Preface

In todays world, there are literally thousands of smaller settlements in the countries of the Jewish formal and informal groups, clubs, societies and dispersion. Approaching the modern era, as Jews organizations that cater to the diverse specific increasingly became urban dwellers throughout the interests of the population. Most people feel the diaspora, community became more developed and need to belong to a mutually supportive network of central to Jewish society. Several Hebrew terms relationships, some of which go beyond primary roughly translate as 'communiry. These are edah group ties or even neighbourhood organizations. 'We (rr!r), hahal(\1,) and kehilk (:r!rilr). Edah might live (Davies in an'associated sociery' and more closely be thought of as an ethnie, a Herbert 1993:l). This is hardly new. Throughout community in the sense of an ethnic community history people have belonged to groups, looiely that coheres by virtue of a common identiry. Kahal called'communities', in which associations of might better be translated as public' or'crowd'; it is various types and intensities bind them together. community in the sense of an almost ad hoc coming Today, communities serve a variety of functions, together. Kehilk is probably the word closest to ofFering safety from the apparently negative effects current meanings of communiry especially among of unwanted change or counteracting some of the diaspora Jews. It also translates as both problems that stem from a sociery that promotes 'congregation and'assembly', and invokes the idea individualism. of people coming rogether for a specific purpose, though that purpose may be as divergeni as prayer, People who identify themselves in similar ways form social activity or representation in the wider world. a nucleus around which a communiry can crystallize Communiry is thus often equated with and is it in this context that we refer frequently to congregation and, although congregating has an entity called, for want of a better term, 'a Jewish traditionally been an essential part of communiry 'the 'W'e communiry' or Jewish communiry'. often the two words are nor, strictly speaking, use this designation as if it is unequivocal and interchangeable. understood by all, even though 'Jewish 'community community', like the word itself (but Congregating has long been a means by which perhaps even more so), is problematic and fraught members of ethnic or religious communities have with potential for serious misunderstanding. adapted to the urban environment, allowing them However, 'communiry' is only a surrogate term, a to feel secure by increasing the potential for contacr translation for a concept deeply rooted in Jewish with other group members. As Paul Ritterband puts history and memory. The bonds that actually tie it: Jews need other Jews in order to be Jews' members of a community together derive from a (2000:227). Congregation seeks to strengthen the variety ofperceived characteristics, such as shared group by promoting interaction with others. And origins, similar activities or social structures, or security does not mean just physical securiry but is similar attitudes and worldviews. This bonding a cultural and social safety net that allows simultaneously derives from and contributes to the individuals to maintain a lifestyle that is theirs individual and group identities of communiry while still interacting with the general sociery of members. But what does it mean ro be Jewish and which they are part. Geographical proximiry what does it mean to be part of aJewish community? provides individual members of the group with an \(hat do people mean when they-consciously or adhesive material, which is the major contributor to otherwise-use 'community' the word to describe the cohesion of the group as a whole.r Though the the cultural, social and geographical environment -What in which Jews live? makes a communiry? In reality, these apparently simple quesrions are both 1 As an example, take the case of a family that can afford a substantial house in the outer suburbs ofa large metropolis. complex in structure and difficult to answer. They Though we may be unaware of it, the decision to change form the essence of Ernest Schlesinger's reporr residence acrivates a process of'like seeking like'. Becauie, for Creating community and accumulating social capital: most, money (or, more preciselp the lack of it) limits choice, searches are usually conducted in areas Jews associating utith other Jeus in Manchester. where there are people of similar incomes and occupations. But money is nevei the only factor involved when we move home and, even for the Throughout the ages, community was rhe nucleus wealthiest, it may not even be the principal issue. A of local cohesion and leadership in towns and household that moved to an economically compatible mutual proximity of group members usually In his short but erudite book Zakhor (Remember), enhances feelings of communiry propinquity is the American historian Yosef Yerushalmi discusses neither sacrosanct nor a prerequisite for community. the Jewish ways of remembering.3 Remembering Nevertheless, voluntary associations work less that one is Jewish precedes and is more important efficiently in a diffilse, let alone a virtual, environment than proclaiming Jewish beliefs, for Jewish ethnicity and some form of congregation usually facilitates or peoplehood is clearly prior to Jewish religion. the operation of community at all levels. Part of this form of remembering is concerned with having a sense of difference, a sense ofJewishness Congregating does not erect barriers to on a tribal level, if you will. This, too, is a communication with the outside world, but condition for commitment to Jewish religion. innocuous congregation can inadvertently lead to a Axiomatically, remembering and having a sense of much more negatiye and divisive segregation, in difference are ways of stating that Jews comprise a which the group is physically, socially and culturally distinct component within the population at large. set offfrom the rest of society. Under complete segregation, there would be no contact whatsoever Being Jewish, then, is concerned with identiry or a between people living on opposite sides of the person's or peoplet sense of who they are or rather boundary line; they would have no contact at who they think they are. Nevertheless, people workplaces or in leisure activities; they would pray possess multiple identities. In democratic societies, in different places of worship, travel separately and people can choose the identities they wish to so on. Such a state of affairs is alien to the United project, in whatever order of precedence and in Kingdom in the twenty-first century although some whatever combinations they desire or that mild ethnic segregation exists and social segregation circumstances demand. Jews in contemporary by class is common. Nonetheless, overall rates of Britain are relatively free to construct identities to residential segregation in Britain are not high when which they are most suited and according to compared to the United States.2 circumstances. Indeed, these identities need not contain the descriptor 'Jewish. The same person can identify-independently or simultaneously-as neighbourhood might find that there were other features a Jew, a British citizen, a Mancunian, a resident of distinguishing them from their neighbours. Skin colour might Salford, an academic, a supporter of Manchester cause them to stand out in the neighbourhood, activating City Footbdl Club, a member of the local Fabian latent hostilities among their ostensible peers; they might be religious and find that there is no appropriate place of Sociery recorder group or left-handers club. In worship; they might not drive and thus find that getting contrast, the identities of mostJews in Nazi around is impossible. All ofthese factors, and others, enter Germany were determined not by the people into the equation offinding the right place to live. Factors are themselves but by the Nuremburg race laws that differentially weighted, not only among the group as a whole, but from household to household and among individuals. resolved the issue for them. But, in that situation as Some people might look for an area near good schools or well, there was some choice. However, even today, shopping facilities; others might look for close proximity to a identities can be shaped by the impact of external ffansport facility that will shorten theirjourney to work. forces. It would be wrong to marginalize the formal Others still might seek out a quiet neighbourhood or one in which they perceive there to be artists who might be tolerant and informal pressures in this process that are of a musician who practises six to eight hours a day. Members exerted by both 'the community and British of ethnic minorities who feel safery in numbers might sociery and that help mould the context within reasonably choose to search out other members of the same which choices are made. It is within this context, of group and live near them. 2 There is little debate that physical separation is an effective course, that voluntary associations shape their aims. way of promoting and enforcing strict separation among groups if that is what is desired. There is also little doubt that, In whichever way Jewish communities are in some cases, segregation can occur without having been organized in the modern world, an overriding intended. Over thirry years ago, the American economist Thomas Schelling argued compellingly that a desire to congregate (i.e. to live close to like people while explicitly expressing a desire not to be more than the smallest possible 3 The Jewish way of remembering bears little relationship to the majority in a given area) would inevitably lead to segregation. historiographic chronological approach with which most of us Schellingt paramount inference was that individual actions are familiar. Jews remember ryclically; moreover, 'remembrance' more often than not lead to group results that are exactly the ofevents can be transferred from one situation to another. This opposite ofwhat is expressly desired (see Schelling 1971 and collective memory in which Jews as a group persistently remind Schelling 1974). For a discussion of the British Jewish themselves ofJewish occurrences, events and myths, merely context, see \Taterman and Kosmin 1988. helps them remember that they are Jews (Yerushalmi 1996). characteristic is their voluntary natur€. Although Social capital is productive, making possible every society differs in the way that Jews structure achievement of certain ends that in its absence the organizations through which they conduct the would not be possible. It is far less tangible than activities that make them 'tick', it is the organic and physical or human capital, but it exists in the voluntary nature of the process that stands out. The relationships among people. It refers to the worth bodies might include those that collect charitable of the social networks symbolized in diverse groups donations and distribute them to the needy of people (both geographical communities and (Halfpenny and Reid 2000; Schlesinger 2000), communities of interest), and the trust and organizations that govern or represent Jews in their reciprocity that flows from those networks. It relations with the external world (Commission on involves two components: objective associations Representation of the Interests of the British Jewish between individuals and the reciprocal, uusting, Community 2000), or those that impart Jewish emotional des between individuals. In particular, culture across the generations, such as synagogues the concept of social capital illustrates how the and schools (Valins et al.200l). social structure of a group can funcdon as a resource for the individuals of that group. Because \7e tend to think of community organizations as of the reciprocal nature of the ties developed in formal institutions, as legal entities under the creating social capital, use ofsocial capital actually charity law. They might be established by dint of increases its value (Coleman 1988; Paxton 1999; communal need (e.g. for representation), religious Putnam 2000). precept (e.g. synagogue, burial society) or charitable initiatives. People-individuals, families or 'Where social capital has been amassed through households-pay membership dues or make trust and networking, there are: donations, or elect representatives who, in turn, choose a management body that sets policy and . . . lower crime rates and more effective schools. makes decisions (Harris and Rochester 2001). Children in such communities are at lower risk However, many other community organizations are ofteen pregnancy, child abuse, drug use or much more informal. Far from being'practical' and juvenile delinquency. Citizens in high social- having a clear-cut obligation, their utility is far capital communities enjoy more responsive, from apparent. These informal institutions, such as honest and efficient government and are, in drama and literary societies, rambling groups, turn, more likely to pay taxes and fulfil other golfing clubs and weekly chamber music soirdes, civic obligations.a may have no other ostensible purpose than to bring Jews with similar interests together-as Jews. Their There is considerable evidence from around the vitaliry adds to the network of social connections world that social capital can be measured. However, among people within a community. although it has been suggested that in the United States, at least, there has been a decline in the value These organizations perform informal this function of social capital, this has been disputed by others discreetly, often without much awareness that they (Putnam 2000; Paxton 1999). Obviously, are doing it. the individuals, the friendship If measuring social capital is a more complex exercise networks and represent the families the bricks of the than estimating the value of physical capital. community estate, and the formal organizations Notwithstanding the ensuing debate, attention has constitute the mortar holding together, them then recently been drawn to the decline in trust and the these informal associations can be regarded as the rise in suspicion within British society, presumably foundational and underpinning reinforcing with a consequent decline in overall social capital construction rods. the \Tithout them, whole (O'Neill 2002). Moreover, it has also been pointed structure is in danger of collapse. They add out that not all socid capital is necessarily positive insurance value to the property, making the social (Mohan and Mohan 2002). capital ofJewish communities more secure over the long (see Saguaro Seminar 2000:1). These term This report examines voluntary associations of organizations are the voluntary associations through Jewish people in the Manchester conurbation in which social capital is accumulated. They add north-west England. The recreational associations considerable value to the social capital of those Jewish communities within which they operate and of which they are an integral part. 4 Robert Putnam, Obseruer 25 March2001. that Ernest Schlesinger discusses in this report or residential location decisions, may either increase provide a case study of the background elements of or decrease active involvement in more formal 'Jewish community'. They contribute to the well- institutions. These voluntary associations should be being and continuance of a spirit of communiry of viewed as fitting into a nexus of familial, being Jewish. They help increase the stock ofJewish neighbourhood, friendship and more formal ties. social capital. In these associations, Jewish people These associations are good at building up trust come together informally or semi-formally to be and personal friendships among their members, with one another, to interact, to strengthen bonds. and this is an important part of all successful The bonding is oriented inward and is exclusive, its voluntary organizations. They reinforce and extend main purpose being to reinforce those identities Jewish networks and connectivity, creating and that make people feel Jewish-and thus different to maintaining links between core and periphery others. Perhaps in this way, by having more within the Jewish communiry. confidence in who they are, they can look outward and construct bridges to others from different social Ernest Schlesinger's report thus fits comfortably and ethnic backgrounds.t into the Institute for Jewish Poliry Researcht project, Long-term Planning for British Jewry A study by Riv-Ellen Prell of two Minneapolis (LTP), which is a five-year undertaking to record Jewish congregations found that each synagogue the current state of the Jewish voluntary sector in represented a major way of creating communiry the United Kingdom. It aims to provide decision- namely by memory and by choice. \Thereas makers with a current and accurate picture of this memory could be nostalgic, remembering passively sector, allowing strategic planning decisions to be and contemplating the'good old days', the guided by accurate information that reflects the real community of choice turned to the past to find the world. The objective of LIP is to identify and build courage and resources to build a future (Prell on the communityt distinctive strengths, to help 2000). Therefore, we have to ask whether 'hanging the Jewish voluntary sector develop a shared vision out together' is sufficient for long-term continuity. and sense of its own identity, and to develop a That it still persists and, in the case of Manchester, strong and cohesive sector as a prerequisite for can attract several thousand individuals, is worthy planning for the future. The various projects that of note. After all, the power of relatively weak non- comprise LIP may be conceptualized as pieces of a ideological and non-religious links, which complex jigsaw puzzle that, when fitted together, confound logic, as well as social and historical will ultimately form a clear picture. Its ultimate theories, is remarkable. However, we sdll have to goal is the production of a strategic planning ask whether this is sufficient. document, whose preparation at the culmination of the research programme will enable the community Some Jews might wish to play golf or football, or to develop an agreed agenda for action in the areas act or play cards, as part of normal recreational of planning, policies and priorities in the twenty- desires, and they might find that doing it with first century. other Jews is easier. So it is obvious that coming together in voluntary associations fulfils certain This report should be read as a portal into Jewish personal social needs. That is a good start. Manchester. It contributes to the Long-term Moreover, these associations should not be viewed Planning for British Jewry project in the sense that in isolation, as separate from other, more formal, it foresees that many British Jews over the next organizations. People have a layered involvement in decade will continue to associate freely together in society. For some, these informal associations are informal leisure activities and so congregate socially. their only connection with other Jews outside the Historically, one consequence of continuing family; for others, they are just one of many. involvement in informal associations might well be Changing circumstances, such as life-cycle changes to encourage the participants to learn more about their Jewishness, and to become involved in other, more formal, aspects ofJewish communal life and 5 This rype of social capital, termed 'bonding social capital', is in civil society. In the case of Manchester's Jewish exclusive and inwardlooking, its main purpose being to voluntary associations reported here, what Jewish and homogeneous It is reinforce exclusive identities groups. leaders have to ask is whether the social capital they distinguished from 'bridging social capital', which is inclusive and outward-looking and which aims to encompass people generate is sufficient to ensure Jewish continuity. across diverse social cleavages (Putnam 2000: I 84). Certainly, maintaining the organic connection between the Jewish public and communal of social capital arising from Jews just associating institutions will be a considerable challenge in the with other Jews, the task would certainly be even twenty-first century. Yet without the accumulation harder.

Stanley'Waterman Director of Ruearch, JPR

Jews associating with other Jews in Manchester

Jews in the UK ofien refer to tltemselues collectiuely as \he Jewish community'. This 'community' comprises not only those indiaiduals who idenffi as Jews, but also an interloching networh offormal and informal organizations run largely by and for Jews. These organizations are, in efect, boluntary organizationi. They are not part of the gouernmental or commercial sectors of sociery. Thry were established uoluntarily, and thel' re$r to a greater or lesser degree on uoluntary contributions of human and/orfnancial resources (Harris 1997:2).

Their Jewishness ma! seem to rest on nothing more than a preference for spending their bisure time in Jewish compan! and their holidays in certain hotels (Freedman 1962).

Leisure and the voluntary sector of family and friends, that are self-governing and The variery of leisure activities available in benefit in some measure from voluntary contemporary Britain is almost infinite. Leisure can contributions of time or money. By the 1970s, over be understood as comprising three main elements: half of the primary or subsidiary functions of recreation, recuperation and individual voluntary organizations were connected with development (Hargreaves 1987). Specifically, leisure, and this proportion has undoubtedly recreational associations offer people the increased since then (Henry 1993:165). opportuniry to pursue an activity for immediate enjoyment and, as one commentator put it, to be in Though a defining feature of a free society is an 'a place "to do", but also and crucially, a place "to individual's right to associate freely with whomever be"' (Hoggett and Bishop 1986). they wish, one of the most elementary and interesting features of voluntary leisure groups is Given the pressures of modern life, some people, that they are usually, by their very nature, socially almost as a reaction to the length of time they homogeneous. Almost axiomatically, this is because spend with others at work or in the family, may it is simply easier to join and participate in the prefer activities that permit them to be alone, such activities of a group with whom one feels an as reading, gardening or listening to their favourite affiliation. As Alan Tomlinson has observed, these music using a set of headphones. Others reject associations 'ofFer an individual a group identity solitude in favour of associating with other people combined with an activity of his choice' during their leisure time. Many of these (Tomlinson 1979:38; Marshall 1996; Hoggett and 'associations' are purely informal, such as visiting Bishop 1986). relatives, sharing a drink with friends in a pub or going to watch a football match. However, many As noted in the Preface, the benefits that accrue as a people prefer to pursue activities in their free time result of involvement in voluntary associations such with others and within a more organized and as a choir, a political party or a football league strucured framework. In any case, whatever their contribute to 'social capitd'. Therefore, this structure, leisure activities now account for over 30 associational life fosters the accumulation of a per cent of consumer spending in Britain. Leisure communityt social capital, which comprises has been a major force in changing peoplet networks and systems of reciprocity as well as trusr, everyday lives in the'W'est throughout the twentieth and is a key building block of modern civil society century (Roberts 1999). (Coleman 1988; Mohan and Mohan2002; Putnam 2000). In the view of Robert Putnam, one of the Leisure activities operating within the framework of principal proponents of the concept of social capital, voluntary associations are commonplace in the civil society is the space in which people relate and United Kingdom and there are thousands of associate voluntarily with each other outside the organizations with millions of members covering a state apparatus. It thus becomes reasonable to broad range of activities. Voluntary leisure assume that, in addition to being selective about associations comprise just part of the wider what they spend their leisure time doing, many voluntary sector, that is, non-profit-seeking people are also likely to be discriminating about institutions that are more formal than associations those with whom they elect to spend that time. The study Moreover, it is the only significant community This report presents the results of a study of several whose numbers are currently holding steady, if not Jewish voluntary leisure associations in Greater actually increasing. The Jewish population of Manchester. The research methodology is Greater Manchester is approximately 30,000 and is principally qualitative. The Jewish community in therefore one of the larger minorities among the the Greater Manchester area was chosen because it 2.3 million living in the conurbation.s satisfied three criteria necessary for the study ofthe benefits of voluntary leisure associations: first, that the communiry be of a reasonable size; second, that Table 1 : Ethnic minorities in Great Britain by region (% of population) it be located within a defined geographical area; and, third, that it includes a comprehensive range Selected regions Chinese South of Jewish voluntary, religious, welfare, educational and metropolitan B lack and Jews Asia n and social institutions. co u nti es oth e rs

Participation in informal associational networks is Great Britain 1.6 2.7 1.2 0.5 just one dimension recognized by those researching Greater London 8.0 7,4 4.3 3.O Jewish identity. Throughout the whole ofJewish history, Jewish religious beliefs, the observance of West Midlands 3.6 9.7 1.2 o.2 religious rites and overall general religious South Yorkshire 0.8 1.4 o.7

On this basis, this study investigates the extent to Established in the late eighteenth century, which Jews associate with each other through Manchester Jewry already numbered 4,500 by voluntary recreational activities. The study brings to 1855. Immigration from Eastern Europe began in light several of the major factors that influence such the 1840s and gathered pace throughout the associational activity and considers how long- nineteenth century, growing rapidly towards the lasting they might be. In short, it asks what and end of the century. The communiry more or less how strong are the ties that bind? reached its present size when its population was augmented by the arrival in Manchester of refugees Mancunians fleeing Nazism's rise to power in Germany and its After Greater London, the Jewish communiry in subsequent conquests elsewhere in Central Greater Manchester is the largest in Britain. Europe .e The Jews of Greater Manchester are almost equally divided between the northern and 6 Identity is perceived as a persont notion ofbeing, whereas southern parts of the conurbation, with a further identification is the way and extent to which individual Jews 1,800 people living outside the boundaries of (Chazan are connected to theJewish group 1980). Greater Manchester, mainly in Cheshire (Schmool 7 There are, ofcourse, other possibilities for the origins of associational activities. They may be an expression of dissent and Cohen 1998). from the communal consensus, representing either a means of escape from communal life or a challenge to hegemonic definitions of community. Such associations of challenge and B According to the 1991 Census, the two largest ethnic groups dissent have existed in the past and have made possible a were from the Indian sub-continent and those ofAfro- Caribbean descent. social, political or religious non-conformity that is not easily 'W The Year Booh 2000, ed. Stephen Massil (London expressed in a close-knit Jewish residential area and that, for 9 Jewish some, has been the precursor to complete assimilation. and Portland, OR: Valletine Mitchell 2000), 117. The sample of voluntary Recreational activiry must be the main reason for associations the existence of the association. The two sources of information about voluntary The association recreational associations used were the database of must be an independent body, not dependent any Jewish voluntary bodies maintained by the on national or international religious, Zionist or charitable Institute for Jewish Policy Research (JPR), and the Jewish organization.lo Jeutish Re?resentatiue Council (JRC) of Greater Manchester arud Region Year Book 1999/2000. for The activiry must be one thar choose to From the large number of organizations listed in Jews carry out with other Jews by preference. these two sources a small representative sample was selected. The criteria for selection were as The association must be based within the follows: boundaries of Greater Manchester.

Table 2: The sample groupsll

N umber Male: Group (date founded) of female Comments members

ClubThursday tl989) 200 3:7 Sociallcultural: majority aged 6O +

Dunham (1959) *lncludes Forest Golf Club 7oo* 713 3OO primarily social members: majority aged 40 + , about 15% not Jewish

First Tuesday {1994) 125 2:3 Social/cultural: all aged 65 + including some members' non-Jewish partners

Jewish Adult Culrural Society {1955) 60 1:1 Social/cultural

Jewish Caravan Club {1970} 60 not Mainly couples and families applicable

Jubilee Leisure Club {1985) 7A 1:5 Majority aged 60 +

Manchester Jewish Cricket League {195Os} 155 I5:1 About 5O aged under 18, including a few women players

Manchester Jewish Soccer League (1948) l,OOO+ not Of members {all male}, at least 3OO are juniors, applicabte generally with at least one Jewish parent New Jewish (1975) Theatre Group 50-200 not 50 permanent active members, aged '10-7O + ; most applicable shows involve 1OO + rising to 200 during performances

Pennine Wavfarers {1969} 220 3:2 Majority aged 40+ but including a religiously Orthodox group of 2O-30 year olds (1991) Phoenix 12A not Sociallcultural: all female, majority aged 50+ applicable

Stage 8O (19801 80 not Performers aged 1 1-16, mostly girls applicable **lncludes Whitefield Golf Club {1932} 60d* not 34O social members, a significant number applicable female and 7o/o not Jewish

10 Nevertheless, some qualification is in order. The Phoenix stated because they are assumed. Some recreational groups are Club (see Thble 2) is an association ofJewish women who not simply expressions of a preference for Jewish company but come together for'social/cu-ltural' purposes, and it is, indeed, ofparticular identifications that are not necessarily thared'. 'organizationally independent' of Zionism. Bur an important 1 1 The chairperson of each group provided the information in reason for its existence is the shared Zionism of its members, this table, which is approximate. Unless otherwise stated, the and one of its activities is the collection of funds for Zionist members are all Jewish. Two of the five social/cultural groups, purposes. In this way, there may be reasons why Jewish one golfing club and one ofthe theatre groups, are basid in people come together for'recreational purposes' that are not south Manchester- Thirteen recreational associations were considered formal and informal recreational activities. This fact suitable for inclusion in the study and these are in itself considerably strengthens the case for the listed in Thbles 2 and 3. These associations were all study of voluntary associations. established between 1932 and 1999 and their active and passive membership at the time that fieldwork The methodology was undertaken totalled 3,590. This figure The study set out to uncover the feelings, thoughts represented over 10 per cent of the Jewish and experiences of members ofJewish recreational population of Greater Manchester, although it is associations in relation to the function that these undoubtedly inflated somewhat by some associations perform in strengthening ties within unavoidable double counting caused by multiple the community. Given its qualitative nature, it was memberships. decided therefore that most respondents would be interviewed face-to-face. There is no central register of memberships in voluntary associations or other organizations in Set questions were asked about each association and Greater Manchester. Nevertheless, telephone the interviewee was asked for his or her views enquiries revealed that at least a similar number of concerning a range of issues. Initially, the chair or Jews belonged to more formal not-for-profit person in charge of each association was contacted.12 recreational and socid organizations such as All agreed to be interviewed and each suggested Maccabi (sports club), the Jewish Lads' and Girls' members who might contribute usefully to the Brigade, Boy Scouts, Girl Guides and Habonim enquiry. A total of 47 semi-structured, face-to-face (Zionist youth group). Therefore about 7,000 Jews, interviews were conducted between October 2000 the equivalent of nearly a quarter of the population and April 2001. The respondents comprised 30 men of Manchester Jewry are currendy involved in and 17 women. Four others (2 men and 2 women) responded in writing to the same questions. A further 10 people with expertise in the area of recreational associations were also interviewed. All Table 3: The sample groups by main function the interviewees granted permission to quote their Number of Active Passive responses verbatim, provided that the quotations Main function members members members would not b€ attributed directly to them. Consequently, all the unreferenced quotations in Social/cultural 575 575 the report derive from these interviews.

Ree reational 560 410 150 The material is organized into two main sections. Sporting 2,455 1,775 680 The first consists of an in-depth review of three selected associations, from which several significant

Tota I 3.590 2,760 830 themes emerge. The second expands on tlose themes.

12 'fhe selection for interview of'persons in charge' and ottrers suggested by them might result in a tendency among respondents to exaggerate the association's coherence and community-sustaining role. a;? :t j Three case histories of recreational associations

The following reviews focus on three Jewish of their day there. Second, many other golf clubs in recreational associations in Greater Manchester. Greater Manchester, even in recent years, have not Two involve sports that are popular all over the been particularly welcoming to Jewish members. Key world: golf, in which the emphasis is on the members of\Thitefield Golf Club all said they knew individual, and soccer, in which the emphasis is on ofJews who had experienced difficulties in becoming team effort. The third case focuses on a theatre members of other golf clubs. Third, the course at group. Though professional sport has become an \Thitefield Golf Club was arguably the best test of important industry, both economically and in golfing prowess within a fifteen-mile radius. terms of entertainment, it also complements and enhances the role of amateur sport as a healthy Since the 1960s, there have been several important participatory physical activity that possesses social changes in the distribution of the Jewish population value in modern sociery. Theatre is typically a in Greater Manchester. Many Jews have migrated popular indoor activiry and has for a long time from north Manchester to south ManchestJr and been particularly attractive to Jews, many of whom Cheshire. Many \Vhitefield Golf Club members have become prominent in Manchester's arts circles, who had moved south were unable or unwilling to especially the performing arts. make the journey north to play a round of golf, especially in the pre-motorway era. This resulted in The golfing clubs the establishment of another predominantly Jewish During the late 1920s and early 1930s, many golf club by Jewish golfers living to the south of Jewish men in the Manchesrer area who played golf Manchester, at Dunham Forest. Following the regularly were unable to join local golf clubs example of the founders of \(hitefield Golf Club, a because of the antisemitic prejudices of those times conglomerate of Jewish professionals and (Alderman 1992). As a reacrion to this policy of businessmen leased derelict land, and designed and exclusion, Joe Cassel and some other prominent constructed a totally new golf course and clubhouse, Jewish businessmen and professionals leased and consequently lowering membership numbers at subsequently purchased the land and buildings on \Whitefield Golf Club. Today, Dunham Forest Gold \Whitefield which the Golf Club is presently Club has over 700 members, and is still mainly located. The club opened in 1932 and its first Jewish, although it does nor restric membership by annual report recorded that it had a total of 406 race, religion or erhniciry. members. \Whitefield Golf Club rapidly became a major social centre for Jews throughout the Greater In recent years, both clubs have experienced financial Manchester area, its membership peaking at around problems. Several potential members of \flhitefield 800 during the 1950s. Some of its currenr members Golf Club have been deterred from joining because have belonged to the club for up to fifry years. the club's membership fees are significantly higher than the average in the area. The club has also faced Three main reasons were advanced for \,X/hitefield difficulties in attracting new and younger members Golf Club's populariry and its importance for the from the 20-35 age-group. People in this age range Manchester Jewish community. First, many felt it are often unable to find sufficient time to play golf was natural to join a Jewish golfing club to which while they are developing careers or businesses ind their friends belonged. Though its principal raising young families. function was in providing a place where Jewish golfers could play regularly, it also provided 'a \7hile its directors were upbeat about the future of atmosphere'. Emphasis Jewish here was placed on \Thitefield Golf Club as a Jewish club, they were the kitchen rather than the bar, and the club served also realistic. They hoped that membership good kosher food. Most \Thitefield Golf Club continuity would be encouraged by offering young members, particularly those with families, reported players the opportunity to improve not only their that they played a round ofgolf, and then perhaps golf but also their social awareness by feeling part of had lunch or coffee before returning home. This a Jewish club. They regarded the response to this contrasts with the activities of members of most call for a heightened social awareness as having other golf clubs, who reported spending a large part been quite exceprional. A further initiative to increase membership levels among younger people two main categories of players. The first were was to offer fee concessions to young Jews from out members of the many Jewish recreational clubs of town studying in Manchester. Furthermore, the such as the Jewish Lads' Brigade, Maccabi, 'Waterpark club's junior section was said to be thriving, with and'Workingmens'. The second were some seventy-five mostly Jewish youngsters playing part of the so-called'street corner'teams, set up by regularly. Though a number of non-Jewish golfers groups of friends, or people who attended school or '$fith had also recently joined, it was estimated that 80 Hebrew school together. the growth of per cent of the membership in 2001 was Jewish. Sunday football in general, some of the better Dunham Forest was also trying to maintain its high Jewish teams played both in Jewish and non-Jewish level of Jewish membership. leagues. Sometimes, players from cities such as Liverpool or Sheffield preferred to play locally, Manchester Jewry has therefore created two golfing although only a few Jewish footballers were either clubs, neither of which is entirely sustainable good enough or wanted to play for non-Jewish financially. There is generd agreement that one teams. At the peak of its popularity during the club in a more central geographical location could 1970s, the Northern Jewish Soccer League had also be financially viable and, at the same time, developed a social dimension to complement the predominantly if not entirely Jewish. footballing activity; its annual dinner dance became the highlight of the sporting year. However, it Jewish football leagues became increasingly difficult to field all-Jewish had Refugees from Nazism in Central Europe who teams, especially as Jewish communities in northern played football regularly in their countries of England outside Manchester were dwindling. In the origin and wished to continue doing so took the interest of winning matches, player eligibiliry rules initiative in setting up organized Jewish football in were flouted and Jewish players found themselves Manchester in conjunction with their new English superseded by better non-Jewish players. friends. Jewish footballers preferred not to play on Eventually, in the mid-1980s, the Northern Jewish Saturday, the Jewish Sabbath. At first, this was Soccer League folded. difficult to arrange; in the north of England, largely due to the influence of the church, popular The Manchester Jewish Soccer League has also sports like football and cricket tended to be played experienced peaks and troughs. Early in the 1960s, midweek or on Saturdays.r3 It was not until the during one especially poor season, the league could early 1960s, in response to the Football muster only four teams with a total of sixty-four Associationt change of stance in accepting that registered players. Yet, by the end ofthe decade, the competitive football could be played on Sundays, Manchester Jewish Soccer League had once again that this became a regular activity in northern become extremely popular and active. Many England. This problem was one of the driving recreational clubs fielded more than one team and forces behind the formation of the Manchester new'street corner' teams had been formed. Jewish Soccer League in 1948, but the main Moreover, junior leagues were also established. All protagonists probably also preferred to play with in all, about 400 people played Jewish football other Jews rather than compete against people regularly. The Manchester Jewish Soccer League with whom they believed they had little in avoided the eligibiliry pitfall experienced by the common. Northern Jewish Soccer League and its rules were firmly focused on providing competitive football Initially, there were few teams, but interest grew for Jewish youth. Currently, the Manchester Jewish rapidly. Footballers from other northern provincial Soccer League's junior leagues are thriving and have cities were impressed by the success of the been divided into different age-groups in line with Manchester Jewish Soccer League, and this led to Football Association guidelines. About twenty the formation of the Northern Jewish Soccer teams, comprising some 400 young Jews, play in League in 1950. At its peak, teams from Liverpool, competitive junior leagues, with a similar number Leeds, Southport, Blackpool and Sheffield, as well ofplayers under eleven years ofage involved in as Manchester, belonged to the league. There were non-competitive Jewish football. The youngsters are treated to an annual presentation ceremony held at Old Tiafford, facilitated by Mike Edelson, a 13 Unlike the south of England where, during the inter-war years, these sports and others were regularly played on Manchester United director, and himself a former Sundays (\filliams 1996). Jewish footballer. By 2001-2 the senior league had shrunk from 2 a similar number involved in its production. The divisions comprising 15 teams and around 200 decade after the end of the war was a tremendously players to 1 division of 12 teams. Of about 1,000 dynamic period for Jewish theatre in Manchester; current players in Manchester Jewish football, the the shows had high performance and production majority belonged previously to the junior leagues. standards, and there were regular drama festivals. A Senior Manchester Jewish Soccer League show which was usually self-financing, would administrators reported concern about the leaguet normally run for seven nights, with each future. They believed that fewer players were performance being sold out to audiences that graduating from the juniors to the seniors, pariy included as many as 1,200. because many left Manchester permanentll after universiry and partly because they either attended Interest in theatre groups in Manchester the increasing number of Premiership matches that Jewish declined during the early 1960s and for about ten are now played on Sundays or watched them on years the theatre movement was moribund. television. Jewish In 1974 a Jewish thespian group initiated avery successful production of Fiddler on the Roof and, This fall in the numbers ofJewish Sunday soccer again, production costs were covered by ticket sales. players reflects the general decline ofSunday This prompted the formation of the New Jewish amateur football. For example, a highly thought-of Theatre Group, which recently celebrated its non-Jewish football league in Manchester recently twenty-fifth anniversary. The group has had to be disbanded. The officials of the Jewish concentrated on performing existing material, league believed that the league still occupied a occasionally plays but more often musicals, which unique place in the communiry and that, in time, are not specifically Jewish or Yiddish in nature, the appeal of televised football might diminish. although most have a'shmaltzy', sentimental They were guardedly optimistic about the future of flavour. It has also presented both adult and organized football in Manchester, nor least Jewish childrent shows and plays. At its peak, the groupt because parents tended to encourage their children shows attracted audiences of oyer 2,500 people. to play football with other Jews. Another group, Stage 80, has complemented the New Jewish Theatre Groupt work. Formed in Jewish theatre 1980, and largely based in south Manchester, its Before the Second \7orld'War, there were activities actors are aged from 11 to 16. The recent fall in the in Manchester, created at the turn of the century as audience numbers of both groups reflects a general part of the Literary Society Movement, that were trend that shows a reduction of interest in amateur supported substantially by the children of Eastern theatre throughout the country, largely due to European immigrants. This second generation competition from alternative sources of included poets, novelists and playwrights and the entertainment. Jewish literary societies in Manchester sponsored drama of a high standard. The Literary Sociery One respondent, who had been involved with the Movement and its offshoots existed in pardlel with New Jewish Theatre Group in a range of senior Jewish minstrel-style groups that were usually capacities, was convinced that people just liked to linked with one of the many Jewish recreational appear on the stage or be associated with the theatre clubs, and that regularly put on shows and plays in in however minor away. Having worked with or the community. \Vhen the refugees from Central assessed how other theatre groups operated, he Europe joined these latter clubs, their character was believed that the New Jewish Theatre Group altered and, under the umbrella of Manchester performed to a high standard. Although some Maccabi, several very popular shows, pantomimes members had been associated with non-Jewish and plays specifically aimed at Jewish audiences theatre, he felt that the majoriry preferred to belong were produced. to one that was Jewish. Some had suffered anxiery about how they might be treated or viewed in a In 1952 the Northern Jewish Theatre Group split non-Jewish group, and felt more welcome in a from Maccabi, and began producing and writing its Jewish group; in other cases, people just preferred own shows, some of which also included original to mix with other Jews. This was borne out by the sketches that used Jewish or Yiddish humour. Some fact that many members had formed lasting 50 to 60 people might perform in each show, with friendships with each other. i'i tne fieldwork: explaining the r'p,6F push and the pull of associating with other Jews

Since the first burgeoning ofJewish associational so-called working-class sports were not exempt life in Manchester, tlvo important social processes either. Since the 1950s several of the better Jewish have been at work in the Jewish community. First, football teams had regularly competed in non- many Jews have climbed up the socio-economic Jewish leagues and cups. Different generations of ladder, engaging in occupations of higher status footballers had all experienced prejudice. One than their predecessors in earlier generations. This footballer, who had represented Manchester Boys, has resulted in a parallel increase in disposable had been a Manchester United junior and incomes, leading to a higher standard of living. subsequently a semi-professiond, provided a vivid Second, at the same time, many Jews have also example. become more integrated in British society. Thus, Since I was at Manchester University, I played Jews in Manchester at the beginning of the twenty- first century live in very diflerent social and lots of non-Jewish football, which I really economic circumstances to those of the period just enjoyed as you could get stuck in. However before and immediately after the Second'World when I played for South Manchester Maccabi, \Var. Nevertheless, and to quite a considerable the only Jewish team in a non-Jewish league, not extent, socially they still mix predominantly with all the teams applauded us when we were champion of the Manchester and Cheshire other Jews. \7hat contributes to this Jewish desire to stick together, to play golfand football, and League. One year, we won the cup final. At the end of the match, some of the opposition perform with other Jews? \?'hat are the ties that seriously assaulted our players with kung-fu style bind Jews within these groups and that help sustain others in similar associations? kicks and an opponent wielding a corner flag chased me. The other team were suspended sine The push: exclusion and self-exclusion diebut that was it for us, and we left that league The presence, experience, awareness or even the immediately. So the Jewish league just feels safer. suspicion of antisemitism has influenced the establishment of all the associations examined. A Religious factors have influenced the desire or member of \X/hitefield Golf Club observed that willingness of some Manchester Jews to join non- Jewish clubs and associations. One female golfer as a medical consultant I am more assimilated could not belong to a club that served anything than my Jewish friends, having previously other than kosher food. Her attitude towards belonged to a secular golf club, but I still come Jewish identity required that she be able to eat across attitudes that I dont like. A few years ago whatever she wanted without having to feel self- at a dinner party we chatted about Jews and conscious or different. In another example, a sport and how rife it was that golf clubs didnt talented amateur actress belonged to the New want Jewish members. One guest, a barrister, had Jewish Theatre Group because: joined a fnamed] secular club, where he was ostracized. He just didnt fit in and wondered I was involved in amateur dramatics at why he had put himself in a no-win situation. universiry where I discovered my need to sing and act on the stage. It is essential to me that the Prejudice in the wider golfing community and its group guarantees never to perform on a Friday concomitant practice of exclusion were at the root or Saturday night or on [Jewish] holy days. That of \ftritefield Golf Club's formation. Golfing clubs enables me to keep my religion and I am also comfortable being with other as we share were not alone in excluding or deterring Jews from Jews joining. Both before and after the Second'World the same heritage and culture even though 'W'ar, the same pattern has applied in many middle- others might not keep the Sabbath. It's good not class recreational and sporting clubs.la And having to explain anything.

14 It was already known at the end ofthe 1950s that Finchley membership and that others operated a quota system golf club in north-west london excluded Jews from (Alderman l9B9). Other interviewees expressed similar sentiments. The pull: inclusion and exclusivity The Pennine'W'ayfarers, a Jewish rambling group, Families and friends can undoubtedly be influential was able to draw members from across the full in the shaping of associational behaviour. A young spectrum ofJewish religious observance because it man explained how he had first performed for the neyer arranged its walks on the Sabbath or on a New Jewish Theatre Group when he was eleven holy day. years old:

Howeve! there were dso more mundane reasons Mum suggested that I should audition for Oliuer for self-exclusion. One cricketer said that his team as I had quite a good voice. I think at that age would not join a non-denominational league, parents dictate quite a lot. At fourteen, I went because the Jewish one ofFbred it a better chance of into another show and continued to belong. I winning matches and trophies. There is also some knew the people and we had lots of things to evidence that the Sunday leagues have sometimes talk about. Later I met girlfriends through the tended to attract the lesser players. A Manchester grouP. Jewish Soccer League leader was candid about the leaguet standards. He knew that Superficially, all this seems quite innocent, but several parents gave definite reasons for a lot ofJewish boys would just not get a game in encouraging their children to join a Jewish, rather the non-Jewish leagues, as rhey are not good than a non-Jewish, group. One wanted her children enough. They would also prefer not to to continue experiencing the'many beautiful experience the antisemitism that is still around. elements contained in the Jewish faith and tradition . In other cases, involvement with Stage Of course some Jewish youths do perform at a high B0 and other Jewish associations was intended to level. One respondent cited a family in which all help children form friendships with other Jews and five sons were likely to represent Britain at the perhaps discourage them from 'marrying out' of the Maccabiah.tt However, even for this sporting faith. family, this was the extent of their sporting commitment because Familial influence could extend across several generations. The player-manager of a Manchester Jewish kids dont quite have the competitive Jewish Soccer League team, for which his son also focus of others, which means that most of them played, had been strongly influenced by his own dont think about football for instance as a mother, herself once the secretary of the professional career. Manchester Jewish Soccer League, the first woman in the country errer to perform such a role. A young Jewish footballer who had enjoyed playing in non-Jewish leagues for Maccabi confirmed this I set up Jacksont Row [a Reform synagogue] attitude: football team with friends with whom I still often play and meet socially.16 About twelve of us Yids could play well against non-Jewish us joined South Manchester Maccabi around teams, deal with any physical intimidation and 7974,whichwe later represented at the get respect from them. But to be honest there is Maccabiah. I played in the Manchester Jewish still a cultur"l g"p in that Jews do their Soccer League mainly for social reasons and in homework and, if they have time, go to train or non-Jewish football until I was thirty-five play afterwards, whereas for many non-Jews because the standard tested me. football takes prioriry.

l6 There are now 35,000 adult and child members Scouts had told him that this probable lack of of forty-one synagogues affiliated with the Reform Synagogues ofGreat sufficient dedication to the sporr was reason the Britain (RSGB) throughout the UK. Reform Judaism is that they would not watch Jewish football when actively engaged with modern life and thought and RSGB searching for potential professional footballers. members include many whose families have been Reform Jews for generations, others whose upbringing was in Orthodox communities and those who have drifted away from formal association with the community. It claims to 15 The Maccabiah is a sort of Jewish Olympics', which has been maintain a dialogue between tradition and moderniry held every four years in Israel since the 1930s. understanding that there is not one way in Judaism but many. 'W'ayfarers, Two decades ago, another interviewee and his it was entirely natural for Jews to wanr brother had played with their father in the same to walk together. team, a first in Jewish football, and accordingly written up in they'wish Tblegraplt, one of the local Explaining why she had joined the New Jewish Jewish papers. Today this would hardly be Theatre Group soon after moving from London to considered an exceptional occurrence. Parents often Manchester, one divorced woman said that it watch their children play or perform, thereby enabled her to pursue a particular interest while demonstrating the importance of these activities for meeting other people with similar values. In family and communal life. common with many other respondenrs, her Jewish identiry was central to her lifesryle. There appeared Some informants were highly motivated to mix in to be a common bond, a sense of kinship, with Jewish circles. One family had moved to other Jews that was premised more on cultural than Manchester because the parents wanted to live in a on religious grounds. Jewish area 'for their young childrent' sake. The father had competed as a member of a non-Jewish Over thirry years ago, that bond inspired a couple golf club team, but now, 'due to a combination of to establish the Jewish Caravan Club. In this club, location and persuasion, he had joined \ilfhitefield there was no need for members to explain or justily Golf Club. A member of a south Manchester personal religious beliefs and standards of cultural society had also moved to Manchester with observance. Some practised kashrut (observance of his wife to be near their daughter and her family. dietary laws), others did not. Yet they were able to He now mixed almost exclusively with Jews, a act'naturally' together, becoming firm friends and, reversal of his experience throughout his working even today, three decades later, some of their life in Cardiff where, because the Jewish children mix with each other. A similar level of community was so small, his contact with other intimacy had not been experienced when they Jews had been minimal. attended non-Jewish caravanning events. A similar sense of camaraderie also applied to the golfers. The In another case, an all-round sportsman had grown Association of Jewish Golf Clubs and Societies of up in Longsight, which is not regarded as a Jewish Great Britain has a unique arrangement thar neighbourhood. He said: permits a member of one club to play at any of the others.rT These clubs belong to the International \7hen I was about fifteen, a friend suggested Association ofJewish'Golf Clubs, which runs that I play football for Habonim [a Zionist international competitions in which teams of youth organization]. My involvement with the Jewish golfers from all over the world play against communiry evolved from Jewish that. Also at each other. A golfer, who had represented Britain at Central met boys High School, I other Jewish one such tournament, said: 'I felt entirely at home when we said prayers and ate lunch together, with Jews from South America, India, Australia and and from that made friends them and with many other countries. It was just natural to get on girls too. Through this established a Jewish I well with them and feel at ease together.' Jewish connection and, as I was always very keen on sport, I played various sports for both Jewish For some, there were less obvious reasons for and non-Jewish teams. belonging. One Pennine'W'ayfarer had joined as he loved outdoor activities and many of his friends Now in his sixties, he currently plays golf and were members. Although he claimed not to have a tennis at Whitefield Golf Club. Clearly, his sense of particular affinity with either Jews or Judaism, most attachment embraced both family and friends. of his friends were Jewish, and he had for many years been a leading scoutmaster in the Jewish The pull should not be underestimated. One man, Scouts. He had followed an impulse to become now middle-aged, had come to Manchester from involved in Jewish matters. The family interest Cardiffto study, and also to meet women. Jewish continued as his son, who also proclaimed a secular Then, 'it was natural to join the Pennine'Wayfarers, rather than, say, the Rambler's Association, as it -lhere 77 are regular competitions between the British clubs, and would just feel different, and I would have less in over 1,000 Jewish players and supporters from all over the common with its members'. To him, and country attended the British championships in the summer of presumably the other 200 plus members of 2000. lifesryle, played football for Maccabi in the Many older players were involved in local and a Manchester Jewish Soccer League. For reasons that national Jewish over-forties competition and also in were more'instinctive' than rational, many people five-a-side football. He believed that there was a 'felt comfortable' being with other Jews in a Jewish residual loyalry to the league, evidenced by a environment. returning Oxford Blue who said:

Association and associations in the I thought of playing for Manchester Grammar future School Old Boys, but sort of feel obliged to turn Each interviewee was asked what he or she thought out for Maccabi. I know all the guys and respecr might happen to his or her group in the foreseeable them as players. future. The following range of responses was typical of current outlool.s. All of the social/cultural groups were very popular with one of them having had to place prospective A senior member of Dunham Forest Golf Club members on a waiting list. That sort of demand thought that within five years it might become a had resulted in First Tiresday, whose members mixed club, a conclusion that he found distressing comprise either Jewish retirees or those with a as Jews again might be exposed to antisemitism. He Jewish partner, which was established in 1994. Its planned chairperson said that

always to play at Dunham unless the club falls the audience gets a lot out of the speakers [both apart. I think that most Jewish people will want Jewish and non-Jewish] and the chance to meet to join a Jewish golf club, as there is a nice warm new people with interesting things to say. \7e feeling of belonging. I know that this could have a history in common as we have lived in apply to other clubs but I think that Jews seek it south Manchester for a long time and belong to 'We more and I feel that the parental influence is still the synagogue. just know each other and feel a strong factor. There are difficulties in joining comfortable together. clubs anyway and being Jewish ends up as being the final nail in the coffin. Another interviewee emphasized the importance of that feeling. Despite having met a wide range of A senior \,X/hitefield Golf Club committee member people through his business activities, he had stated: attended a Jewish school and always socialized with Jews. He believed that my wife will be lady captain . . . and my kids have been members although they dont go that because of our upbringing most Jewish people often. The place is in my blood and I want to prefer to be with Jewish people as they feel at see it survive, succeed and to maintain its ideals. home. The younger generation are more assimilated and will be quite h"ppy to mix with The chair of the Pennine \Wayfarers was certain that non-Jews though it will take a long time for people would be distraught if it collapsed no#, and things to change and people will continue to was conyinced that the group would conrinue to belong to organizations like Club Thursday. flourish. The current director of the New Jewish Theatre A more optimistic Manchester Jewish Soccer League Group echoed her golfing counterpart when she leader believed that said: 'It is in my blood, and I have involved my three children in the same way.' She was convinced that there is growing supporr, as at some games we have as many as 150 spectators, made up of there is a genuine demand and support for it in parents, brothers, sisters and friends. South the community. It's the right vehicle for the Manchester Maccabi has the most boys playing right people as there is a comfort factor in being football of all the teams. Two years ago there were a Jew with other Jews. I do socialize with members only 300 juniors in the league and now rhere are of the group and have made friends through it. 670 in all age-groups. They come to training and Many members' lives revolve around their we are running our leagues in accordance with involvement in the group and although they the FA rules for under 7, 8, 9 and 10-year-olds. make a contribution they take a lot from it too. Commenting on changing social attitudes and Jews might not wish to join an association in behaviour, one of the Jewish caravanners said: which it would be difficult to observe some tenets of their religion. We dont think that it will continue as over the Parents and friends persuade people to join an last few years the membership has become 'We association for social reasons or because oftheir depleted. cannot get young couples with own interest in the activity. children to come, partly due to affluence and partly as young Jewish women with young kids Parents encourage their children to join a Jewish are continuing to work whereas in the past they association so that they will mix with other Jews, did not and were always at home for the and possibly marry one of them eventually. children. Young couples havent got the time, \7hile the respondents represented Jews across a dont want to carayan generally as they have wide spectrum ofJewish religious observance, most enough money to stay in hotels. \7e think that ofthem had joined a group because they had an during the next ten years, it could just fizzle out. affinity with other Jews with whom they felt they Summary shared conrnon badgrounds, values and enperiences. All in all, perhaps as many as 4,000 Manchester Many of the respondents mixed with non-Jews, Jews have elected to associate with each other as both in the workplace and socially. However, Jews in various ways for informal recreational some compartmentalized their working and activities that have no inherent Jewish content. A social lives, so that their circle of friends was similar number is involved in more formal largely or exclusively Jewish. recreational and social activities. However, some It is often easier to belong to a Jewish association recreational groups demonstrate not only a than to begin a process of integration into an preference for Jewish sharing but also an association populated by a group of people from identification that is not inevitably'shared'. different cultural backgrounds. Moreover, there is often a hard-to-express affinity People use associations because that overrides 'shared common backgrounds, values Jewish they already exist and are based locally. and experiences', and that might be best understood as a sense ofpeoplehood, often between For some, the standards of performance at a people whose values and experiences' might well Jewish association-whether in a sports or an differ, often sharply. arts activity-enabled them to do something that they might not otherwise have the abiliry to The interviews revealed the following principal do in a non-Jewish associational group. reasons for this associational activiry: Most interviewees believed that there would ' Some non-Jewish organizations have excluded or continue to be a demand for these associations made it difficult for Jews to become members. and that they play an invaluable role in the Though prejudice has often existed and still Jewish community as social and cultural exists, it is frequently a myth, and it is a fear of foundational underpinnings, helping to exclusion that provokes the Jewish response. maintain a communiry spirit. Jews, ethnicity, identity and iffirecreation

There is clear evidence here that a significant touch with their Jewish selves. However, for him, proportion of Manchester Jews choose to associare 'Jewish sport and recreation is an archway, pleasant with each other, thus corroborating findings from while you are there, but not long lasting'. Jewish elsewhere.l8Much has been written about sport/ continuity, the ultimate aim of so many artemprs ro recreation and ethniciry and the literature helps us encourage Jews to associate together as Jews, lay to place this report's findings in a theoretical 'in producing values, ideas and behaviour framework. However, it is also important for any transmissible to future generations; and such values conclusions to be contextual and, to this end, they have to be connected with the Jewish religion and were discussed face-to-face with a number of tradition, for what other legitimate basis is there for prominent Jewish lay and religious leaders. behaving Jewishly?' He was convinced that you can play footbdl on Sundays till the cows come home, Many Jewish leaders dismiss informal and social but only if you do so because of the Jewish calendar mechanisms as levers for social engineering. These rather than for social reasons does it become influential Jews are conyinced that the formal worthwhile and relevanr'. education ofJews about the richness of their history and religion is the best way to combat the current For those occupying the traditional ground of what high levels ofJewish assimilation into the is somewhat euphemistically termed Orthodox population at large. Jeremy Michelson, an Judaism, this study might be interesting but, in educationalist at the Manchester Jewish Museum, their view, it is unlikely to make any serious believes that h flower needs roots and the culture contribution to the issue ofJewish continuity. This comes out of the religion'. From this viewpoint, a easy dismissal of sociabiliry however, is non-observant Jew might well be able to pass on sociologically unimaginative given that their some cultural behaviours ro the immediately common measure of assimilation is interfaith succeeding generation, but any common bond marriage, a phenomenon that correlates very closely derived from the shared non-religious experience with an individual's lack of involvement in Jewish would eventually dwindle to little or nothing. A social networks and activities that produce dating prominent figure in both Manchester and Jewish within the group. politics, the late Sir Sydney Hamburger, agreed with this thesis, arguing that, although the Ethnicity and identity community had shifted away from religious practice, Certainly for some respondents, the Jewish calendar 'recreation would not help people remain Jewish'.te did matter and was central to their concept of being a Jew whereas for others, though important, it was Clive Lawton, a practising Orthodox Jew, currently neyertheless peripheral. Sharon Bernstein, the a leader of Limmud (aJewish educational forum), project leader of an initiative set up to help young developed this idea further.2o Lawton, for example, Manchester Jews with social and identiry problems, understands that Jews might go to see a Jewish film was eclectic in the sources she had used. She found or participate in a music festival simply because that a particularly potent example of material they enjoy doing so. The act of attending with drawn from the religious tradition was the other Jews might temporarily help them to get in celebration of the first night of the annual Passover festival when all over the world even unobservant Jews gather together at the seder the traditiond 18 Benski's study of Glasgow Jews in 1978 found that 'despite meal. However, tlere were many other initiatives low levels ofreligious observance, tended to prefer their Jews not rooted own company and largely avoided close fiiendships with non- in religion that also assisted her in Jews, especially outside of informal employment' (see Valins helping these young people to establish a 1999). sustainable Jewish identiry. 19 To him marrying out was a devastating act. 20 He had led the Continuiry project during the early Jewish Bernstein's approach fits in well with a change in 1990s, subsequently becoming involved with Limmud, an the status British eclectic forum that holds regular events about a wide range of of Jews, who were legally Jewish educational issues as well as providing its own courses recognized as an ethnic group only as recently as and seminars- the 1970s Race Relations (Amendment) Act. fu a contemporary report into community most significant factor here seemed to be country of representation found, this reflects a shift in the self- origin and not blackness. Conversely, he felt that perception of manyJews in Britain. Rather than 'we Jews have a common bond and baclground, only defining themselves primarily as a religious which could stem from religious commonality group, Jews from a wide spectrum of beliefs and although there could be a continuing interest in affiliations have increasingly come to regard merely being Jewish which is not to do with themselves as an ethnic group, notwithstanding the religious practice'.23 Guterman suggests that ways of somewhat pejorative nature that that term has in being Jewish, other than those dictated and Britain.2l This is because, for them, ethnicity transmitted by religion and religious practice, do involves kinship, a sense of belonging, a common and will continue to exist. history and a desire for group continuity alongside religion, culture and language, the other three In his review ofJewish identity in Europe, the dimensions.22 anthropologist Jonathan'W'ebber has argued that, as the constituents of identity change over time and Time after time, respondents mentioned feeling place, there is no single and universal Jewish comfortable in the presence of other Jews. identity. The non-practising Jew in Israel can feel Generally Jews seemed to be part of and also and act as Jewish as the strictly Orthodox in New separate from wider society. Interviewees referred to York. One very real outcome of this is that many humour, a distinctive Jewish cuisine and the diaspora Jews who are well integrated into western importance of food, a way of talking about and societies are highly likely to express their Jewish looking at life, a body language that was easily identity through lifesryle rather than through their understood, and above all a sense ofunderstanding obligating norms and principles.2a According to this about what it means to be a Jew in Britain. Not paradigm, social, recreational and cultural having to explain and feeling empathedc with the frameworks are of increasing significance compared other person or group helps to cement a sense of to divine worship and religious practice. It thus belonging. Along more practical lines, having faced becomes easier to understand why some very overt or coyert exclusion and prejudice, it is both assimilated Hungarian Jews today still choose to natural and simply easier to interact with others in associate with other Jews and why their situations in which one is unquestioningly accepted. conversations are rarely about anything that is specifically of a Jewish nature.25 For Henry Guterman, an ex-president of the Manchester Jewish Representative Council, the Ethnicity and recreation comfort of being with other Jews is due in some Use of a wider and more liberal definition of what measure to how community members have constitutes being Jewish makes it legitimate to traditionally related to each other. In his experience, compare the Jewish associations studied here with other minorities, such as Africans or Afro- similar associations of other ethnic groups. Often Caribbeans, constitute communities in which there for reasons ofprejudice, different sports have is a cultural affinity between people from the same evolved along ethnic lines. In the British context, country of origin, such as Nigeria or Barbados. The this has resulted in a prominent role for black soccer players (lately followed by rugby footballers) and a tendency for Britons whose ethnic origins are 21 The Home Office is content to allowJewish organizations to in the Indian sub-continent to play cricket or define themselves either in religious or in ethnic terms as they choose. tennis. Other sports, such as gol[, have remained 22 Amqoriry of so-called uninvolved, religiously unaffiliated predominantly white. In those instances in which Jews have been affected by their Jewish background and have there was mixed membership at a sports club, it has some sense of being According to Miller, Schmool and Jewish. been noted that it was commonplace for members Lerman (1996), among adultJews, 3l per cent consider themselves to be traditional, 9 per cent Orthodox, 15 per cent of different ethnic groups to congregate together progressive, with the balance of 45 pt cent ranging from even if there was no direct evidence of prior secular to 'just Jewish'. Anthropologist Anya Peterson Royce exclusion from other clubs. It was therefore only a says that a group and/or outsiders can claim an ethniciry, provided that five key criteria-common ancestral origin, common culture or customs, religion, race or physical 23 Guterman is involved with the Interfaith Council as well as characteristics, or language-were satisfied. These Black-Jewish and Indian-Jewish forums. characteristics were dynamic in that they could be redefined 24 Eliezer Schweid, cited in Webber 1994. and changed over time (Royce 1982; Fenton 1999). 25 Andras Kovacs, cited in ibid. short step to the organization of associations along majority. Replaced by other recreational activities ethnic lines (Hoggett and Bishop 1986). when Jews moved into the suburbs, the Ice Palace became defunct. Tod"y'r social and cultural groups A wide-ranging study of ethnicity and sport in continue to uphold this tradition.'Williams is Manchester found that, while South Asians wanted convinced that such recreational activities remain to participate in British sport, they perceived extremely important to a community that, in his themselves as outsiders. This was partly because the opinion, is still closely-knit and still exhibits certain established local British population excluded them behaviours reminiscent of the ghetto.28 and partly because of their own cultural predilections against integration. As a consequence, Even though it is not solely a Jewish predisposition they set up their own leagues, linked to temples and and other ethnic minorities behave similarly, most community centres. Like the Jews, they emphasized Manchester Jews continue to congregate career orrer sport, a trait that can also be observed in residentially and live in a small number of areas several other ethnic minorities, such as Tirrkish and within the conurbation. Living in close mutual Greek Cypriots. In contrast, having been denied an proximity contributes to the creation of genuine easy route into the professions, many Afro- pressures to conform to a group norm. A member Caribbeans believed that sport and related activities who spurns conformity is likely to be perceived as a might offer them a more realistic career transgressor, someone who chooses to step outside opportuniry. They too formed their own teams the group's boundaries (Cresswell 1996).'e and leagues, with some groups also creating their own multifunctional associations (Yerma et al. The future of the local associations studied here is l99l).26 This corroborates the findings ofJohn obviously more insecure than that of more formal Hargreaves, who has concluded that sport tends recreational associations. An organization such as not to promote intercommunal harmony and that, Maccabi has its own premises, permanent staff and on the contrary, stereoryping often creates is part of an international movement, whereas the ethnocentric attitudes. This means that it is difficult informal associations have neither buildings of their for ethnic minorities to integrate into working- own nor significant financial backing. As they rely class, communiry-based sport (Hargreaves almost exclusively on their members' enthusiasm and l9B7:156).27In this context, the continued commitment, they will inevitably experience peaks existence of the Manchester Jewish Soccer League and troughs. Nonetheless, they have survived for a is not surprising. relatively long time and there are strong indications that they will continue to provide something that Recreation and community the community both values and desires. This is a view In some ways, the Manchester Jewish community that sociologist Lou Kushnick shares. His research has acted as a trailblazer for other minoriry confirms that British Jews interact with one another communities. Bill \Tilliams, who has extensively far more than their North American counrerparts. researched the history of the Manchester He is convinced that, however important or communiry, coined the phrase'walled leisure' to attractive the activity of the associations studied describe the old literary societies in which Jews might be, the essential key to their popularity over exchanged ideas and knowledge. Though the Ice the years has been their Jewish membership. Palace, just north of Manchester city centre, was open to the general public, it played a crucial Attitudes recreational role for the Jewish community. Jon Stratton, an English Jew now teaching in Between 1930 and the late 1960s, it was a place Australia, has tried to understand why a group such where Jews could network while avoiding the as British Jews, apparently integrated if not anxieties of having to deal with the non-Jewish assimilated, still tends to congregate. He contends

26 The fact that Asian families emphasize the professions over 28 Bill Villiams, personal communication. sport is partly informed by overt discrimination against Asians 29 London-based Greek andTirrkish Cypriots also congregate gaining entry to foo$all and cricket in Yorkshire and residentially and form local communities that facilitate elsewhere in Britain (Holland et al. 7996; Bishop and Hoggett ethnically based leisure activities. Such mixing together helps 1995). them to maintain their own culture but makes it harder for -fhrs 27 was confirmed by the Sports Council only recently them to assimilate. This has been found also to apply to East (Hargreaves 1994). African Hindus (Vatson 1977; Roberts 1999). that this is due to Jews generally being placed current events in the Jewish world, having retained outside the mainstream of society wherever they many of his Jewish connections. fu a youth, he live; this seems to apply universally, despite Jewish belonged to recreational associations, and played history and language (Jewish culture, perhaps) table tennis at a high level for a Jewish club. Now varying from country to country. This is probably married to a non-Jew, the experience he has due to the unwillingness ofJews to become too acquired has enabled him to comment insightfully close to the outside world because of the social and and knowledgeably about the subject. He observed cultural threats that such proximity is presumed to that part of the answer lay in Jewish mores and pose. This, he believes, is due to generationally history. Jacobson felt that in Sydney transmitted cultural attitudes and thinking. His view is that the racial designation of peoples has it was kind ofJewish. The Australians and the meant that the dominant culture has effectively Jews have something in common. They share a made it impossible for members of a minority warmth that relaxed me. The Jews are not a group to assimilate fully (Stratton 2000). northern people and dont properly belong in some of the places they have settled. Despite the The novelist Howard Jacobson, who also lived in English having been fantastic to us, somehow I, Australia for a while, offered an interesting and I believe others, have felt the chill of English explanation.3o Jacobson has a keen interest in life and have never felt quite at home here.

30 Howard Jacobson, personal communication. ,#.1# Gonclusions .4j,+.,F|

Associating with Jews education and information about all aspects of Several reasons have been advanced to explain why Judaism, the other, currendy under development, well-educated, middle-class and often highly would foster connections and networks among anglicized Manchester Jews continue to associate members so as to create stronger Jewish ties. This with other Jews. As with other ethnic minorities in was being achieved by building on rhe personal Britain, a plausible explanation lies in what is friendships that members of the JCC had formed, particular to the ethnie and thus cannot be shared while simultaneously encouraging participants to readily with mainstream sociery. The centrifugal deepen their Jewish commitment.3r forces that create distance berween Jews and the general society can be explained by prejudice-or The Manchester situation is more organic and perceptions of prejudice-and the deficiencies of diffuse; many informal voluntary associations tend socieryt awareness and sensitivities to the mores not to liaise with each other (Hoggett and Bishop and needs ofothers. In contrast, the centripetal 1986). Most of the associations examined here forces that pull Jews towards each other are more belong to the Manchester Jewish Representative complex, but mostly have to do with a shared Council but the council seems not to have the history background, location and attitudes to life. desire, the resources, the information or the power These are powerful forces: they can embrace even to take a more proactiye role in the social life of the the most secular of Jews. However, many of these community. This norwithstanding, British 'associational'Jews may well be Jews whose links organizations are pursuing ideas similar to rhose with the more formally organized communiry are advanced in North America, and where there is a somewhat tenuous and whose Jewishness is based Jewish continuiry agenda, youth education has been on emotion more than belief or practice. made a priority.32 Stuart Schapiro, Manchester Maccabi chairman, has proposed that the new \7ill this situation continue? In general rerms, most Maccabi centre, due to open this year, should not respondents thought it would. For a variety of reasons only provide sporting facilities, but also be a individual associations might grow or dwindle, but meeting place for all members of the Manchester the overall impression is that informal recreational Jewish community (Hayman 2000).33 Though he associations will continue to be important in did not spell out what this might mean in practice, Manchesters Jewish social life in the foreseeable it was unlikely that Maccabi could expect to future. One interviewee who had been prominent introduce a JCC along the lines of the American in both Jewish and non-Jewish associations model. It was likely that even less integrative suggested that co-ordinated initiatives 'to educate, proposals would meet some resistance since one of entertain and embrace young Jewish adults from the most striking features of the Manchester every shade of observance'would certainly help. associations investigated was their sense of The research indicates that they act as social agenrs autonomy and special identity. Thus it is reasonable by helping to maintain cultural boundaries for their to assume that they would be less than ready to particular group (Iso-Ahola 1 980). relinquish their independence; issues of control would inevitably emerge. Though the idea of aJCC The United States might offer a possible model for might be worth pursuing, there would need to be development. Most large American cities haye a Jewish community cenrre (JCC), which is the 31 They called it putting the J back into the JCC', whereas the fulcrum ofJewish communal activity. At a recenr new initiative is known as 'putting the communiry back in the conference of communiry leaders in the USA, there JCC' (\fiener 2000). was general agreement that the JCC could not only 32 Eric Finestone, Deputy Director of Makor/fusociation of Youth, has been given the task ofhelping complement the work and role of synagogues, but Jewish young people feel that they belong to the Jewish community by introducing could fill a niche that religious institutions cannor a Jewish educational componenr into Jewish clubs (interview, reach, in particular for those Jews otherwise 4 April 2001). unaffiliated with Jewish organizations. A decade t3 Interestingly, from a wider perspective, in June 2000 an appeal for funds a after having set out to beef up their conrent, to build Jewish cultural and arts centre in Jewish London was launched, the aim being to encourage all to the were Jews JCCs developing a two-pronged approach. learn more about their heritage: see \While Jewish Chronicle, 16 June one component was designed to provide 2000, 1 and 11 August 2000,14. careful and sensitive negotiation to achieve an superficial contacts can be. In July 2000 prime-time outcome that benefitted and satisfied all the television showed a documentary about a norrh potentially interested parties.3a London Jewish netball team. The team included secular and Orthodox women who would not Binding ties otherwise have met. Through their netball acdviry, There is considerable evidence to support the they had formed deep friendships, visited each assertions of Howard Jacobson and Jon Stratton othert homes and learned from each other different that, however assimilated some British Jews might ways of beingJewish (Knoble 2000). appear to be, they still retain a sense of difference that is unlikely to disappear in the immediate Provided that the political climate continues ro future. Jews will continue to acr as an ethnic group, favour multiculturalism and that their place in diverging in some respects from the dominant British society does not alter radically, a significant culture. The bond is there. number ofJews will continue to associate freely with other Jews in recreational settings. These Unquestionably, for many, belonging to Jewish associations provide unthreatening and non- associations is very important. For some, judgemental places for Jews to meet, whatever their membership in a voluntary association has resulted religious denomination or designation. Accordingly, in or cemented lifelong friendships. A recent British they play a critical and underrated role in example shows how powerful even seemingly maintaining community cohesion.

34 Although the haredim (strictly Orthodox Jews) in Manchester have been excluded from most of the discussion in this paper because they are only marginal to it, they comprise the most rapidly expanding sector of the Jewish communiry and, as a consequence, cannot be ignored. The future and shape of Jewish voluntary associations in Manchester and, in particular, the viability of such projects as an American-sryle JCC, as well as any collective discussion ofstrategies for continuiry are all likely to be subject to their influence. eiuliosraphy $";*: =t;,*,;l?

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Marris (ed.), The Corporate Society (New North of England (Keele, Staffs: Keele University - York Halsted Press), 19-64. Press). -Wilson, Schlesinger, Ernest (2000), Grant-mahing Ilusts in Jonathan (I99 5),'Jewish football', Jeutis h the Jewish Sector (London: Institute for Jewish Qaarterfit, autumn. Poliry Research). Yerushalmi, Yosef Haim (1996), Zakhor: Jewish Schmool, Marlena and Frances Cohen (1998), A History andJeuish Memory,2nd edn (Seattle and 'Washington Profile of British Jewry: Patterns and Tiends at the London: Universiry of Press). Planning for Jewish communities Civil society Oliver Valins Geoffrey Short The Jewish day school marketplace: The attitudes ofJewish Responding to diuersi4,? An initial inuestigation into parents Greater London the in and South,east towards mubicuhural education in Jewish schools in the [Jnited formal education Kingdom JPR Report no. l, 2003 JPR Report no.2,2002

Harriet Becher, Stanley \Tarerman, Barry Kosmin and Paul Iganski (ed.) Katarina Thomson Tbe Hate Debate. Should hate be punished as a crime? A portrait ofJews in London and the South-east: a Published in association with Profile Books, London, communitl study 2002 JPR Report no.4,2002 Antisemitism and Xenophobia Tbday Valins Oliver published electronically by JPR at: F,acing tbe future: The prouision of long-term care facilities www.axt.org.uk for older Jewish people in the [Jnited Kingdom JPRReport no.I,2002 Patterns ofPrejudice a JPR quarterly journal in association with the Parkes Olive^r Valins, Barry Kosmin and Jacqueline Goldberg Centre of the Universiry of Southampton, and The ofJewish future schooling in rhe Unircd Kingdom:A published (print and onJine) by Routledge strategic assessmen! of a faith-based prouision of primary and secondary school educarion JPR Law Panel JPR Report no.2,2001 Combating Holocaust denial through lau in the United Kingdom: report of the panel Margaret Harris and Colin Rochester JPR Report no.3,2000 Gouernance in the Jewish uoluntarl sector JPR Report no. 1, 2001 BarryA. Kosmin Ethnic antl religious questiznt in the 2001 []K Census of Ernest Schlesinger Population: policy recommendations Grant-making tusts in the sector Jewish JPR Policy Paper no. 2,March 1999 JPR Report no.2,2000

Peter Halfpenny and Margaret Reid lsrael: impact, society, identity The financial resources of the UK Jewish ulluntutryt sectlr Ariela Keysar and Barry A. Kosmin JPR Report no. l, 2000 North American Conseruatiue Jewish teenageri attachment to Israel Barry A. Kosmin and Goldberg Jacqueline JPR Report no.2, July 1999 Patterns of charitable giuing among British Jews JPR Report no.2,July 1998 Other publications Jewish culture: arts, media and heritage Commission on Representation of the Interests of the British Jewish Communiry Rebecca Schischa with Dina Berenstein A Community of Communities: Report of the Commission Mapping culture in Europe today: a Jewish pilot projecr March 2000 JPR Report no.3,2002

JPR\Torking Parry on Television A guide to Jeuish teleuision: prospects and possibilities: fndings of the Worhing Partlt A full listing ofJPR publications and online versions of them and of News arc available on the JPR Policy Paper no. 3, July 1999 JPR JPR website: www.jpr.org.uk David Clark Deueloping Jewish museums in Europe To order copies ofJPR publications, please contact: JPR Report no. 1, February 1999 Institute for Jewish Policy Research 79'S7impole Street Stanley \Taterman London \f1G 9RY Cultural politics and European Jewry rcl +44 (0)207935 8266 fax +44 (0)207935 3252 JPR Policy Paper no. 1, February 1999 e-mail [email protected]