In Antiquity

Greeks and natives on the southern Black Sea coast in antiquity

Lätif'e Summerer Universi\t of Munich, Gennatq,

Abstract The article aims to provide some concrete detaiis on Greek-natjve relations on the Anatoiian Black Sea coast. known as Cappadocia Pontica in antiquity, by examination of the available historical anil archaeological data. The written sources regarding encounters between Greeks and the 1oca1 population in this region are sparse and contradictory, and so are hardlv reliable as the basis of historical reconstruction. On the other hand, material remains from the indigenous hinterland of Amisus offer some interesting and important archaeological data for the study of Greek-native relationships. In several Iron Age settelements in the region of the Halys basin, a number of eariy Greek vases and Greek tl,pe clal rooftiles ofthe late Archaic period have been excavaled. In particular, the iocaliy made architecrural terracottas, which surelv come from palace-like monumental buildings. demonstrate an active adoption of Greek culture by the Leuosyrians/Cappadocians. The presence of houses with Greek type roofs in the indigenous settlements can be explained as being due to the particular interest of the Greek settlers in the region's natural resources. it is well known from the written sources that the Greeks were interested in Cappadocian cinnabar, which u,as also called niltos or sirtopisby the Greeks. It is likellr that, in turn, the Greeks introduced the Cappadocian 6iite to their new house buiiding technology which used clay roof ti1es. özet Bu makalenin amacl antik qagda Kapadokya Pontika diye bilinen Orta Karadeniz bölgesinde Junan koionicilerle yerli haik arasmdaki iligkileri tarihi ve arkeolojik verilere dayanarak yorumlamakrrr. Bu konuda bize ulagmrq yazrh kaynaklar az ve Eok Eeliqkilidirler. Buna karqm Karadenizin yerlilerin oturdu$u iE böigelerinclen Erkan küitür kaln- trlan Yunan-yerli iliqkileri hakkrnda önem1i ve ilginE bilgiler verirler. Haiys nehri (Krzrlrrmak) kavsi iEerisinde kalan bir srra Demir Qa$r yerleqmesinde batt meqeyli geometrik ve arkaik qa[ vazolarr bulunmuqtur. Bunun yanmda alh de$iqik yerlegme yerinde bulunan geE arkaik devre ait Yunan tipi mimari terrakottalar Yunan kültürünün Kapadokvallar veya Leukosuriveliler adr verilen yerli halkrn üzerindeki etkisini gösterir. Aynr zamanda yerli yermeqmeierinde yunan tipi Eatrh evler (büyük bir olasrlikla saray gibi binalar) Yunanhlarm bu bölgeye verdigi önemi belirtir. Antik yazrli kaynaklardan biiindigi gibi Yunanhlar bu bölgede elde edilen miltos veya sinopis denlien aqr boyasma gok ralbet gösterirlerdi' Sinope ve Amisos gibi koloni gehirlerinin bu bölgeye terrakotta Eatrh mimari teknolojisini bu ticari iliqkileri kapsamrnda getirmig olabilecekleri muhtameldir.

.\,S hailow, wild and nebulous, rvith oniy isolated So Pomponius Mela portrays the Black Sea in his de \JDraces to ancnor- chorographia. The Roman author, who obviously trans- surrounded by neither a gentiy sloping nor a sandy lated this passage from a Greek source, admirabll, coastline, describes early Greek perceptions of the Black Sea. From exposed to the north winds and, where it is not deep, his words it can be inferred that the relations between stormy, undulating and surging, fsuch is the sea]. Greeks and indigenous peoples had changed from being It used to be named as the Unfriendly 'Axenus', due initially hostile to being friendly in the later periods, to the wild mentality of its inhabitants; but later as the following the establishment of commercial contacts. Friendly 'Euxinus', after their customs were The aim of the present articie is to provide some tempered somewhat by trade relations with other concrete detaiis on these Greek-native relations by peoples. (Pomponius Mela 1, 120). examination of the available historical and archaeo-

21 The Blctck Sea: Pctst, Present ancl Ftture logical material. The study covers the southern Black indigenous Syrians, who inhabited the Sinope Sea coastline betrveen Sinope and Amisus and their promontory prior to the arrival of the Greeks (Matthews 301; indigenous hinterlands. 1978: 107-08; Langella 1997: 20; Ivantschik 1998: The first colonisers came from ivliletus and gradually Scholion Apoliodorus Rhodius 2, 946-54). Since the version' explored the shoreline of the Black Sea during the seventh scholion refers to Phiiostephanos for this century BC. They first occupied the strategicaily advrn- Langella believes that it is a Hellenistic creation. On the this version tageous promontory of Sinope, which then afforded them contrary Matthews (1978: 108) thinks that Eumelus. easy access to the other shores of the Black Sea' The goes back to an older Corinthian source, hence foundation of Sinope is dated 6371630 BC" The written As Ivantschik has pointed out, such mythic tales of a the source information regarding encoulters between Greeks nymph raped by a Greek god, who later becomes and the local population derives mostly from myfhic tales mother of the indigenous popuiation, ate stereotypicai (1998: which are hardly reliabie fbr historical reconstructions.2 and can likewise be attested lbr severai other cities According to one of the literarv traditions the eponym of 301), such as the case of Corcyra and Poseidon Sinope, as for many other cities in Asia Minor, was an (Apollonius Rhodius 4. 982 with scholia; according to Amazon. According to Langella (7997: 25-19) this Matthews (1978: 108) both mythic tales of Sinope and traclition goes back to Hecataios of Miletus. But Corcyra go back to the Corinthian propagandist Eumelus, Ivantschik (1998: 305) thinks that Sinope the Amazon because in both cases it was in Corinth's interest to be cities). Therefore. was an ad hoc reconstruction of Andron of Theos. involved in the very beginning ofthese as a conscious Other ancient authors describe the eponirm of Sinope it would be unwise to interpret this myth integrate the indigenous as a Nymph. who r,vas the daughter of Asopus' a Boeotian effort of the Greek settlers to river God. Langella (7997: 7-23) thinks that this Syrians into the Greek genealogY'' Black Sea is tradition. first attested in Corinthiaca of Eumelus, stems The origin of indigenous Syrians in the that these Syrians from the Greek mainiand" rvhile Sinope the Amazon goes unclear. Langella (7997 20-23) thinks back to a Nlilesian tradition. The Nymph was raped by were of Hittite or Phrl,gian origin. It has also been northern Zeus or Apol1o and brought to Pontus. This tradition goes assumed that they immigrated to Anatolia liom back to Corinna from Tanagra (Fr. 654, II 39; Langella Syria during the eighth century BC (Bossert 2000: 772), or 1991: L5-I6; Ivantschik 1998: 300). She was also loved but there is no clear evidence either in the historicai by the river Haiy's, but insisted on keeping her virginitv' archaeological sources to support this assumption. In another version of this tradition, 'Sinope the Nymph' Unlike in Lydia and Phrygia, the Anatolian Black Sea became riother of Syros b1' Apollo' the eponym of the region seems to have been tiee of centraily organised kingdoms. During the seventh centur,v BC the Syrians must have been living politically independentlv, since I This clate is establisired on the basis of Eusebius' tradition they were able to give asvlum to Dascylus. father of the (Langella t991:127 Ivantschik 1998:327). The conäsion in later Lydian king Gyges (FGrHist 90 F 46; Ivantschik (.Cltonograpltica 756) about the foundation of Eusebius 1998: 318). Yet thel' must have suffered from the Trapezus. a subcolonv of Sinope. led some scholars to the Cimmerian raids, as did all other peoples in Anatolia. assumption that Sinope rvas fbunded in the eighth century (tbr the a recent discussion see Petropoulos 2003: 18)' But the detailed Pseudo-Scvmnus (995*996) mentions that Habron, analvsis of the available ancient sources by Hind (1988: 214) leader of the first Nlilesian settlers in Sinope, was kilied and Ivantschik (1998: 317) havc shown that this confusion in by Cimmerians. which ref-lects the violent activities in is based on I thc Armenian version of Euscbius' tradition Syrian territory (Ivantschik 1998: 310-12). I{erodotus conlusion with the lbundation date of Kvzikos. Langella (4, 12) even remarks that the Cimmerians lbunded some (lt)t)i: 127) suggcsts tliat tlre earlv date of ibundation rright settlements on the Sinope promontory. have been invented bv Miletus in its compctition ivith Corinth' which was also intcrested in Sinope in precolonial times The scholars. rvho belicve that thc Black Sca area wls flrst r (I9()1:23. presumes that this version of the colonised in the eighth century. ilerive liom thc tladition lbund Langella 129) in thc third century BC (the in Eumclos that Corintli was intercsted in the rnetals of Pontic myth rvas intcntionalll' constructecl Philostephanos), to givc ir Cnppaclocia (Matthows 1978: l()7-03 with literatute). earliest cviclence is a fi'agmcnt ol' : Doonan (2004: The rvritten sourccs on thc: lburdation ol' Sinopc have rcce ntlY Greek gencalogy to thc indigenous populatiorr. 'marriagc god and becn tliscusseci hv Ivantschik and Langella. indepenclentlv of 71) suggests likewisc tliat between rt Grcck reacl as a each other (Langclla 19971 Ivantschik 1998). Tlrc important a local godclcs-s rtr other mythical character clitr bc l]ut monographic stttclv on the firundation ol' Sinopc by Llngella. motaphor fir thc tarning and cleveloping of wilcl territorv" gencalogies ,,vith cxhausting analyses ol rvritlcn s(lurccs. clocs not seeln tL) lbr: Grceks it rvrs quite comm()n to ascribe hcroic the r\pollon- have bccn noticcd bv scholars. For cxamplc. jt is not cvcn citecj to non-Greek peoples. This is rvhl' -qcnoalogy in Doonln's most rccenI rvttrks (Dottlratr ](X)31 20()'1) clevoted Sinope -Svros cloes not provicle anv spccific infilrmation to Sinopc. regrrrtlittr: Crcck-nitlivt rellrtiotts

l8 The Black Sea: Past, Present nrtd Futw.e

According to Strabo (12,3,.1), a Cappadocian chief Istanbul, is currently entirely unknown to scholars. The named Timades enlarged Amisus some time atter its excavation material contains mostlv Hellenistic pottery, foundation. Since there is no other indication we do not while tiie total of the Archaic finds is nor numerous. The know why and how a native leader was involved in the high proportion of local pottery is striking. The pottery urban activities in a Greek city. What could have shapes and painted decorations have their closest happened that made it necessary to enlarge the city? The parallels in the Iron Age settlements in the upper Halys only possible explanation is a population increase. This valley, especially at Bo$azköy (Bossert 2000: Summerer could irave been caused by the arrival of nelv Greelc 1005a: figs 8-10: 2005b). settlers (this has been supposed by Lassere 1978: 218). It The earliest Greek pottery found in both cities, is also possible that nerv territories were added to the city Sinope and Amisus. belongs to the first half of the sixth through the inclusion of nearbf indigenous settlements, century BC (Boysal l!j9; Summerer 1005a: figs 1-3). which would explain the mention of the Cappadocian Despite occasional contrarv claims (Langella 1997 121; leader in the context of the eniargement. Strabo's undil'- Ivantschik 1998: 330; Doonan 2003: 1382), there is no f-erentiated notice. however, does not allow a conclusive evidence for seventh centurv Greek pottery either from interpretation on lhis question. Amisus or tiom Sinope. Earlier Greek findings are only This brief overvierv demonstrates how little coherent attested at the indigenous sites in the hinterland of information can be derived from the written tradition on Amisus, along the Halvs valley. the relationships between tire Greek settlers in Sinope In A-kalan, lbr instance, a strongly tbrtified Iron Age and Amisus and their indi_senous neighbours. The lack of settlement 18km inland fiom Amisus, fragments of two reliable literary evidence leads to the archaeological late seventh century BC Milesian wine jugs (middle study of the remains of material culture. wild goat style II) have been excavated (Macridy 1907: q"---"-" Unfortunatelv, none of the Classical sites on the Black nl I O. Crrmmpr .lQ?r, , ,.'. nly,. - { 1-i'. 1005a: pl. Sea coast has been svstematically excavated. The 66.1). Apart tiom these. Akaian provides only local avaiiable archaeological niaterial comes liom the pooriv pottery sherds (Cummer 1976 pls 6-8) which are verv documented earlv exca.,'ations during the flrst half of the simiiar to those excavated at Amisus. It is remarkable last centurv. In addition. there are tlso some chance tlnds that the Archaic findings in Akalan are fbund just under and materials from rescue excavations and survevs. The the surface (Macridy 1907: 5), while later potterv sherds archaeoiogical evidence liom Sinope and Amisus are entirelv lacking (Summerer 2005e: 135). Since no suggests a certain degree of cohabitation in these cities. traces of destruction have been detected. the settlement The small-scale excavations brought to light a number of seems to have been abandoned voluntarily atier the examples of iocal Alatolian Iron Age pottery (Akurgrl. Archaic period. This suggests the inclusion of the Budde 1956: 49, pi. 3), which. in some literature, has inhabitants into the nearbv Greek colonv. which fits into been rvrongly named 'Phrygian potterv'. Indeed. in Strabo's notice of the enlarqement of Amisus bv a recent research scholars have avoided using this term (fbr Cappadocian cliiel-. the latest discussion on the ethnic identitication of the Additional earlv Greek potter.v is attested some local Anatolian pottery. sce Bossr-rt 1000: 3;. These distance from the coastline. At isolated cornpiete east examples are mostlv iugs with beak-spouted mouths, the Greek bird bowl in the Amasva Museum, dating to the so-called Sclutubelkcuttren, which represent a typicul third quarter ofthe seventh century. is a chance find liom potterv shape in the Iron Age sites of the llalys valley the viilage of Daisarav near Mecitözü (fig. 9). Jud_qing (Bossert 2000: 71. n. 237). Interestingiy. in Sinope they tl'om its r.vell preserved state it must have been fbr,rnd in a came to light in a context together with east Crcck aud grave (r\rnasya Museum Inv. A.75.26.1. tig. 1). Attic vases dating to thc tirst half of the sixth ccnturv BC Fulther southrvarcls at Bogäzkü_v. in the lbrme r (Akurgal. Budde 1956: pl. 2). It is ren.rarkrble that no capital of thc Ilittite empire. Nlilesian ancl Corinthian such potterv shercls havc been tbur.rd cluring the intr:nsive potter'\, o1'tlre mid-scventh ccntr.rrv has been excavatcd survevs of the hinterlancl o1' Sinope (Doonan L004: 33). (Bossert 200{): pl. 143. l3-5 i, 1350a-c). Anothcl Doonan (2{)t)4: -l- 1.1. 88-t}9) bclieves the sitc rt N,lilesian vase fragrrent has come to Iigbt at Alirsur (vrrn Nohutlul< to be a "Phlvgian settlemenl'. IJorvevcr. the cler Ostcn 1937: pl. 3. 9). ,\t I{arran-Iialehöviil<. in thc monocirrotnc llottcrv shcrds collectecl tlrcrc are n()t signif- uppcr Halvs basin. a fi'agmcnt of an r\ttic cr:ater. tlatable icant enough ärr u chlonologicrl ancl ethnic classilicatiun. to the sixtlr centur-v BC.has bcen fbuncl recentlv Painled jugs rvitli bcul<-spriulecl motrlhs anci other (Nlatsurnara l{)(){): fig. 3t)). At the samc site. some local potterv wcte illso liruncl ut Aurisus tluring the potterv shcrds o1' the protogeornctric period came to -l'he excavutions in 190ä. huge amoLlnt of' tlte excavutecl light (fig. l). r.vhiclr are the cllliest Greek fincls of tliis materials. norv l

30 \unuttctet'

'-,{{"1 sl,:- äi!' .:i#],"-. *' Fig. 1. |lorrlt lottiurt binl btn,! Jtonr f)trl:utu.t (lllt,titö:ü).

Atrttrsytt il,lrr.scutn Itty. i\.75.26. ( I pltoto; outlt()r') Fig. 2. Pnfiogaonrcit'it' ltotrt:t .t' .sliLttl lplroto: S. Onura)

sherds have been attestc(l ut l\4lrslrtltiii,iil, [()zgüq 19U0] The acloption o1 builciings wirh Crcck stvle roof.s ancl as weli as at Bosazktir fBitrel 1916 9-14)). Although decorations suggests that the (ire clt u'uv of life was held the eviclence o1' earlv Creek pottery is scattered, it in high regarcl at Akalan. Thc net' t1'pe of building appears to show that thc earlv contacts between the technology' musl have oil'erecl lr bettel rvaterproof and Greeks attcl indigenous peoples were mainll, concen- fireproof altelnative to their ou,n housing tradition, tratecl in the Halvs basin (fig. t).y. which possibl)'used reecl rool's. In adclition to thjs. Greeli stylc arcltitectural terra- Because of its closer prorimitr, to Arnisus, Alialan cottas of the late Archaic period are attested at six might have played a mecliating lole in the interactions different lron Ase settlenents witirin the Halt's bend between the Greek settlers and innei- Cappadocian settle- (Sun.rmerer 1005b). ln Akalan. for instance. in rhe ments in the Halvs basin.'' .{t lnr retc. the ücceptance of in-tmediate hinterland of Amisus, a huqe numtrer of clav Greek style roofs at.rd architectural decorations at Alalan rooftiles. simas and revetütent plaques u'ere excavated was apparentiv a model tvhich rvas tlien irritated b,v the in 1906 (Macridt, 1907). Because of tlie lack of a well- otirer indigenous settlements firther inland. At the recentlv documented publication, the building-t1-pes which u'ere discovered lronAge settlemenr at iake Ladik (gr. Stiphane covered r.vith these tiles and revetment plaques remain lhnne) (fig. 10), dozens of roof tiies. simas and painted

unknown. Hor,vever, trv means clf tt'polo,gica1 stuclies relief plaques surfaced after the lloociing of the site b1 a we are able to identify at least four clifferent roofs 1fig. hydroelectric power plant two \:'ears aco. This site iras the 3). In the excavation report there are some indications same lion simas (figs 3-4) and revetment plaques with that these buildings had stone foundations and guilloche and lotus motifs as Alialan. Besides, there is pavements, and, judging from tire architectr:ral also a reiief plaque with the non-Greek theme of two elements. they were large in size (Summerer 2005a: antithetical wild goats flanking a sacred tree (fig. -5), 132). The revetment plaques rvith guilloche, meander which is familiar in late Hittite and Pl'rrvsian art. Interest- and lotus-palmette patterns fl'om Akalan have their ingly. the eoat figures are adopted for this Anatolian theme identical counterparts in the excavation material from from Ionian vase painting (Summerer 2005b). Amisus (Summerer 2005a: fi*s z1-6). Therefore. it can The moulded relief plaques fronr Köyigi Tepesi are be proved that the usage of the architectural terracottas mostl1, of poor qLralit.v and painted carelessly and d Ia was introduced to Akalan b1' 1h. nei-slhbouring Greek brossc. Apparentlv the Greek models rvere copied city. Some revetment plaques are decorated u'ith without adequate understar.rdin-q o{' the nroulding and figural scenes of the adventure of Heracles at Pholos painting techniques. Judging from the tvpes and measure- (Summerer 2005a: p1. 69, 1-2). Represer.rtations of this ments of the tiles we are able to identifi lbur different myth are common on Greeli ,,\rchlic vases. lncl it occurs also on architectural reliefs in western Asia Minor. lt is difficult to sa1, hou' these relief intages " Contrary to earlier anall'sis that explain such cultural were perceived by the local inirabitants and if they were exchanges as 'hellenisation' ofthe natives. recent studies prefer recognised as mythical tales. Horvever, these new type to use the term 'Middle Ground'. The concept of 'Middle Ground' u,as originally developecl in orcler to describe buildings with foreign decorations and images rrust colonial relationsliips between Natirre Americans ancl Europeans, and have changed the visual appearance of the settlement rvas adopted b1' Malkin (2002: 1,;1-81) lor the Greek coloni- significantly. sation of soutirern Italy. Tlrc Blctck Sea: Past, Present cmd Future

Arother settlement with Greek type roofs is pazarlr (fig. 10), which lies 150km iniand from rhe Black Sea. In 1938 significant quantities of roof tiles and painted terracotta relief plaques were excavated thele (Kogay 1941). The architectural terracottas from Pazarh, including antefixes, spouted eave tiles and square shaped revetment plaques (fig. 6), differ typologically from those used in Akalan and I{öyigiTepesi. The roofin Pazarh corresponds to the root covering svslem which is known from Gordion and Düver in Phrygia, and also at Neandria in Aeolis (Glendinning 1996: 108-15). The revermenr plaques from Pazarh are decorated exclusively rvith figures, and vegetal motives are not employed. Among the rich repertoire of animal and human figures, the lighting warriors represent the most interesting group (Koqay 1941: pls 21-23). The Fig. 3. Recurrstrttctiou of rr Greek sn'le rottf itt Äkthrt warriors wearing Ionian helmets (fig. 7) are adopted t dntwittg: Irtgrid DitrkLl t tiom east Greek vase painting (Summerer 2005b). Pazarh also yields relief piaques decorated witli the local Anatolian roofs at l(öyiqi Tepesi. In my opinion this site is identical 'wild goats at the sacred tree' theme (fig. 6), as r.vas the to l(izari mentioned by Strabo (12,3,38), i.vhere the aurhor sase at Köi'iqi Tepesi. saw a stronghold with the ruins of a royal palace. In Even though the excavation in Pazarh is not very well previous studies, Kizari was considered as a Hellenistic documented. there are some indicrtions that the architec- settlement and identiiied on a conical hill near modem tural terracottas may have belonged to a building on the Ladik (Laodikeia), quite a t-er.v kilometers away from the top of the strongliold. which had two identical rooms lake (Olshausen. Bi11er 1981:26-27: Weiinert 198.1: 79). (Koqay 1941: pl. 35. i-11.12). The floors of rhe rooms However. this identification needs to be revised. Firstlir. were laid out with terracotta peg mosaics (Koqay 1941: there is no need to assume that Kizari is a Hellenistic l4-15. pI. 8). These mosaics had a ver,v o1d tradition in settlement. because Strabo gives no indication of its date. Nlesopotamia and rvere sti1l in use in Iron Age .A.natolia Ard secondlv. according to Strabo's description, Kizari (Summeler 2005b). Such terracotta pegs have aiso been must be on the shore of the lake. As I have arguerl found in the Archaic 1evels of Cordion, but without anv elser,vhere in detarl. Köf iqi Tepesi fits this description architectural context (Young 1965: 12). If this recon- much better (Summerer 100,5a: 136, n. 100). struction of the find context is correct. Pazarii offers a The site at Parah Tepe (fig. 10) provides no relief verv interesting example fbr the combination of Near plaques, but on11, roof tiies. which testity to the Eastern and Greek house builcling traditions in Anatolia. existence of a building with terracotta roof's on the top of At Bogazköy (fig. 10), which is situated orrlv some the lrill iSummerer l00.-sb). Beside the Iron Age pottery, -{Okm south ol' Pazarh. a large amount of roof tiles has Bronze Age ceramics have also been lbund at tlris site been tbund in the late Iron Age levels (Meyer 1940: 69- (Özsait 2004:216\. 75. figs 18-20; Akerström 1966: 190-91, fig. 63). Ifone

l:i,q. 1. Liort sirnu fiotrr Köt'i9'i fqr:ri ,,tr,,rr,,:.: l,,qt i,l Frg. ,;. Rct'cttrrcril pluqtrc liom Köyiti Tcpe.si (tlruwirr,g: Dirtkcl) Itt,qritl Dirtkcl)

-)a Suttunerer

-*--r---I

Fig. 6. Recortstntction of a roof in Pazarh (drawing: Ingrid Dinkel) considers the huge number of roofed buildings excavated, the lack of decorated relief plaques is striking (fig 8). It seems that the inhabitants of this settlement adapted onlv the functional eiements of the Greek roof, but did not want any decoration. Finaily, at Kaman-Kalehöyük (fig. 10) recent Japanese excavations brought to iight some roof tiles and painted simas (Summerer 2005b). Even if the excavated tiles are not numerous yet, they testify to the penetration of the Greek style roof even in the upper Halys basin. Judging from the spouted eave tiie the roof system employed in Kaman-Kalehöyük conformed to that atPazarh. This short overview demonstrates that the adoption of the Greek terracotta roof varies increasingly from the coastal regiolr to the Anatoiian hinterland frorn being closely dependent on the Greek models to being integrated with 1oca1 traditions and conventions. Appar- ently each settlement had its own limit on the level of adoption of foreign elements. At Akalan and Köyigi Tepesi the types and decorations of the plaques depend closely on the models in Amisus, although Al

3-3 Tlrc Blaclc Sea: Past, Present and FiLtw.e

Da$ and Kugakl, the entire lack of the roof tiles would remain unexplained. Such a distribution pattern suggests that these sites could have served as market places. The fact that they are mostly strongly fortified points to their ä\: political significance; hence they probably functioned as i.ili residences of local chiefs. The question of which trade goods the Cappadocians hacl to offer the Greeks is not difficult to ansrver. The written sources associate Cappadocia with a number of minerals which were exported tiom Sinope (Nlehl 1987: 113-1.1). In particular. a kind of natural red pigment Fig. 8 Reconstru,ction of the (AJter roof at Bogazkö1, called miltos or sinopis was held in high regarcl by the Mayer 1910: fig.20) Greeks fbr painting and architectur-al drafting (pliny. Nttttu'al Historlt 35. 15; Vitruvius 7, 7). Many famous ,goars myth. At Köyigi Tepesi an Anatolian theme. ar the Greek painters. like Apelles, pret-erred to paint oniy with pazarh. sacrai tree', appears instead, as it does at A sirtopis (Pliny, Nattu.al Histort' 35. 3) because of its high pazarh characteristic of the revetment plaques from is the quality. According to Strabo (12.2.10) it rvas obtained in strict antithetical conception of figure schemes which is Cappadocia, and named Sinopean because it was familiar in genuine Anatolian art (Summerer 2005b). exported in later periods liom the port of Sinope (ail the Finally the non-acceptance of decorated plaques at written sources and epigraphical material on the trade of Bogazköy demonstrates the selective adoption of Greek sirtopis are collected and discussed b1, Mehl 1987: i19- terracotta roofs in other Iron Age settlements. 120). Beside sirtopis, there is also another reddish A look at the distribution map (fig. 10) makes it clear yellow colour pigment referred to by the name sandü.ak that the sites providing Greek tvpe roof tiies are concen- (Mehl 1987: 119). The exact origins of rhe ores of these trated in the region of the Halvs basin, on the natural pigments rvere unknown to previous studies (Leaf 1916: route connecting the coast rvith the interior. This concen- 10-13; Weimert l98z{: 133: Mehl 1987; Doonan 2003: tration could be the result of insufficient expioration of 1391*92). Perhaps due to the modern usage of the word this region. But in the case of the rvell expiored Iron Age 'Cappadocia' fbr central Anarolia. Weimert (198.t: 133) sites, such as Aliqar. Maqat Höyük, Eskiyapar. Kerkenes assumes that the ores of Cappadocian sirzopis rvere I

FL--tu:

,-:tt \ 'f't: l'f:., L\\ 1.. I:'- -2 Fi,g. 9. (|rccli Di.strilltttiort ttrup ol'tlrc cut lt, poftcr.t, itt F 1 ig. 0. D i.stribut iott trut lt r tf' tlrc utr'ltiLcr:turo l t crru(:ott (t,\ Httl"-.s hcttrl (u..|'ttt' Bosscrt )0()0: I'i.q. "l) (aJict' Bo,s,st'rt 20{){): Iig. 1)

3.1 Sunmrcret somewhere east o1'Yozgat. l)uring reccnt slltvc\' lnves- Thc eviclence ol architectural lerracottas at stx tigations a nurnber ol'ores ol iecl pigments u'cre locatecl clifl'erent Iron Agc settlements tcstifies to a significant on the shores ol tirc l-ialvs (OzblLl el al. l()(tt: 29-4t)). dimcnsion o1- cultr-rral excirangc in the late Arcluic fhe chemical analvses have icler.rtifiecl mosll! lLrsctric peliocl. Tlie conccntraticln ol sites i'ielding C;reeli potler) tlased minerals. The assitt's taken lion Durlrirn rre and architectural terriLcollas along tlie I-lalvs basin applr- anall'sed b1, Özbal et al. (2t)01: 2c)-40). Accorcling ttr entlv sirou's that the Greeks paitl special attenlion to this tirese analvses, the mineral pigmellts arc iclentil'ied as region. The reason 1br this r'l'as snrely ti.reir particular differenl kinds of arsenic sulphide. Ancienl authors do intcrest in the abunclant resourcos of thc Halys vallel'. not diflerentiate svstematicaliv between miniuni (lead such as lecl pign'rents ancl other minerals. Because of its oride). cinnabar (QLricksilver oxicle), arsenic sLrlphicle ancl closer proxin.ritv to tlie IIall's va11e1,. Amisus rlighl have arsenic oxide. Therelbre. the chemical identiilcation of enjo1,ed commercial contacls witb the incligenous chiefs. the coloured ninerals connected witir the tr;ursmitted r,vhilc Sinope, thanks to its excelient harbour. introclucecl names is difficult. lt is supposecl that lead oxidc or llte grrods trr ovcrseus triltie. cinnabar was named sinopis. while arsenic sulphide was The results presented here shor''' some concrete named scurlarak (Lepik-I(opaczynska 1958: tl6; Mehl details on irow Greek settlers ancl indigenous people trieci 1987:119). to come to terms with the realitv of cohabitation with their We do not know when sittopis ancl sartdulafr rvas ethnically and culturally dissimilar neighbours and hou' first exported from the port of Sinope (Mehl 1987: 120- thev made sense of it. lt is hoped that further archaeo- 21). The observation of Plinv (ly'arai"al Flistory, 33, logical investigations in tiris area will enrich the availabie \17 ) thal the old painters, lvho painteci in a monochrome data and enable us to recognise more specific networks o1' technique, used to paint with sinopis, suggests that the the Greek-native relations. Cappadocian minerals rvere known verv earl1'. but does not give a clear indication of the date. Since the use of Bibliography arsenic was knou'n at Ikiztepe as earlv as the Earlr' Akurgai. E., Budde, L. 1956: Vorläu.figer Bericht tiber Bronze Age (Özba1 et al. 2001: 33), it is, however, quite clie Atts grabtmgen in Sittope. Ankara plausible that the Greeks were interested in these Äkerström, A. tgOO' Die architektonischen Tetakotten minerals already in the pre-colonia1 period, and in turn Kl ei n a si ert s. Gleerup-Lund they introduced their pottcrv and later their new Bittel, K. 1976: Die Hetliter. Munich building technologl, with clay roof tiles into the Bo1,sal, Y. 19-59: 'tIber die älteren Funde von Sinope und Cappadocian settlements. die Kolonisationsfrage' Arclüiologisclrcr Art:eiger: 8-20 Conclusions Bossert, E.-M: 2000: Die Keranük plrygischer Zeit von The examination of the availabie data. both historical and B o ! azkh (Bofazköy,/t{attuqa 1 8). Mainz archaeological, has shed new light on Greek-native Brvce, T. 1998: The Kingdont of the Hittites. Oxford relations on the southern Black Sea coast. Although the Cunmer, W.W. 1976: 'Iron Age pottery fiom Akalan' exact time of the appearance of the Greeks remains Istanbtiler Mitteilwryen 26 34-39 unciear in the written sourcesl the early Greek potter,r' Debord, P. 1999: L'Asie A[ineure au |änte siäcle a.C. from the indigenous sites in the Hal,vs basin proves that Bordeaux the Greeks had contacts with this region long before the Doonan, O. 2003: 'sinope' in D.V. Grammenos, E.K. foundation of the coastal cities. The Greek settlers in Petropoulos (eds), Ancient Greek Colonies in the Sinope and Amisus had to deal with the indigenous Black Sea. Thessaloniki : 131 9-402 population from the beginning of their colonial activities, Sinop Landscapes. Exploratiort Cormectiott in ct -2004: since their survival depended closeh' on regular access to Black S ea H interlcmd. Pennsylr'ania the native territort,, in order to obtain agricultural French, D. 1984:'Classis Pontica' Epigraphica products, valuable minerals and metals. Anatolica 4: 53-60 The relatively abundant presence of local potterf in Glendinning, M.R. 1996: 'A mid-sixth-century tile roof Sinope and Amisus suggests that the native Syrians and s.vstem at Gordion' Hesperia 65: 99-118 Cappadocians respectively formed a part of the popuia- Hind, J. 1988: 'The colonisation of Sinope and tire tions there. These cities may have been founded over the south-east Biack Sea atea' in O. Lordkipanidze already existing settlements. But they also could have (ed.), Local Ethno-Political Erttities of the Black received people from the surrounding villages and See Area irt tlrc Seventh to Fourtlt Centtu"ies BC. towns, as the abandonment of the fortified settlement in Materials of the Fourth Vani S),ntposlurr. Tbilisi: Akalan susgests. 207-23

35 Tlrc Black Sea: Past. Presetü artcl Future

Ivantschik. A.L 1998: 'Die Gründung von Sinope und die Kimyasal Incelenmesi' Arkeometri Araqhrma Probleme der Anfangsphase der griechischen Sonttclart Toplanttst 15:. 29-40 Kolonisation des Schwarzmeergebietes' in G.R. ÖzgüE, T. 1980: 'Excavation at the Hittite site. Maqat Tsetskhladze (ed.), The Greek Colonization of the Höyük: paiace, archives, Mycenaean pottery' B lack S ett Area. Stuttgart: 297 -330 American Journal ofArchaeolog 84: 305-09 Jones, A.H.M. 1917: Tlrc Cities of the Easterrt Romun Özsait, M. 2004:'2003 yrh Samsun ve Amasya Yüzey' Provirtces. Oxfbrd Aragtrrmalarr' Araqtvma SontLglart Toplantst 2I: I(oqay, H.Z. 1941: Les fouilles de Paznrlt. Ankara 273-81 Langella, A. I99l: Sulle origini di Sinope. Analisi delln Olshausen, E., Biller, J. 198-l: Historisclt-geograpltische ü'adizione precoloniale e coloriale. Naples Aspekte der Geschiclzte des Pontiscltert und Lassere. F. 1978: 'Strabon 7?.3,14 deux mots inödits sur Armenischen Reiclrcs. Teil L Untersuchungen zur 1'histoire d' Amisos' M u semn H elv etictun 3 5 . 212-20 historischen Geographie von Pontos tmter den Leaf, W. 1916: 'The commerce of Sinope' Tlte Jounal of Alitlu'adatiden (TAVO Reihe B Nr. 2911). Tübingen Helleric StttcLies 36: 1-15 Petropolous, E.K. 2003: 'Problems in the history and Lepik-Kopaczvnska. W. 1958: 'Colores floridi und archaeology of the Greek colonization of the Black austeri in der antiken Malerei' Archäologisclrcr Sea' in D.V. Grammenos, E.K. Petropoulos (eds), Arueiger 12:19-99 Ancient Greek Colonies in the Black Sea. Thessa- Macridy, Th. 1907: 'Une citadelle archaique du Pont' loniki: 17-92

M itte ilwryen der Vorderqsiatisclrcn G e s ells chaft 1: Rollinger, R.2003:'Kerkenes Dag and Median r-9 "empire"' in G. Lanfranchi, M. Roaf, R. Roilinger NIalkin, L 2002: 'A colonial Middie Ground: Greek, (eds), Contirttrity of Empire (?) Ass1,ria, Media, Etruscan and 1oca1 elites in the Bav of Naples' in Persia. Padua:327-26 C.L. Li'ons. J. Papadopoulos (eds), Tlte Archae- Summerer, L. 2005a: 'Griechische Tondächer im oLog.v of Colonialism. Los Argeles: 151-81 kappadokischen kontext: Die Architektur- Matsumura, K. 1000: 'On the manufacturing of Iron Age terrakotten aus Akalan' in F. Fless (ed.), Bilder md ceramics fiom l(aman-Kalehövük' AtrcLtolian Objekta trls Träger kultLu"eller kommtLnikatiott int Arcl ne o lo gi c o l S tudi e s I Konnn-Kaleh öt ä k 9 : 179 -3 5 Schwarznteergebiet. Kolloquium in ZchortatLl Matthews V.J. 1978: 'Chaiybes, Syri and Sinope: the Sachsen I 3-1 5.02.2043. Rahden: 125-39 Greeks in the Pontic resions' Attcient World 1: 107-08 - 2005b: ,4rcltitekttu" and Akkulntration. Griecltisclrc Mehl, A, 1987: 'Der Überseehandel von Pontos' in E. To ndä clrcr im kap p a do kis c lt en Ko ntexr. Habiiitation Olshausen (ed.), Stuttgarter Kolloquiunt :Lu' thesis. Universit-v-. of Munich historisclrctt Geogruplie des AltertLons. I, 1980. von der Osten, H.H. 1931: TlteAli;ar Höväk. Seasons of Bonn: 104-E6 l93A-32 1L Chicago Meyer. H.W. 1940: 'Die phrl,gische Dachdeckung' Weimert, H. 198.1: Wirtsclruli als landsclmftgebtmdenes MitteiLwtgert cler deutscltert Orient-G esellsclnft 78 Pltänomen. Die nntike Larttlsclmli Porüos. 69-15 Frankturt Özbal. H. et al. 1001: 'Duragair ve Bakrrqay Arsenik Young, R"D. 1965: 'Early mosaics at Gordion' Cevherlcgmelerinin Jeoloji lvlinerolojik ve Expeditiott 1: 1-73