became a camp for twenty thousand disaster victims, whose loss of privacy was countered by the expectation of safety—a condition eventually compromised by the tearing of the arena-tent’s weathering membrane in the hurricane-force winds.51 The floodwaters transformed the Superdome’s site into an island, the arena’s design sealed the interior conditions from easy visualization, and the nationally televised spectacle of disaster took place outside in the dome’s immediate urban context. Many evacuees remained in the Superdome until September 4, when relocation to the Astrodome was completed. As a part of New Orleans’ disaster plan, the Superdome had been used as a shelter briefly in 1998 when Hurricane George threatened the city. During Hurricane Katrina, emergency officials also designated other sites in the city as disaster centers and shelters j\\È=`kk\[:XdgÉ . These collective centers fall into the category of “mass shelter,” one of UNHCR’s three types of emergency settlements. Although refugees, technically defined, did not comprise its displaced population, the Superdome and the Astrodome did match the agency’s factors for this kind of shelter: urban area, transit accommodation, “not continuously inhabited during normal use,” and the availability of water and sanitation.52 But each arena’s large scale and “field” conditions made the provision of lodging more like camping than might be associated with *-* *%(, *%(+ *-+ E<: *-, *%(- @ek\i`fim`\nf]I\c`Xek 8jkif[fd\#?fljkfe#K\oXj# J\gk\dY\i)'',% 8e[i\X 9ff_\i&= *-- E<: other adapted buildings recommended by UNHCR, such as hotels, barracks, and schools.53 In the postdisaster adaptations of New Orleans’ and Houston’s sports arenas, necessity trumped control, but as the situation deteriorated in the week following Hurricane Katrina the facilities did take on a panoptic framework, if not characterized by military surveillance, then by a massive public spectacle of hardship and displacement. Today, most of the images that we see from Hurricane Katrina’s mass shelter camps are those from inside the Houston Astrodome, where evacuees had been relocated by September 4. In these photographs, a well-ordered grid of cots and resources cover the artificial surface of the playing field. In one end zone, a large bulletin board serves as a low-tech information resource, contrasting with the darkened Jumbotron screens. Photographs inside the Superdome after Hurricane Katrina’s destruction present evacuees as spectators partially filling the arena’s seventy-thousand seats—witnesses to the hurricane’s damage and the lack of immediate postdisaster response. Eerily, the empty field is lit by brilliant rays of posthurricane sun, illuminating a sodden campsite and highlighting the dislocation of evacuees, sleeping, watching, and waiting in the seats. The disadvantages of mass shelter as camp, succinctly outlined by UNHCR, were apparent. These sites can quickly become overcrowded, sanitation and other services can become overburdened, equipment and structure can be damaged, the refuge buildings are no longer available for their original purpose, and evacuees experience a loss of privacy. Post-Katrina mass shelter camps, momentarily substituting disaster evacuee for Saints fan, gave a generally prosperous nation an indication of global displacement’s realities, reminding us of a society’s vulnerability, and foreshadowing a secondary permutation of postdisaster camping life in the protracted trailer settlements and group housing sites j\\ÈGcXee\[:XdgÉXe[È= *-. Mock Refugee Camp Agencies have developed refugee camp simulations for educational and research purposes.54 Funded by Doctors Without Borders (MSF), an exhibit titled “A Refugee Camp in the Heart of the City” traveled to New York, Atlanta, and Nashville to demonstrate the spaces, procedures, and inhabitants of refugee camps. MSF aid workers served as guides and asked visitors to the outdoor venues to imagine that they were among the millions of people fleeing violence and persecution worldwide. Tours of the 2006 camps proceeded didactically through MSF’s relief materials and equipment, with areas marked by interrogatory signage, its direct messages asking: Will I be safe? What will I eat? Where will I find water? Can I get medical care? Where will I live? These questions narrate not only the basic necessities of displaced persons but also the methods of delivering services, helping visitors to visualize the stark realities of refugee housing, the logistics of food distribution and water management (two gallons per person per day), and the multifaceted health resources necessary to sustain the camp’s population—facilities that include a health clinic, vaccination tent, therapeutic feeding center, and cholera treatment center. Visitors to Central Park’s 2006 exhibit moved from the Strawberry Field’s recognizable landscape through a simulated minefield into the realities of Afghanistan, Colombia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Sudan and Darfur. The Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) erected a model refugee camp in Oslo on World Refugee Day in 2003, and a UNHCR tent set up in Amsterdam’s Leidseplein Square provided the venue for a documentary about Chechens in the refugee camps of Ingushetia. The interior of the “Filmtent for a Refugee,” which subsequently crossed The Netherlands, included makeshift furnishings and boxes for viewers to witness Sheltered Life. The tent’s white polyethylene surface was temporarily converted to a film screen. *-/ E<: *%(. *%(/ ]fccfn`e^gX^\ CXpflkf]È8I\]l^\\:Xdg È8I\]l^\\:Xdg`ek_\ `ek_\?\Xikf]k_\:`kpÉ ?\Xikf]k_\:`kpÉ`e `ek\iXZk`m\flk[ffi\o_`Y`k% :\ekiXcGXib#DXe_XkkXe% D[\Z`ejJXej=ifek` i\j :flik\jpf]KfdBf\e\ *-0 *%(0 Jl[Xe\j\j_\ck\i#XkÈ8 I\]l^\\:Xdg`ek_\?\Xik f]k_\:`kpÉ\o_`Y`k#E\n Pfib:`kp% :flik\jpf] C`e^lXO *.) E<: Relief agencies have also developed video games to raise awareness of refugee camps among school-age children. Described as the “first humanitarian video game,” Food Force takes gamers on a series of six educational missions that entail decision making and rapid responses—drawing on gaming’s requisite combination of quick thinking and physiological reactions. The game’s sequenced modules, from short-term emergency plans to the longer-term organization of food security, include Air Surveillance, Energy Pacs, Airdrop, Locate and Dispatch, Food Run, and Future Farming. The United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) produced the game as an active rather than passive method of engaging a target audience of eight- to thirteen-year-olds.55 Gamers visualize the refugee camp through the management and supply of food resources and the logistics of the relief-aid hub camp. Inspired by Food Force and released in 2006, Darfur is Dying is a “narrative-based simulation” in which play begins from the perspective of a displaced Darfurian leaving camp to obtain water and then proceeds from the viewpoint of a camp manager responsible for the Sudanese IDP camp’s humanitarian functions.56 Through the choice of avatar, its first-person perspective, and the facility of its viral distribution, the game actively engages players in the life of a camp and moves in and out of the camp’s simulated space. The game’s interface and narration also effectively use the situation’s very real distances, asking at the end of each round: “As someone at a far off computer, and not a child or adult in Sudan, would you like a chance to try again?” *.* *%)' JZi\\ej_fkf]=ff[=fiZ\# D`jj`fe(18`[?lY:Xdg% :flik\jpf]Nfic[=ff[ Gif^iXd *.+ E<: In June 2000, military personnel, local volunteers, and aid organizations convened on a remote lava field for Operation Strong Angel, the first in a series of integrated “disaster response demonstrations.” For five days, the mock refugee camp at the base of Pu‘u Pa‘a, on the Big Island of Hawai‘i, served as an experimental site testing the coordination of civil and military organizations. This was an adjunct project to the larger planned operations simultaneously conducted by Rim of the Pacific (RIMPAC) 2000, the largest maritime military exercise in the Pacific. Planned as the first U.S. military training for a humanitarian mission, Strong Angel would subsequently influence the development of U.S. Department of Defense Directive (DoDD) 3000.05, which formally identified necessities of military support in humanitarian situations and placed equal weight on stability and combat operations.57 Directed by Navy Commander Eric Rasmussen, the Strong Angel program also initiated research on information management in extreme environments. In the simulated refugee camp, field researchers found public health coordination to be a main problem among the more than one hundred volunteer “refugees”—resulting in proposals for a globally deployable, humanitarian communications system j\\È>@J:XdgÉ . Results also suggested that aid responses require a “whole systems” approach—an idea of synergy tested further at a follow-up charrette organized by the Rocky Mountain Institute at Santa Barbara’s El Capitan Canyon in February 2002.58 Charrette attendees discussed design methodologies to complement Strong Angel’s research into the organization and logistics of refugee camps. Thus, from a remote simulation in Hawai‘i to the rustic camp and retreat center at El Capitan, researchers looked for transdisciplinary linkages between sustainability and necessity, with the premise that in refugee camps sustainability is necessity. How can a model refugee camp be designed that not only addresses the immediate concerns of disaster-driven displacement but that can also be transferred to an expanding global population, *., which increasingly requires the sustainable settlements in severe environments? In addition to its legacy of civilian efforts continued at El Capitan, Strong Angel’s mock refugee camp tests military influences on the humanitarian environment. To better understand the emerging combinations of civilian and military aid, the United Nations requested that the group continue its research at relief sites that did not have a previous military presence. Not just modeled through the interface of a video game or the mediated space of exhibits, these interactions place the refugee camp at the center of questions about how aid should be administered and how populations, whether displaced or not, can be sustained— ethically charged pressures that now confront us directly. *%)( DfZbI\]l^\\:Xdg#Jkife^ 8e^\c#Ale\)'''% :flik\jpf]Jkife^8e^\c *.- E<: Blue Tarp Camp Blue tarpaulins, ubiquitous in emergency camps, have come to symbolize transience and need. The blue tarp’s technical lifespan of less than two years has maintained the camp’s ephemerality in spite of protracted relief efforts and an imagery that has proven inveterate in the global conscience. Homeless encampments in Tokyo and Seattle, postearthquake schools in Pakistan’s Achilemon Camp, and UNHCR camps in northwest Rwanda have employed blue tarpaulin material in their construction. In the United States, FEMA has primarily used blue tarps in its disaster recovery programs, while international relief agencies have procured other colors as well. Oxfam called for black tarps in its influential plastic sheeting guidelines, which were the long-standing source for techniques and assemblies used by aid organizations in the 1970s and 1980s.59 Two pieces of plastic sheeting are the main components of Oxfam’s emergency kit for temporary shelter, calling for four- by seven-meter reinforced black plastic and four by four reinforced green plastic sheeting—the latter cut diagonally to close the ends of the ridge tent. Black roof and green door came to represent Oxfam’s relief operations. In another context, tent material was emblematic of cases of homelessness in Paris. Off-the-shelf red tents, emblazoned with the SDF logo for “sans domicile fixé,” dramatically lined Canal Saint-Martin j\\ÈJ;=:XdgÉ`eZ_Xgk\i( . UNHCR’s logo appears on all of the plastic sheeting deployed in its emergency operations, branding relief and specifying a particular standard of material and aid. Further quantifying the materials of the relief camp, UNHCR in 2000 detailed its stock of 1.3 million square meters of plastic sheeting to prepare for emergency operations.60 If Oxfam’s early kits occurred during the nascent use of polyethylene shelter material, then UNHCR’s resources mark the promotional and technological *.. precision of contemporary tarpaulin camps. With technical improvements that allowed for the weaving of the plastic fibers and thus increased strength, the three-layered tarpaulin emerged as the preferred material for rapid shelter construction in postdisaster situations. UNHCR specifies an internal layer of high-density black polyethylene fibers laminated on both sides with a layer of low-density polyethylene, reinforced and grommeted at the edges.61 Between 2000 and 2006, UNHCR moved from specifying plastic sheeting with one side white and the other blue to “white on both sides, with printed UNHCR logo on both sides for maximum visibility.” Although the blue tint allows for the visible transmission of light, white offers greater reflectivity, and the middle black layer offers a degree of privacy to those in shelters. In North America, blue tarpaulins have been used to repair and weatherproof damaged houses—permanent dwellings made temporary by natural disasters. These unforeseen encampments have remained and have unexpectedly solidified as identifiable places, such as “blue tarp city” in Arcadia, Florida, after Hurricane Charley in 2004. These contexts have also politicized the blue tarp and its enveloped “camps.”62 Increased home insurance rates resulted in two competing Florida political campaigns. In these “Blue Tarp Tours,” candidates carried pieces of blue tarpaulin material. And with criticism, particularly after the Hurricane Katrina response, FEMA’s “Operation Blue Roof” became emblematic of flawed methods of delivering and contracting relief efforts. Under the program (in 2004 after the Florida hurricanes and in 2005 after Katrina and Rita), homeowners with more than half of their roof remaining structurally intact could apply for the installation of a temporary blue roof to weatherproof their home until funds and material were available for other roofing materials. By some accounts, as a result of multiple levels of subcontracting from FEMA through the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers to prime contractors and finally down to installers, the cost of a blue tarp roof equaled the installation of asphalt *./ E<: shingle roofs. As a result, the blue tarp became a function of “fifth-tier subs”—equally axiomatic of the Gulf of Mexico’s postdisaster region.63 And New Orleans’ journalists, bloggers, and folk musicians capitalized on the rhythm and connotative symmetry of the phrase “blue tarp blues.” *%)) Elii`B`d#Kfbpf9cl\j# )'',% :flik\jpf] Elii`B`d *.0 Though further removed from its physical application in camps and postdisaster zones, the blue tarp’s iconicity and imageability have influenced art, commodity, and fashion. In her work Tokyo Blues, Nurri Kim documents and repackages the use of blue tarps by the Japanese city’s homeless population and in its ongoing construction, which she has called the “archaeology of the moment.” In these photographs, the blue tarp occurs at the threshold where shelter is being built up and taken down. It is a scab, it waterproofs, it shades, it is wall, it covers a roof, or it might wrap a sleeping body. As a mass- produced datum of materiality and chroma, blue tarps measure the social and urban constructions of homelessness, in the complexity of its variations and the immediacy of its visual consumption. In posturban and postdisaster landscapes, we move from blue tarp to blue tarp, in a survey not unlike the media’s postdisaster tours in New Orleans. Other artists have ritualized the blue tarp as a tool of domestic camping and have found a spiritual irony in its ubiquity.64 Commodification of the blue tarp extends from the refugee camp to the fashion runway. Along with other aid disbursements, blue tarps are sometimes sold in refugee camp markets. And after Hurricane Katrina, festivalgoers wore blue tarp clothing in the Mardi Gras parades in spring 2006 and 2007. In February 2006 Antoine’s restaurant hosted a fundraiser for America’s Wetlands, requiring fashion designers to integrate blue tarps into their entries. This event translated the blue tarp’s symbolism into a device to address a need. The self-referential activation of the blue tarp’s iconography makes use of camp as a performative “camp” and perhaps at the same time demonstrates an inevitable urban pathology, in which a camping mentality has become a popular, though by no means acceptable, presence. *%)* *%)+ Fo]XdXe[LE?:Ik\ekj 8jj\dYcp`ejkilZk`fej]fi `eGXb`jkXe% A\]]i\p Fo]XdK\dgfiXipJ_\ck\i% 8ljk`e)''- :flik\jpf]Fo]Xd */' ITEM QUANTITY 7 metre x 4 metre 1 reinforced black plastic sheeting 4 metre x 4 metre 1 reinforced green plastic sheeting 2 metre long x 25mm 3 diameter metal tent poles 1.9 metre ridge poles 2 male and female 40 metre guy rope 1 Wooden guy 6 adjustment block 450mm guy rope pegs (18°) 6 250mm tent pegs (10°) 10 Card of 10 eyelet 1 reinforcements Accessories bag 1 *%), B`kc`jkf]Fo]XdK\dgfiXip J_\ck\i% :flik\jpf]Fo]Xd */) E<: Campus Camp In 2005, Hurricane Katrina damaged college and university campuses in its path, suspending classes and dispersing thousands of faculty, staff, and students. The disaster destabilized educational systems, as the emergent interest in distance learning became a forced reality for some students, while others sought placement at peer institutions.65 For the fall semester, Tulane’s students and administration generated an academic network across the country—a national campus of postdisaster necessity. But postwar exigencies sixty years earlier had already challenged the institutional and physical permanence of the North American university campus by transforming campus into camp and, in this refashioned semantic connection, suggesting new modes of planning for event and structure. During this time—the middle of the twentieth century—expediencies of growth and a lack of infrastructure transformed the university campus. Along with urban expansion and academic reorganization, the events of World War II completed the redefinition of the idealized Jeffersonian campus and transformed its frontier position into a more pragmatic threshold between wartime exigencies and a nation’s sanguine expectations of production. With the G.I. Bill of Rights, student enrollment increased threefold by 1948. Out of necessity, military camp infrastructure followed returning veterans and their families to campuses, where decommissioned building components provided housing and classrooms across the country. With its appropriation of military resources aided by the proximity of the region’s many bases and the political connections of a university president who had served as U.S. Commissioner of Education, the University of Florida provides an exemplary case of this rapid transformation of the nation’s university campuses.66 Thousands of servicemen and */* women who had passed through Florida’s Camp Blanding recalled the area’s agreeable climate and chose the region’s university for their return. Before the war, 3,000 students made use of twenty-one permanent buildings within the Olmsted firm’s campus design. By the 1948 academic year, temporary buildings accommodated more than two-thirds of the 10,200 students. Salvaged barracks provided housing on the campus periphery, and university officials deployed other military building stock as infill in the main campus. Juxtaposed with the courtyard organicism of the collegiate Gothic footprint of the early twentieth-century buildings, the module of the mass-produced military structures exceeded the preexisting buildings in number and quite literally measured the layout and space of the campus. The experience of this contradiction augmented the contrast between the monumental and the temporary in the new campus layout. The displaced military structures acquired new meaning by their proximity to the more established institutional signifiers. At the same time, they transformed the collegiate identity of the campus layout through a shift in scale and a temporality that subdues, even disguises, the original campus infrastructure. Olmsted’s landscape had been cleared for the military camp.67 *%)- K\dgfiXipYl`c[`e^Ofe Le`m\ij`kpf]=cfi`[X ZXdglje\XiLe`m\ij`kp 8l[`kfi`ldXe[:\eklip Kfn\i#8gi`c)'#(0-(% Le`m\ij`kpf]=cfi`[X 8iZ_`m\j *%). K\dgfiXipYl`c[`e^e\okkf ZXdgljc`YiXip% Le`m\ij`kp f]=cfi`[X8iZ_`m\j */+ E<: */, The integration of salvaged military buildings within the University of Florida’s campus also reversed and undermined the military camp’s form of organization. This modification of the campus simultaneously transformed the military camp’s buildings and the campus itself into a more informal and seemingly provisional camp, one that did not have the hierarchically arranged structures expected in a comparable military construction. Military camp and university campus also collided at Rutgers University. With the absorption of Camp Kilmer as a satellite campus in the 1960s, the university joined a second wave of postwar university expansion. Named after the soldier-poet Joyce Kilmer, the decommissioned military camp served as the site for the negotiation of institutional imperatives and academic reorganization.68 The scale of the camp afforded a relatively open field for development. In addition, the population of the camp, at its maximum use during the height of the war, parallels that of a modern state university, many of which doubled their student population in the postwar decades. For strategic camouflage, military planners had laid out the camp to resemble from the air a country hamlet with meandering roads, adjacent fields, and chapel spires in the colonial style. After the war, university planners, who were faced with the continued expansion of the student body, found in the camp a suitable context for developing the cluster college concept that paralleled the idiosyncrasies of Camp Kilmer’s plan. This fusion of camp and campus addressed the problem of reconciling rationalized plans with individualized freedoms to meet academic objectives within the increasingly centralized political authority of university administration during the 1960s and 1970s.69 And the university’s student body fit the camp—with Rutgers’ thirty-five thousand students almost equaling the fifty thousand soldiers stationed two decades earlier at the camp complex. At Rutgers, Florida, and across the country, temporary plans proved inveterate and became permanent solutions, and */- E<: Work Camp When William James began a 1906 speech at Stanford University, “The war against war is going to be no holiday excursion or camping party,” he was excluding one camping practice to frame another, still theoretical, type of camp that might substitute for a declining system of military training camps. From the outset, James expected to draw on his audience’s immediate associations with an increasingly populist activity. The psychologist himself had camped with other luminaries in New York’s Keene Valley, and it was clear that */. James saw the camp as not only a place of escape but also a site for engaging vital questions of the time j\\ÈG_`cfjfg_\ijË :XdgÉ`eZ_Xgk\i( . Seven years earlier he had already visited the camp at Chautauqua, where he decried what he saw as its impertinence and distance from urgent issues of the time.70 For James, the camp was a pragmatic ground where connections with nature, family, and colleagues might inspire questioning and deliberation and lead to social applications. James sites his famous essay “What Pragmatism Means” in a camp where the philosopher, as camper-narrator, returns from a walk in the woods to find fellow campers heatedly debating the physics and metaphysics of a squirrel’s movement around a tree.71 James’s Stanford speech, titled “The Moral Equivalent of War,” argues for an organized national service to fill a void left by the decline of the militia system—a problem that would subsequently be addressed by the work camps of postwar Europe and Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal j\\È::: :XdgÉ . And, as if to foreshadow the many applications of this new war on war and its necessary responses to nature, the San Francisco earthquake struck only weeks after the pivotal lecture. Traveling thirty miles north, James witnessed the event’s effects and the postdisaster encampments that followed. Having read James’s essay, which was first published in 1910, Pierre Ceresole put into practice what he saw as a peace army to direct post–World War I relief efforts. The first international work camp administered to the war-torn village of Esnes near Verdun, France, and led to the formation of the Service Civil International (SCI). In 1920, this work camp involved both German and French citizens—symbolizing the reconciliation that Ceresole’s group espoused through the camps.72 Like James’s implied alignment of campaigning with camping, or more precisely campaigning as a moral version of camping, Ceresole saw the work camp as an active way of living out political and moral obligations, exemplified by his own status as a conscientious objector. Under the premise of *// E<: camping as the venue to carry out “volunteering as way of life,” SCI became a philosophy of “Deeds not Words”—mutual aid as opposed to charity. This idea combined with components of learning, making the experience at camp one of “work- study.” As the work camp evolved, the “educational aspects” and the “international exchange”—components most connected to the social organization of “camp”—became as important as, if not more important than, the “work” itself. The camp was ultimately a site for experiencing the “utopia of peace becoming reality.” The work camp format has continued to evolve, and today SCI coordinates international voluntary projects for short terms of two to four weeks and for a longer duration of three to twelve months. Because the international work camp is an “open-ended” experience, SCI has developed a philosophy of work camps to guide participants in thinking about the camping experience.73 Participation takes on a clear aspect of pragmatism in the guidelines, which include the commitment to group experience, to working out decisions and problems together, to attending the work camp to its completion, and to being sensitive to the “camp’s place in the community.” The work camp is a guest space with an active but sensitive mission to sustain peace, aid a community, and train the work camp’s participants in relating to communities, honing a particular skill, or quite simply making peace. The camp blog is an essential part of the SCI website, and for that matter its public presence. Blogs mirror the flexibility of the camping process in its response to emerging ideas and situations j\\ k_\j\Zk`feÈ!:XdgÉ . The camp blog typically begins with virtual discussions of siting the project and then postings from the field as the camp and the project are made. Physical interaction is essential, according to SCI’s mission of service, which engages both volunteers and communities to promote peace.74 The camp has become a site for education and service— often called “service learning” today. */0 CCC Camp On March 31, 1933, the U.S. Congress authorized the president to direct emergency conservation work “for the relief of unemployment through the performance of useful public work.”75 The purpose of the resulting Emergency Conservation Work (ECW) agency was to conserve and develop the nation’s natural resources. As government-administered versions of the work camp model, ECW camps hosted a half million unemployed youth by the summer of 1935. ECW camps became CCC camps with new legislation in 1936, creating the Civilian Conservation Corps and limiting enrollment to three hundred thousand men—a total made up of unmarried male citizens between the ages of seventeen and twenty-three, no more than thirty thousand veterans, and a maximum of ten thousand American Indians. Enrollees were required to devote a minimum of ten hours per week to “general educational and vocational training”—concretizing the learning component of CCC’s overall mission.76 As the main fiscal agent, the War Department served as the primary administrator within a complicated network of governance by three other departments—Labor, Agriculture, and Interior. Throughout its nine-year history, the program administered more than four thousand CCC camps. In the early years, army tents accommodated workers, but by 1934 experiments in prefabrication supplied more permanent buildings for the camps. Under the direction of Robert Fechner, mass production in the 1930s exceeded twenty thousand panelized buildings within the standard U-shaped camp plan of twenty- four structures.77 “Side camps” were set up as temporary adjuncts to the main standardized CCC camp. Typically made up of tents, these camps provided lodging for enrollees working deep in the forests and served as lookout stations for forest fires that might endanger the main camp or the site’s *0' E<: natural resources. With the nation’s growing involvement in the Second World War, priorities and necessities shifted away from James’s “war against war” and back to the defenses and burgeoning economies of war. CCC camps rapidly became military camps for use as training centers and prisoner-of-war camps—each camp making room for a shift from necessity to control.78 Before the exigencies of war caused the conversion of the CCC camps, officials debated the future of the Corps. At the center of these discussions in 1940 was Sharon CCC Camp, an ECW camp from 1933 to 1935 that came to be known as Camp William James by reformers who wanted to remove military control of the camps and to foster greater connections between camp and community. Although the CCC was one of the more popular New Deal programs, public concerns about the War Department’s involvement in the camp network had been voiced since the start of the program. And before U.S. participation in the war intensified, reformers and CCC administrators were expecting the camps to become permanent fixtures in the nation’s economic and natural landscape.79 Camp William James’s supporters—including Eleanor Roosevelt and newspaper columnist Dorothy Thompson—sought generally to open Conservation Corps camp enrollment to all income levels, and more particularly to use the Sharon Camp as an experimental training center for leaders who would replace the military command. Influenced by the eponymous philosopher’s speeches and writings, this camp movement also espoused a service model developed by Dartmouth professor Eugen Rosenstock-Huessy. In 1933—the same year Roosevelt ordered the start of conservation work— Rosenstock-Huessy had emigrated to the United States to escape the Nazi regime, which had appropriated the voluntary youth service camps he had developed in Germany in the 1920s, echoing James’s proposals and his own follow-up to that idea in 1912.80 The Dartmouth professor believed the camps to be the ideal location for blurring class distinctions *0( and addressing locally urgent needs. With Tunbridge and Sharon area farmers lacking a necessary labor force and the CCC camp at Sharon in disuse, Rosenstock-Huessy and others saw an opportunity to experiment with a reformed service program. But, in spite of executive approval as a “side camp” in November 1940, the camp remained under the Corps’ control, and the methodological and philosophical challenges to the CCC program politicized the movement. These problems forced Camp William James to break camp after three months of operation. This campsite has undergone many permutations since Camp William James and its earlier incarnations as the ECW site Camp Downer State Forest in 1933. Most recently, Camp Downer occupies the site after incorporation in 1945 as Downer 4-H Camp. Following in the tradition of 4-H and Conservation Corps programs, both camps engaged a strong “learning by doing” mission. The camp has long been associated with the Downer State Forest, donated by Charles Downer for the purpose of educational study, and maintained links to the Dartmouth University Extension Service until 2004, when the site became Camp Downer. American author Robert H. O’Brien, who served as a student volunteer at Camp William James, summarized his camping experiences and the legacy of the service camp: “I also in my youth was touched by fire. . . . The sacrifices it [work at the camp] inspired, the nobility of its purposes, the diversity of those who were participants . . . a cross-section of youth in American society. That was Camp William James. When I retired about 12 years ago and looked back at my life, I realized that was the pivotal experience.”81 This theme of national youth service as a rite of passage cuts through the philosophy behind volunteer work camps and points toward a logical evolution of CCC camps if war and politics had not intervened. *0) E<: Gypsy Camp The Gypsy camp has served as the site for avant-garde speculation, has been appropriated by the popular imagination, and has been regulated by government planning. But the camp remains the integral environment for Gypsy life, and the Gypsy camp continues the practice of a necessary autonomy—tracing the imperatives of a thousand years of nomadism and self-regulation. As with other ethnically defined spaces, Gypsy camps vary widely; for that matter, the term Gypsy itself is problematic. But as spaces of traditionally nomadic practices, resistance, and control, these camps are an essential part of the discussion of camps’ global network. In one sense, Gypsy generally denotes an ancestral race descended from Hindu castes who fled northern India in the eleventh century and then fragmented into multiethnic groups with residual linguistic and social commonalities. Gypsy camp then refers to a tradition of nomadic settlement, as opposed to increasingly sedentary groups whose more rooted populations have differentiated themselves from tent-dwelling (corturari) and camp-dwelling (lăieşi) Gypsies.82 In the United Kingdom, Gypsy-Traveller camps have been factors in planning legislation and public debate about rights of access and use of common lands. After World War II, Gypsy-Travellers camped in London’s bombsites, finding in the dereliction of these urban scars temporarily free spaces for itinerant living. After limitations put into place in 1947 and 1960 acts, the 1968 Caravan Sites Act called on local councils to provide sites for Gypsies and Travellers to camp, while at the same time empowering the councils to evict itinerants from roadside campsites. Although policies of toleration in Scotland limit eviction until a “pitch target” has been reached, subsequent legislation in 1994 repealed councils’ duty to provide campsites and generally increased UK councils’ power *0* to remove Gypsy-Travellers from unsanctioned encampments.83 A taxonomy of campsites resulted: “roadside sites” identifying unauthorized camps, “private sites” promoted in 1990s acts seeking to transfer planning responsibilities away from councils, and “council sites” owned and managed by local authorities and in many cases located on marginal land near highways, runways, and garbage dumps. The privatization of campsites resulted in the radical decrease in the number of planning permits issued, as a result of a high denial rate of applications filed by Gypsies and Travellers. To reverse this trend, a supplement to the Planning Act (2004) was issued in 2006 to mediate “interests of the settled community” with the traditional nomadism of Gypsies and Travellers. These camps have essentially become the visible ground of debates about the autonomies of Gypsy law and the defended necessities of the host country’s laws.84 This most recent attention given to the Gypsy-Traveller community, which according to UK government statistics includes 16,000 caravans, has provoked additional controversy with the provision of government funds. This 2006 circular offers guidance to Gypsies and Travellers making planning applications and adds “rural exception site” to the lexicon of planned Gypsy camps.85 Gypsy camps are also sites of avant-garde speculation and have been thematized as carnival spaces. In 1958, avant-garde artist Constant Nieuwenhuis produced the model for a Gypsy Camp. Earlier, touring his friend Giuseppe Pinot-Gallizio’s property, he observed the campsite of Zingari Gypsies who had found refuge on the riverside site after having been evicted from the neighboring town of Alba’s livestock market. The mobile units and improvised shelters within “a temporary, constantly remodeled living area,” held communally under a single roof, generated Constant Nieuwenhuis’s plan for New Babylon. This vision anchored the urban nodes of a global camping experiment: “a camp for nomads on a planetary scale.”86 Many years earlier, the Gypsy caravan, on display at the World’s Columbian Exposition in Chicago, had inspired a *0+ E<: nascent autocamping society. Gypsy camping practices influenced carnival slang—Gypsy camp denoted the tent or booth of a fortune-teller.87 Cinematic spaces have frequented the Gypsy camp, and southern California’s Knott’s Berry Farm originally themed its Boardwalk attraction as a Gypsy camp. In the United Kingdom, New Travellers have modeled their own alternative spaces of resistance on the Gypsy camp, while for most Gypsy-Travellers the camp itself remains a necessary space of identity. Not just conceptualizing Gypsy space but returning artistic speculation to the originary site, Stalker’s Campo Boario provides a historically charged space where the group experiments with nomadic living, urban itinerancy, and Situationist-inspired methods of analyzing the city. Just as Romani law might inform the host entity’s legal system, Gypsy camps might inspire alternate settlement patterns and forms of dwelling: not as an avant-garde experiment in urbanism, but as a more pragmatic recognition of difference within a globalized camping world, maintaining and transforming frontiers while remaining free from xenophobic controls.88 Meme Camp On August 29, 2005, many of the 35,600 participants at Burning Man received intermittent news of Hurricane Katrina’s landfall on the Gulf Coast. After breaking camp in Nevada, a group traveled to southern Mississippi and set up another camp to contribute to relief operations. The resulting postdisaster relief camp, with its first iteration called Camp Katrina, imitated the Burning Man theme camp in its formation, ritual, and principles. Each Saturday, relief workers *0, were joined by community members for a campfire to burn art pieces improvised from scavenged materials. This ritual burning marked the end of a week’s activities, razing damaged structures and clearing debris, and mirrored the “burning of the man” at the culmination of the Black Rock City festival. The camp’s objectives combined necessity and predilection and thus relate closely to the ten principles established for Burning Man. The Burners working at Camp Katrina practiced radical inclusion, gifting, community participation, civic responsibility, and communal effort, among other codes of conduct previously outlined by festival organizers. Located in Pearlington, Mississippi, Camp Katrina became what has been called a “meme camp.” Rather than imitating standard, or institutionally defined, practices of relief work, Camp Katrina referenced the model of the festival. At Camp Katrina, disaster relief combined with art production, and community service became ritual. If the theme is disaster relief, then the camp, by the rules established at Burning Man, must be participatory and a “playful challenge” not to the desert territory but to the postdisaster landscape of the Gulf Coast. Camp Katrina generated the organization “Burners Without Borders” (BWB). With its mission and projects coming directly out of the experiences in Pearlington and Biloxi, BWB is an “international network of volunteers dedicated to creating community through social good works that reflect inclusion, self-reliance, civic responsibility, gifting, and above all, the belief that doing good can be fun, and done with style.”89 The “meme” camp becomes a genetic code for the further development of relief efforts. Not transferred directly by fixed types, the code is inherited through successive disasters and missions and continues in the collective conscience of an established and ritualized event—in this case the Burning Man festival. A general response is qualified by the specificity of place and the camping mechanism of the meme camp, which imitates a holiday or festival event rather than a standardized form. The meme camp is the ethically thematized disaster relief camp.90 *0- E<: *%)/ :XdgBXki`eX1Cf[^`e^Xk9lie\ijN`k_flk9fi[\ijËd\d\ ZXdg#G\Xic`e^kfe#D`jj`jj`gg`% 9lie\ijN`k_flk9fi[\ij Xe[BBGXe[pX#_kkg1&&Ylie\ijn`k_flkYfi[\ij%fi^ *0. *%)0 :XdgBXki`eX1:XdgÔi\Xk9lie\ijN`k_flk9fi[\ijËd\d\ ZXdg#G\Xic`e^kfe#D`jj`jj`gg`% 9lie\ijN`k_flk9fi[\ij Xe[BBGXe[pX#_kkg1&&Ylie\ijn`k_flkYfi[\ij%fi^ *0/ E<: Homeless Camp Under an Interstate 375 overpass in St. Petersburg, Florida, a homeless man uses principles of feng shui to lay out his tent, Hawai‘i homeless groups camp on the beach, tent cities in Seattle migrate through the city’s church parking lots, and the legacy of Chicago’s Tranquility City remains in disaster- and development-related village camps. Homeless camps blur boundaries with conditions of autonomy and control, but arise out of the necessity for space. More precisely, need for autonomous spaces, within situations of limited support, begets camps. Just as homelessness is not an inherent quality but rather a set of circumstances, homeless camps measure the effects of social conditions. Such camps arise informally out of necessity in marginalized urban areas, under viaducts and along transportation corridors and easements. Other forces formalize the homeless camp. Activists sometimes graft the homeless camp to practices of activism. With the village concept camp as one outcome, homeless populations self- organize and make the camp a site of transitional permanence j\\ÈM`ccX^\:feZ\gk:XdgÉ . This potential hybridity of the improvised and the prescribed further complicates the dwelling space and its basic necessity with degrees of publicity, political meanings, and layers of program—activities formally programmed or informally domestic. In Seattle, advocate groups have developed a method to provide sheltered accommodations for the city’s homeless population. Recognizing connections between the emergency situation and the formation of tented camps, the nonprofit group SHARE/WHEEL negotiated and signed an agreement with the Seattle City Attorney’s Office in March 2002 to allow a “temporary emergency tent encampment” to be established on private land under a set of guidelines and standard rules.91 In its first four years, Tent City 3, as the Seattle version is *00 known, moved forty-two times, accommodating one hundred of the city’s estimated six thousand homeless people, in church parking lots and other privately owned locations. With the success of its project, which goes back to 1990 through its first two iterations, the nonprofit group has established Tent City 4 to extend its emergency shelter to King County in a May 5, 2004, agreement that allows for encampments on County- owned property. Agreements with both the City and the County require twenty-foot setbacks from the campsite’s property lines, fire and health inspections, and a duration limited to ninety days and occupancy to one hundred registered residents.92 Tent City’s Code of Conduct prohibits weapons and alcohol, requires tolerance and nonviolence, and calls for attendance at one or more of the community meetings held each week. In February 2005, university campus and homeless camp came together when Seattle University hosted Tent City 3 on its outdoor tennis courts, which are not used during the winter months and provided a semiprivate area screened by fencing and a dense tree line j\\È:Xdglj:XdgÉ . Framed as a part of its Jesuit Catholic mission, the camp continued the university community’s conversation about homelessness—a dialogue begun with a universitywide reading of Gary Smith’s Radical Compassion about the Jesuit priest’s work with homeless communities in Portland. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the Atlanta activist group known as the Mad Housers provided “huts” to form homeless encampments—work that culminated in the construction of Tranquility City on Chicago’s Near West Side in November 1991. The Mad Housers began with a group of architecture students at Georgia Tech in 1988, and their work falls in the later phases of the direct action movements that generated peace and protest camps j\\ÈGifk\jk:XdgÉ`eZ_Xgk\i( . Given the Mad Housers’ mission to raise awareness of homelessness and to initiate rehousing programs, Tranquility City essentially began as a protest camp before emerging as a longer-term, tightly knit communal space. The Mad Housers viewed the +'' E<: assemblage of huts as symbols of social inequity—the camp as a visualization of Chicago’s homeless problem j\\ÈJ;= :XdgÉ`eZ_Xgk\i( . This connection extends historically and geographically through Chicago’s urban landscape. The Metra’s Union Pacific West tracks, which formed the spine of the Tranquility City encampment between Green, Halsted, and Lake Streets, connected the site to the area’s rich history of social consciousness and transitional housing patterns. Halsted’s north-south axis links Jane Addams’s Hull-House, one mile south of Tranquility City, to the Halsted bridge’s homeless settlements and “Pallet City,” which immediately preceded the homeless camp’s formation.93 While the Mad Housers stated clearly that the huts were not permanent housing but were instead “temporary, emergency shelters,” the organization also understood that the most viable homeless camps endure: “The best indicator of a camp’s future longevity is its longevity.”94 With many of the camps on derelict or disregarded land, typical building restrictions did not apply, and the Mad Houser huts similarly avoided building code considerations with their lack of permanent foundations and their categorization as temporary and emergency shelters. The Mad Housers also recognized privacy and proximity as two critical issues in the siting of huts and shelter projects. During its nearly eight-month duration, the homeless camp’s population peaked at fifty inhabitants in twenty-two huts, each measuring 6 by 8 by 10 feet to the peak of the roof. At the heart of the debate about the camp at Tranquility City was the meaning of public space. The activity of camping did not simply create Tranquility City, but the spaces of preexisting, citywide social networks combined with the attributes of site, politics of ownership, and pragmatics of security to make the homeless camp a viable context for its eight-month duration. Ultimately, the camp became a public space that maximized a freedom already restricted by policy and public opinion and perception. What had been marginal became central to the lived +'( spaces of a group of homeless people. Here, autonomy as freedom came about from a sense of security and ownership in contrast to the institutional shelters deemed insecure by many homeless residents. Within a broader framework of necessity, autonomy allowed for a degree of control over one’s own life. Tranquility City made room for the slippage between protest camp, social space, and autonomous zones. The necessity for a response, structured by the activist groups, soon provided, as an alternative solution to the shelters, a community with private spaces and a quite unexpectedly communal infrastructure, before succumbing to public visibility not wanted by the inhabitants but desired by the Mad Housers. In the camp’s spaces, its inhabitants, temporarily no longer “homeless,” found room for privacy, peace, and solidarity. After the provision of shelter, the homeless group was then empowered, on its own and in many ways not needing Mad Houser input, to self-advocate and to protest for a larger homeless population.95 The camp might be seen as a site that served as the nexus of larger social issues, a starting point for dialogue and for debate. Tranquility City’s story highlights the paradoxes of camp space, how a site accommodates, however uneasily, the aspirations of diverse actors and at the same time provides, however temporarily, a zone for dwelling, however minimally. +') E<: *%*' K\ek:`kp*#J\Xkkc\ Le`m\ij`kpZXdglj% :flik\jpf]J\Xkkc\ Le`m\ij`kpXe[8e`c BXgX_` +'* Village Concept Camp On June 3, 2006, former residents of New Orleans’ public housing and members of the United Front for Affordable Housing formed Survivors Village across from St. Bernard Housing Development. Calling on the “right of return” for the “Internally Displaced citizens” of New Orleans nine months after Hurricane Katrina made landfall, the groups protested the plans for demolition of the housing complexes, the protracted rehabilitation, and the continued closure of many livable public housing units. Organizers set up a tent city in the median of the 3800 block of St. Bernard Avenue and established a temporary community center for meetings and activities. Adapted as a form of protest, this “village concept” for the camp supported the objective of providing temporary housing and meeting space and of symbolizing the residents’ displacement for the Housing Authority of New Orleans (HANO) and city officials. And on January 15, 2007, after further notification of the scheduled demolitions, Mayday NOLA notified city officials that it was occupying the unrenovated, but deemed for the most part livable, St. Bernard Housing Development at the request of its former residents. City plans called for the redevelopment of many public housing sites as mixed-income projects—changes that would displace previous residents. With these encampments, tenant groups and residents sought to demonstrate the necessity of affordable housing—“the village will come down when all the people have housing.”96 The camp, as village, became the ideological and practical refuge after disaster-induced, and a related strain of development-induced, displacement. Although equally disaster-prone, Umoja Village emerged not after a hurricane but from a lack of low-income housing in Miami-Dade County and has become a widely publicized site of protest for homeless advocates. On October 23, 2006, +'+ E<: a group of local organizations cleared vacant public land at the corner of 62nd Street and NW 17th Avenue as a part of Liberty City’s “Take Back the Land! Project.” This consortium of activists, including Low Income Families Fighting Together (LIFFT) and the Miami Workers Center, established these social spaces on the precedent of Pottinger v. City of Miami, a legal settlement establishing that the city’s policy of arresting homeless people who were carrying out “life-sustaining conduct” on public land was illegal. Umoja Village then operates not within the fissures of zoning or land policy, but instead works from the legal system’s decisions for its control of land tenure and its dwellings of necessity. The village camp existed not by legal exception but through lawful recognition. And the village concept of the camp is held within the camp’s name—Umoja, as one of the seven principles of Kwanzaa, is Swahili for “village” and “unity.” Less formally, the site was known as the “Pallet Palace,” based on the predominant use of recycled pallets for building material. In its functionality and the semantic depth of its name, Umoja exemplified why camps are chosen over other modes of subsistence and symbolism—a pragmatic and rhetorical spatial practice of village life.97 Dignity Village in Portland epitomizes the village concept camp as a space of self-organization, extensive in its territory and layered in its accretion over time. The village began as Camp Dignity on December 16, 2000, when eight homeless men and women pitched tents on public land near the city’s Broadway Bridge. After moving from camp to camp, members of the group—led by Jack Tafari—settled at the Sunderland Recycling Facility on the urban periphery. Architect Mark Lakeman, who designed the village’s community center and helped develop the master plan, calls the site a “dynamic self-help environment.” Sited on paved land adjacent to Portland’s airport, the village includes open plazas for recreation, and residents have organized weekly council meetings. Materials range from clear plastic sheeting and oilcloth to wooden pallets and recycled building +', components. The site’s impervious ground and its exposure to the elements have also required that tents be converted to more durable shelters. With this growing permanence and programs such as the Village Building Convergence (VBC) in 2003, the village has become an alternative model for sustainable design. Out of necessity, residents have employed wind power, water collection, and strawbale construction, making the village concept camp a site of self-determination and at the same time relaying an effective plan for public space.98 *%*( :Xdg;`^e`kpfe;\Z\dY\i (.#)'''#k_\?fd\c\jj =ifekÇ8c\oC`ccp#AG:lgg# K`d9ifne#AXZbKX]Xi`% ;`^e`kpM`ccX^\&?fd\c\jj =ifek *%*) 8\i`Xcm`\nf]\Xicp \eZXdgd\ekXk;`^e`kp M`ccX^\ Z`iZc\j`e[`ZXk\ glYc`ZjgXZ\jj\kXj`[\]fi ]lkli\g\idXe\ek Yl`c[`e^j % :flik\jpf] DXibCXb\dXe *%** ]fccfn`e^gX^\ M`\nf];`^e`kpM`ccX^\# Jle[\icXe[PXi[#GfikcXe[# Fi\^fe#)'')% GXlc =ljZf&DX^eld +'- E<: +'. Migrant Camp Contemporary migrant camps accommodate workers who are typically noncitizens and move with changes of the seasons. U.S. federal guidelines define the migrant as someone who works in the agricultural, fishing, or dairy industries and moves at least once every thirty-six months because of work. Housing for migrant farm workers, with an estimated population in excess of 2.5 million, has become increasingly problematic.99 Migrant streams move north and south through the continental United States, linking migrant camps in a transitory network. Migrant camps have endured in North America’s collective memory through literature and a geographic inveteracy. In The Grapes of Wrath, John Steinbeck mythologized the realities of Depression-era migrant camps, which he first observed at Arvin Migratory Labor Camp, also known as Weedpatch Camp. Before writing his Pulitzer Prize–winning novel, Steinbeck wrote a series of articles for the San Francisco News from October 5 to 12, 1936, later published as the pamphlet Their Blood Is Strong. Depression-era workers’ settlements included a wide range of camps, from ditch-bank camps set up along irrigation ditches in farm fields, to camps increasingly regulated by the U.S. government. The Farm Security Act of 1937 stipulated the construction of permanent migrant camp facilities in areas of concentrated agricultural production. On January 23, 1942, the Farm Security Administration (FSA) signed a cooperation agreement with the U.S. Employment Service structuring the Migratory Camp Program (MCP). FSA camps, also called migratory labor camps, were planned to correct health and sanitation problems and to relieve housing pressures on local governments. Intended as complete communities, these camps were for the most part self-governing environments with camp courts and camp councils as well as mimeographed newspapers.100 +(' E<: By the early 1940s, designation of many camps had changed from “migratory labor camp” to “farm workers community,” and camp managers saw the camps’ purpose as paralleling that of the CCC camps to conserve natural resources. Some conservative politicians, growers, and business groups were suspicious of the role of the camps and the government’s support of them, fearing unionization and labor movements, which were perceived as subversive. Migrant camps were certainly a topic of political discussions, leading to Arthur Rothstein’s assignment to document the sites at FSA director Roy Stryker’s exhortation in March 1940: “I still want you to get to California and to get us a series of detailed pictures on the camps, so we will quit being harassed so much by people around Washington for this particular type of photo.” Within a month, Rothstein produced two hundred photographs of Visalia Camp.101 With wartime pressures, the farm labor program was moved from the FSA to the War Food Administration in 1943. After the war, a 1951 agreement with Mexico solidified the Labor Importation “Bracero” Program, and Bracero camps accommodated guest workers until 1964. Today, regulation of migrant camps remains, but community is rarely promoted, and only unregulated camps receive photographic and media attention. The U.S. Department of Labor’s regulations for “temporary labor camps” outline a minimum set of standards, under the aegis of “occupational safety and health” and in keeping with its general environmental controls. Shelters must contain at least fifty square feet of floor space for sleeping purposes with a minimum interior ceiling height of seven feet, beds must be elevated at least one foot off the floor, and triple-deck bunks are prohibited. The minimum window area is one-tenth of the floor area. Multifunction rooms for living, sleeping and cooking must provide at least one hundred square feet per occupant. Other standards regulate lighting, sanitation, and water supply. In spite of regulatory frameworks, migrant camps—particularly those on private land—can include unacceptable living +(( conditions. In Mecca, California, grape pickers sleep in parking lots during the season. Before their eviction in 2006, documented and undocumented migrant workers lived on a piece of land in McGonigle Canyon between Carmel Valley and Rancho Penasquitos for fifteen years. After being displaced, the estimated three hundred migrants reestablished a camp nearby. A similarly unregulated permutation of the migrant camp is the itinerants’ camp formed by tradespeople seeking work after disasters. Under Interstate 610 along New Orleans City Park’s Marconi Meadow, a spontaneously constructed tent city housed postdisaster workers from other regions of Louisiana and from outside the state. The devastation in South Florida after Hurricane Andrew also attracted itinerant workers, who camped along roadsides and in fields next to restaurants and taverns outside Homestead.102 Hobo Jungle Britt, Iowa, hosted the first Hobo Convention in 1900. The town’s auspicious location along the east-west railroad lines and its continental centrality made its hobo camp an appropriate site for the annual meeting, administered today by the Hobo Foundation. On the northeast side of town, next to the railroad tracks, hoboes, both practitioners and emulators, convene to celebrate a heritage of itinerancy.103 A posting on the foundation’s website outlines the contemporary context of Britt’s hobo camp, known traditionally as the “hobo jungle”: +() E<: Choice Lot for sale in Britt Land by Hobo Jungle in Britt for Sale Located between old car wash and motorcycle paint building. Lots of Hobos camp there the week of Hobo Day. Farmers Trust and Savings Bank in Britt, Iowa. Asking price is $10,000. In spite of these programmatically atopic environs, the Hobo Convention invests the hobo jungle with ritual and myth. Each year the convention begins around the campfire with the ashes ceremony that combines ashes from other hobo gathering campfires, from cooking fires made daily during transcontinental travels, and from people who did not make that year’s convention. The gathering of the ashes and the lighting of the fire also draw from Native American ceremonies of the four winds, with the south as renewing threshold, the west as fleeting mortality, the north as ancestral wisdom, and the east as enlightened return. Train and wind mix to form a syncretism in which the dying hobo “catches the westbound.”104 Historically, the hobo camp falls between the homeless camp and the work camp. According to the 1939 Year Book of Hoboes, a hobo is an “itinerant who works as he hoboes along.” Defined by necessities but delimited by desires for independence, the hobo camp precedes and later parallels the federal transient camps organized by the U.S. government during and after the Depression. In their early permutations, “hobo jungles” were rail-yard camps. And in the 1930s, cities were considered dangerous for hoboes, who found the possibility of community on the urban margins in chronically, though ephemerally, settled sites where hoboes might come together for momentary respite from an itinerant life. In his influential work, Nels Anderson described the ideal jungle site: It should be located in a dry and shady place that permits sleeping on the ground. There should be plenty of water for +(* cooking and bathing and wood enough to keep the pot boiling. If there is a general store nearby where bread, meat, and vegetables may be had, so much the better. For those who have no money, but enough courage to “bum lumps” it is well that the jungles be not too far from a town, though far enough to escape the attention of the natives and officials, the town “clowns.”105 Jungle camps allowed for short- and longer-term occupancy. Temporary camps served as relay points for hobo movement, and more permanent camps, typically near well-traveled rail lines with frequent stops, provided grounds with many leftover amenities, such as shaving kits, cooking pots, and campfire fuel. Hobo camps served educational purposes, as training sites for young hoboes and as repositories of local information. The camps oriented travelers and provided navigational tools for finding work and moving from place to place. The camp was a roadside lyceum: The jungle also is the kindergarten for the road kid and the academy for all. Here are learned the techniques of survival and even enjoyment. There is, at the simplest stage, the two-times table of tramping: the shorthand code of symbols which the floater’s eye picks up on a town’s signboard or gatepost, the half-moons and triangles and interlinked circles and crossed lines that indicate in hieroglyphic detail the reception a hobo can expect and the potentials for working or bumming.106 The hobo camp’s pedagogical intent remains in the contemporary hobo conventions, highly accessible to amateur and lifelong itinerants alike. Less accessible, though equally interested in studying the life on the road, are the hobo meetings that remain today—their locations determined by word of mouth and their presence contested as it has been for more than a century of semiorganized and semiautonomous hoboing.107 +(+ E<: *%*+ ?fYfAle^c\#EXk`feXc?fYf:fem\ek`fe#9i`kk#@fnX% 8]k\ik_\c`^_k`e^f]k_\ale^c\ZXdgÔi\#_fYf\j\dgkp k_\Xj_\j]ifdfk_\iZXdgÔi\jXZifjjk_\Zflekip`e k_\XeelXcZ\i\dfep% :flik\jpf]8e^`\Af_Xeej\e *%*, :\i\dfepf]k_\=fliN`e[jXkk_\?fYfAle^c\# EXk`feXc?fYf:fem\ek`fe#9i`kk#@fnX% :flik\jpf] 8e^`\Af_Xeej\e +(, Survivalist Camp Camps for survival are made to fit the body. The most common error in putting together such a camp is to make the shelter too big. And the well-made camp is the essential link in the inexorable logic of survivalism. U.S. Army Field Manual FM 21-76 outlines one exemplary thread of this rationale: “Prolonged exposure to cold can cause excessive fatigue and weakness. An exhausted person may develop a ‘passive’ outlook, thereby losing the will to survive.”108 In the military field manual’s strategic guidance, site selection is BLISS. This mnemonic device holds the generic template of material availability, scale, protection, and environmental conditions— consistent with typical, noncombat practices. As with other publicly available military manuals, the survival manual is in common distribution and can be found in varying formats packaged for recreational campers and survivalists alike. BLISS tempers the common camping attributes with the militaristic essentials of survival and strategy: B—blend in with surroundings, L—low silhouette, I—irregular shape, S—small, S—secluded location. Seasonal variations further characterize the location of the site and the type of survival shelter chosen for the camp. +(- E<: *%*- 9\cfn$^ifle[[\j\ik j_\ck\i% L%J%8idp=`\c[ DXelXc=D)($.- +(. *%*. ;\Yi`j_lk% L%J%8idp=`\c[ DXelXc=D)($.- +(/ E<: *%*/ GfeZ_f&gXiXZ_lk\j_X[\ j_\ck\i% L%J%8idp=`\c[ DXelXc=D)($.- *%*0 +(0 +)' E<: Shelter options include the poncho lean-to, no-pole parachute tepee, swamp bed, field-expedient lean-to (with fire reflector), tree-pit snow shelter, and debris hut. The latter type is considered “one of the best . . . for warmth and ease of construction. When shelter is essential to survival, build this shelter.” If not a product of circular logic, the result of this essentialist formula is an angled ridgepole, with one end propped up for entry, and a lattice of ribbing with a one-meter thick layer of insulating “debris” material.109 And if this debris construction is the archetypal survivalist hut, then the desert shelter is the corresponding typology for cave camping. FM 21-76 recommends that the desert camp’s shelter be built before the heat of the day, and its below-ground space reduces midday temperatures by twenty degrees. Further reducing heat gain, an additional thirty-centimeter air space between two poncho liners purges reradiated heat from the camp’s envelope. The survivalist camp is an exercise in survivability and sustainability. *%+' GXiXZ_lk\_XddfZb% L%J% 8idp=`\c[DXelXc=D )($.- +)( The Globetrotter has now been deployed within the Globemaster. To accommodate government officials traveling across Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Iraq, Airstream trailers have been embedded in a Boeing C-17 Globemaster military cargo jet named the Spirit of Strom Thurmond. Its own naming conventions spanning the reserved innocence of “Bambi” to the recreational imperialism of “Globetrotter,” Airstream has manufactured travel trailers with aeronautically inspired design and technology since the 1930s—a streamlined style that in February 2007 housed Vice President Dick Cheney between Oman and Islamabad. In April 2006 Donald Rumsfeld also traveled in this hull within a hull—marketed by Airstream as a “home away from home”—during one of his surprise visits to Baghdad with Condoleezza Rice. During these flights, reporters sit in jump seats between the C-17’s shell and the three Airstream sections that have been welded end to end. On another trip in this airborne camping vehicle, Mark Silva of the Chicago Tribune crawled on the floor of the cargo jet to find the nameplate and to confirm its identity— “Airstream, Jackson Center, Ohio.”1 In the 1950s and 1960s, Wally Byam, Airstream’s founder, led caravans through Europe, Central America, and Africa and considered himself an ambassador of goodwill and American values. With his caravan’s Airstreams floating across the Atlantic and traveling seemingly impassable desert tracks, Byam imagined a global network of land-yacht harbors where world travelers might rest, see the sights, and learn about distant societies. Emblazoned with its global array of visited +)) @E$=C@>?K:8DG sites, his “World’s Most Traveled Trailer” upended North America’s midcentury isolation, bringing Jackson Center, Ohio, into contact with Hong Kong, Kiev, and Nairobi. In its idealism, this quest suggested—even if with a hint of land-yacht imperialism—that travel afforded education and a way of living open to other places and cultures. Byam had begun his career in trailer design behind his house in Los Angeles—a backyard camp of particular significance today for a burgeoning DIY community. This work prepared him for his start in the trailer industry as a salesman for William Bowlus, a former U.S. Army Air Service mechanic and RV entrepreneur who had supervised the construction of the Spirit of Saint Louis. Byam acquired Bowlus-Teller in 1936 after the company’s bankruptcy and developed the land yacht that would again be airborne in the C-17’s flying hull. The palletized Airstream/C-17 hybrid has its roots in previous U.S. government adaptations of the company’s trailers. Their streamlined forms symbolizing an efficient relief effort, fifteen trailers served as mobile hospitals for the U.S. Army Medical Corps during the Kennedy administration. And on July 24, 1969, Richard Nixon greeted the crew of Apollo 11 through the sealed rear window of the Airstream, which served for three weeks as a mobile quarantine facility (MQF) to protect campers on earth from lunar pathogens. With these events, the Airstream provides a seamless transition from the moon to a travel trailer floating on an aircraft carrier to the broader populist ideals of self-containment practiced by full-time trailer enthusiasts in long-term visitors areas. The durability of its monocoque shell and integrated chassis also made it the vehicle for the Civil Defense Test in 1955 in the Nevada desert. Parked in “Doomtown, USA,” the trailer received minor damage from the atomic bomb dropped two miles away. What then does the in-flight installation of the Airstream—heavily laden as it is with industrial efficacy, entrepreneurship, and recreational exploits—mean for the transformation of a machine for living into a machine for diplomacy and a politics of power? +)* <%( Gi\j`[\ekI`Z_Xi[E`ofe Xe[XjkifeXlkjf]k_\ 8gfccf((d`jj`fe#Alcp)+# (0-0% E8J8 +)+ @E$=C@>?K:8DG Byam’s legacy of Airstream caravanning culminated in the Caravan around the World between 1963 and 1964. In a television miniseries, Vincent Price narrated the 34,000- mile journey of Byam’s successors—a global tour that began its Asian leg in Tokyo and exited Europe through the port of Lisbon. Like the distinguished visitors (DVs) in the C-17’s “Silver Bullet” forty years later, the Caravan passed through Kabul before camping in the Afghanistan desert where, Price would report, the tourists baked an apple pie in the Airstream stove. On these caravan tours before his death in 1962, Byam the trailer advocate practiced what he called “person to person diplomacy” at the “four corners of the world.” Airstream’s camping aura that followed the recreational diplomat now surrounds the DVs within the protracted military theater at the beginning of the twenty-first century.2 In the early 1990s, U.S. Air Force research laboratories developed two Silver Bullets to accommodate official visits to remote areas of conflict. The modified trailers have been maintained by the 621st Air Mobility Operations Group at McGuire Air Force Base, whose mission includes providing “theater air mobility operations for combatant commanders” and executing the “distinguished visitor airborne communication mission.” Lodged within its C-17 berth, each Silver Bullet has full command and control capabilities, linked to three satellites, secure voice and data transfer, and video teleconferencing. The trailer’s executive and communication suites fall within advanced technology development budgeting, which in 2006 and 2007 included plans for a replacement module called “Steel Eagle.”3 But the Silver Bullet has also been the Silver Palace. The Airstream camp is upscale, symbolic of a class of travelers who before midcentury were differentiated from other recreational itinerants by FBI chief J. Edgar Hoover, who contended that the tourist camp harbored criminals and caused instability in neighboring communities. The Airstream has resisted such aspersions. It is unlikely that U.S. officials would travel in a Winnebago or a Spartan trailer, and the mainstreamed imaging +), of its fashionably polished aluminum skin cloaks seemingly contradictory spaces—now admitting supermodel, world leader, and tourist to a camping procedure that moves between summer camp and clandestine camp. And just as Byam played the adventurer, the capitalist, and the politician, the globalized in-flight camp conflates nostalgia and power, an idealist’s pragmatism, and a treacly imperialism. After the Silver Bullet carrying Dick Cheney arrived at Bagram Air Base outside Kabul in February 2007, journalist Silva interviewed troops at Koele Barracks—one of whom likened the base to summer camp “except you have to stay here for a year.”4 This chronic summer camp does more than problematize our understanding of life on the base; it necessitates a recalibration of how camp’s terminology is used and what it means to camp. The territory that camp traverses is uneven, requiring not just topography but also topology and pointing toward a complex taxonomy. The collision of recreational module with military-political apparatus is not just an uneasy fusion of civilian and military equipment in a camping vehicle with global reach (the C-17 has a range of almost six thousand miles); it is also a collision of autonomy and control—an interaction that can be argued out of necessity. The in-flight camping vehicle offers the amenities of the travel trailer along with its powerful mobility and modularity, here deployed in the “global war on terror.” The privacy afforded by the shell within a shell insulates the leader from traveling cohorts, whether press crew or soldiers, and the double insulation of this multilayered fuselage protects its passengers from the foreignness that Byam sought so intrepidly. The in-flight camp of the Airstream/C-17 hybrid inverts the openness and freedom of the recreational campsite, where the semipublic zone of the campground flows through a trailer’s spaces. Here autonomy serves the interests of national security, and control exists for the double protection of national leaders from domestic inquiry and international dangers. But this space is perhaps made necessary by the lost innocence of Byam’s and our own camping excursions. +)- @E$=C@>?K:8DG <%) J`cm\i9lcc\k`e:$(. kiXejgfikgcXe\% I\gi`ek\[ n`k_g\id`jj`fef]k_\ :_`ZX^fKi`Yle\2Zfgpi`^_k :_`ZX^fKi`Yle\2Xcci`^_kj i\j\im\[ +). EFK Introduction 1. The immediacy and range of the events that these camps accommodated prompted me to review their typological permutations of contemporary space. In doing so, I sought to continue previous research that focused on camping as place-making and how a campsite becomes a home. See my previous book Campsite: Architectures of Duration and Place (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2008). The campsite affords a link to place based on methodologies of camping practice, and the study of global camps requires, in many cases, a shift in focus from place to space. 2. R.M. Schindler, “A Cooperative Dwelling,” T-Square 2 (February 1932): 21; in August Sarnitz, R.M. Schindler Architect: A Pupil of Otto Wagner between International Style and Space Architecture (New York: Rizzoli, 1988), 49. 3. Pauline Gibling Schindler to unknown, May 22, 1922, Getty Research Institute for the History of Art and the Humanities, Los Angeles; in Elizabeth A.T. Smith and Michael Darling, eds., The Architecture of R.M. Schindler (Los Angeles: Museum of Contemporary Art, 2001), 110. 4. Butor writes about this building process: “An encampment that has settled, but without solidifying completely; huts and shanties that have been enlarged and improved, that have been made comfortable, but without ever losing their ephemeral feeling. Turkish Istanbul . . . is truly the expression of an empire that collapsed on itself as soon as it stopped growing. In the great bazaars awning had turned into roof.” +)/ EFK See Michel Butor, The Spirit of Mediterranean Places, trans. Lydia Davis (Marlboro, VT: Marlboro Press, 1986), 23–24. 5. Rudolph leads up to this conclusion with the following: “Even with the modules or the trailers, I think only about twenty-eight percent of them actually get moved from a site because making the foundations and hooking them up with water is too great an expense.” See “Interview with Robert Bruegmann,” compiled in “Chicago Architects Oral History Project,” Ernest R. Graham Study Center for Architectural Drawings, Department of Architecture, Art Institute of Chicago, February 28, 1986, http://www.artic.edu/aic/collections/dept_architecture/rudolph.pdf. 6. See also David Greene’s Locally Available World Unseen Networks (LAWUN) described as “instant villages . . . (camping scene not included),” in his essay “Gardener’s notebook,” in Peter Cook, ed., Archigram, 110 (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1999). 7. Peter Adam, Eileen Gray (London: Thames and Hudson, 2000), 211. See also Caroline Constant, Eileen Gray (London: Phaidon, 2000). 8. Latrobe quoted in Talbot Hamlin, Benjamin Henry Latrobe. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1955), 319 –332. 9. Charles Eliot, 1922; cited in American Camp Association, Directions: Youth Development Outcomes of the Camp Experience (Martinsville, IN: American Camp Association, 2005). 10. Wright summarizes this transitional status: “A camp we shall call it. A human inhabitant of unmitigated wilderness of quotidian change—unchangeably changing Change. For our purpose we need fifteen cabins in all. Since all will be temporary, call them ephemera. And you will soon see them like a group of gigantic butterflies, conforming gracefully to the crown of outcropping of black splintered rock gently uprising from the desert floor.” See Frank Lloyd Wright, An Autobiography (New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1943), 310. 11. James’s speech, “The Moral Equivalent of War,” was published in McClure’s Magazine, August 1910, 463–468. +)0 Chapter 1: Autonomy 1. Conference organizers, supported by the German architecture journal “An Architektur,” asked “how to criticize the demands of a capitalist production of space?” Participants included architect Bryan Bell, Simone Hain, Roemer van Toorn, and the group Basekamp, whose Philadelphia “home base” interrogates the relationship between camp and exhibition space: camp as demonstration and gallery but also exhibit as camp j\\ÈDfZbI\]l^\\:XdgÉ . In November 2006, the camp reconvened at Casco in Utrecht, The Netherlands, with the follow-up topic “Theorizing Architectural Resistance.” Sited in “Megawatt Valley” near Leeds, England, the Climate Action camp was modeled on the 2005 eco-village constructed in opposition to the G8 Summit in Gleaneagles, Scotland. In August 2007, activists formed a second camp near Heathrow Airport to protest carbon emissions and plans to build a third runway. 2. Camp Campaign follows closely, in particular, the section of Giorgio Agamben’s book Means without End (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2000) titled “What is a Camp?” (pp. 37–45). 3. See “About Camp Campaign,” http://www.campcampaign.info/tour .htm (2006). During the summer of 2006, sites of interviews included New York, Baltimore, Chicago, Camp Perry (in Ohio), and New Orleans. See also Ayreen Anastas and Rene Gabri, Camp Campaign: Art in General New Commissions Program (New York: Art in General, 2007). Stops along Anastas and Gabri’s campaign included internment camps, relocation centers, citizen isolation camps, boot camp, military camps, relief camps, and detainment centers (see maps in Camp Campaign, pp. 49–52). 4. Neoliberal platforms of “safe havens” and “regional protection zones” are also “islands” but occur in opposition to MigMap’s discourse on refugee rights. The discourse surrounding camps has become increasingly focused on war, in its objectives and terminology. Camp detainees become “enemies,” whereas in the past those detained at the border might be held as “criminals.” See “MigMap: A Virtual Cartography of European Migration Policies,” www.transitmigration.org/migmap. 5. “The Border Trail: Junction Frankfurt Airport,” June 10, 2001, www.noborder.org/archive_item.php?id=196. Naming conventions for +*' EFK 6. The No Border camps are sometimes identified by their antiracist message. Note that the “antiracist” series of camps is a subset of the main No Border set. For a breakdown by year, refer to the following website: http://www.noborder.org/camps/03/ger/display.php?id=234. 7. Other groups working within the “field” of protest and border camps include Global Project and Melting Pot Europa—the latter involved in “Caravana Europa,” a mobilized protest camping vehicle with its movements documented in near real-time map postings between November 5 and 6, 2006. For this and related events, an array of websites includes: www.globalproject.info, www.meltingpot.org, estrecho.indymedia.org, no-racism.net, and deletetheborder.org. With an interest focusing on the external and internal borders of the Americas, the latter website parallels noborder.org’s European emphasis. The “no border camps” of the deletetheborder group maintain a mission “towards a global network of movements against borders” j\\k_\j\Zk`fek`kc\[È:`m`c:XdgÉcXk\i`ek_`jZ_Xgk\i . 8. Obrador’s speech, “Discurso íntegro de López Obrador,” was published in El Universal, July 30, 2006. +*( 9. Reports circulated that officials managed the protest camp’s organization with a bound document titled “AMLO Encampment Inventory,” which purportedly included data, charts, and graphs. 10. In his campsite’s proximate political space, Obrador’s unofficial inauguration paralleled Felipe Calderón’s official swearing in after his challenges were officially overturned. The protest camp had been expected to last at least until August 31, the deadline for the electoral tribunal to rule on Obrador’s appeal. The overall conflict had begun on the evening of July 2 with victory declarations from both Calderón and Obrador. Other temporary occupations and camps in the Zócalo have included the temporary markets of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, military camps in the late eighteenth century, the petroleum demonstrations of 1938, and Rafael Lozano-Hemmer’s Alzado Vectorial project and light show to celebrate the Millennium and to project a “transterritorial extension” from the plaza. Obrador’s protest camp can be compared in timing but not in scale to the camp of Belarus activists in Minsk’s October Square three months earlier on March 23, 2006, when three hundred protesters camped in freezing weather to protest voting irregularities in the reelection of Alexander Lukashenko. 11. On April 4, 2004, U.S. Army Specialist Casey Sheehan was killed by rocket-propelled grenades and small arms fire in Baghdad. Camp Casey also operated in conjunction with the Crawford Peace House, which was founded in February 2003 after John Wolf of Dallas purchased the house at 9142 E. Fifth Street in the town. While the Vets for Peace conference was wrapping up in Dallas, the Vets for Peace Impeachment tour bus arrived at the Peace House on August 6. Sheehan’s initiation of her camp with a question parallels the Camp Campaign’s interrogation of camp spaces j\\ÈGifk\jk:XdgÉ . 12. The August 17 interview with CNN anchor Miles O’Brien on “American Morning” aired at 07:31 ET on August 17, 2005. See http://transcripts.cnn.com/TRANSCRIPTS/0508/17/ltm.04.html. Meadows continued by noting that the CNN truck itself was a safety hazard: “And I’ve been complaining about your truck, because your truck is parked on the road now. And I said, you know, y’all are going to have to get the ladder off the road, or we’re going to tow it. Now that’s—I mean, we’re serious about this.” 13. In many cases, these camps were made in remembrance of a specific person who died in Iraq or Afghanistan. Others were put up to +*) EFK 14. “Camp Democracy,” http://campdemocracy.org. In June 2007, the group Move America Forward sought to purchase Sheehan’s five-acre property in Crawford, Texas, where Camp Casey had first been established—continuing to make the campsite a strategic territory of political rhetoric and protest. Although Sheehan had placed the land on the market, she vowed not to sell to the group. 15. The protest camp form has also been drawn on for more frivolous displays of disagreement. Media event as protest: DJ Justice from 96.5 FM in Philadelphia vowed to camp on the roof of the car dealership Conicelli Toyota Conshohoken until American Idol contestant Sanjaya was voted off the show. See http://www.votesanjayaoff.com. More seriously, the objectives of another roof camp in May 2007 were to raise money for charity. The store manager of a Wal-Mart store in Athens, Georgia lived in a tent on the store’s roof to encourage donations from employees and customers to Children’s Miracle Network. 16. See Sarah Hipperson, Greenham: Non-Violent Women v. the Crown Prerogative (London: Greenham, 2005). 17. “History of the Camp,” http://www.faslanepeacecamp.org.uk /history.html. This excerpt is attributed to “Lou” on the website. See also Faslane Peace Camp’s website: http://www.faslane.co.nr/. 18. This inclusion of the caravan in the museum’s holdings follows a growing attention to the histories of camping—an exposure that began perhaps with the exhibition of a Gypsy caravan at the 1893 World’s Columbian Exposition and has continued with localized permanent exhibits, such as the display of a Tin Can Tourist’s autocamper in the Florida State Museum. And in spring 2007, New York’s Museum of Modern Art made a 1960 model Airstream Bambi Travel Trailer the seventh automotive design acquired for its collection. See “Newly Acquired Airstream Trailer on View at the Museum of Modern Art,” New York, March 8, 2007, http://moma.org/about_moma/press/ 2007 /Airstream_ReleaseMAIN.pdf. +** 19. For a summary news report of the protest, see Bruce Crumley, “Down and Out in Paris,” Time, December 29, 2006, http://www.time .com. Abbé Pierre, who founded the Emmaus Movement, has been instrumental in France’s droit au logement policy change and the philosophies of its activism. See http://www.emmaus-international.org. In conjunction with the SDF camp organized by Les Enfants des Don Quichotte, protesters from Droit au Logement and other activist groups set up what was called a “ministry for the housing crisis” in unused office space near the Paris Stock Exchange. 20. Canal Saint-Martin was opened on May 13, 1821. For a discussion of Paris’ early nineteenth-century property law, see Donald R. Kelley and Bonnie G. Smith, “What Was Property? Legal Dimensions of the Social Question in France (1789–1848),” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 128, no. 3 (September 1984): 200–230. Other cases decided in the 1830s ruled that canal proprietors and industrialists retained possession of the banks and access to factories “sans interruption” regardless of landowner claims (Kelley and Smith, “What Was Property?”, 211, 215). See also Matthew Gandy, “Paris Sewers and the Rationalization of Urban Space,” Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 24, no. 1 (1999): 23–44. The Canal Saint-Martin has also served as cinematic scene for Marcel Carné’s 1938 film L’Hôtel du Nord. The filmmakers constructed a replica of the canal in the Boulogne-Billancourt studios. Carné was adapting the earlier novel of the same title by Eugene Dabit (1934), who described the urban environs as “a picturesque, restless world of approaches to the Saint-Martin Canal.” 21. Vaccarella had planned the meeting with the president at the outset of his trip, marking the date on his caravan schedule and itinerary. Filmmaker Steven Scaffidi recorded his trip to Washington, D.C., and released the documentary Forgotten on the Bayou: Rockey’s Mission to Washington in 2007. 22. Sources for information on the Other Campaign Camp include http://www.encuentroindigena.org, http://www.stopthegenocide campaign.blogspot.com, and http://www.narconews.com/Issue45/ article2605.html. 23. Accreditation Committee of Cucapá Camp, “Cucapá Camp Regulations,” translated by Zapagringo Blog, February 25, 2007, http:// www.narconews.com/Issue45/article2570.html. Zone A was the Indigenous Cucapá village El Mayor; Zone B included El Zanjon, East Side (by El Indivisio); and Zone C included El Zanjon, West Side (by El Mayor). Summarizing the March 2007 camps in a press-release +*+ EFK 24. Chris Gilbreth and Gerardo Otero have argued that the EZLN’s series of forums and encounters discussing indigenous rights, as well as the “peace camps” associated with the group’s call to civil society for reform, mobilized an international community of activists and eventually influenced political change in Mexico (“Democratization in Mexico: The Zapatista Uprising and Civil Society,” Latin American Perspectives 28, no. 4 (July 2001): 7–29). Other camps in the encuentro and border protest tradition include the ORGANIC Collective’s “Roots of Resistance: Summer Organizing Camp” held in San Diego in September 2006. Here, the camp and the encuentro become methods on the “social fronts” espoused by Marcos in his January 20, 1994, speech describing his envisioned revolution. See www.radicalencuentro.org. 25. Organizers summarized the framework of the 2006 a-camp on the website http://www.a-camp.info: “Anarchist camp is an island which is limited in time and place, within a society which is shaped by authority. . . . Our aim is a colorful camp that overcomes barriers and contributes to exchange between different people and groups.” 26. Registration was not required, although organizers noted that “it would be great if you could register at [email protected]” and if discussion could occur in all languages, although German, Italian, or English correspondence was preferred. +*, 27. Charles Ledyard Norton, “Summer Camps for Boys,” Christian Union 38, no. 8 (August 23, 1888): 193. 28. Norton, 193; W. Barksdale Maynard, “An Ideal Life in the Woods for Boys: Architecture and Culture in the Earliest Summer Camps,” Winterthur Portfolio 34, no. 1 (spring 1999): 19. 29. Quotations from this section, except where noted otherwise, are from Hakim Bey, “The Periodic Autonomous Zone,” http://www .hermetic.com/bey/periodic.html. See also the recent republication of Bey’s TAZ: The Temporary Autonomous Zone (Brooklyn, NY: Autonomedia, 2003). See particularly the encampments of the “pirate utopias.” 30. Owen also refers to this site as the “marketplace” or the “wall,” with its centrally located “space/time matrix.” See Harrison Owen, interview by Johannes Kuhn, April 13, 2007, http://zero .newassignment.net/filed/interview_harrison_owen. Also see Harrison Owen, The Practice of Peace (Montreal: Open Space Institute of Canada, 2004). In this book, Owen outlines the principles of Open Space Technology and its relation to peace negotiations. This working method recalls the procedures of protest camps, which localize dialogues found in international peace talks and also parallel recent trends of DIY empowerment, illustrated popularly in magazines for home improvement, cooking, decorating, health care decisions, and education. “Opening Space for Emerging Order,” which might be understood as the movement’s manifesto, forms a retrospective prelude to the user’s guide that was his first book. Owen writes that “Open Space Technology, as a definable approach to organizing meetings, has been in existence for somewhat more than a dozen years. Truthfully, I suspect it has been around as long as Homo sapiens has gathered for one purpose or another, from the days of the campfire circle onward.” Owen follows up with the scene from the original open-space meeting: “Just 85 people sitting in a circle. Much to the amazement of everybody, 2½ hours later we had a three day agenda totally planned out including multiple workshops, all with conveners, times, places and participants” (http://www.openspaceworld.com/brief_history.htm). 31. Harrison Owen, The Power of Spirit: How Organizations Transform (San Francisco: Berrett-Koehler, 2000). 32. Besides offering this singular law, Owen provides the following four principles to guide open-space meetings; he believes these +*- EFK 33. Blogger Kaliya Hamlin has adapted Owen’s law that “any person neither learning from nor contributing to a group discussion must walk to another one” to outline a popular set of guidelines for unconferences, “How to DIY Unconference.” Hamlin has also offered a succinct definition of the unconference: “The space between talking heads and a cocktail party with participant interaction around a theme or purpose.” See http://kaliyasblogs.net/unconference/?p=21. 34. Excerpted from the section on “Space” at http://www.openspace world.com/users_guide.htm. 35. Bill Scott, working at Yahoo! as Designer/Ajax Evangelist, notes in his March 31, 2007, blog entry that Yahoo! hosted a teachers’ camp on its Sunnyvale campus in 2006. The Yahoo! Teachers of Merit Camp included about seventy participants for a weeklong series of seminars and presentations, including Scott’s widget called the Gobbler. In his +*. role as “evangelist” at Yahoo!, we might understand him to be the preacher at a virtual camp meeting, expounding the value of pop-ups and “drag and drop” for twenty-first-century teaching. See http://looksgood workswell.blogspot.com/2007/03/yahoo-teachers-and-yahoo-gobbler.html. 36. Tim O’Reilly lists the range of participants in his original 2003 invitation: “people who’re doing interesting works in fields such as web services, data visualization and search, open source programming, computer security, hardware hacking, GPS, alternative energy, and all manner of emerging technologies” (http://wiki.oreillynet.com/ foocamp04/index.cgi?OriginalInvitation). The floor plans presented to Foo Camp participants designated areas as meeting zones, smoking zones, camping zones, and spaces off limits to the campers labeled with a “no foo” symbol. Names for the meeting areas included Wallcreeper and Armadillo on the second floor and Hermit Crab and Reindeer on the third floor. On both floors, the camping zones include office cubicles, corridors, and private offices, some of which were assigned double occupancy. 37. John Battelle, a CNN business correspondent, likened his experience at the event as an erstwhile Thoreau in the cultivated orchards of Northern California’s recently revived technological landscape: “I thought to myself as I drove home at the end of Foo Camp, it just takes a couple of days in the woods to realize that we are well on our way out of them” (“When Geeks Go Camping, Ideas Hatch,” January 10, 2004, http://www.CNN.com). 38. Chris DiBona continued his post with a technical description of the flyover and its mapping: “Our pilots have special down pointing cameras that are tied into the gps and altimeter on the plane to take automatic photos as they fly using a lens designed for orthographic photography. This corrects the image and helps us to line the photos up in google earth and maps.” 39. With Flickr’s geotagging tools, Foo campers have also linked pictures from their campout to O’Reilly’s headquarters in Google Earth. For the “Space Invaders” aerial art project, see Tom Coates’s weblog posting “On Space Art in Sebastopol” (January 22, 2007) and Julian Bleecker’s photoset at http://www.flickr.com/photos/julianbleecker/ 227238003/in/set-72157594254983199/. 40. Foo is one of the metasyntactic variables favored in computer programming. In this use, the variable foo plugs into *camp to generate +*/ EFK 41. Following the inaugural camping event from August 19 to 21, Ross Mayfield addressed questions on BarCamp’s relation to Foo Camp with a doubly ironic post on the barcamp.org website: “Please note that BarCamp is not the anti-Foo. Foo is cool. Bar is cool. The important thing is that when good people get together, great things happen. Ross Mayfield (the janitor).” Bar is another commonly used placeholder and metasyntactic variable, associated with Foo through various derivations. And Tim O’Reilly notes on the Foo wiki that “Sara Winge, our VP of Corporate Communications, used to joke about having a ‘Foo Bar’ at these parties.” These parties, and the reference both to “open bar” and the placeholders used in open-source programming, helped inspire the first Foo Camp (http://wiki.oreillynet.com/foocamp06/ index.cgi?WhyFoo). Another difference between Foo Camp and BarCamp is that the former maintains a direct connection to camping practice, while the latter, in the diversity of its many permutations, often treats “camp” symbolically, while maintaining methodological connections to camping practices. In one case, an empty tent greets participants at BarCamp’s registration table. 42. R. Tyler Balance, “The BarCamp License (Revision 1),” http://tyler .geekisp.com/code/BarCampLicense.txt. 43. The BarCamp|BarCamp wiki includes this summary (http:// barcamp.org/BarCamp). See also a more full-blown set of eight rules modeled on the Rules of Fight Club, at http://www.barcamp.org/The RulesOfBarCamp. Scott Berkun has outlined “how to run a great unconference session.” In his description of the unconference, he places Foo Camp and BarCamp as subcategories within Unconference (www.scott berkun.com/blog/2006/how-to-run-a-great-unconference-session.html). 44. See http://www.virtualsuburbia.com/2006/05/hip castcom-conference-and-expo-center.html. See also http://barcamp +*0 .pbwiki.com/OpenCamp: “A few of us are organizing Barcamp Virtual—and we’re ready to go! It’s hosted at the Waterfall Salons @ the Hipcast Expo. Accommodations are provided for audio and video (four streams) and plenty of space. IM [Instant Message] Spin Martin in Second Life for information, and see you on Wednesday!”. 45. The idea of “open city” elicits methods and conditions of camping in the city j\\k_\j\Zk`feÈLiYXe:XdgÉ . The Open City in Ritoque, Chile, combines camp and campus to form a site of design experimentation. OpenCities organizers also reference gallery shows with artists such as “Institute for Applied Autonomy,” http://www .appliedautonomy.com/index.html. “Open City” also makes a connection to the opening of cities during or immediately after war. Roberto Rossellini portrayed Rome as the wartime open city in a 1945 film, Roma, la città aperta. The OpenCamp unconference was held in Rome (2007) to discuss open-source programming in the city. 46. Derived from the BarCamp website (barcamp.org) and Crystal Williams’s “Ten Steps to Organizing a Barcamp” (http://www.clever clevergirl.com/?p=10). One paradox found on the BarCamp site is “the less planning you do, oftentimes the better the event is.” Prepare, but don’t plan, to camp. The BarCamp Event template is located at http:// barcamp.pbwiki.com/BarCampTemplate. See also http://meyerweb .com/eric/tools/s5/ and http://barcamp.org/Recommended Sessions. Sleep hacking is often used to describe practices of polyphasic sleep, known colloquially as “power napping,” in which daily sleep is broken into shortened periods. 47. The art of war, in computer games like Enemy Territory and EverQuest, engages the practicality of Sun Tzu’s axioms: “Encamp on high ground facing the sunny side” and “He alters his camp-sites and marches by devious routes, and thus makes it impossible for others to anticipate his purpose” (Sun Tzu, The Art of War, trans. Samuel B. Griffith (New York: Oxford University Press, 1971), 116, 137). 48. Spawn camp also remakes the ambush, described classically by Sun Tzu: “When on the flanks of the army [and in the neighborhood of the camp] there are dangerous defiles or ponds covered with aquatic grasses where reeds and rushes grow, or forested mountains with dense tangled undergrowth you must carefully search them out, for these are places where ambushes are laid and spies are hidden” (Sun Tzu, The Art of War, 118). ++' EFK 49. Like the CCC camps’ adaptation, Yet Another Xacktogether of West and East (YAXWE) hosted a hacker camp on an ex-military base in Pula, Istria in September 2007. 50. In hacker jargon, AOS means to “increase the amount of something,” and its usage is illustrated in Eric S. Raymond, ed., The New Hacker’s Dictionary, 3rd ed. (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1996), as occurring through the action of adding wood to the campfire. 51. In Carbondale, Illinois, PS3 campers started pitching their tents at midday on November 15 as temperatures reached the mid-40s before dropping below freezing that night. 52. Queue camps have attracted a wide range of participants and have come to be used as marketing tools. Philadelphia’s mayor John F. Street camped out for an Apple iPhone during its release on June 29, 2007. The publicity afforded to camping and waiting motivated the fast-food chain Chick-fil-A to start its First 100 Grand Opening Promotion, during which participants camp out in front of new stores to receive the Grand Prize of one Combo Meal per week for a year. 53. See Aaron Dinin, The Krzyzewskiville Tales (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2005). Dinin’s stories, modeled on the Canterbury Tales, trace the origins of the tent city to informal campouts before the popularly accepted date of 1986. Dinin has also created a glossary “Crazie Talk” to define terms used by the “Cameron Crazies” who occupy K-Ville. 54. After the experience, campers who successfully bought homes found that they had already established a community, with the conversations and relationships that had been developed throughout the weeks in the camp. 55. Camping to wait and waiting to camp. The latter is a function of oversubscribed camping destinations in Florida and California, where state-park campgrounds are booked online through Reserve America. The former is a phenomenon that parallels the protest camp in its tenacity but rarely in its duration, and the backyard camp in its displaced domesticity. 56. See McSherry’s website, http://www.sleepinginairports.net. Postings to “Airport Listing Update”: “LONDON (Gatwick), England (Contributed by Puffin) ‘July 2003 (North Terminal)—I saw on the ++( recent poll that London Gatwick did not permit sleeping there—but I was stuck there for 3 days and had to camp out. Security did not bother me and many other standby hopefuls at all. One good thing about the North Terminal is that the shops are open from 05:00 to 23:00 and there is a sandwich shop/convenience store open 24 hours.’ Added 12 OCT 03.” . . . “LONDON (Gatwick) (Contributed by Stom) ‘10/3/05—Couches are tucked away near the toilets, three rows over from the easyJet check-in counter. No armrests, quite a bit of space, slept during morning/noon time quite comfortably/quietly. Felt safe about luggage, and people around.’ Added 20 April 2005.” . . . “MAUN, Botswana. ‘02-04-2005—Little Airport with international Connection to Windhoek, Namibia. Place is closed at Night so you won’t be able to sleep there. Little Restaurant upstairs serves snacks and at lunchtime also nice cheap food. 200m walk and you’re straight in (New Mall) Maun. 400m (out of the airport, then right) is Powerstation Bar & Restaurant. They let people camp for free in the back but because of a recent change of Management [April 2005] rather double-check.’ Added 20 April 2005.” 57. See Donna McSherry, “Best and Worst Airport List,” January 2007, http://www.sleepinginairports.net/bestof.htm. More information on the napping suites can be found at http://www.sats.com.sg/sats/ newlook1/Rainforest/start.html and http://www.plaza-ppl.com/sg_en/ index.php. 58. Italo Calvino, The Baron in the Trees, trans. Archibald Colquhoun (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1959), 142, 13. 59. See “Tree Climbers International,” http://www.treeclimbing.com. 60. To facilitate her research on tree canopies, biologist Margaret D. Lowman has developed techniques for canopy access that include suspended walkways and platforms in the forests of Belize and netting systems during Amazonian expeditions. In 1994, Lowman’s Belize camps hosted not the baron of the trees but the Duke of Edinburgh, who was visiting the region’s Jason Project. For a discussion of canopy research, see Lowman’s Life in the Treetops (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999) and Richard Preston’s Wild Trees (New York: Random House, 2007). In England in the late 1990s, tree camps also paralleled the direct action movement. The Cosmic Pixie Tree Village in Lancashire’s Stanworth Valley, Skyward camp at Newbury, and the protest camp at Fairmile in Devon borrowed from fairy mythology, which became an anarchoprimitivist background for protest. In his essay “The Scouring ++) EFK 61. The 1998 National Geographic expedition, the first ascent of Great Sail Wall and Peak, included six climbers: Gordon Wiltsie, Mark Synnott, Jared Ogden, Greg Child, Ale Lowe, and John Catto. John Middendorf designed and produced the A5 portaledge, which was used on the Baffin Island climb and has been subsequently developed by North Face to Middendorf’s specifications. To photograph the wall camp, Gordon Wiltsie set up a cantilevered, cabled system extending 30 feet from the wall surface and 150 feet above the camp. 62. Ida G. Everson, “William J. Stillman: Emerson’s “‘Gallant Artist,’” New England Quarterly 31, no. 1 (March 1958): 32–46. Everson cites Emerson’s journal entry of August 2, 1858, about Follansbee’s Pond on page 32. Stillman called the painting an “experiment in historical painting . . . the essay is criard, incomplete, unequal.” He also noted the “slow process of self-expression” and believed that his work was unparalleled when he felt confidence in his “ground-work,” which in this case was the campsite itself (Everson, “William J. Stillman,” 37). 63. For an interpretation of the symbolism of this imaging of camp space, see my discussion in Campsite: Architectures of Duration and Place (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2008). 64. Sigmund Freud to his family, dated Putnam’s Camp, September 16, 1909, translation typescript, Adirondack Museum, Blue Mountain Lake, New York; cited in Richard Plunz, ed., Two Adirondack Hamlets in History: Keene and Keene Valley (Fleischmanns, NY: Purple Mountain Press, 2000), 204. Some camps, such as St. Lawrence University’s “Adirondack Semester” in which students spend sixteen weeks living in yurts, still model themselves as philosophers’ retreats. But, just as the Deleuze camp was held in university buildings, other venues such as the Carolina Philosophy Retreat in the Adirondacks (sponsored by the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill) still rely on retreat houses, in contrast to the tent camping found in Stillman’s work and in Emerson’s experiences. Deleuze considered William James part of this “minor” literature, and Stillman’s own liminal work as a pre-Raphaelite ++* in the wilderness might also fall within this field. “Lastly, it is in Deleuze’s texts that we find the proposal to establish a transcendental empiricism which would not be traced from empirical forms, which is but another way of saying that immanence must not be referred to anything but itself. See Difference and Repetition (Columbia, 1994), pp. 143–144” (quoted in David Lapoujade, “From Transcendental Empiricism to Worker Nomadism: William James,” Pli 9 (2000): 190–199). 65. Although Eddington did not promote his status, his prominence as a scientist would have exempted him from the draft even without Dyson’s intervention. Eddington was the only scientist in the British and U.S. research community to have a copy of Einstein’s papers during the war. The Dutch astronomer Willem de Sitter had sent him copies. And the Briton’s publications of 1917 and 1919 helped disseminate the ideas of relativity outside Germany. See S. Chandrasekhar, “Verifying the Theory of Relativity,” Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 30, no. 2 (January 1976): 249–260. 66. See Alex Soojung-Kim Pang, Empire and the Sun: Victorian Solar Eclipse Expeditions (Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press, 2002). Colonial winter camps sometimes hosted eclipse researchers, with white tents that had been loaned by the Indian Civil Service becoming “emblems of imperial government’s presence in remote areas” (Soojung-Kim Pang, Empire and the Sun, 82–83). 67. See John Waller, Fabulous Science: Fact and Fiction in the History of Scientific Discovery (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). Waller notes that a 1962 British eclipse expedition found Eddington’s method unreliable. Other history-of-science arguments, like that of Matthew Stanley in “An Expedition to Heal the Wounds of War” (Isis 94 (2003): 57–89), make the case for Eddington’s rigor, while also highlighting the expedition’s significance to postwar international cooperation. 68. Eddington recorded a deflection of 1.61 seconds of an arc, and later 1.64, which he compared to Einstein’s prediction of 1.75. Einstein’s proposed formula is (1+G)/2, in which G is the spatial curvature generated by the mass. The Sobral expedition yielded a deflection of 1.98, and the 1922 expedition led by William Wallace Campbell gave a 1.72 measurement. On February 25, 1952, in Khartoum, scientists studied the emissions of the solar corona, and on June 30, 1973, research continued on the “warping of sunlight” during the eclipse. +++ EFK 69. George Hicks would later serve as a war correspondent for NBC during World War II, sending reports that included D-Day. Charles Bittinger, an American painter who also covered military events, had been hired by the National Geographic to record the eclipse. 70. See National Geographic Society, Observations of the Total Eclipse of the Sun of June 8, 1937 from Canton Island by the Joint Expedition of the National Geographic Society and the U.S. Navy, Solar Eclipse Series, no. 1 (Washington, DC: National Geographic Society, 1939). The USS Avocet transported the expedition to Canton Island on a six-week voyage from Honolulu. Equipment included 150 cases of instruments, ten thousand board feet of lumber, sixty bags of cement, tents, cots, and food supplies for the trip. 71. The tour company Eclipse-City describes its objective to “allow eclipse enthusiasts the best view of any solar eclipse, regardless of the location on our beautiful planet without abstaining from basic (even luxury) comfort, but taking all ecological factors into consideration.” Visitors to the 2006 Saharan eclipse camps reported tent cities accommodating thousands of eclipse chasers and Libyan groups. A troop of Libyan Boy Scouts repaired one eclipse camp damaged by a sand storm three nights before the eclipse (on March 29, 2006). 72. Referring generally to science’s 200-year expedition and specifically to Eddington’s camping trip, Alfred North Whitehead noted at the November 9, 1919, meeting of the Royal Society that “a great adventure in thought had at length come safe to shore” (Chandrasekhar, “Verifying the Theory of Relativity,” 255). 73. See Wally Herbert and Roy M. Koerner, “The First Surface Crossing of the Arctic Ocean,” Geographical Journal 136, no. 4 (December 1970): 511–533. 74. The drifting stations are identified in Russian as Severnyy Polyus (SP, or C0). 75. Otto Schmidt, quoted in “The Drift of the Soviet Polar Camp,” Geographical Journal 90, no. 5 (November 1937): 457–459. Kandinsky’s theory first appeared in 1925. These descriptions, one out of scientific method and the other from gestalt principles, are historically distinct, but new ideas of studying and mapping dynamic motion were not, particularly in the prewar Russian avant-garde. ++, 76. Schmidt, “The Drift of the Soviet Polar Camp,” 458. 77. North Pole camps have also registered, at least symbolically, other controversial forums, from the polar tour that Al Gore describes in An Inconvenient Truth (Emmaus, PA: Rodale Press, 2006) to Andrew Revkin’s The North Pole Was Here (Suffolk: Kingfisher Press, 2006), in which the polar displacement of a research camp becomes a metaphor for paradigm shifts. Jonathan D.W. Kahl, who was instrumental in making arrangements for the dissemination of the polar stations’ data from Russia’s AARI, wrote a pivotal 1993 article for the journal Nature, arguing that the data refutes the effect of greenhouse gas on global warming. More recently, the data has played a part in the U.S. Arctic Research Commission’s report The Arctic Ocean and Climate Change: A Scenario for the U.S. Navy (2000), http://www.natice.noaa.gov/icefree/ NavyArcticPanel.pdf. In Antarctica, field research camps have also provided global warming discoveries. In 2006 the British Antarctic Survey at Dome Concordia (Dome C) drilled a two-mile-deep core sample as part of the European Project for Ice Coring in Antarctica (Epica). Researchers at the Dome C camp found substantial increases in carbon dioxide levels during the 800,000 years held within the core. 78. Colonel Joseph O. Fletcher, interviewed by Brian Shoemaker, January 23, 1997, https://kb.osu.edu/dspace/bitstream/1811/6055/3/ FletcherTrans.pdf. Since 1946, the U.S. Air Force had tracked large Arctic ice islands, identified as “targets” T-1, T-2, and T-3. In 1952, Colonel Fletcher directed Project ICICLE and the establishment of a weather station on T-3, which became known as “Fletcher’s Ice Island.” Research and military projects continued with the development of ALPHA camp in 1957 and BRAVO camp on T-3 as part of Project ICESKATE. Additional projects followed in the 1960s and 1970s, including CHARLIE camp and Arctic Research Laboratory Ice Station (ARLIS). See also J.E. Slater, Arctic Drifting Stations (Washington, DC: Arctic Institute of North America, 1964). 79. As Russia’s drift camps traverse the Arctic surface, territorial disputes have continued, and in August 2007 a Russian expedition planted a flag on the Arctic Ocean’s Lomonosov Ridge to claim the underwater land and its energy resources. Arthur Chilingarov, who led the NP-32 drift camp project, also guided the controversial minisub diving mission. In their presentation “Establishment of an International Long-Term Drifting Observation Platform” associated with the Polar Foundation and POLUS Arctic and Antarctic Expedition Center, Yuri Sychev and Leonid Bogdanov based their argument for ++- EFK 80. Beginning with NP-32, POLUS and the Arctic and Antarctic Research Institute (AARI) have planned for joint research, education, and ecotourist projects. In 2007, AARI celebrated the seventieth anniversary of the polar station program with the release of NP-37. See “POLUS: Arctic and Antarctic Expedition Center,” http://www.polus.org. 81. See e-mail correspondence posted on April 15, 2007 on http:// passporttoknowledge.com/blog/?cat=10. 82. USAP, Field Manual for the U.S. Antarctic Program (Arlington, VA: National Science Foundation/Office of Polar Programs, 2006), 209. The manual is available online at http://www.usap.gov/travelAndDeployment. The populations of these field camps range from 235 to 1,200 at McMurdo camp, 100 to 240 at Amundsen Scott South Pole, and 10 to 44 at Palmer camp. 83. USAP, Field Manual for the U.S. Antarctic Program, 130. Antarctica’s McMurdo camp modeled the lunar camp for researchers from the National Science Foundation, ILC Dover, and Johnson Space Center who tested an inflatable tent habitat to understand how astronauts might camp on the moon in 2020. The earth-bound location’s harsh weather and inaccessibility will demonstrate the efficacy of the 364 square-foot, 950-pound shelter that “packs like a tent” but “acts like a building.” See Heather Nicholson, “Packs like a Tent, Acts like a Building” in NASA’s Lyndon B. Johnson Center Roundup 47, no. 4 (April 2008): 10–11. See also NASA engineer Larry Toups’ blog from the Antarctic camping trip at http://www.nasa.gov/mission_pages/ constellation/main/inflatable_habitat_blog.html. 84. See Jean Rivolier, Emperor Penguins, trans. Peter Wiles (New York: Robert Speller, 1958), 61. See also Andre Migot, Thin Edge of the World (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1956). 85. Authors of a November 1921 article diagrammed a sketch map based on photographs by Captain Wheeler and Major Morshead—who were Indian Survey Officers—and on information gleaned from telegrams by Mallory, Bullock, and the expedition’s leader, Colonel Howard-Bury. (See “The Mount Everest Expedition,” Geographical Journal 58, no. 5 (November 1921): 371–377). But they made it clear that this map was an approximation at best: “We are reasonably sure ++. that the places are in the right order, but unable to place them more definitely,” with only two “known” but “doubtful” points (375–376). By December 1921, members of the Royal Geographical Society published photographs of the “advanced base camp” at 17,000 feet and the “homelike” camp at 20,000 feet. 86. George Leigh Mallory, “The First High Climb,” Geographical Journal 60, no. 6 (December 1922): 400–412 (quote on 409). 87. The 1933 British expedition was instrumental in laying out the six camps above the Tibetan base camp on the north face. 88. Some information derived from the documentary Peak Experience, directed by Howard Sebold, 2006, and narrated by Tim McHenry, Director of Programming at the Rubin Museum of Art. 89. See Brent Bishop and Chris Naumann, “Mount Everest: Reclamation of the World’s Highest Junk Yard,” Mountain Research and Development 16, no. 3 (August 1996): 323–327. Bishop and Naumann note that the 1963 American expedition carried in 27,000 kilograms of equipment and supplies to the South Face Base Camp and that expeditions in the mid-1990s averaged about 6,800 kilograms of supplies in what the authors refer to as the “logistical pyramid” of the siege tactics of climbing (p. 323). 90. See David Eisenhower’s “Foreword” in W. Dale Nelson, The President Is at Camp David (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1995), xi. NAVSUPPFAC stands for “Naval Support Facility.” The camp was renamed “Camp David” by Dwight Eisenhower for his grandson David. 91. A preliminary work camp for government laborers was never built because of local opposition to the transient camp. The first WPA camp, known as Misty Mount, was completed in early 1937. Greentop, the second camp, was a special needs site for disabled children, one hundred twenty of whom first visited the camp in the summer of 1938. See Edmund F. Wehrle, “Catoctin Mountain Park: A Historic Resource Study” (National Park Service, March 2000), http://www.nps.gov/ archive/cato/hrs/hrs.htm. TheRDA camps were generally referred to as “Organized Group Camps.” 92. Starting in the fall of 1942, Area B, in the network of OSS training, provided facilities for espionage instruction such as “hand-to-hand combat, infiltration training, marksmanship, and setting charges” ++/ EFK (Wehrle, “Catoctin Mountain Park”). At the OSS camp, all participants operated under aliases, making the camp a site for educational role-playing—not unlike later civilian playacting exercises in Burning Man’s theme camp j\\ÈK_\d\:XdgÉ . 93. Roosevelt is quoted and the story is retold in W. Dale Nelson, The President Is at Camp David (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1995), 2. Nelson also quotes from James Hilton’s 1933 novel Lost Horizon, to underscore Roosevelt’s familiarity and fascination with the Shangri-La of the novel: “Its forsaken courts and pale pavilions shimmered in repose from which all fret of existence had ebbed away.” Nelson goes on to note that, on his arrival at Camp #3 at 3:45 p.m., Roosevelt announced to camp workman William G. Renner that “this is a Shangri-La!” (p. 6). 94. See Lynette Madison, “Pass the S’mores Please! Station Crew ‘Camps Out,’” March 31, 2006, http://www.nasa.gov/mission_pages/ station/expeditions/campout.html. 95. The British festival season also includes events at Leeds and Reading. Participants at the 2007 Glastonbury Festival included 177,000 ticket-holding campers. Other European festivals attract even larger audiences. Budapest’s Obudai Island hosted nearly four hundred thousand visitors in August 2007 for the Sziget Festival, where organizers provide tent camping along the Danube, and Denmark’s Roskilde Festival accommodated 79,000 campers in 2006. The Kumbha Mela Festival in India attracts millions of participants to its spiritual- religious event along the Ganges, along which as many as a half million tents have been estimated. 96. Tumps are heaps of stones or partial earthworks and, more anciently, are related to the tumulus, or the sepulchral mound (Alfred Watkins, Early British Trackways, Moats, Mounds, Camps, and Sites (London: Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton, Kent and Company, 1922), 20–21). This document was based on a lecture given by Watkins to the Woolhope Naturalists’ Field Club in Hereford in September 1921, in which Watkins identifies the camp as one of eleven types of ley marker sites. William Henry Black, from whom Watkins may have drawn some of his ideas, delivered an earlier lecture at the British Archeological Association called “Boundaries and Landmarks” in 1870. 97. Watkins argues that clustered tumps provided the infrastructure for building up additional defensive walls and fortifications, seemingly ++0 placing greater importance on economies of material and exigencies of labor than on the placement of defenses justified by strategy alone. Completing his hyperbolic treatise on camps, Watkins writes, “I found Caplar Camp to have so many leys over it as to seem the Clapham Junction of ancient trackways in that district. It may be that in a few cases of lofty camps [such] as Croft Ambury and Herefordshire Beacon) they form terminals of sighting lines, but in almost all cases the leys pass over them” (p. 18). 98. See John Bell, “The End of ‘Our Domestic Resurrection Circus’: Bread and Puppet Theater and Counterculture Performance in the 1990s,” TDR 43, no. 3, special issue, Puppets, Masks, and Performing Objects (autumn 1999): 62–80. Bell notes that the commodification of the counterculture spectacle, in particular that of the Bread and Puppet Theater, made for the inevitable decline of such alternative events. The three campgrounds adjacent to the Circus fields included two separate campsites on land owned by Doug Conley and Ronald Perron, which were connected to the Circus by a footpath, making up an area that was bought by the nearby town of Greensboro and developed into a third campground (Bell, “The End of ‘Our Domestic Resurrection Circus,’” 71). 99. Recent examples of music festivals include Bonnaroo, Phish concerts, and smaller events like Camp Bisco j\\È=\jk`mXc:XdgÉ . Bonnaroo—the four-day event held on a 700-acre farm in Manchester, Tennessee, since 2002—draws nearly 80,000 visitors each year to its multiple stages and extensive campgrounds. Billboard has noted that it is the highest grossing festival in the world. But the world’s largest “greenfield” camping music festival is typically Glastonbury, which regularly attracts more than one hundred thousand festival-goers j\\k_\È=\jk`mXc:XdgÉj\Zk`fe . Camp Bisco is the trance-fusion music festival hosted annually by the band Disco Biscuit at the Indian Lookout Country Club since 2001. 100. Susan Sontag, “Notes on Camp,” Against Interpretation (New York: Anchor, 1990), 277. 101. Sontag, 280. 102. Sontag, 276. For information on Burning Man, see http://www .burningman.com. Lisa Hoffman pointed out that writing by hand and taking notes became critical practices to present the camp’s theme of “psyche.” In a different context but similarly engaging themes of camp +,' EFK 103. The local peace-activist organization “931 Group” signed their name on the 2002 permit. See U.S. District Court, Middle District of Florida, Ocala Division, Case No. 98-53-CIV-Oc-10c, Scott Addison, Douglas O’Brien, and Arjay Sutton v. the Forest Service of the U.S. Department of Agriculture; Steve Binijer, in his official capacity as Sheriff of Marion County; and George E. Knupp, in his official capacity as Sheriff of Lake County, Florida, Defendants. 104. In his article “Private Property and Public Order: The Hippy Convoy and Criminal Trespass,” Peter Vincent-Jones recounts how Les Attwell, who had collapsed from angina at the sight of the convoy entering his fields, became the landowners’ and farmers’ symbol in their push to direct, rather than court-ordered, enforcement of criminal trespass regulations (Journal of Law and Society 13, no. 3 (autumn 1986): 361). Courts granted a “possession order” to Attwell, and the convoy camp moved south to find another campsite in Dorset, where arrests were made and the convoy was forced to move again, in what would become a three-county odyssey before creating a campsite at Stoney Cross in the Hampshire New Forest on June 2, 1986. Finally, at 4:50 a.m. on June 9, 440 police officers cleared the camp in a two-hour operation that resulted in forty-two arrests (p. 361). 105. If the “A” camp is the archetypal closed camp, and the “a-camp” establishes sites for opening political dialogue, then the Koversada Naturist Camp is the quintessentially open camp j\\k_\j\Zk`fejfe ÈÊ8ËZXdgÉXe[È8eXiZ_`jk:XdgÉ]fiZfdgXi`jfe . Within this total area, the camp includes 50,000 square meters of beaches and 1,700 camp units for 5,000 people. The total accommodation for day visitors and campers is 8,000. +,( 106. See Henry David Thoreau, Walden (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 2000), 52–54. Freilichtpark (Free Light Park), considered one of the first clubs for social nudism, was founded in 1905 by Paul Zimmermann. During this time, the writings of Richard Ungewitter had reintroduced Greek ideas about social nudity. In the 1930s, Ilsely Boone, founder of the International Nudist Conference, continued to promote the benefits of nudity, exercise, and the outdoors, and films like The Unashamed—advertised as having “actually” been filmed in a nudist camp—relied on the nudist camp as a narrative device that made worlds outside the camp wholly symbolic. See Robert M. Payne, “Beyond the Pale: Nudism, Race and Resistance in ‘The Unashamed,’” Film Quarterly 54, no. 2 (winter 2000–2001): 27–40. The filming of The Unashamed was carried out in Elsinore, California’s Mystic Oaks Campground. 107. For detailed accounts of Lakota Indian camps, see James R. Walker, Lakota Society, ed. Raymond J. DeMallie (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1982). The Lakota’s circular camps often incorporated an entrance facing the rising sun and established a council lodge (ti) for selective communal meetings at the periphery of the circle, which enclosed the sacred space of the hocoka (pp. 21–22). 108. See Andrea Sachs, “Good Night, Sleep Tight, Don’t Let the Blue Whale Bite,” Washington Post, April 11, 2007, C02. Examples in the Washington, D.C., area include the Camp In program at the Science Museum of Virginia in Richmond, the Roar N’ Snore program at Baltimore’s Maryland Zoo, and programs at the National Aquarium in Baltimore, Battleship New Jersey in Camden, Chesapeake Bay Maritime Museum, and Baltimore Maritime Museum. At the Maryland Zoo, campers “set up tents in the Waterfowl Lake Pavilion” and meet around the campfire for pizza and s’mores. 109. Sachs, “Good Night, Sleep Tight, Don’t Let the Blue Whale Bite,” C02. 110. Allan Macfarlan, The Boy’s Book of Backyard Camping (Harrisburg, PA: Stackpole Books, 1968), 11. Later in the handbook, Macfarlan discusses the backyard camp as a place that fosters “good old-fashioned American ingenuity” (p. 94). 111. Margaret White, “Indoor Camp-out,” Ladies Homes Journal, June 1966, 76–77. +,) EFK 112. Henry David Thoreau describes his inside-out house-camp: “When my floor was dirty, I rose early, and, setting all my furniture out of doors on the grass, bed and bedstead making but one budget, dashed water on the floor, and sprinkled white sand from the pond on it. . . . It was pleasant to see my whole household effects out on the grass, making a little pile like a gypsy’s pack, and my three-legged table, from which I did not remove the books and pen and ink, standing amid the pines and hickories. They seemed glad to get out themselves, and as if unwilling to be brought in. I was sometimes tempted to stretch an awning over them and take my seat there. It was worth the while to see the sun shine on these things, and hear the free wind blow on them; so much more interesting most familiar objects look out of doors than in the house” (Walden (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2004), 80). And the artist Do Ho Suh finds space for the rebuilding of his childhood home, first in Los Angeles’ Korean Culture Center (1999) and later in North American galleries. A full-scale delineation of his Korean house, Seoul Home/L.A. Home’s fabric envelope would not fit in the artist’s New York apartment and required the external spaces of display—an exhibition more public, but no less gratifying, than Thoreau’s yard camp and one in which the artist’s backyard is extended by what he has himself noted is a “cultural displacement.” 113. See, for example, the generic code at http://www.codepublishing .com, which calls for postdisaster trailer installations for an initial six months with the possibility of six-month extensions. 114. Susan Willis has written about the home fallout shelter as a “distorted reinvention of family camping.” See her A Primer for Daily Life (London: Routledge, 1991), 165. An example of fabricated yard camping, which resonates with Thoreau’s moving his furniture into the yard, is Material World: A Global Family Portrait by Peter Menzel, Charles C. Mann, and Paul Kennedy (New York: Sierra Club, 1995). In this book, photographs document possessions of families in thirty nations. In previous work, I have sought to address the relation of home and place; see my essay “Building/Dwelling/Drifting” in The Antioch Review 60, no.4 (Fall 2002),688–700; and chapter 5 “At Home on the Midway: Carnival Conventions and Yard Space in Gibsonton, Florida” in Symbolic Landscapes, eds. Gary Backhaus and John Murungi (Springer, 2008). 115. However, looking further back to Eileen Gray’s identification of le style camping reminds us of the theoretical pitfalls of domestic +,* camping. Gray warned us that when this “temporary concept” becomes a permanent freneticism, we find ourselves, as Gray found herself after an initial retreat from war in the 1920s and 1930s, trying to escape another postwar transient life, ironically through the itinerancy-at-home of the backyard camp. 116. This act is sometimes referred to as the “Open-Air Recreation Act,” originating from act no. 16 of June 28, 1957, which was then enacted on July 1, 1957. Innmark is tilled land such as fields, hay meadows, and ancient pastures; utmark includes forests, heaths, moors, and mountain. In remote mountainous areas, campers can extend their stay past the two-day limit. 117. “The Scottish Outdoor Access Code,” in Land Reform (Scotland) Act 2003 (Norwich, UK: The Stationery Office, 2003), 115, http://www .opsi.gov.uk/legislation/scotland/acts2003. 118. The 1964 act defined wilderness as “an area where the earth and its community of life are untrammeled by man, where man himself is a visitor who does not remain . . . retaining its primeval character and influence, without permanent improvements or human habitation, which is protected and managed so as to preserve its natural conditions and which generally appears to have been affected primarily by the forces of nature with the imprint of man’s work substantially unnoticeable” (“The Wilderness Act,” Public Law 88-577 (16U.S. C. 1131–1136), 88th Congress, Second Session, September 3, 1964, http://wilderness.nps.gov/document/wildernessAct.pdf). 119. In England, the Law of Property Act of 1925 gave the public access to common lands for “air and exercise.” As those commonly held spaces contracted and as recreational interests expanded, the National Parks and Access to the Countryside Act of 1949 provided for rights of access, which were expanded and retooled with the passage of the Countryside and Rights of Way Act (CRoW) of 2000. See Peter Vincent-Jones, “Private Property and Public Order: The Hippy Convoy and Criminal Trespass,” Journal of Law and Society 13, no. 3 (autumn 1986): 343–370. And in France, artists Fulvia Di Pietrantonio and Cyril Cabirol (known collectively as La Guardia) have reacted to the prohibition of wild camping with a proposal for floating “tent igloos” that engage air rights for “Camping Sauvage” as a new form of spatial resistance and as a practical method for adapting to various landscapes of crater, forest, lake, and mountain. Tethered weather balloons lift the +,+ EFK floating camp’s standard dome tents, unconventionally finished in fluorescent pink. See http://la-guardia.org. 120. The National Outdoor Leadership School has been informally teaching “wildlands” ethics since 1965. The Bureau of Land Management’s (BLM) official introduction of the concept of Leave No Trace (LNT) in 1982 occurred when camping excursions to National Parks had reached a critical point. On the heels of the energy crisis of the 1970s, this camping ethic also foreshadowed the “green” and sustainability movements that gained momentum in subsequent decades. TheLNT program involves the U.S. Forest Service, National Park Service, Bureau of Land Management, and Fish and Wildlife Service. For an exhaustive compilation of LNT principles in manual format, see Tami Pokorny’s Leave No Trace: Outdoor Skills and Ethics, an updated version of the National Outdoor Leadership School’s 1992/1996 publication Leave No Trace Outdoor Skills and Ethics: An Educational Solution for Reducing Visitor Impacts, authored by Susan Brame and Jeffrey Marion, at http://www.lnt.org/training/resources/ documents/NA.pdf. See also David N. Cole, Wilderness Campsite Monitoring Methods: A Sourcebook, General Technical Report INT-259 (Ogden, UT: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Intermountain Research Station, April 1989). 121. For example, the Boy Scouts of America, through its Fieldbook publication, now promotes LNT as a primary section in the guide. See “Leaving No Trace,” in Boy Scouts of America, Fieldbook, 4th ed., 99–146 (Irving, TX: Boy Scouts of America, 2004). See also the online version: http://www.bsafieldbook.org/fieldbook.jsp?s=LNT. 122. See “Leave No Trace: Center for Outdoor Ethics,” http://www.lnt .org/programs/lnt7/index.html. 123. For comparison, the Hannover Principles (2000), authored by architect William McDonough, outline a framework for making sustainable design decisions: (1) Insist on the rights of humanity and nature to coexist, (2) Recognize interdependence, (3) Respect relationships between spirit and matter, (4) Accept responsibility for the consequences of design, (5) Create safe objects of long-term value, (6) Eliminate the concept of waste, (7) Rely on natural energy flows, (8) Understand the limitations of design, and (9) Seek constant improvement by the sharing of knowledge. See http://www .mcdonough.com/principles.pdf. The “greening” of Burning Man further emphasizes the connection to these sustainability principles in the +,, festival’s rarefied commitments to “respect, rethink, reduce, reuse, recycle, and restore.” See “Burning Man: Six R’s,” http://www .burningman.com/environment/sixrs.html. 124. Burning Man Earth Guardians, “Camp Preparation/Playa Survival LNT Tips,” http://www.burningman.com/on_the_playa/ environment_concerns/earth_guard_tips.html. See the LNT Plan and Green Plan forms on the Earth Guardians/Burning Man website: http://earthguardians.burningman.com/burning_lnt_samplelntplan/ LNT_Plan.pdf. Burning Man’s cleanup process is not without criticism—see http://www.stopburningman.org. TheUSDA Forest Service has also studied techniques for monitoring campsites. Cole’s Wilderness Campsite Monitoring Methods (cited earlier) includes field measurement and photographic techniques to document the impacts of camping on remote wilderness sites and to facilitate camp management. 125. Using this new method in 2005, volunteers staked the centers of fifty-five circular plots (approximately 74.5 feet in diameter) and collected debris items in plastic bags labeled with the sampling area, date, and Universal Transverse Mercator coordinates. The inspection’s debris categories ranged from bone to ammunition and from glass to coin—with cloth, ferrous metals, plastic and wood making up more than three-quarters of the total material collected. In the earlier method for cleanup inspection, volunteers positioned themselves at fifteen equally spaced knots on a one-hundred foot rope and then walked the transect’s length collecting debris. Information derived from “Black Rock City 2005 Post Event Inspection Results and Management Recommendations,” prepared by Robert Farschon, December 2005. 126. The General Land Ordinance of 1785 had already provided for the public grant of Section 16. 127. With temperatures averaging 110 degrees and given the geographic isolation, a field laboratory tested and monitored the pouring of each concrete slab, in which precious canal water was mixed with the locally available Superstition Gravelly Sand. See one of the many websites related to Slab City, like http://www.slabcity.org, for additional information. 128. Arizona Department of Commerce, “County Profiles for La Paz, Maricopa, and Yuma Counties,” 2005, http://www.azcommerce.com. +,- EFK 129. The five designated “camping areas” are the Dome Rock, Road Runner, Hi Jolly, Plomosa Road, and Scaddan Wash. 130. BLM documents make a point of distinguishing between “camping areas” and “campgrounds,” in terms of amenities, rules, and allowable length of stay. BLM regulations for LTVA imply that camping is allowed anywhere that is not posted as being “closed to camping.” The areas closed to camping in the La Posa LTVA in 1997 comprise 115,200 acres of sensitive desert landscape. 131. This mission is summarized in the U.S. Department of the Interior, Bureau of Land Management, Yuma Field Office, Yuma Field Office Draft Resource Management Plan and Draft Environmental Impact Statement, December 2006, http://www.blm.gov/az/lup/yuma/drmp.htm. 132. Established in 1983 by the Yuma Field Office, the La Posa LTVA south of Quartzsite was one of the first such land designations, and now the LTVA program extends to Southern California’s El Centro and Palm Springs/South Coast field offices. 133. Departing from its general LTVA policy, BLM allows non-self- contained RVs within 500 feet of vaults and restrooms in the La Posa LTVA. The 2007–2008 fee schedule for the period from September 15 to April 15 was $180 for the full seven-month permit and $40 for a fourteen-day “short-term” permit. Between April 16 and September 14, BLM charges $5 daily per vehicle and $50 annually. 134. BLM defines “communities of place” as “local and regional population centers relative to the planning area that would be considered gateway or natural resource dependent communities” (Yuma Field Office Draft Resource Management Plan and Draft Environmental Impact Statement, 3-124). BLM further defines the related “gateway communities” as sites near publicly owned areas “that attract visitors who pass through to reach their destination.” 135. “Definitions,” developed by the American Society of Sanitary Engineering, http://www.asse-plumbing.org. 136. Exceeding these specifications and approaching a cost of $1 million, Country Coach’s 2009 Rhapsody 900, created “exclusively for those who have earned the right to demand a life without compromise,” includes the following standard features within its 45-foot length: 625-horsepower engine, 175-gallon gas tank, and a gross vehicle +,. weight rating (GVWR) of 59,000 pounds. By some weight estimates (in which site-built houses weigh 50 pounds per square foot), this dry camping vehicle is the equivalent of a mobilized 1,200 square foot house. See http://rhapsody.countrycoach.com. Monaco Coach, another manufacturer of luxury recreational vehicles, operates a motorhome resort (MR) network to support the lifestyles of premium Class A motorhome owners who purchase lots at the resorts currently located in Las Vegas and Indio, California, with a third location under construction in Naples, Florida j\\ÈIM:clY:XdgÉ . 137. Harris’s “Law of Inner RV Space” first appeared in the March/ April 1987 Escapees RV Club Newsletter. See http://www.escapees.com. 138. An array of publications and listservs cater to the interest in dry camping: the RV group Escapees’ magazine Day’s End lists “places to park,” “Exit Authority” provides information about services at highway interchanges, and a U.S. government publication lists “Lesser Known Parks” to attract dry campers to remote and underutilized locations. 139. Editors of FreeCampgrounds.com, “Wal-Mart Stores That Do Not Allow Overnight RV Parking (USA locations only),” 3rd ed., updated May 15, 2006. This edition begins: “To the best of our knowledge the following stores do not permit RVers to stay the night in self-contained RVs.” 140. In the Philippines, the Tagalog word for mountain is bundok. Marines stationed there during World War II returned from the islands’ rugged topography with the term boondocks. 141. Wal-Mart Bound International, a travel club founded by Larry Hahn in the mid-1990s, requires that its members have camped out in at least five Wal-Mart parking lots. Now with about 1,300 members, the club changed its name to include the word international when an RVer from England claimed membership, having camped at Wal-Mart’s ASDA stores in the United Kingdom. (See http://www.fmca.com/ membership/spotlight/2005/305_hahn.asp and http://www .monacorvclub.com/walmartbound.htm.) On their homepage, they ask members to be polite and to remember that “Wal-Mart is not a campground. It is a convenience,” and they offer “Wal-Mart Bound” pins to campers who have met the five-camp requirement. Although national Wal-Mart policy allows for this version of dry camping, some stores have posted signs to limit overnight stays, and bans of boondocking are sometimes the result of managerial discretion or the outcome of local ordinances. +,/ EFK 142. Other RVers use Bob and Jan Wiley’s Wal-Mart Locator book, which was in its seventh edition in 2006 and advertises more than 3,800 Wal-Mart and Sam’s Club stores in North America. In addition to locating and providing driving directions, another publication titled Overnight Free Parking Guide (Mears, MI: Cottage Time, 2008) includes GPS coordinates and a list of restaurants within a block of each Wal-Mart and Sam’s Club in the continental United States. 143. Camping groups such as the FreeCampgrounds editors (see note 140) and the Escapees j\\ÈIM:clY:XdgÉ have published pamphlets listing stores that prohibit camping. 144. The economic freedom of boondocking combines with the independence of a “self-contained” vehicle that does not require hookups. A limit to the independence is dumping waste and recharging batteries; many RVers claim that they can go for a week without a stop at a dry dump site j\\È;ip:XdgÉ % RVers might also extend their analogous cross-continent tours to the Corps of Discovery’s “Dry Camp,” where Lewis and Clark camped high in the Rocky Mountains on September 10, 1805, without water or access to game. But the packhorse is not a self-contained vehicle, rations could not be purchased at Wal-Mart, and the placeful naming conventions of the Corps’ campsites transcend parking-lot neutrality. Lewis and Clark camped at sites such as Lonesome Dove Camp (September 16, 1805), Sinque Hole Camp (September 17, 1805), Jerusalem Artichoke Camp (June 25, 1806), and Greensward Camp (June 26, 1806). The Corps’ establishment of Station Camp on November 15, 1805, near the end of their westward progress also nominally parallels the boondockers’ temporary—though felicitous even if it lacks a view of the Pacific Ocean—settlement patterns. See This Is Nowhere, directed by Doug Hawes-Davis and John Lilburn (High Plains Films, produced by Doug Hawes-Davis, 2002, 87 min., DVD). Boondocking requires economy: freshwater and the capacity of the gray tank. After stating no ill feelings toward established campgrounds, one RVer notes, “I don’t go to the gas station if I don’t need gas, and I don’t go to campgrounds if I don’t need to camp” (http://www.newrver.com). See also free camping resources, particularly at http://www.boondocking.org/poi.html. Zoning restrictions, largely to protect and benefit local private campgrounds, have disallowed “indiscriminate camping” in parking lots and other improvised locations. For an ethnography of RV lifestyles, see Dorothy Ayers Counts and David R. Counts, Over the +,0 Next Hill: An Ethnography of RVing Seniors in North America, 2nd ed. (Toronto: Broadview Press, 2001). 145. In 2002, Bruce Krall bought Bridgeville, California for $1.8 million on eBay. In August 2006, the town was again sold, for $1.25 million, to Daniel La Paille, who planned to restore the community’s infrastructure. See “Online Bidding for Declining Town Hits $357,000,” Associated Press, December 25, 2002. The relationship between camp and campo comes out of discussions with Francesco Cappellari. 146. C. Herb Williams, writing in the chapter “Station-Wagon Travel Camping,” notes: “When the cardboard . . . gets too battered or dirty, you can burn it in a campfire and start fresh the next day. . . . It’s part of the fun of station-wagon traveling, which can be convenient, clean, economical and simple in a day when everything else seems to get constantly more complicated” (in C.B. Colby, ed., The Camper’s and Backpacker’s Bible (South Hackensack, NJ: Stoeger, 1977), p.43). Michael Rakowitz’s projects, including P(LOT), can be found on his website: http://www.michaelrakowitz.com. 147. In July 2007, the purchase of the Briny Breezes trailer park near Palm Beach, Florida, fell through, and the project for the multibillion- dollar destination resort was withdrawn. Each trailer lot would have accounted for more than $1 million. The Federation of Manufactured Home Owners (FMO) of Florida contends that as many as 27 mobile home spaces disappear each day in the state. See Todd Lewan’s article for the Associated Press, “Lake Shore mobile home park: an oasis for the elderly breathes its last,” July 8, 2006. Florida Statute XL, Chapter 723, “Mobile Home Park Lot Tenancies” calls for mobile home owners whose units cannot be moved to be reimbursed with $1,375 for single-wide units and $2,750 for double-wides. This devaluation of the mobile home as vehicle links it to the disposability of “expiring use” found in site-built homes for which maintenance costs exceed replacement. Florida, Arizona, Massachusetts, and Nevada have compensation programs for evicted mobile home owners. 148. Just north of Pasadena in Altadena, Funky Junk Farms combines the typologies of museum, mechanic’s garage, workshop, film stage set, home-site, and campground. Ed Lum, the group’s graphic designer, lives in Monterey Trailer Park—approximating an intra-urban commute between two camp spaces (http://funkyjunkfarms.com). In contrast to this integrated sub-urban typology, “suburb camp” at Burning Man connotes a marginalized version of the theme camp that +-' EFK 149. See Edward Kearney and Francis H. Tabor, “A Model Suburban Camp and a Genuine Outdoor Kitchen,” New York Times, July 10, 1898, p. 12. Pelham Bay Park still accommodates summer camps and day camps as well as over-night camping through New York City Department of Parks and Recreation’s “Camping under the stars” program. 150. The reference to the grounds enclosed by the racetrack as “infield” indicates connections to agriculture and horse racing. 151. Section 4 of Daytona Beach’s Land Development Code outlines the Major Sports District (Ord. No. 02-638, § 1(Exh. A), 12-18-2002; Ord. No. 04-263, § 1, 6-16-2004). Compare this code to Daytona Beach zoning that governs the Planned Recreational Vehicle (PRV) Park http://www.municode.com/Resources/gateway.asp?pid=13509&sid=9, with an emphasis on the specific geographic location (between I-4 and US92). See also additional zoning requirements: http://www .ci.daytona-beach.fl.us/standard.aspx?p_PageAlias=DevServZM. 152. RVIA’s 2007 estimates cited a growth in RV ownership to almost one in twelve U.S. households owning one of almost eight million recreational vehicles. Economists sometimes reference the purchase of RVs as an indicator of economic prosperity. Additional 2007 statistics from RV manufacturers and a University of Michigan study (led by Richard Curtin, Director of Consumer Surveys) predict a decline in RV purchases—thus pointing toward an economic recession for some analysts. For a discussion of camping in national parks, see the article funded by the Nature Conservancy and the National Science Foundation: Oliver R.W. Pergams and Patricia A. Zaradic, “Is Love of Nature in the US Becoming Love of Electronic Media? 16-Year Downtrend in National Park Visits Explained by Watching Movies, Playing Video Games, Internet Use, and Oil Prices,” Journal of Environmental Management 80 (2006): 387–393. See also Richard Louv’s Last Child in the Woods: Saving Our Children from Nature-Deficit Disorder (Chapel Hill, NC: Algonquin Books of Chapel Hill, 2005). 153. This rhetorical phrase appears prominently on America’s Best Camping website, “Enjoy an RV Park and Campground with a Pool, Spa, Wi-Fi, Playground and More,” http://www.abc-branson.com/ amenities.html. +-( 154. See “What Is a Recreation Vehicle (RV)?”, http://www.rvia.org/ Content/NavigationMenu/RVFactsNews/RVTypesPrices/default.htm. RVIA classifies the following types of towable RVs: folding camping trailers, truck campers, conventional travel trailers, fifth wheel trailers, sport utility RVs, and travel trailers with expandable ends. Wheelersguide differentiates the RV resort from the campground, describing the latter as more “naturally oriented.” 155. The 2000U.S. Census places the geographic center of the nation’s mean population at 37°41’49” North, 91°48’34” West, near Edgar Springs, Phelps County, Missouri. 156. The 2007 Rally, held July 19–22, also included the annualRV show and seminars by RV industry experts. 157. By census definition, the summer camp has never constituted residency under the category of GQ (Group Quarters) (Daniel L. Cork and Paul R. Voss. eds., Once, Only Once, and in the Right Place: Residence Rules in the Decennial Census (Washington, DC: National Academy Press, 2006), 257). Historically, the census has not only identified particular living situations but has also tried to define particular times for gathering census information in these temporally charged locations: “The 1940 census was the first to use rules for nontypical residencies, designating a specific Transient Night (T-Night) for the enumeration of the population that could be found at hotels, tourist or trailer camps, missions, flophouses, and other such places” (p. 148). In 1980, the census transformed this practice into “Mission Night,” canvassing those residing in shelters, motels, and hotels; in 1990, the census focused on counting the homeless in a program called Shelter and Street Night (S-Night). In 2000, census workers carried out multistage S-Nights that included not only homeless sites but also interviews with people (on March 31, 2000) at work camps, campgrounds, fairs, carnivals, and marinas (p. 151). The estimate of 1.4 million full-timer RVers comes from Andrew Cornwall’s 2006 report on the economic effects of RVing in Nova Scotia. For this estimate, Cornwall combined his own studies with those carried out by the University of Michigan in 2001 and by RV Travel in 2004 and 2005. See in particular pages 20–22 of Cornwall’s “The Economic Effects in Nova Scotia of the RV Overnight Parking Ban and Aspects of Campground Minimum Standards,” March 14, 2006, http://www .geocities.com/cornwaab. +-) EFK 158. Joe Peterson and Kay Peterson, “Full-Time RVing: Is it for you?” (Livingston, TX: Escapees, 2001), 22, http://www.escapees.com/edocs/ FT_foryou_.pdf. 159. Under the provision of “People living in special places on census day,” the duration of stay and the availability of residence information factor into how the individual or family is counted (Cork and Voss, Once, Only Once, and In the Right Place, 171, 188). 160. Panel on Residence Rules in the Decennial Census, in Cork and Voss, Once, Only Once, and in the Right Place, 298–299 (emphasis in original). The Rule continues: “If the person does not claim a UHE, count them at the camp. (Note that if the recreational vehicle is their only or usual residence, it is considered a housing unit (HU) and tabulated as an HU. It is part of GQ enumeration but not part of GQ population.)” Rule 21 would also apply to the Rainbows End Care facility in Livingston, Texas: “On Census Day, person is under formally authorized, supervised care or custody, in a nursing, convalescent, or rest home for the aged and dependent. Count person at: The special place (UHE not allowed)” (p. 299). 161. Joe Peterson and Kay Peterson, “Full-Time RVing,” 23. 162. KOA’s logo and branding recall the United Nations and U.S. National Park Service icons that designate tent camping. The logo can also be compared to subsequent adaptations of this symbolism in the Foo Camp logo, with its iconographic tent now emitting Wi-Fi waves. 163. Derived from Homer Staves, “Designing and Building a Campground or RV Park,” http://www.stavesconsulting.com/ campground_building. 164. Joseph Cunningham opened his first summer camp at Howstrake on the Isle of Man in 1894. In 1904, the Young Men’s Holiday Camp moved to a site on Victoria Road. World War I internees replaced the tents with permanent chalet structures at what became known as Douglas Camp. William Butlin’s camping empire included eight other holiday venues: Ayr, Barry Island, Bognor Regis, Clacton, Filey, Minehead, Mosney, and Pwllheli. 165. The original chalets of the 1930s Yellow Camp have been demolished and replaced by caravan sites known as Sandhills Village. +-* Many of the chalets of Green Camp, also built in the 1930s, have been demolished; those that remain form Gunby Village. 166. Charles Ledyard Norton, “Summer Camps for Boys,” Christian Union 38, no. 8 (August 23, 1888): 193. 167. For further discussion of the origins of summer camps, see W. Barksdale Maynard, “An Ideal Life in the Woods for Boys: Architecture and Culture in the Earliest Summer Camps,” Winterthur Portfolio 34, no. 1 (spring 1999): 3–29. Maynard focuses on what he terms the “crucial early camps,” Chocorua, Asquam, and Pasquaney. See in particular pages 3–5. See also Abigail Van Slyck, A Manufactured Wildnerness: Summer Camps and the Shaping of American Youth, 1890–1960 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2006). 168. In 2004, the New York Public School System discontinued the Summer Breakaway Camp program, which had served eight thousand students. Although not directly linked to curriculum, the Fresh Air Fund has offered free summer camping to children from disadvantaged communities since 1877, historically placing its nonprofit services between provisions made by the Gunnery School and YMCA’s Camp Dudley. 169. Theodore Roosevelt, “What We Can Expect of the American Boy,” St. Nicholas, May 1900, 571–574. 170. After the First World War, a second wave of camps emphasized the social role of camping—an idea framed by William James’s influential essay on the “moral equivalent” of war j\\ÈNfib:XdgÉ`e Z_Xgk\i* . And during World War II, camp enrollment surged and out of necessity broke the financial barriers of earlier “elite” summer camps. Burgeoning and newly founded agencies like the YMCA and YWCA targeted a need for housing children during the summer with “residential camps.” After the war, summer camps became a more staid release from a rapidly growing suburban environment. Emphasis on individuality and the pragmatism of education generated the “specialty camp” in the 1960s and 1970s. 171. In its studies, the ACA has found that the number of day camps has increased by 90 percent in the past twenty years. 172. Michael Eisner, Work in Progress (New York: Random House, 1998), 31, 244. The history of Eisner’s camp begins in 1893 with A.S. +-+ EFK Gregg Clarke’s Keewaydin Camp in northern Ontario’s Lake Temagami. Eisner attended the second incarnation of Keewaydin, founded in 1910 on Lake Dunmore in Salisbury, Vermont. Frederick Gunn had served as Clarke’s mentor. Camp Keewaydin reflected the turn-of-the-century typology of upper-class, Northeastern summer camps. Eisner points out in Camp (New York: Warner Books, 2005) that Keewaydin is an Ojibway word for the northwest wind and Indian omen that brings good luck and good weather, and the term appears in Henry Wadsworth Longfellow’s poem Hiawatha. Canada’s Keewaydin remains what is called a “tripping camp,” more of a base for exploring, canoeing, and hiking rather than the all-inclusive camp facilities at the Vermont site. 173. Eisner, Camp, 384. 174. Eisner, Camp, 61. The publication of Camp followed his removal as chair of Disney’s board of directors in March 2004 and occurred during his imminent departure as Disney CEO. 175. Ralph Waldo Emerson, The Complete Works of Ralph Waldo Emerson, vol. 9: Society and Solitude (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, and Company, 1904): 193. As if to link the cultivated Adirondack camp with the roots of a civilized nation, these lines begin the prelude to chapter 2, titled “Civilization” in volume 7 of Emerson’s Complete Works. Henry David Thoreau wrote in “A Walk to Wachusett” of the philosophically high-minded camper: “We read Virgil and Wordsworth in our tent, with new pleasure there, while waiting for a clearer atmosphere” (excerpted in William Howarth, ed., Walking with Thoreau (Boston: Beacon Press, 2001), 29). Philosophy and writing combined in the high-styled construction of Raymond Roussel’s maison roulante, a mobile camp and writing studio that allowed the author to travel globally in his mind but locally in reality. The maison’s luxurious interior furnishings created a hermetic glamp where Roussel, with blinds drawn, could read and write without interruption. See Roussel’s How I Wrote Certain of My Books, ed. Trevor Winkfield (New York: Sun, 1977). 176. The interior fabric of each tent includes “2200 hand embroidered mirrors adorning the inner lining of this unique design.” 177. Whitelaw Reid hired William Mead for cabin designs in 1908 and 1917. It has also been speculated that Mead may have designed earlier buildings at Camp Wild Air in the late 1890s. See the National Register of Historic Places Inventory Nomination Form, “Great Camps of the Adirondacks Thematic Resources, New York State,” September 24, +-, 1986. See also Alfred Lee Donaldson, A History of the Adirondacks (New York: The Century Company, 1921). “Great Camp” comes out of the camping traditions of the Adirondack region of upstate New York. The Great Camps of the Adirondacks were “seasonal complexes of residential/recreational architecture consciously designed to blend with their rugged woodland settings. All examples incorporate the following characteristics: 1. A compound plan, consisting of multiple structures, each designed for a specialized, specific function; 2. Imaginative use of native building materials in construction and/or decoration to create a picturesque, rustic effect . . . [local materials] were incorporated in fanciful combinations to convey the harmonious relationship of the camp structures to the mountainous, wooded natural environment of the Adirondack region; 3. Siting on secluded, wooded lakeshore locations, with natural rock outcroppings, exposed root systems and tall coniferous trees incorporated into a picturesque setting; 4. A high degree of self-sufficiency, as evidenced by service buildings designed to provide food production and storage, maintenance, and housing for camp staff” (derived from National Register of Historic Places Inventory Nomination Form, “Great Camps of the Adirondacks Thematic Resources”). Artist Toland Grinnell’s “Pied-à-terre” (2001) provides a rhetorical and ironic twenty-first century commentary on the glamp and over-indulgence. Inspired by the Grinnell family’s protracted, fashion-conscious planning for a camping trip, the project includes monogrammed gold and ivory trunks, a tent made of silk, a portable spa for the family dog, and a matching case for 70 bottles of mineral water. The work began a long-term installation at Brooklyn Museum in 2007. 178. Craig Gilborn, in Adirondack Camps: Homes away from Home, 1850–1950 (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2000), presents Decorous Camp and Trophy Camp as preferred terminologies to Great Camp. See in particular his argument on pages 299–300. Gilborn cites Harvey Ellis’s use of “decorous shelter” as the origin of this apposite terminology, describing the “sensible compromise” that combined “two things—the ‘privacy and the many domestic comforts that our civilization has changed from luxuries to necessities,’ as well as the openness and freedom of the tent and accessibility to the outdoors” (p. 162). See also Ellis’s essay, “An Adirondack Camp,” in The Craftsman 4 (July 1903): 281–284. 179. Thomas Bullock, in his “Poor Camp Journal” of Thursday, December 17, 1846, notes: “I made a map of Winter Quarters.” See the collection “Trails of Hope: Overland Diaries and Letters, 1846–1869,” +-- EFK 180. Lieutenant Colonel George A. Bruce, The Twentieth Regiment of Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1906), 324. 181. Aaron Lee, From the Atlantic to the Pacific (Seattle: Metropolitan Press, 1915), 143. See also the National Register Nomination Form “Army of the Potomac Winter Encampment, Culpeper and Fauquier, 1863–1864,” which calls the Army of the Potomac’s camp the largest winter camp of the Civil War. 182. Benjamin Latrobe; quoted in Talbot Hamlin, Benjamin Henry Latrobe (New York: Oxford University Press, 1955), 319–232. 183. Bradd Shore, in his working papers for the Emory Center for Myth and Ritual in American Life, has noted how the Salem Camp Meeting has become as much a space for family homecoming and family reunion as a place of spiritual awakening. Shore also notes how the tabernacle and the family tents have become “memory objects” for the returning families. See Bradd Shore, “Spiritual Work, Memory Work: Revival and Recollection at Salem Camp Meeting,” Department of Anthropology, Emory University, Emory Center for Myth and Ritual in American Life, Working Paper No. 23, March 2003, http://www.marial.emory.edu/ pdfs/Shore024-03.pdf. 184. Arising out of folklore musical traditions, the song was formally composed and published by Kerry Mills in 1897 and became a well-known version of the traditional Southern “cakewalk” dance and music. The song is also a reminder that the camp meetings were primarily segregated until recently with invitations to African-American ministers extended at meetings such as Salem Camp. Benjamin Latrobe’s 1809 sketches register the historical hierarchies of class and race in the placement of African-American tents in the meeting’s valley location. 185. Some Bible camps are called family camps, but family camp has a wider, often nondenominational use. See for example the Museum of Family Camping in Bear Brook State Park. The museum’s exhibits include a campstove modeled on Admiral Peary’s cooking stove at the North Pole, an 1895 sleeping bag, a 1938 travel trailer, and a recreated 1935 Northwoods primitive campsite. +-. 186. See Jesus Camp, directed by Heidi Ewing and Rachel Grady (Magnolia Pictures, produced by Nancy Dubuc and Molly Thompson, 2006). In 2006, Fischer discontinued the “Kids on Fire” summer camp and began to look for a new site. The Kids on Fire Summer School of Ministry and other programs were still offered in 2007. 187. Mary Aiken Rothschild, “To Scout or to Guide? The Girl Scout Controversy, 1912–1914,” Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies 6, no. 3 (autumn 1981): 115–121. Rothschild argues that this “practical feminism” of Girl Scout organizations has waxed and waned between domesticity and feminism. “Campcraft” is not specifically related to feminine procedures of camping, but it does suggest the detailed connection to making camp that has been related to “homemaking” and cooking in handbooks and discussions of scouting. See for example Girl Scout Handbook (New York: Girl Scouts, 1933), particularly “The Girl Scout Homemaker,” 367–441. 188. Juliette Augusta Magill Kinzie, Wau-bun: The Early Day in the Northwest (Philadelphia, 1873). From the section “Voyage up Fox River”: “The fires had been made of small saplings and underbrush, hastily collected, the mildness of the weather rendering anything beyond what sufficed for the purposes of cooking and drying the men’s clothes, superfluous. The soldiers’ tent was pitched at some distance from our own, but not too far for us to hear distinctly their laughter and apparent enjoyment after the fatigues of the day.” See http://www .authorama.com/book/wau-bun.html. 189. Since 1920 (Oxford, UK), world camps and conferences have been held at diverse sites: Parad, Hungary (1928); Petropolis, Brazil (1957); Pune, India (1966); Tehran, Iran (1978); Njoro, Kenya (1987); Manila, Philippines (2002); and Amman, Jordan (2005). 190. Rufus B. Sage, Rocky Mountain Life, or Startling Scenes and Perilous Adventures in the Far West during an Expedition of Three Years (Boston: Wentworth, 1857). The full-text version is available online at http:// www.xmission.com/~drudy/mtman/html/sage/rufussage.html. This excerpt is cited in Boy Scouts of America, Fieldbook, 3rd ed. (Irving, TX: Boy Scouts of America, 1984), 90. See also Boy Scouts of America, The Official Handbook for Boys (New York: Doubleday, Page and Co., 1911). 191. Franklin Delano Roosevelt, “Invitation to the Boy Scout Jamboree in Washington,” delivered February 8, 1937; in John Woolley and Gerhard Peters, The American Presidency Project (Santa Barbara: +-/ EFK University of California), http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ ws/?pid=15364. 192. Major General John A. Yingling, “Joint Task Force National Scout Jamboree: Commander’s Welcome,” http://jambo.forscom.army.mil. The 2005 Jamboree’s theme was “On My Honor—Timeless Values.” See also George W. Bush, “Remarks to the National Scout Jamboree at Fort A.P. Hill, Virginia”; in John Woolley and Gerhard Peters, The American Presidency Project (Santa Barbara: University of California), http:// www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=73866. 193. Recent revisions to this law include the following related to “Equipment and other services” for the Boy Scout Jamborees: Title 10. Armed Forces, Subtitle A. General Military Law, Part IV. Service, Supply, and Procurement, Chapter 152. Issue of Supplies, Services, And Facilities, 10 United States Code § (section) 2554 (2004). The ACLU filed suit in July 2005 to contest this public support for the private organization of the Boy Scouts. It is also worth noting that the map of the 1937 Jamboree includes an inset that draws attention to the lack of public support and that attendees had themselves funded this encampment without “one penny . . . of public money” having been “made available.” For this early Jamboree, Congress had passed legislation allowing for the use of the 350 acres of land but did not provide direct funding. 194. For a listing of the Media Ground Rules, see http://jambo .forscom.army.mil/media_ground_rules.htm. 195. James West, The Scout Jamboree Book (New York: Putnam, 1930), 11. For this volume, West adapted the stories of fifteen Boy Scouts who attended the 1929 Jamboree. 196. See http://draft.eng.brownsea2007.org/events/replica. For current World Jamboree information, see http://eng.thejamboree.org/site. +-0 Chapter 2: Control 1. On May 20, 1999, the Schengen acquis was integrated into the European Union framework through annexes to the Amsterdam Treaty of May 1, 1999. The full integration of the acquis occurred as an annex to the Schengen Protocol, itself annexed to the Amsterdam Treaty. The Schengen acquis is also part of a larger body of law referred to as the “acquis communautaire.” The common visa policy under Schengen includes the following full members (as of 2008): Austria, Belgium, the Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, the Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, and Sweden. Iceland, Liechtenstein, Norway, and Switzerland are not EU members, but agreements do allow citizens of these countries to travel similarly to EU citizens with ID cards or passports. Ireland and the United Kingdom are not members of the Schengen Agreement. Director-General for Justice and Home Affairs Charles Elsen also noted in the foreword to the acquis: “Decisions and declarations adopted within the Schengen institutional framework by the Executive Committee [of the European Union] have never before been published” (The Schengen Acquis (Brussels: General Secretariat of the Council, 1999), 3, http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cmsUpload/SCH .ACQUIS-EN.pdf). 2. Georges Perec, Species of Spaces and Other Pieces, trans. John Sturrock (New York: Penguin, 1998). In his inauguration speech for FRONTEX, Commissioner Franco Frattini noted: “I must say that I am genuinely impressed with . . . the very high standard of control and surveillance that I have witnessed” at the visit to the external border in Poland. FRONTEX’s logo catalogs the physical and administrative extent of this control. See Frattini, “Inauguration Speech of the Frontex Agency,” Warsaw, June 30, 2005, http://europa.eu/rapid/press ReleasesAction. 3. The camps discussed here remain significant in both federalist models of centralized political identity and postnational visions of the European Union. The singularity of a “European” vision is frequently debated. As Sami Moisio notes, “It is now common to argue that the EU is a novel political scale, a post-national polity that has no single center of authority and in which sovereignty is multi-layered, fragmented, and +.' EFK 4. Migreurop and Claire Rodier have also used the “Europe of camps” designation. See Rodier’s essays located in the “Analyses” section of Migreurop’s website, http://www.migreurop.org/rubrique143.html. 5. Giorgio Agamben draws on the zone d’attente as one of the main sites for legal exception and conditions of “bare life.” Other frameworks trace the origins of these zones back to nineteenth-century French penal codes and the more recent though less formalized French detention centers in the 1980s. Miriam Ticktin points out that detention centers were “initially instituted in the 1960s as a form of ‘administrative internment,’” coinciding with the preliminary waves of labor migration from former French colonies, particularly Algeria (see Miriam Ticktin, “Policing and Humanitarianism in France: Immigration and the Turn to Law as State of Exception,” Interventions 7, no. 3 (November 2005): 347–368, quote 354). 6. Article 221-1 of the Code de l’entrée at du séjour des étrangers et du droit d’asile (CESEDA) calls for areas “assurant des prestations de type hôtelier.” 7. In Germany’s Frankfurt Airport, noncitizen migrants wait for a maximum of nineteen days in the Empfangszentrum within the airport complex. With the acceptance of the Bossi-Fini regulations in 2005, Italy now holds asylum seekers in Identification Centers (Centro di Identificazione) for up to twenty days while claims are processed. In The Netherlands under the Aliens Act of 2000, Application Centers (Aanmeldcentrum) are located at Schiphol Airport and on the German border at Ter Apel. By law, migrants at Ter Apel are allowed to leave the Application Center but must be available for interviews. With the “normal determination procedure,” migrants pass into a screening and reception center (Onderzoeks en Opvangcentrum), where they might remain for six months to one year (European Council on Refugees and +.( Exiles, “Netherlands: Legal and Social Conditions for Asylum Seekers and Refugees,” http://www.ecre.org/conditions/2003/Netherlands .htm#detention). In Belgium, the naming of these waiting zones solidifies the irony of their still-multifaceted closure as “Centres ouvertes.” 8. In The Netherlands, the Aliens Act calls for a phased approach leading up to imprisonment in a detention center (Grenshospitium). Phase 1 begins when a migrant who has not been granted asylum fails to leave the Reception Center and the country within twenty-eight days. During the first four- to eight-week period, independent return is promoted, and administrators are charged with helping asylum seekers acquire travel documents. Phase 2 continues this process for another eight to twelve weeks before phase 3 places the asylum seeker in detention, when deportation is imminent. 9. Human Rights Watch has noted that “one key cause of Italy’s tough stance is the Dublin Convention, which since 1998 has resulted in other EU states returning to Italy asylum seekers who had transited through Italy. The Dublin Convention transformed Italy from a transit country to a destination country, and Italy has been trying to transform the next in line: Libya.” And Libya points back to its Saharan neighbors to the south. According to the Dublin Convention, migrants are allowed to make a single application for asylum through the first state of entry into the European Union. See section X, “Role of European Union and Italy,” in Human Rights Watch, Stemming the Flow: Abuses against Migrants, Asylum Seekers and Refugees 18, no. 5(E) (September 2006): 100. 10. In June 2003, three thousand immigrants arrived at or were taken to Lampedusa. It was reported that a thousand arrived during the week of June 14, and at the same time two boats sank in their precarious passage to Italian territory. (See the BBC News articles “Europe-Bound Migrants Drown at Sea” and “Italy’s Illegal Migrant Conundrum,” June 21, 2003, http://news.bbc.co.uk.) The Cap Anamur Committee, founded in 1979 to rescue Vietnamese refugees at sea, took in thirty-seven African refugees after the boat off the coast of Lampedusa sank. Denied landing at any Mediterranean seaports, the ship became a floating refugee camp for eleven days. As conditions worsened, the ship captain’s emergency call resulted in permission to enter the Italian port. Director Elias Bierdel and Captain Stefan Schmidt were arrested by Italian officials, and the refugees were denied asylum. The intricacies of the Dublin Convention manifested themselves in subsequent calls for Malta to process the asylum applications since its territorial waters +.) EFK 11. Spanish versions include the Short-Stay Immigrant Centre (Centro de Estancia Temporal de Inmigrantes, or CETI) and the Centers for the Detention of Foreigners (Centros de Internamento Extranjeros) in Melilla, Ceuta, and the Canary Islands. 12. See the BBC News article “Concerns over EU Transit Camps,” September 30, 2004, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/3702634.stm. Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi had met the previous month with Libyan Colonel Muammar Gadhafi to discuss joint strategies to stem northward migration into the European Union. Modifications to Italy’s immigration laws made expulsions easier starting in 2002. Law No. 189/2002, known as the “Bossi-Fini law,” was adopted on July 30, 2002, but only came into force in April 21, 2005, after Presidential Decree 303 (DPR 303). Note that “it states in article 1(4) that an asylum claim will be rejected when the person has already been granted refugee status elsewhere or when the person came immediately from a country that is a party to the Refugee Convention (though the nonrefoulement obligation still applies under CAT and also if there is a risk that the person may be returned from the third country to another where they would face persecution).” (quoted in section X, “Role of European Union and Italy,” in Human Rights Watch, 103). 13. “According to the European Commission, the camp, under construction since November 2004, will be ‘in line with European criteria’ though which criteria remains unclear. Italy is planning to finance two more camps in the south, in Kufra and Sebha” (Human Rights Watch, Stemming the Flow; see also Rutvica Andrijasevic, “How to Balance Rights and Responsibilities on Asylum at the EU’s Southern Border of Italy and Libya,” Centre for Policy Studies, Central European University & Open Society Institute, 2005/2006, http://www .statewatch.org/news/2006/sep/rutvica-andrijasevic-wp.pdf). +.* 14. These surveillance systems include SIVE (Sistema Integrado de Vigilancia Exterior), and drone aircraft have also been proposed to survey the EU and Italian borders. 15. See Helmut Dietrich, “The Desert Front—EU Refugee Camps in North Africa?”, http://www.statewatch.org/news/2005/mar/ 12eu-refugee-camps.htm. The original article appeared in the journal Konkret, issue 12, 2004. 16. EU President Schüssel had earlier referred to “States which produce refugees” in his 1998 strategy paper. This concept, also called “regional protection areas,” had its origins in the no-fly zones of northern Iraq and Macedonia, during the crisis in Kosovo, where UNHCR, IOM, and aid organizations could establish refugee camps out of harm’s way. The protection zones further blur distinctions of necessity and control. Along these lines, officials from the United Kingdom, Holland, and Denmark referred to a “migration partnership” with Tanzania to produce a regional protection zone. 17. In MigMap’s “Europeanization,” early attempts at negotiating EU policy and the system of camps diverge after an October 1999 meeting in Tampere. The “debate around extraterritorial camps” meanders toward Schengen policy. But the path diagramming this debate lacks the official meetings, papers, laws, and conferences that are found at other critical nodes in the political matrix. Blair’s vision and the UNHCR’s strategy paper remain independent. The Schengen line moves toward a subsequent meeting point with EU development and FRONTEX’s inauguration j\\È 18. See Ticktin, “Policing and Humanitarianism in France,” 347–368. Critics have noted that this center exists outside of zone d’attentes and reception center frameworks in a space of legal exception that defies each country’s administrative overlays, making Sangatte a unique aporia of conditions of migrancy. Claire Rodier contends in “Camps in France” (2003) (see note 4 above) that there were an estimated seventy thousand migrants in the area over a period of three years, and that their eventual dispersal constituted a kind of “house arrest.” 19. See MSF Field News, “Hundreds of Sudanese Refugees Living in Abandoned Train Station in Rome,” October 22, 2003, http://www .doctorswithoutborders.org/news/2003/10-22-2003.cfm. +.+ EFK 20. See Liz Fekete, “Mediterranean Solution,” European Race Bulletin, summer 2006, http://dic.ssi.org.yu/biblioteka/eKnjige/71.IRR.2006 .pdf. The offshore camps of the Pacific Solution have been compared to the Centers for the Detention of Foreigners (Centros de Internamento Extranjeros) in Melilla, Ceuta, and the Canary Islands. See also Amnesty International, “Australia-Pacific: Offending Human Dignity—the ‘Pacific Solution,’” August 26, 2002, http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/ info/ASA12/009/2002. 21. Besides creating the offshore camps of the Pacific solution, Australian officials established the Baxter Detention Center in 2003 after closure of Woomera Immigration Reception and Processing Center. Activists organized a protest camp at Baxter in March 2005. 22. The video game Escape from Woomera has moved from site to site—a condition the game’s authors have attributed to “cybersquatting.” As of May 2008, the game could be found at the following site: http:// pandora.nla.gov.au/pan/46570/20050324-0000/www.escapefrom woomera.org/index.html. The game’s designers make the following case for the project: “With a first person, 3D adventure game we invite gamers to assume the character of, and ‘live’ through the experiences of a modern day refugee. The effective media lock-out from immigration detention centres has meant that the whole truth about what goes on behind the razor-wire at Woomera, Baxter, Port Hedland, Maribyrnong and Villawood remains largely a mystery to the Australian public. We want to challenge this by offering the world a glimpse—more than that even: an interactive, immersive experience—of life within the most secretive and controversial places on the Australian political and geographical landscape. In this way, Escape From Woomera will be an engine for mobilising experiences and situations otherwise inaccessible to a nation of disempowered onlookers. It will provide both a portal and a toolkit for reworking and engaging with what is otherwise an entirely mediated current affair.” 23. Meredith Kolodner, “Immigration Enforcement Benefits Prison Firms,” New York Times, July 19, 2006, Business section. 24. The Ohio National Guard uses the training facilities of the camp, which also accommodates recreational activities along the shores of Lake Erie, with a conference center and RV park sites. During World War II, Camp Perry included a prisoner-of-war camp for Italians and Germans. +., 25. Hanson’s legacy also continues in the paper company Weyerhaeuser’s presence in the Grayling region—referenced in its sponsorship of the AuSable Canoe Marathon. 26. See Military Base Closures: Updated Status of Prior Base Realignments and Closures (Washington, DC: Government Accountability Office, 2005). See also David S. Eady, “Measuring the Ecological Footprint of a Military Installation: How Much Nature Do We Consume?”, briefing to the NDIA Environmental Symposium, April 2003. Eady estimates that a base of approximately one hundred thousand acres (he uses Fort Campbell’s 105,068 as an example) has an ecological footprint of 1.8 million acres—a figure, when comparative populations are factored in, that is twice the relative size of the U.S. average. 27. On February 19, 1942, President Roosevelt signed Executive Order 9066 to relocate residents of Japanese descent living on the nation’s West Coast to relocation centers, some of which were adaptations of preexisting Civilian Conservation Corps camps j\\k_\j\Zk`feÈ::: :XdgÉ`eZ_Xgk\i* . The authorization was made in spite of the Colorado River Indian Reservation Tribal Council’s opposition to the use of its land. The center’s three cantonments (Poston I, II, and III) were referred to as “Roasten, Toasten, and Dustin” and were separated by three-mile intervals, all within the entirely fenced compound. Internees—often referred to as “evacuees”—came from Mayer, Salinas, Santa Anita, and Pinedale assembly centers. Estimates show the number of Japanese American internees to be about 120,000. Although to a statistically lesser extent, internment also included Italians, Germans, Bulgarians, Czechs, Hungarians, and Romanians. The Poston Relocation Center was closed on November 28, 1945. 28. See U.S. Department of the Interior, “Report to the President: Japanese-American Internment Sites Preservation,” January 2001, http://www.nps.gov/history/history/online_books/internment/ report.htm. Manzanar Relocation Center was designated a National Historic Site in 1992. For a discussion of Noguchi’s experiences in the camp and his subsequent work, see Amy Lyford, “Noguchi, Sculptural Abstraction, and the Politics of Japanese American Internment,” The Art Bulletin 85, no. 1 (March 2003): 137–151. 29. Many websites index campground offerings to military personnel, but among them “U.S. Military Campgrounds” is the most comprehensive (http://www.military.com/Travel/Content1/0,military_ campgrounds,00.html). See Department of Defense, “Instruction: +.- EFK Programs for Military Morale, Welfare, and Recreation,” Number 1015.10, November 3, 1995 (incorporating Change 1, October 31, 1996), http://www.dtic.mil/whs/directives/corres/pdf/101510p.pdf. The Air Force has its own network of Family Camps (FamCamps) within the continental United States. STRAHNET’s sixty thousand miles of improved roads combine with the seven thousand miles of base and camp roads to form the Defense Department’s Defense Highway Network. 30. In addition to the 14,000 military members, United States military data lists 12,000 Department of Defense civilians, 19,000 family members, and 6,000 local national employees. This population combines with “military retirees and their dependents,” making KMC the “largest concentration of Americans outside the United States.” (http://www.ramstein.af.mil) 31. According to the Office of the Deputy Chief of Staff, Engineer (ODCSENG), temporary construction “must be designed and constructed on an expedient basis, with finishes, materials, and systems selected with energy efficiency, maintenance, and life-cycle costs being secondary to considerations with a life expectancy of 5 years or less.” See Garth M. Horne and Lowdermilk Eldon Scott, “Supporting the Title X Engineer Effort in the Balkans,” Engineer: The Professional Bulletin for Army Engineers 31, no.3 (August 2001): 58. 32. See Commission on Review of Overseas Military Facility Structure of the United States, Report to the President and Congress (Arlington, VA: Overseas Basing Commission, August 15, 2005), http://govinfo .library.unt.edu/osbc/reports.html. See also United States Department of Defense, FY 2008 Global War on Terror Budget Estimate: Military Construction, Army, Construction Project Data (Department of Defense, February 2007). 33. See United States Army, Europe, and Seventh Army Unit, Base Camp Facilities Standards for Contingency Operations (Department of the Army, February 2004), 1–2. See also “USAREUR Blue Book Base Camp Baseline Standards: A Guide to Base Operations Downrange,” http:// www.aschq.army.mil/gc/files/Blue%20Book.doc. 34. SEA huts are 16 by 32 feet—the same dimensions as a GP Medium Tent. Standard containers are 8 by 20 feet. SEA huts house a maximum of six personnel in the short term (less than six months), with fewer occupants depending on duration, rank, or type of civilian +.. employment. Groups of five SEA huts make up a company cluster, with one latrine per cluster and bunkers separating cluster groups. Each tier of tents includes the basic GP Medium Field Tent. Tier I has plywood floor panels, Tier II adds two electric lights as well as electrical outlets and space heaters, and Tier III is a full wooden-frame tent with plywood panel sidewalls, insulated flooring, four electric light outlets, eight electrical outlets, and environmental control units (ECUs). In these standards, base camps must allow for “surge housing”—the ability to house 10 percent of the camp’s total population as transients and surges. If surges exceed 10 percent, Tier II tents are used for housing (United States Army, Europe, Deputy Chief of Staff, Engineer, Base Camp Facilities Standards (Department of the Army, November 15, 2001), 10–12, www.afsc.army.mil/gc/files/Red Book Construction.doc). 35. See John M. Cushing and Timothy Trainor, “Developing Base Camps to Support Military Operations in a Dangerous World.” Cushing and Trainor summarize the base camp planning tools (AT Planner, Red Book, and Sandbook) and point out the lessons learned from the deployment to Bosnia-Herzegovina in December 1995. The “tent cities” that were formed, many times in farmers’ fields, posed environmental and security threats for the soldiers. The authors advocate the Systems Engineering and Management Process (SEMP) as a design methodology. The first annual Base Camp Workshop (March 31 to April 1, 2004) picked up on this systems engineering approach and proposed additional standards for future base camps. Presenters from the Iraq theater noted that base camp development posed particular difficulties with the large number of forces deployed between 2003 and 2004. A second workshop was held in May 2005. See http://www.asem.org/ conferences/2004conferenceproceedings/Cushing016.pdf. 36. Robert L. McClure makes this comparison in “The Engineer Regiment in Kosovo,” Engineer: The Professional Bulletin for Army Engineers, April 2000, 6–10. 37. See KFOR’s Multi-National Task Force (East) website, http://www .tffalcon.hqusareur.army.mil. 38. President Bill Clinton arrived at Camp Bondsteel on November 23, 1999. President George W. and First Lady Laura Bush visited the camp on July 24, 2001, having been preceded by Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, who toured the camp on June 5, 2001. The Camp Bondsteel Education Center has offered continuing education courses from the +./ EFK University of Maryland and Central Texas College j\\XcjfÈ:Xdglj :XdgÉ`eZ_Xgk\i* . 39. See Commission on Review of Overseas Military Facility Structure of the United States (also known as Overseas Basing Commission), May 9, 2005. 40. Robert D. Critchlow, CRS Report for Congress, U.S. Military Overseas Basing: New Developments and Oversight Issues for Congress, October 31, 2005. TheCRS report paraphrases BRAC and uses Bondsteel, Eagle Base in Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Manas Air Field in Kyrgyzstan as examples of the new approach, related to the IGPBS. 41. McClure, “The Engineer Regiment in Kosovo,” 10. 42. Corridor VIII runs along the following route: Durres-Tirana- Skopje-Sofia-Varna. Coinciding with Camp Bondsteel’s planning stages, Robert D. Kaplan’s article “Why the Balkans Demand Amorality” in the Washington Post on February 28, 1999, not only summarizes the disagreement between the practical arguments of economic stability and the moral positions on the Kosovo crisis, but also notes the strategic significance of the region: “With the Middle East increasingly fragile, we will need bases and fly-over rights in the Balkans to protect Caspian Sea oil” (“Why the Balkans Demand Amorality,” B.01). And writing in his policy paper Foreign Military Bases in Eurasia, Zdzislaw Lachowski notes: “It has also been questioned whether U.S. bases serve the military needs of U.S. forces or whether they are designed to promote other interests. Establishing bases in oil- and gas-rich regions such as the Middle East, the Caspian Sea basin and Central Asia is easily interpreted as an attempt to protect and secure the uninterrupted supply of these raw materials to the West” (SIPRI Policy Paper No. 18 (Stockholm: SIPRI, June 2007), 66). See also the European Commission press release announcing the Memorandum of Understanding signed between southeast European governments to launch Corridor VIII’s development between Italy and Turkey, “Transport: Launch of the Italy-Turkey pan-European Corridor through Albania, Bulgaria, Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and Greece,” September 9, 2002 (IP/02/1275). 43. McClure, “The Engineer Regiment in Kosovo,” 11. Gil-Robles reported that the situation at Camp Bondsteel did not meet the “required democratic control over the armed forces” and noted that United Nations Security Council resolution 1244 should “be +.0 interpreted in conformity with the essential requirement of democracy according to which the military is subject to civilian control” (Council of Europe, Office of the Commissioner for Human Rights, Kosovo: The Human Rights Situation and the Fate of Persons Displaced from Their Homes, October 16, 2002, 21). Reports and interviews with Gil-Robles categorize the detention facility at Bondsteel as a “clandestine camp” in Europe. 44. Following this argument, medical camps, both military and civilian, occur between life and death in extreme, marginal, or temporary circumstances. Exemplifying this situation is Camp Taqqadum, a surgical camp in Iraq. 45. See United Nations, Integrated Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration Standards (New York: United Nations, 2006). Published in December 2006, the IDDRS was the first edition of a collective approach to DDR procedures and programs after a series of drafts in 2004 and 2005. See also Colin Gleichmann, Michael Odenwald, Kees Steenken, and Adrian Wilkinson, Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration: A Practical Field and Classroom Guide, a joint publication by the Swedish National Defense College, Norwegian Defense School, GTZ, and the Pearson Peacekeeping Centre, 2004. 46. UN officials have attempted to differentiate the irregular, nonstate armed groups eligible for the DDR program from those, like petty criminals, noncombatants, or civilians, who seek entry through “false pretences.” Individuals with defective weapons and ammunition less than the minimum requirements are ineligible for admission to the program. In the past, ammunition has been transferred to individuals who seek to pass through the DDR program for the “personal or political gain” of those who provided the requisite ammunition. UN standards now recommend that only the surrender of self-contained ammunition (mines, grenades, surface-to-air missiles, and antitank rocket launchers) allows for program admission (IDDRS 4.10, 16). Previous combinations of aid dispensed as currency with the surrendering of often antiquated, disused weaponry have proven ineffective and problematic as a kind of “cash for weapons program.” 47. IDDRS 4.10, 18. 48. IDDRS 4.20, 2. 49. For a comparative analysis of other problems posed in DDR programs in southern Africa, see Gwinyayi A. Dzinesa, “Postconflict +/' EFK Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration of Former Combatants in Southern Africa,” International Studies Perspectives 8 (2007): 73–89. DDR sites and camps have the potential to become unsustainable and destabilizing projects without fully integrated approaches. 50. For other specific cases, see the report from the Freetown conference (June 21–23, 2005) titled “Disarmament, Demobilization, Reintegration (DDR) and Stability in Africa.” 51. See Giorgio Agamben, Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life, trans. Daniel Heller-Roazen (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1998). 52. The show appeared on British television’s Channel 4 as a part of its series on torture in February 2005. Among other documentaries was the 2007 docudrama created by Amnesty International. In 2003, the Ultimate Holding Company (UHC) art collective constructed a full-scale mockup of GTMO’s Camp X-Ray. The Arts Council of England partially funded the Manchester-area art installation titled “This Is Camp X-Ray,” and in 2004 artist Damien Mahoney released a documentary video titled This Is Camp X-Ray: Manchester Responds to Injustice with Art. Comparisons have been made with Camp Bucca, a former Soviet aircraft maintenance base known as the largest U.S. detention center in Iraq. Some believe that Afghanistan’s Bagram Temporary Internment Facility replaced Camp X-Ray. 53. John Pomfret documents the celebrity visits to Guantánamo Bay in volume 2 of Rear Admiral M.E. Murphy’s History of Guantanamo Bay. Pomfret follows a logic indicating perceptions of the base at the time, that GTMO cannot be called a “small town” because “no town of 6,000 has ever had a range of visitors as Guantamano Bay has had.” Other visitors included Eddie Fisher (1963), Dorothy Lamour (1966), Art Linkletter (1969), and George Jessel (1970). 54. Murphy notes that a “38-inch, 300-pound section of the 14-inch pipe” and another 20-inch section of the 10-inch pipe were cut away and the remaining openings permanently sealed (Rear Admiral M.E. Murphy, The History of Guantanamo Bay, 1494–1964 (U.S. Naval Base, 1953/1964), vol. 2, chap. 21) https://www.cnic.navy.mil/Guantanamo/ AboutGTMO/gtmohistgeneral/gtmohistmurphy). To understand not only the military office’s view of the document but also the context of the document’s publication, it is worth quoting the U.S. Naval Station’s Public Affairs Staff’s introductory statement about Murphy’s +/( project: “The monumental work presented here is contributed by RADM M.E. Murphy, a former Commander, U.S. Naval Base Guantanamo Bay. It is in no way endorsed, certified as fact, or otherwise presented as ‘official documentation’ of events and historical policy at Guantanamo Bay by the United States government or its agencies. This work is presented with the understanding that it is the only known writing that offers a view of life at Guantanamo Bay from its earliest years. . . . Most of this work was written more than 50 years ago. It may now have some irrelevant information, and contain some remarks which may be found offensive by some audiences today. The work was donated to the base and is presented unabridged and unedited to keep it within its historic context as perceived by the author.” 55. After the coup to overthrow Bertrand Aristide, GTMO’s Camp Bulkeley held Haitian refugees fleeing the island. Desert Storm veterans ran the camps based on their experience with refugee camps for Kurds in Iraq. The conditions in the camps and their extreme isolation meshed with strategies of detainment, in contrast to other sites such as Krome Detention Center, where the proximity to relatives in south Florida purportedly reduced the seclusion of the displaced Haitians. Because of the camp’s instability and its rapid expansion for sixty thousand refugees, families were evacuated from the base but then allowed to return in October 1995, when officials decided to reinstitute the Boy and Girl Scout camps. 56. For a detailed catalog of GTMO facilities adapted from U.S. Military websites, see Global Security, http://www.globalsecurity.org. In February 2008, military officials confirmed the existence of a secret camp at the GTMO base. The designated facility for “high value” detainees, Camp 7 is not accessible to many within the Joint Task Force. See Andrew O. Selsky, “U.S. Admiral Confirms Secret Camp inside Gitmo,” February 7, 2008. And in late 2007, a manual for operating Camp Delta was released on the Internet. “Camp Delta Standard Operating Procedures,” dated March 28, 2003 and published by Guantánamo’s Joint Task Force, includes schematic plans that illustrate assembly areas, fire department references, joint integrated intelligence facilities (JIIF), and mass casualty incident triage sites within Camps 1 through 4 of the overall Camp Delta site (http://file .sunshinepress.org: 54445/gitmo-sop.pdf). 57. Camps, as a part of Nazi Germany’s system of control, included POW camps, forced-labor camps, and extermination and death camps, included here in the broader designation of concentration camps. In +/) EFK 58. On June 7, 1978, the International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) nominated the site for the World Heritage list. And in 1979, the camps at Auschwitz-Birkenau were officially included as site number 31 on the singular basis of criterion VI, which is “to be directly or tangibly associated with events or living traditions, with ideas, or with beliefs, with artistic and literary works of outstanding universal significance. (The Committee considers that this criterion should preferably be used in conjunction with other criteria).” 59. This early work also established the “Oświęcim Camp Permanent Security” for protecting the site in the aftermath of the camp’s liberation and the end of the war. Auschwitz’s gas chamber and ovens were reconstructed in the initial phases of the museum after its establishment in 1947. 60. See UNESCO and World Heritage Committee, “Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage,” twenty-seventh session, Paris, UNESCO Headquarters, Room XII, 30 June–5 July 2003. See in particular “State of Conservation of Properties Inscribed on the World Heritage List,” WHC-03/27.COM/7B, 57. Outside of the World Heritage area, the Polish government has also entered sites in Oświęcim and Brzezinka into the Register of Historical Monuments (see the 2002 World Heritage Committee report). 61. “Decisions of the 30th session of the World Heritage Committee” (Vilnius, 2006), WHC-06/30.COM/19, 132. The International Centre for Education on Auschwitz and the Holocaust was inaugurated on January 27, 2005. One million people visited the museum in 2005. +/* 62. See, for example, J. Webber, “The Significance of the Physical Traces of the Past for the Education of Modern Society,” in K. Marszalek and J. Mensfelt, eds., Preserving for the Future: Material from an International Preservation Conference, Oświęcim, June 23–25, 2003, Auschwitz-Birkenau State Museum, Oświęcim 93–97, 106–115, 130–133. Note that the proceedings also appear under the translated title: Protecting for the Future. See also the proceedings from the conference “Remembrance-Awareness-Responsibility,” July 2–4, 2007. 63. See Debórah Dwork and Robert Jan van Pelt, Auschwitz: 1270 to Present (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1996). 64. Dwork and van Pelt, Auschwitz, 377. Dwork and van Pelt write that for “the designers, the suffering of the victims and the life that had been written within the camp had become a history not to be excavated: that history could never be memory” (p. 376). The proposed project “refused to accept the illusion of memory” (p. 377). In 1959, Oskar Hansen published his Ku formie otwartej (Toward Open Form), which summarizes his theory of the connection between form and existence. The competition had been organized in July 1957 by the International Auschwitz Council with the participation of the International Union of Architects. Dedicated on May 10, 2005, Peter Eisenman’s Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe in Berlin revisits many of the questions raised by the Hansen project. Eisenman himself, echoing Henry Moore’s assertions at the conclusion of the 1958–1959 competition, has noted the impossibility of “representing” the Holocaust. 65. U.S. Army, FM 3-19.40 Military Police: Internment/Resettlement Operations (Washington, DC: Department of the Army, 2001). Released on August 1, this edition supersedes FM 19-40, from February 27, 1976, titled Handling Prisoners of War. 66. The category of displaced civilian (DC) includes the following: displaced person (DP), refugee, evacuee, stateless person, war victim, migrant, internally displaced person (IDP), and expellee (Introduction to FM 3-19.40, 1–2). The manual notes the following objectives of I/R operations: to process, handle, care for, account for, and secure these groups, under the principles of the Hague Convention (1907), the Geneva Conventions (1949), the Geneva Convention Relative to the Status of Refugees (1951), its protocol (1967), and current Standardization Agreements (STANAG) with NATO. FM 3.19-40 also +/+ EFK 67. FM 3-19.40, 6-1. 68. The standard compound’s perimeter dimensions are 1,026 by 1,226 feet. The typical configuration of eight compounds takes up an area of 0.36 square miles. 69. Ian Cobain and Richard Norton-Taylor reported on the press conferences in “Training camps for terrorists in UK parks” for The Guardian, August 14, 2006, p. 1. 70. The official website of New Forest Tourism begins its description of the forest with a now ironic introduction: “People who live here will tell you that The New Forest is a lively, working landscape with many secrets to discover. The only way to reveal The New Forest’s hidden gems and truly appreciate the sights, sounds and smells of the forest is to get out there and explore. Try to escape from the confines of the car and head out on foot, bicycle or on horseback to get a more intimate feel of the forest, its coast and villages,” http://www .thenewforest.co.uk. The Forest Holidays site that administers bookings for the caravan park in Matley Wood characterizes the remoteness and openness of the site: “Matley Wood has all the essentials for the fully equipped caravanner to enjoy the peace and freedom of the New Forest,” www.forest-holidays.com. As a method of learning military tactics, paintball was believed to have been a part of training exercises in northern Virginia, a case in which eleven suspects were convicted. 71. Ian Cobain and Richard Norton-Taylor, “Training camps for terrorists in UK parks,” August 14, 2006, p. 1. 72. In the case, evidence showed that followers would “try out new weapons, engage in physical exercise and receive religious indoctrination” during the trips. According to Peter Neumann, from the Center for Defense Studies at King’s College in London, those who “excelled in British camps were then sent on to Afghanistan and Pakistan for ‘serious military training’” (Kevin Sullivan and Mary Jordan, “English Woods a Suspected Cover for Terror,” Washington Post, September 13, 2006, A14). This article came out two days after the fifth anniversary of the World Trade Center attacks. +/, 73. See “Terror training camps present in Bangladesh, Pakistan,” India Defence, August 24, 2006, http://www.india-defence.com/ reports/2397. 74. See Canada’s “Territorial Lands Act and Canada Mining Regulations” (C.R.C., c. 1516). 75. Western Australia Department of Industry and Resources, Developing the West Kimberley’s Resources, prepared by ACIL Tasman and Worley Parsons (Perth: Department of Industry and Resources, 2005), 110. 76. See Energistx Product Catalogue for “Portable 18 Person Barracks Module.” The specifications text continues: “Interior layout is geared toward its use as a personnel barracks complete with sleeping, showering, and toilet facilities. All interior areas are designed for easy and thorough cleaning and disinfecting. All interior embodiments are fabricated from highly durable materials.” 77. See Housing and Real Estate Trends—Sublette County, Wyoming: 2000–2015, prepared for the Sublette County Community Partnership by Jeffrey Jacquet, January 2007. 78. See “The Dr. Phil House: Man Camp, Part 5,” http://www.drphil .com/shows/show/857. 79. Katharine Moon, Sex among Allies: Military Prostitution in U.S.- Korea Relations (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997), 2, 13. See also Diana S. Lee and Grace Yoon Kyung Lee, Camp Arirang (1995), video, color, NAATA Distribution. 80. In her review of Katharine Moon’s book about military prostitution in Korea, Leisa Meyer notes the following: “Demonstrating that ‘private relations between people and foreign relations between governments inform and are informed by each other,’ Moon in effect situates Korean camp-town prostitutes as ‘state actors’” (review of Sex among Allies, in Journal of American History 85, no. 3 (December 1998): 1162). See also Bruce Fulton, who explores connections between camp-town fiction and national identities, in Nationalism and the Construction of Korean Identity, ed. Hyung Il Pai and Timothy R. Tangherlini (Berkeley: Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, 1998). +/- EFK
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