P3Cistoi?iC£tl Revie^r

The State Historical Society of Missouri COLUMBIA. MISSOURI iigiigiiigigiigigigigiisiaisisisisisiisisigisisinsinis

THE COVER: In his article, "Martin Can­ tonment and American Expansion in the Missouri Valley," Roger L. Nichols refers to the difficulties that the United States Army encountered in relations with the Kansa or Kansas Indians. The front- cover illustration is a portrait of Mon- Chonsia, a Kansas chief. Reproduced from a lithograph that appeared in the third volume of Thomas L. McKenney and James Hall's History of the Indian Tribes of North America . . . , published in 1855, the illustration depicts how a chief of that tribe may have appeared to the officers and soldiers stationed at Martin Cantonment.

^i^[^i^(^[^[af^f^[^[a[^i«i[«i[«iiar«ii«i[«if«ii«iRif«i MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW

Published Quarterly by THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MISSOURI COLUMBIA, MISSOURI

RICHARD S. BROWNLEE EDITOR

DOROTHY CALDWELL ASSOCIATE EDITOR

JAMES W. GOODRICH ASSOCIATE EDITOR

The MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW is owned by the State Historical Society of Missouri and is published quarterly at 201 South Eighth Street, Columbia, Missouri 65201. Send communi­ cations, business and editorial correspondence and change of address to The State Historical Society of Missouri, corner of Hitt and Lowry Streets, Columbia, Missouri 65201. Second class postage is paid at Columbia, Missouri. The REVIEW is sent free to all members of The State Historical VOLUME LXIV Society of Missouri. Membership dues in the Society are $2.00 a year or $40 for an individual life membership. The Society assumes NUMBER 1 no responsibility for statements made by contributors to the magazine. OCTOBER 1969 THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MISSOURI The State Historical Society of Missouri, heretofore organized under the laws of the State, shall be the trustee of this State—Laws of Missouri, 1899, R.S. of Mo., 1959, Chapter 183.

OFFICERS 1968-71 T. BALLARD WATTERS, Marshfield, President L. E. MEADOR, Springfield, First Vice President LEWIS E. ATHERTON, Columbia, Second Vice President RUSSELL V. DYE, Liberty, Third Vice President JACK STAPLETON, SR., Stanberry, Fourth Vice President JOHN A. WINKLER, Hannibal, Fifth Vice President REV. JOHN F. BANNON, S.J., St. Louis, Sixth Vice Presidest ALBERT M. PRICE, Columbia, Treasurer FLOYD C. SHOEMAKER, Columbia, Secretary Emeritus and Consultant RICHARD S. BROWNLEE, Columbia, Director, Secretary, and Librarian

TRUSTEES Permanent Trustees, Former Presidents of the Society E. L. DALE, Carthage LEO J. ROZIER, Perryville RUSH H. LIMBAUGH, Cape Girardeau E. E. SWAIN, Kirksville GEORGE A. ROZIER, Jefferson City ROY D. WILLIAMS, Boonville

Term Expires at Annual Meeting, 1969 GEORGE MCCUE, St. Louis RONALD L. SOMERVILLE, Chillicothe L. E. MEADOR, Springfield JACK STAPLETON, SR., Stanberry JOSEPH H. MOORE, Charleston HENRY C. THOMPSON, Bonne Terre W. WALLACE SMITH, Independence ROBERT M. WHITE, Mexico

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Term Expires at Annual Meeting, 1971 LEWIS E. ATHERTON, Columbia R. I. COLBORN, Paris ROBERT A. BOWLING, Montgomery City RICHARD B. FOWLER, Kansas City FRANK P. BRIGGS, Macon VICTOR A. GIERKE, Louisiana HENRY A. BUNDSCHU, Independence ROBERT NAGEL JONES, St. Louis

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE The twenty-nine Trustees, the President and the Secretary of the Society, the Governor, Secretary of State, State Treasurer, and President of the Univer­ sity of Missouri constitute the Executive Committee.

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ELMER ELLIS, Columbia, Chairman WILLIAM R. DENSLOW, Trenton LEO J. ROZIER, Perryville GEORGE A. ROZIER, Jefferson City T. BALLARD WATTERS, Marshfield agggggKiMM«iaoKigii^^

(Eljrtstttras (iltfts

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^MiMMmmmmmmmMmmmmmmmm^mmm^mM^mmmmmmMmmmmmMi^mmmmm^mmmm^ CONTENTS

MARTIN CANTONMENT AND AMERICAN EXPANSION IN THE MISSOURI VALLEY.

By Roger L. Nichols 1

STRAWBERRY CULTURE IN SOUTHWEST MISSOURI. By G. K. Renner 18

THE EXPULSION OF THE MORMONS FROM JACKSON COUNTY, MISSOURI. By Warren A. Jennings 41 TOWN GROWTH IN CENTRAL MISSOURI, 1815-1860: AN URBAN CHAPARRAL,

Part I. By Stuart F. Voss 64

JACQUES MARQUETTE, 1637-1675. By John F. Bannon, S.J 81

HISTORICAL NOTES AND COMMENTS

Art Exhibits in Society's Quarters 88

Editorial Policy 91

Views from the Past: Missourians at Work 92

News in Brief 94

Local Historical Societies 97

Gifts 108

Missouri History in Newspapers 112

Missouri History in Magazines 118

Erratum 120

In Memoriam 121

BOOK REVIEWS 122

BOOK NOTES 126

MISSOURI BEE HUNT 130

ZOE AKINS Inside Back Cover iv Illustration reprinted from Keelboat Age on Western Waters, by Leland Baldwin., by permission of Univ. of Pittsburgh Press, c 1941 by the Univ. of Pittsburgh Press

Martin Cantonment and American Expansion in the Missouri Valley

BY ROGER L. NICHOLS*

During the early decades of the nineteenth century, many Americans expected and even demanded national expansion. Simple greed for more land, an eagerness to dominate the lucrative Indian fur trade, and a near paranoia about the anti-American activities of foreign agents and fur traders among the Indians between the Great Lakes and the upper Missouri Valley helped to foster pro- expansionist attitudes. To meet the demands for growth and pro­ tection which arose, the United States Army built forts throughout

* Roger L. Nichols is an associate professor of History at the University of Arizona, Tucson. He received his Ph.D. degree in American History from the University of Arizona. His publications include General Henry Atkinson (Nor­ man, 1965), The Missouri Expedition, 1818-1820 (Norman, 1969), and articles in state journals on missionary work, Indian affairs and the U. S. Army on the frontier. Stevens, Missouri, The Center State Benjamin O'Fallon John O'Fallon

the West. Our history includes little about these army camps or cantonments which once stood along the frontier, although it con­ tains numerous stories of temporary and abandoned towns. Perhaps this is because most army posts remained in use for only a few years, or because these abandoned forts disintegrated so rapidly that even the memory of them faded into oblivion. In either case, interest in individual army posts has been shown chiefly by anti­ quarians, from whom the stories of some forts need to be rescued. The significance of a single army camp and its relationship to national developments may be seen in the story of Martin Can­ tonment, named for Captain Wyly Martin and located on an island in the Missouri River about twenty miles north of present Leaven­ worth, Kansas. The army occupied this post for only three years, 1818-1820, yet the military activities there demonstrate in micro­ cosm the difficulties Americans experienced in occupying the Mis­ souri Valley. When established in 1818, Martin Cantonment was the westernmost post of the United States Army. Its location brought a veritable honor role of frontier Missourians through its gates. Fur traders Manuel Lisa and Michael Immell made frequent visits, and St. Louis businessman John O'Fallon served as the garri­ son sutler. As the Indian agent for the upper Missouri, his brother Martin Cantonment—Expansion in the Missouri Valley 3

Benjamin O'Fallon worked with the garrison officers to coordinate the military and Indian office activities there. The expedition which built the cantonment participated in the first large-scale effort to transport men and supplies up the Missouri by steamboat. In 1819 civilian contractor James Johnson tried to move several hundred soldiers up the river to Council Bluffs, but failed. In addition, the men stationed at the cantonment witnessed Major Stephen Long's attempt to use the experimental steamboat Western Engineer as transportation for his Scientific Expedition in 1819. The troops also tried to carry out the orders of the War De­ partment to achieve friendly and peaceable relations with the Mis­ souri Valley Indian tribes. These brief examples demonstrate how the activity at Martin Cantonment typified and included all phases of the American effort to occupy portions of the frontier and help provide an understanding of American successes and failures in this undertaking. The post itself served as the spearhead for American military expansion into the Missouri Valley. This region had enticed Ameri­ cans with visions of wealth, territory, power and control of the Indians and the fur trade at least as early as President Thomas Jefferson's term of office. The expeditions of Lewis and Clark in 1804 and of Zebulon Pike in 1806, and the founding of Fort Osage in Missouri in 1808, all demonstrate the early government interest in this region. Increased difficulties with the Indians and the War of 1812 disrupted American expansion briefly; but once the war ended, the Missouri Valley lay open and inviting. Fur traders and frontiersmen lost no time in renewing their exploitation of furs and land. On the other hand, the government hesitated to expand its activity on the northwestern frontier. For example, in 1815, when Secretary of War James Monroe proposed that army forts be placed in the upper Mississippi Valley to parry the thrust of British and Canadian fur traders there, no action was taken. Just a year later, Missouri Territorial Governor William Clark recommended that a fort be built near the mouth of the Platte River, but again federal officials ignored the suggestion.1 Gradually a continuing series of Indian depredations on American fur traders, a growing conviction that British agents and traders

1 Edgar B. Wesley, "A Still Larger View of the So-Called Yellowstone Ex­ pedition," North Dakota Historical Quarterly (July, 1931), 219-221; Ray H. Mattison, "The Military Frontier on the Upper Missouri," Nebraska History, XXXVII (September, 1956), 159-161. Missouri Historical Review

retained the Indians' allegiance thereby threatening American ex­ pansion, and a flood of western newspaper editorials encouraged the government to act.2 In March, 1818, Secretary of War John C. Calhoun proposed a plan for the military occupation of the upper Missouri Valley. At first, he wanted to send troops to build a fort at the mouth of the Yellowstone River in eastern Montana. Then, he suggested other forts be built at the Mandan Indian Villages in central North Dakota, at the mouth of the St. Peter's River in Minnesota and on the Chippewa River in northern Wisconsin.3 When added to exist­ ing forts, these proposed installations would have created a cordon of army posts stretching from Montana east to the Great Lakes, and certainly would have helped reduce existing foreign influence among the Indians along the northern frontier. Because of its goal, Calhoun's first proposal soon became known as the Yellowstone Expedition. As he expanded the scope of his plan, however, this original objective slipped from view, and therefore, after mid-1818, the term Yellowstone Expedition no longer described Calhoun's goals or the ensuing military activity. Three separate and distinctive military movements emerged from the planning and clouded rhetoric. These were the Missouri Ex­ pedition, the Mississippi Expedition and the Scientific Expedition. Of these, only the first, the Missouri Expedition, went into opera­ tion during 1818, and it is in connection with this troop movement that Martin Cantonment came into being. John C. Calhoun During the summer of 1818, Secretary of War Calhoun or­ dered General Thomas A. Smith, commander of the Rifle Regiment then stationed along the Mississippi River, to con­ centrate his men at Fort Belle- fontaine near the mouth of the Missouri. There he was

2 Wesley, "A Still Larger View," 220-226; Mattison, "The Military Frontier," 160-162. 3 Roger L. Nichols, General Hen­ ry Atkinson (Norman, 1965), 48-49. Martin Cantonment—Expansion in the Missouri Valley 5

to reorganize the regiment, obtain needed provisions and equip­ ment and then send his men on the first leg of what was assumed would be a two-year journey up the Missouri to the Yellowstone. On August 30, 1818, Smith dispatched his subordinate, Colonel Talbot Chambers, with 356 officers and men of the Rifle Regiment for the upper Missouri.4 Chambers ordered his men aboard a flotilla of ten keelboats, and they began the journey. After only two days the colonel placed Captain Wyly Martin in command and returned to St. Louis. From late August until mid-October, when they reached their destina­ tion, Isle des Vaches or Cow Island, the troops pushed and pulled their riverboats against the Missouri current, an arduous and dan-

4 John C. Calhoun to Thomas A. Smith, March 16, 1818, Secretary of War, Letters Sent, Military Affairs, Vol. X, Record Group 107, The National Archives, Washington D. C; John Gale Journal, August 31, 1818, entry, Yale University Library, New Haven, Conn. Gale was Surgeon of the Rifle Regiment, and kept a sort of unit record from August, 1818, to July, 1820. 6 Missouri Historical Review gerous task. In addition to subduing the navigational obstacles, the troops had to overcome their own inexperience. General Smith characterized them as "in every respect unaccustomed to the in­ cidents of a Soldiers life, and—disposed to desertion. . . ." An officer on the expedition complained that at least one-third of the soldiers would not remain in the army when their enlistments expired during the summer of 1819. The rest he denounced as "of such a descrip­ tion as will never answer the purpose."5 In spite of these negative reports, the expedition moved steadily up the Missouri and after fifty days reached Cow Island. Described as two miles long and three-quarters of a mile wide, this island rose twenty feet above the river at the time the troops first landed. It had good springs of water, a usable harbor for the boats, cotton- wood, sycamore and elm trees for building material and fuel.6 Thus the island included most of the resources needed for a successful winter camp. Cow Island no longer exists, and frequent shifts of the Missouri River channel coupled with inexact descriptions left by travelers and soldiers make it difficult to locate the precise site of the camp. In spite of this, information from maps of the Missouri River Com­ mission and the United States Geological Survey and from some contemporary evidence, indicates that the island lay in the river about twenty miles north of Leavenworth, Kansas, in what was then western Missouri Territory. There the detachment landed on Oc­ tober 18, 1818, and erected their tents in a single file along the river. The morning after the troops landed on Cow Island, the expedi­ tion commander, Captain Wyly Martin, ordered work details into motion. As did many other American soldiers at the time, the men quarried stone for fireplaces, dug clay for mortar and interior wall plaster, felled trees for timber, split logs for flooring and cut oak shingles for siding boards. The structure they erected consisted of four rectangular buildings placed in a square so that one wall of

5 Wyly Martin, of Tennessee, was third lieutenant Twenty-fourth Infantry August 9, 1813; first lieutenant Thirty-ninth Infantry July 29, 1813; captain Third Rifles March 17, 1814; honorably discharged June 15, 1815; reinstated December 2, 1815, in Rifle Regiment; transferred to Sixth Infantry June 1, 1821; resigned July 21, 1823. F. B. Heitman, Historical Register of the United States Army (Washington, D. C., 1890) , 454. T. A. Smith to John Calhoun, July 29, 1818, Smith Letterbook, VI, 45, State Historical Society of Missouri, Columbia; Cincinnati Gazette, January 5, 1819. 6 Descriptive material about the cantonment and activities there, unless otherwise cited, comes from the journal of John Gale cited above. Martin Cantonment—Expansion in the Missouri Valley

Courtesy Yale University Libraries Sketch of Martin's Cantonment (1818-1819) from the Journal 8 Missouri Historical Review each building served as part of the palisade around the post. Within these four structures, in rooms fifteen by eighteen feet each, the men built officers' quarters, barracks, kitchens, a hospital and stor­ age areas. Each room had a stone and clay fireplace, a door which opened to the interior of the post, and a ceiling which sloped from fifteen feet where it met the palisade down to nine feet at the inside wall. Two detached or separate buildings, one for the sutler, who operated a nineteenth-century type of PX, and the other for an agent of the civilian contractor who provided food for the troops, stood outside of the cantonment proper. The result, while not par­ ticularly attractive, seems to have been adequate, and by October 31, 1818, the officers and men began occupying the nearly com­ pleted structure. Life at frontier forts proved both severe and dangerous, and if the soldiers expected to relax or to enjoy themselves once they finished their building work, they were disappointed. Before they could lay their carpenter's tools down their food supplies dwindled, and as early as October 31, 1818, the provisions contractor ran out of whiskey. Similar experiences occurred throughout the next year. The daily food ration for each soldier included a pound and a quarter of beef or three quarters of a pound of pork, a gill or half cup of whiskey, eighteen ounces of flour or bread, and peas or beans twice a week. The soldiers also received salt to season their meals and vinegar as a scurvy preventative. Army regulations stated that fresh meat had to be served at least twice each week, but Martin Cantonment stood so far from the frontier settlements, that this was not always possible.7 Therefore, in order to provide fresh meat and to avoid shortages caused by the contractors' delays and accidents, Captain Martin dispatched hunting parties daily. On such details the men ranged north and south of the cantonment search­ ing for buffalo, deer, turkeys and water fowl. Occasionally they found wild fruit and bee hives, from which they took the honey. All of this hunting kept the men occupied and added much needed supplements to the inadequate army diet. While the hunting parties provided food, they also increased the danger to the expedition and the number of casualties. Unlike the twentieth-century army, where the individual soldier never carries live ammunition for his personal weapon unless he is on a

7 Erna Risch, Quartermaster Support of the Army: A History of the Corps, 1115-1935 (Washington, 1962), 203-204; U. S. Statutes at Large, III, 427. Martin Cantonment—Expansion in the Missouri Valley 9

firing range or in a combat zone, soldiers in the army one hundred and fifty years ago all had ammunition with them. As might be ex­ pected, this caused frequent accidents. Surgeon John Gale, medical officer of the Rifle Regiment, noted that on the journey upriver from Bellefontaine to Cow Island and during the eleven months the troops lived at Martin Cantonment three people died of and eight others received gunshot wounds. Among these victims were civilians who accompanied the troops as well as officers and en­ listed men of the regiment. Most of the accidents resulted from hunting parties or from nervous sentries who shot other members of the expedition who failed to stop when challenged. Occasionally, however, the accidents had nothing to do with careless handling of weapons, but were caused merely by having loaded rifles lying about the camp. For example, on November 18, 1818, one of the tents caught fire, causing a loaded rifle to dis­ charge, wounding two of the soldiers and killing a woman, ap­ parently the wife of an enlisted man. Fortunately, such disasters struck rarely, and the chief danger remained the ignorant and care­ less handling of loaded firearms. The warlike Indian tribes of the Missouri Valley provided the greatest potential danger to the expedition. Even before he ordered any troops up the Missouri, Secretary of War Calhoun had discussed the Indians with other military and civilian officials. He stressed 10 Missouri Historical Review repeatedly the need to persuade them of American good will, and in orders to General Smith, asked him to instruct the commanding officer of the expedition "to use every means to conciliate the In­ dians."8 Calhoun's hopes for peaceful and friendly relations with the Indian tribes of the area were in vain, and the soldiers of the Missouri Expedition suffered repeated threats, attacks and rob­ beries from the redmen. Before the troops finished building their quarters on Cow Island, reports of Indian depredations reached Captain Martin. Throughout October and November, 1818, warriors from the Kansa or Kansas tribe shot at supply boats in the river, stopped and robbed other boats, and robbed small hunting parties sent out from the cantonment. In fact, on November 2, 1818, some thirty lodges of Kansa Indians landed on Cow Island itself. There they watched while the soldiers completed their building work, and "gazed in wonder and amazement" at the regimental band which accom­ panied the expedition, and a display of artillery practice put on for their benefit. Although perhaps amazed by some of the soldiers' actions, the Kansa warriors displayed no fear of the troops. On the contrary, they became so insolent, that on November 8, they at­ tempted to steal some equipment from the camp and supplies from the sutler's store. Before they could escape, however, Captain Martin ordered his men to surround the braves, who then returned the stolen goods meekly. Apparently these Indians then left Cow Island, but they lurked near the cantonment and renewed their depredations against the soldiers. They stole a skiff out of the cantonment harbor, attacked several more passing riverboats and again threatened the hunting parties. This behavior so infuriated the camp officers that on No­ vember 9, Captain Martin dispatched a command of sixty men to "capture and bring in every Kansas" brave they could find. As was often the case, this proved futile, because the Indians disappeared, only to appear at another point along the river and recommence their harrassment. When his searches failed, Captain Martin re­ sorted to sending out hunting parties of fifty men or more so that they could protect themselves.

8 Calhoun to Smith, March 16, 1818, Secretary of War, Letters Sent, Mili­ tary Affairs, Vol. X, Record Group 107; Calhoun to Jacob Brown, October 17, 1818, in J. F. Jameson, ed., Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, in the Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899 (Washington, D. C, 1900), II, 147-149. Martin Cantonment—Expansion in the Missouri Valley 11

In addition he issued a standing order that his men seize any Kansa Indians they met. The Captain, himself, executed this order on November 12 when he captured one of the Kansa chiefs and a number of braves accompanying him. Even then, the Indians almost proved themselves more than a match for the soldiers, and all but the chief and two braves escaped. The soldiers brought two of the three unlucky redmen back to the cantonment in chains while Martin sent the other one back to his village with the message that the chief would remain in custody until the tribe surrendered those responsible for the robberies. Because of this constant friction with the Kansa, the soldiers built two corner bastions and erected a high log palisade between the buildings in the other two corners of the cantonment. Fear of an Indian attack became so widespread, that just two days after the soldiers had seized the Kansa chief, Captain Martin ordered the men to put away their tools and prepare to defend themselves. This precaution was unnecessary because the rumored attack failed to materialize. The next few days brought renewed trouble and rumors of 12 Missouri Historical Review

Indian attack, and Captain Martin sent out large search parties once more. After tracking the Indians for several days, a detachment under Lieutenant Gabriel Field surprised a small band of Kansa warriors and captured eight of them. The soldiers brought the In­ dians to the cantonment and placed them with the other prisoners already in chains. On November 23, Captain Martin held a hearing and accused the Indians of theft of army property, robbery of the hunters and "false, treacherous, and dishonorable" conduct toward the garrison. Speaking in his own defense, the Kansa chief replied that the land and resources belonged to the Indians. He intimated that the soldiers were stealing from the redmen, but offered to share the natural wealth with the garrison. Then he noted that he could not prevent the depredations against the soldiers, but prom­ ised that, if released, he would capture and return the culprits to the garrison. His eloquence may have kept him from any punish­ ment, but the soldiers recognized five of the ten Indians as having been among the parties which robbed them. Therefore, Captain Martin ordered the five flogged, and warned all of the Kansa "to mend their manners and morals." This ended the difficulties for a time, but the Kansa and other tribes in the area continued their insolent and dangerous behavior. Such difficulties were just what Secretary of War Calhoun had hoped to avoid when the expedition began. He wanted to gain the trust and friendship of these tribes in order to end any British in­ fluence among them. This near obsession with Indian allegiance to the British had been one of the motivating forces behind the ex­ pedition, and remained strong until the mid-1820s. Actually, Wash­ ington officials knew so little about the situation in the Missouri Valley that they feared a war by the Indans to prevent American troops from moving farther up the river, a possibility for which no evidence existed.9 Yet the intermittent Indian mistreatment of the soldiers shows how weak and ineffectual the army was at the time. It could protect itself only with difficulty, and had little ability to pursue and capture the Indians, much less to defeat or punish them. The distance between Martin Cantonment and the down-river supply points coupled with the lack of dependable communication

9 Calhoun to Andrew Jackson, December 28, 1818, Secretary of War, Con­ fidential and Unofficial Letters Sent, Vol. I, Record Group 107; Calhoun to Benjamin O'Fallon, March 8, 1819, Secretary of War, Letters Sent, Indian Af­ fairs, Record Group 107. Martin Cantonment—Expansion in the Missouri Valley 13

Colonel Henry Atkinson

Courtesy of the Illinois State Historical Library and transportation facilities caused hardship for the garrison. Civilian suppliers had to purchase and transport the foodstuffs hundreds of miles from Kentucky, Illinois and eastern Missouri, a dangerous and expensive operation. No roads existed in western Missouri at the time, and except for livestock, which could be driven overland, all material for the garrison had to be moved by river- boat. Shifts in the Missouri River channel, frequent sand bars and snags, and numerous accidents made such river transportation both difficult and undependable. The spring floods and winter ice further complicated the situation by making the river unusable part of each year. Thus during the late winter and early spring, when the troops most needed fresh provisions, the suppliers were least able to provide them. Consequently, the troops spent so much time hunting that at times the cantonment stood virtually empty. While the soldiers passed the winter of 1818-1819 in this man­ ner, War Department officials completed their planning and ar­ rangements for continuing the troop movement up the Missouri during the next summer. During December and January the Sec­ retary of War chose Colonel Henry Atkinson to lead the Missouri Expedition. This officer commanded the Sixth Infantry then sta­ tioned in Plattsburgh, New York, and he had to transport his regi­ ment from there to Fort Bellefontaine during the spring months of 1819. While the Sixth Infantry floated down the Ohio River on its way west, Thomas S. Jesup, the Quartermaster General, traveled to 14 Missouri Historical Review

St. Louis to supervise the equipping and supplying of the troops assigned to ascend the Missouri.10 At Martin Cantonment, the officers grew impatient. When the troops arrived at Cow Island in late 1818, they had assumed that they would remain there only through the winter. When the river became navigable again, and they received no orders to leave the cantonment by April, 1819, the officers petitioned Colonel Cham­ bers to allow them to resume their ascent of the Missouri without waiting for the rest of the Rifle Regiment or for Atkinsons troops. Chambers refused to grant their request. No evidence remains to indicate precisely what he wrote to his subordinates, but accord­ ing to Lieutenant Colonel Willoughby Morgan, his letter "pro­ duced very great excitement" among the officers who became "wound up to the highest pitch" over the matter, and several threatened to resign their commissions. Apparently the uproar soon ended, because two weeks later Morgan reported that he had "succeeded in quelling the Boys" and asked that the matter "be dropped entirely."11 This discord indicates the extent to which isolation and boredom affected the garrison. There was little to do but hunt, and the officers expressed keen disappointment over not being allowed to precede the rest of the expedition up the Missouri that spring. By July 6, 1819, the supply contractor ran out of provisions, and from that time until the troops left the cantonment in Septem­ ber the men had to hunt full-time just to keep alive. On August 30, the second battalion of Riflemen and the soldiers of the Sixth In­ fantry arrived at Cow Island. The next day, the remainder of the personnel of the Missouri Expedition reached the cantonment. By then the island housed at least a thousand soldiers, and was not only the westernmost army post in the nation, but also had a larger number of troops than did any other army post at the time. This distinction lasted less than a week, however, and on September 5, 1819, the troops embarked in a flotilla of sixteen keelboats and started up the Missouri.12 Essentially, this ended the use of Martin Cantonment as a troop residence. Built to house the forward units of the Missouri Expedition, it was relegated to the status of supply depot and

10 Nichols, General Atkinson, 50-56. 11 Willoughby Morgan to Thomas A. Smith, April 15, 1819; ibid., May 1, 1819, Thomas A. Smith Papers, State Historical Society of Missouri, Columbia. 12 Henry Atkinson Order, September 5, 1819, Ninth Military Department Orders, Record Group 98, National Archives. Martin Cantonment—Expansion in the Missouri Valley 15

temporary stopping place for military travelers once that troop movement ascended the river above the cantonment. In mid- October, 1819, the troops left behind to guard the post received orders to follow the main body of the expedition north to Council Bluffs. Occasionally during the next year small units stopped at Cow Island, but during 1820 the army abandoned the cantonment there entirely.13 Perhaps the flood in June, 1820, destroyed the buildings, or the Indians may have burned them, because later travelers going up the Missouri fail to mention the post or even comment about its remains, which they usually did for other structures. This rapid slide into oblivion resulted from two factors. First, Martin Cantonment was never meant to be anything more than a temporary camp for the troops on the Missouri Expedition. Second, and more important, was the limited and temporary nature of American military activity in the Missouri Valley prior to the Mexi­ can War. The Missouri Expedition began in August, 1818, and ended unsuccessfully about eighteen months later. Instead of as­ cending the Missouri to the Yellowstone or even to the Mandan Villages in North Dakota, the soldiers traveled to Council Bluffs, only a few miles north of Omaha, where they built and occupied Fort Atkinson. The expedition ended after charges of incompetence, waste and fraud brought a congressional investigation. That, com­ bined with the drop in federal revenue resulting from the Panic of 1819, reduced American interest in military activity in the Missouri Valley. In its own right, Martin Cantonment was of little significance. In the broader story of American penetration and occupation of the Missouri River Valley, however, its history provides insight and understanding of the magnitude of the difficulties encountered. Frontiersmen, whether military or civilian, faced the same ob­ stacles: dangerous and uncertain transportation, erratic and un- dependable communication, shortages of food, an unbalanced diet and danger from hostile Indians. The soldiers' ineffectual dealings with the Kansa not only demonstrate army weakness, but also at least temporarily gave those Indians a sense of disdain for Ameri­ cans. In the long run this may not have been important, but it certainly hurt Secretary of War Calhoun's efforts to obtain the respect and cooperation of the Indians.

13 Francis P. Prucha, Guide to the Military Posts of the United States (Madison, 1964), 90. 16 Missouri Historical Review

Courtesy Nebraska State Historical Soc. Drawing of Soldiers' Uniforms of the Period From an 1890 Sketch

The inability of civilian contractor James Johnson to fulfill his obligation to provide an adequate food supply for the troops at Martin Cantonment and the difficulties his three steamboats en­ countered in trying to ascend the Missouri during 1819, indicate the extent to which the physical environment still mastered Ameri­ can technology during the second decade of the nineteenth century. Martin Cantonment served its purposes well. It provided a Martin Cantonment—Expansion in the Missouri Valley 17

forward base of operations for the Missouri Expedition, gave the soldiers stationed there the experience and toughening which many of them needed to carry out their later assignments, and acted as a stepping stone or spring board for the American effort to es­ tablish military control over the river valley. Once the tide of mili­ tary operations moved elsewhere, Martin Cantonment joined the ranks of forgotten army camps which Americans used and aban­ doned during the decades of national expansion.

Understatement Gainesville Ozark County Times, May 31, 1907. Rear Admiral Mead, who has just been retired, was talking one night at a dinner in Portsmouth about the power of discipline. "In my youth," he said, "I knew a first mate in the merchant service who, though an excellent officer, was dreadfully profane. When anything went wrong he would volley forth oaths and curses in a shocking way. Once, though, he shipped with a very strict, religious captain, and the first time this captain chanced to witness one of the mate's swearing bouts, he gave the young man a good dressing down. 'You are a first-rate officer,' he ended, 'but remember, no more swearing. Not another oath aboard my ship.' "Well, the mate bore the captain's warning in mind. Then one afternoon it happened that the boatswain made an inexcusable error in carying out an order. When the boatswain confessed the fault he had committed the mate turned red with rage. He opened his mouth. Everyone looked at him expectant­ ly, waiting to hear some remarkable oaths, but just then the captain hove in sight. The mate, seeing the captain, remembered his orders about profanity. But his rage had to have a vent of some sort, and, striding up close to the culprit, he roared in the man's face, 'You naughty, naughty, boatswain!' "

A Fatal Mistake Hartsburg Truth, August 1, 1913. Some years ago in a western mining town a man was found dead in his hotel room, hanged to a bedpost by his suspenders. The jury of miners brought in the following verdict at the Coroner's inquest: "Deceased came to his death by coming home full and mistaking himself for his pants."

None of His Friends Had Dropped Off Warrensburg Weekly Journal, February 25, 1876. A country editor received the following: "Dear sir—I have looked carefully and patiently over your paper for six months for the death of some individual I was acquainted with, but as yet not a single soul I care anything about had dropped off; you will please to have my name erased." Strawberry Culture in Southwest Missouri

BY G. K. RENNER*

Near the turn of the century entrepeneurs were promoting the Southwest Missouri Ozarks as a fruit growing region. Land values were low in the sparsely settled hill areas and the Federal Land Office at Springfield still had 540,000 acres of virgin government land to dispose of in 1893; and 400,000 acres remained unsold even as late as 1900.T Aside from government land, railroad tracts and ordinary farms were available at five to fifty dollars an acre de­ pending on location, improvements, fertility and other factors.2 Cheap land prices encouraged the purchase of small forty- to eighty-acre tracts by people who, although they had little money,

*A previous contributor to the REVIEW, G. K. Renner, a native of South­ west Missouri, is a member of the faculty at Missouri Southern College, Joplin. He received the M.A. in Education from the University of Missouri, Kansas City, and the M.A. in History from the University of Missouri, Columbia. He is presently a candidate for the Ph.D. degree in History at the University of Missouri. i The land could be obtained for homesteading at an entry fee of $16 or 160 acres could be bought for $1.25 an acre cash. Twenty-Sixth Annual Re­ port of the Missouri State Board of Agriculture for the Year 1893 (Jefferson City, 1894) , 79, 85; also Thirty-Second Annual Report, 1900 (Jefferson City, 1900), 440-441. 2 G. G. James letter in 35th Annual Report of the State Horticultural So­ ciety of the State of Missouri 1892 (Jefferson City, 1893) , 163-164. James states that in 1887 he purchased 40 acres of unimproved land, li/2 miles from the railway depot, for $250 and plenty more was still available. 18 Strawberry Culture in Southwest Missouri 19 highly valued their independence. The small acreages of this marginal land were not productive enough for profitable general- crop, commercial agriculture. Many of these small farmers found themselves reduced to a semi-subsistence status, growing perhaps a little corn or raising a few head of livestock to provide an income for essentials, but mostly they struggled to produce foodstuffs for their own table and the necessities of life. With corn and wheat yielding only about ten dollars an acre gross income, their economic margin was extremely limited.3 What the area needed was a crop that could take advantage of its most plentiful resource, cheap labor, and utilize small acreages of the hill land for the rougher parts would never be suitable for anything except timber. To many who studied the problem, fruit growing seemed the answer. In a region adapted to the cultivation of many different fruits, the strawberry best filled the need for a cash crop. It was commonly conceded that strawberries brought a greater cash return than anything else which could be grown on the hill land. The strawberry will grow nearly anywhere in Missouri, but in the 1890s it began to take on the proportions of a staple crop in Southwest Missouri. Near the western edge of the Ozark mountain area, where ranges of hills are interspersed with strips of prairies and river and creek valleys, commercial farming was already well advanced on the flatlands and a sizeable industry had built up in lead and zinc mining. This section had tended to fill up with people somewhat faster than other Ozark areas and to develop good market connections with a network of railroads. Nevertheless, the small farmer living on his forty or eighty acres of upland, could come little nearer to making a living with the traditional crops than those who lived in the more remote hills; but with access to railroads he had the means to rise above the semi-subsistence level of his existence. The region extending roughly from Van Buren, Arkansas, northward to Springfield and Joplin, Missouri, came to be known as the "Ozark Berry Belt", but the heaviest concentration of berry growing in Missouri was in the five extreme southwest counties of

3 The average yield of corn in Missouri for 1896-1915 was 27.5 bushels per acre and it sold at an average price of 45c thus returning $12.38 per acre. The average wheat yield for the same period was 13.1 bushels per acre at an average of 80c for a return of $10.48 per acre. Since these figures are statewide averages, it can be assumed the yield on Ozark uplands was significantly less. Yield figures are based on U. S. Department of Agriculture averages, Monthly Bulletin of the Missouri State Board of Agriculture, XV (December, 1917), 33-34. 20 Missouri Historical Review

McDonald, Newton, Jasper, Lawrence and Barry.4 There, on an acreage that seldom went beyond 15,000, more than one-half of Missouri's strawberries were produced during the greatest era of commercial production for national markets between 1900-1950. It was commonly conceded that strawberries brought a greater cash return than anything else that could be grown on the hill land. Agricultural census figures show that the five Southwest Missouri counties produced on the average seventy-six crates per acre for 1899 and sixty-seven crates in 1909.5 Strawberries averaged about $1.20 per crate in the late 1890s and, with better market connections and a general advance in prices, they averaged ap­ proximately $2.00 in 1909.6 Thus a gross return of seventy-five to one hundred and fifty dollars per acre during this period was com­ mon, and two hundred to three hundred dollars per acre could be realized under favorable conditions.7 Of equal significance to the high monetary return was the minimum of cash outlay required for growing strawberries. Land was cheap if purchased and it could also be rented for three to seven dollars per acre.8 Sometimes unimproved land could be leased for nothing, the owner being willing to give the use of the land for two or three years in return for getting it cleared. It was not unusual for a farmer to be able to pay for a small farm with the gross receipts from one strawberry crop if he had an exceptionally good year.9 A reporter for the St. Louis Republic, who visited the Neosho strawberry fields during the 1915 season, reported that ". . . every other man you meet will tell you that he built his

4 Neosho Miner and Mechanic, June 11, 1915, reprinted from St. Louis Republic. 5 Census Reports: Agriculture, U. S. Department of the Interior, U. S. Census Office, Vol. VI, pt. 2, Crops and Irrigation (Washington, D. C, 1902), 730-732; Thirteenth Census of the U. S.: Agriculture 1909 and 1910, U. S. De­ partment of Commerce and Labor, Bureau of the Census, VI, Reports by States, Alabama-Montana (Washington, D. C, 1913) , 928-938. 6 The average price for the season of 1896 at Sarcoxie, then the leading center, was $1.20. See H. B. Boyd, "Chronological Narrative of the Strawberry Industry at Sarcoxie, Missouri," 29th Annual Report, Mo. St. Bd. of Agric, 1896 (Jefferson City, 1897) , 101. In 1909 strawberries brought $2.00 to $2.25 per crate. See First Annual Report of the Missouri State Board of Horticulture, 1907 (Jefferson City, 1908), 28. The five-county area realized about $2.20 a crate in 1910. See Fourth Annual Report, Mo. St. Bd. of Hort., 1910 (Jefferson City, n.d.),

1 The stories of exceptionally profitable berry patches are legend and some were no doubt exaggerated. There were reports of more than $500 gross per acre being received in a few choice fields. See G. E. Dorrence, "How to Secure a Big Yield of Strawberries," Fourth Annual Report, Mo. St. Bd. of Hort., 1910, 46-47; and Neosho Miner and Mechanic, June 9, 1922. 8 Boyd, "Chronological Narrative," 96. 9 Neosho Miner and Mechanic, May 21, 1915. Strawberry Culture in Southwest Missouri 21

Picking Strawberries home, bought his land or got his start in some other way from growing berries"10 J. F. McNallie of Sarcoxie, one of the few large growers, com­ puted that the cost of bringing an acre of strawberries into pro­ duction was: Rent $ 5.00 Plowing 2.50 5,000 plants 15.00 Setting plants 5.00 Cultivating 15 times 7.50 Hoeing 3 or 4 times 10.00 Mulching 5.00 $50.00X1 10 Ibid., June 11, 1915. ii J. F. McNallie, "Strawberries," Third Annual Report, Mo. St. Bd. of Hort. (Jefferson City, 1909) , 286. 22 Missouri Historical Review

This figure seems to have been representative of the five- county area for a number of years. However accurate it may have been for the large grower who had to hire labor, it bore little mean­ ing for the average grower whose operation was small enough for him and his family to do all the work except picking the berries. In such instances, the farmer considered only his out-of-the-pocket costs which were usually little more than the outlay for plants. He already had his farm, equipment and horses, and his labor had value only to the extent that he could profitably employ it in some alternative endeavor. In the simple arithmetic of a farmer living on the subsistence level, the cost of bringing an acre of strawberries into production was largely a lot of hard work.12 One farmer made this succinct comment on what was needed to grow berries:

A double shovel plow with bull tongue points, a com­ mon goose-neck hoe, five inches wide; a potato scratcher, lots of elbow grease and a belligerent feeling that will not let you and weeds live in the same field.13 However, there were expenses that even the family grower could not avoid, mainly the picking and crating of berries. In 1909 these items cost about fifty cents per crate based on a picking price of one and one-half cents per quart.14 This picking price seems to have been common throughout the five-county area for many years but rose to three cents during World War I and dropped back again to two cents during the depression.15 Pickers were paid by a ticket system rather than by cash and crates were purchased from the local association and charged against the berries sold. Thus a grower could go through the picking season with a minimum out-

12 Studies in Arkansas indicated that it took sixteen man days and nine horse days to bring an acre of strawberries to the production stage, but if the operation entailed the clearing of new ground it could run into considerably more labor. A. D. McNair, "Labor Requirements of Arkansas Crops," Bulletin No. 1181, U. S. Department of Agriculture (Washington, D. C, March 15, 1924), 61. 13 A. N. Banks, "Proper Culture of Strawberries," First Annual Report, Mo. St. Bd. of Hort., 1907, 280. 14 The crate cost breaks down as follows: 14c for unassembled crate and picking costs of li/2c x 24 quarts for a total of 36c. McNallie, "Strawberries," 285-290. 15 Boyd, "Chronological Narrative," 99; W. L. Howard, "Strawberry Grow­ ing," Thirty-Sixth Annual Report, Mo. St. Bd. of Agric, 1903 (Jefferson City, 1904), 270; Neosho Miner and Mechanic, May 17, 1918, & April 22, 1921. Strawberry Culture in Southwest Missouri 23 lay of cash, and even that might be obtained through a short-term bank loan.16 A certain amount of labor was required in packing and grading the berries; perhaps four employees for every twenty pickers. In addition it required about one "field boss" for the same number of pickers.17 The berries had to be transported to a shipping point im­ mediately after the day's picking was over. Before the motor truck came into use this meant a tedious journey by wagon in the evening hours. A canvass-covered, spring wagon and smooth roads were es­ sential if the berries were hauled even a few miles.18 This problem of wagon haulage limited the efficient growing of strawberries to within a radius of about fifteen miles of the railroad depots. The ordinary family could perform these auxiliary operations of supervising, grading, packing and transporting the berries, plus the year-long labor of bringing a new field into production, only if the acreage was small. This tended to keep the average planting per grower at less than three acres.19 A large-scale commercial grower

16 Picking was usually done in a four- or six-quart tray. When the tray was turned in at the packing shed a metal or cardboard ticket was issued and these could later be transferred for one crate (24-quart) tickets. Cash settlement was usually made at the end of the week, but the picker might use some of them to purchase vegetables, eggs, milk or other foodstuffs from the grower; or, in some instance, local businessmen would redeem them for merchandise. George W. Williams, "Berry-Growing," 31st Annual Report, Mo. St. Bd. of Agric. 1899 (Jefferson City, 1899) , 104; Howard, "Strawberry Growing," 270. 17 John Ledl, "Inspection of Strawberries," Fourth Annual Report, Mo. St. Bd. of Hort., 1910, 60; D. McNallie, "Talk on Managing Pickers," Forty-Third Annual Report of the State Horticultural Society of Missouri, 1900 (Jefferson City, 1901), 35. 18 Boyd, "Chronological Narrative," 100; Howard, "Strawberry Growing," 269-270. 19 A Missouri State Board of Horticulture orchard census for 1910 shows that in Newton County 187 out of the county's 270 growers had 3 acres or less. Only 52 growers out of 1,763 in the entire state had 10 acres or more and 10 of these were exactly 10 acres. Forty-four of the 52 farms were in the five-county area, but 974 of the 763 growers and 3,278 of the 4,515 acres of the state were in this area. The largest single strawberry farm was Robert McReynolds' 37 acres at Pierce City. This census also shows the average strawberry operation in the five-county area to be 3.4 acres. Federal census figures for 1929 show this figure had dropped to 2.8 acres and the 1939 census shows a further drop to 2.1 acres. Thus the pattern of berry growing on small family farms seems to have become more characteristic with the passing of the years. No data is available for comparison, but the best evidence is that there was a considerable turnover in strawberry growers. It was a business that was easy to get in and out of, so operators went into it expecting to make some quick money and then dropped out when the price looked less favorable or when they had enough money to provide capital for going into some other enterprise. "The Orchard Census," Fifth Annual Report, Mo. St. Bd. of Hort., 1911 (Jefferson City, n.d.), 44-85; Fifteenth Census of the U. S.: 1930; Agriculture, U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Vol. II, pt. 1, The Northern States (Washington, D. C, 1932), 1043-1051; Sixteenth Census of the U. S.: 1940; Agriculture, I, First and Second Series, State Reports, pt. 2, Statistics for Counties (Washington, D. C, 1942), 358-366. 24 Missouri Historical Review

with ten or more acres of berries found his risks compounded over those of the small family grower. Even though his land might also be cheap, he had to hire labor to clear his fields and plant and cultivate the berries. Thus he built up a considerable capital in­ vestment. If a drought, hail or other bad weather injured the crop or if prices dropped catastrophically he stood to lose on his actual cash outlay, or if he had a good crop but found that he could not get enough pickers (usually a more severe problem with a large operation) he might lose a substantial part of his berries. The family operation stood to suffer almost minimal cash losses, for strawberries seldom were a complete failure, and, faced with a natural catastrophe or low prices, the family could do the picking itself and thus recover something for the work they had invested in the berries. Cheap land and plentiful labor were undoubtedly assets that helped project Southwest Missouri into a leading strawberry pro­ ducing region, but they alone do not account for the regions rapid rise into a producing area of national prominence. Only the de­ velopment of a highly sophisticated marketing arrangement made this possible. The strawberry had long been an important truck gardening product around the cities. Inexpensive to grow, it was a kind of uni­ versal crop like the basic garden vegetables. As the first fruit of spring, the consumer had a special fondness for it, but demand was highly elastic, varying sharply with the price. As cities grew, the demand for low-cost berries could only be met by railroad transit from beyond the radius of the truck gardener's wagon. Railroad shipments of strawberries in the Midwest began in an effort to tap the growing Chicago market. The first shipments, ap­ parently about 1861, were made in big cottonwood boxes. Later, growers learned to ship in crates of small boxes which eliminated crushing.20 Shipments from Southwest Missouri started with the completion of the Frisco (St. Louis and San Francisco) and Kansas City Southern railroads which gave access to the Kansas City and St. Louis markets.21 St. Louis, however, was not a very lucrative

20 "Proceedings of the Missouri State Horticultural Society at Their Fourth Annual Meeting, 1863," in F. A. Sampson, ed., History and Publications of the Missouri State Horticulture Society (Jefferson City, 1891) , Vol. I-VII, 36; B. F. Smith, "History of Strawberry Growing in the West and South," Proceedings of the Missouri State Horticultural Society, Twenty-Second Annual Meeting, 1880 (no publisher, n.d.), Vol. XIV-XXII, 227-231. 21 "Marketing Strawberries," Seventh Annual Report, Mo. St. Bd. of Hort., 1913 (Jefferson City, n.d.) , 541. Strawberry Culture in Southwest Missouri 25

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Railroad Map of Five-County Area market, because growers developed a heavy local production in St. Louis and Jefferson counties. These early shipments were by express and much of the profit was taken up by heavy shipping charges, but it was the only means by which berries could be shipped in less than carload lots or with the fast service that was necessary. Expensive express shipments meant that strawberry producers could never enjoy more than a limited luxury market in the big cities. Only those who were favorably situated on the railroad and who took the initiative to develop their own market contacts would ever benefit from it. To a region like Southwest Missouri, one hundred and fifty miles from the nearest big market at Kansas City, three hundred miles from St. Louis, and many more miles from other large cities, only the refrigerator car could bring growers within the reach of a mass market. Because refrigerator cars could keep the perishable strawberry fresh up to four days on the road, it 26 Missouri Historical Review was possible to route them by ordinary low-cost freight up to one thousand miles and by express they could reach the distant market of the eastern seaboard and even Canada.22 Fortunately the refrig­ erator car had been perfected by the 1880s when Southwest Mis­ souri's railroad connections were being completed and an interest in fruit culture was developing. A basic problem facing shippers was that refrigerator car service was available only on a carload lot basis. The small, inde­ pendent berry grower who had dominated the business with his shipments of a few crates at a time could not avail himself of this service. However, many small producers around a rail center could jointly fill a refrigerator car or more with each day's production, but this required organization. The logical answer to the problem was cooperative shipping associations. Since farmers found it difficult to coordinate their own activities, the initial thrust for creating these new associations had to come from outside sources. Both the rail­ roads and the local chapters of the Missouri State Horticulture So­ ciety seem to have provided this service. J. M. Rice of Sarcoxie, a local newspaper editor, impressed with experiments in transporting fresh fruit by refrigerator cars in Cali­ fornia and Florida, determined to organize area farmers for a simi­ lar experiment with strawberries.23 About 1888 he formed a society that shipped approximately thirty-nine cars from Sarcoxie and some nearby towns. They paid an exorbitant icing charge of six thousand dollars on the cars and apparently there was a great deal of dis­ satisfaction with the scant returns which the farmers received. Rice then became an agent for the American Refrigerator Transportation Company, interested in promoting the use of its cars for fruit haul­ ing. The company offered more attractive rates and a partial guaran­ tee of the value of the fruit in case of spoilage enroute. Apparently this did happen on some cars and it led one exasperated farmer to remark: "I would as soon take my chances by freighting through on the overland route by ox teams to Denver."24 In the first two years

22 A Billion Berries (St. Joseph, n.d.), 6. 23 The growth of strawberries on a commercial scale in Southwest Missouri apparently originated at Sarcoxie in 1883 when the newspaperman, J. P. Wild, talked John Carnahan into setting out a field of several acres. W. R. Martin, Jr., "The Missouri State Horticulture Society, 1884-1908," Proceedings of the Mo. St. Hort. Soc, December 1, 1932-November 30, 1934 (Columbia, 1934), 56. 24 The quote is from J. H. Logan, "Another Year's Work," 34th Annual Re­ port, St. Hort. Soc, of Mo., 1891 (Jefferson City, 1892), 195; Also in this volume, J. M. Rice, "Refrigerator Cars," 190-193; J. H. Logan, "Berry-Growing in South Missouri," Thirty-Third Annual Report, St. Hort. Soc. of Mo., 1890 (Jefferson City, 1891), 295-296; and in this volume, the Z. T. Russell letter, 349-350. Strawberry Culture in Southwest Missouri 27 the situation appears to have been fluid with several fanners aban­ doning the attempt to ship by refrigerator car. Associations were in a constant state of reorganization. Finally, in 1891, the Sarcoxie Horticultural Association emerged as the first successful shipping organization. Managed by men who understood how to load refrig­ erator cars and, more importantly, how to handle contacts with dis­ tant markets for prompt sale of berries at fair prices, they moved rapidly into an era of large-scale production and national marketing that far overshadowed any other efforts at cooperative selling by Missouri growers. In 1891, fourteen carloads were shipped with good results. In 1892 bad weather cut the output to only nine cars but from then on, with new farmers joining, shipments rose rapidly; 57,230 crates (approximately 110 cars) were shipped in 1896.25 Within a few years time, shipping associations were organized throughout the five-county area and beyond. The nucleus in most cases seems to have been the local chapters of the Missouri State Horticulture Society. Founded for the purpose of promoting fruit growing in the state, the society, in this period, was very active in setting up local chapters and disseminating information on growing strawberries and organizing shipping associations. Railroad refrig­ erator car promoters found the local chapters a natural point of contact.

25 w. T. Burkholder letter of Feb. 2, 1893, in 35th Annual Report, St. Hort. Soc, of Mo., 1892, 148; "Shipments of Agriculture Products By Counties," 29th Annual Report, Mo. St. Bd. of Agric, 1896, 456.

Marionville Strawberry Growers' Shipping Association Shipping Shed Mo. State Fruit Exp. Station, Bulletin No. 7, June, 1903 28 Missouri Historical Review

By the early 1900s there were many local associations. They had been successful in providing the means for many small shippers to fill a refrigerator car and send it to distant markets. Also they proved useful in purchasing crates and other supplies for the grow­ ers. By purchasing in large quantities they could effect considerable savings for their members.26 However, their success in obtaining good selling prices was less spectacular. They found that their contact with the market centers was tenuous and commission mer­ chants often sold the berries at what seemed unfair prices. Also, as the associations grew in number and production, they found them­ selves competing with one another. When word was received that a certain wholesale house needed a car of berries, two or three as­ sociations might respond, with the result that the market was over- supplied and they had to accept ruinous prices or sometimes even lose the berries through spoilage. Obviously more shipper coordina­ tion and more control over the marketing in distant cities were needed, but the individual associations lacked the leverage to solve these problems. They could only be handled through some kind of master coordinating association. As early as 1897, the Southwest Fruit Growers' Cooperative Union was organized at Monett, but the most important of these unions of locals was the Ozark Fruit Growers' Association (O. F. G. A.) founded in 1903. Originally it brought about thirty locals of Southwest Missouri and Northwest Arkansas under one manage­ ment for the purpose of controlling shipments. Undoubtedly it helped the growers secure a better price for their berries—maybe by as much as twenty-five percent in the first few years of its opera­ tion.27 Although most association members agreed on the need for coordination, they differed on market approach. The O. F. G. A. group believed that shipments to distant points should be made "on track"—that is, the berries would be sent to the big market centers unsold. They reasoned that if berries were consigned in advance to distant commission houses, they would be at the mercy of mer­ chants with no particular incentive to get the best price for their clients. If the berries were unsold, the association could bargain

26 38th Annual Report, St. Hort. Soc. of Mo., 1895 (Jefferson City, 1896), 216; G. A. Atwood, "Co-operation," ibid., 252. 27 G. T. Tippin, "Successful Co-Operation," Forty-First Annual Report, St. Hort. Soc, of Mo., 1898 (Jefferson City, 1898), 48-52; W. H. Chandler, "Co­ operation Among Fruit Growers," Fourth Annual Report, Mo. St. Bd. of Hort., 1910, 293-294; Martin, "Mo. St. Hort. Society, 1884-1908," 56; and Ozark Fruit Growers' Association, Reports of Strawberry Shipments for 1905-1906 (no pub­ lisher) . Strawberry Culture in Southwest Missouri 29

Pan Used for Culling Strawberries for the best price and, if necessary, move the car to another city. This worked well for the O. F. G. A. because the association was large enough to maintain representatives at each of the major market centers who could receive the cars and negotiate for their sale.28 Other associations centering around Neosho—which for many years was the largest of all shipping points—held to the view that best results could be obtained by making arrangements with reli­ able, honest commission houses in the big cities who appreciated the considerable business the association could bring them.29 These different marketing approaches became obsolete about the time of World War I when buyers began to come into the area. This development was facilitated by the sheer growth of the busi­ ness, the inauguration of a United States Department of Agriculture market news service and the establishment of federal-state inspec­ tion which fixed standardized market grades. At first buyers con­ gregated at Monett, headquarters of the O. F. G. A., where auctions were held. This was an impartial way to allot the berries among the competing buyers, and since the O. F. G. A. was the dominant ship­ ping association, the auctions established prices for the district. Be­ ginning in 1923, some auctions were held at Neosho, but by 1929 the O. F. G. A. and its rival, the Missouri Fruit Exchange, had be­ come the principal marketing agencies for nearly all the locals. They

28 The Missouri associations looked to the West Coast fruit co-operatives as their models and hoped to make the brand "Ozark" as well known as "Sun- kist" was in citrus fruits, though such an elaborate dream was never realized. Louis Erb, "Some Facts About Ben Davis," First Annual Report, Mo. St. Bd. of Hort., 1907, 179; John Bland, "A Discussion of the Status of Fruit Growing in Missouri As Indicated by Facts Gathered in The Orchard Census," Seventh An­ nual Report, Mo. St. Bd. of Hort., 1913, 608-609; for the O.F.G.A. viewpoint on shipping see, "Marketing the Strawberry," Fortieth Annual Report, St. Hort. Soc. of ^Mo., 1897 (Jefferson City, 1898) , 55-56; George Hatzfeld, "Over-produc­ tion of Strawberries," Fourth Annual Report, Mo. St. Bd. of Hort., 1910, 40-43. 29 For the "Neosho" view see G. T. Tippin, "Successful Co-operation," 52; I. J. Hartman, "Art of Growing Strawberries," First Annual Report, Mo. St. Bd. of Hort., 1907, 117. 30 Missouri Historical Review concentrated the auctioning at Monett and showed considerable cooperation in shipping and setting prices.30 Numerous local associations served the different shipping points, and in some of the larger areas there were more than one, depending on affiliation with the O. F. G. A. or its rivals, personal differences over managers, inspection and other items. Until 1922, Neosho had three shipping associations, one of which was the local affiliate of the O. F. G. A.31 All the associations seem to have had a similar organization. The manager was busy the year round buying crates and supplies in the off season and handling other fruit when it ripened. He was paid two percent of the gross receipts for his services and another two percent was deducted to pay for inspec­ tion, loading and incidentals.32 A problem that plagued the associations for many years was the matter of grading berries. All associations inspected every crate as it was unloaded from the growers' wagon at the shipping depot. A cooperative marketing system tended to penalize the conscientous grower who closely supervised his picking and packing and who sold berries only from one- or two-year-old fields that were fertile and well cultivated. To protect these quality growers a careful sys­ tem of grading was instituted so that the market value of fine, well colored, large berries would not be pulled down by inferior fruit and the reputation of the growing area would not be undermined.33 In the early years the picker graded the berries, but as the industry grew and reliable pickers became harder to obtain, the growers were compelled to use full-time graders who sorted the berries box by box.34 After federal-state inspection went into effect in 1918,

30 O. W. Schleussner and J. C. Gilbert, "Marketing and Distribution of Strawberries in 1915," Bulletin No. 477, U. S. Department of Agriculture (Wash- ton, D. C, April 2, 1917) , 1, 8; Neosho Miner and Mechanic, June 11, 1915, June 1, 1923, & May 31, 1929; R. R. Pailthorp, "Apple Grades," Proceedings, Mo. St. Hort. Soc, December 1, 1930-November 30, 1932 (Columbia, 1932) , 97-98. 31 These associations were the Neosho Fruit Growers and Shippers Assn., the Southwest Mo. Fruit Growers Assn. and the Farmers and Fruit Growers' Ex­ change (O.F.G.A.). Neosho Miner and Mechanic, May 23, 1913 & May 26, 1922. 32 ibid., June 11, 1915. 33 Ibid.; E. Leithold, "Drawbacks of Co-operation," Fortieth Annual Report, St. Hort. Soc. of Mo., 1897, 227; Chandler, "Co-operation Among Fruit Grow­ ers," 294-295. 34 The technique of grading appears to have been adopted first by growers of the Pierce City Association. The procedure was to pour the quart berries into a flat, shallow tin scoop so they could be spread out and examined. After picking out the inferior berries, the remainder was poured back into the box. Ledl, "Inspection of Strawberries," 56-58; Howard, "Strawberry Growing," 270; Wil­ liams, "Berry-Growing," 104. Strawberry Culture in Southwest Missouri 31 and an impartial, standard, U. S. No. 1 grade was set up, the asso­ ciations were partially relieved of the pressure to discipline their own members.35 Another problem faced by all associations was that of high freight rates. Their complaints were especially strong up to 1907. They claimed that rates on Missouri fruit shipments were three times as high as those in Illinois and that the Illinois Central Rail­ road gave better service with special fruit trains to Chicago.36 Also fruit growers said freight rates on livestock in Missouri were only one-fourth of those on fruit because the railways knew livestock could be driven on hoof to a rival line if the rates were not reason­ able. As one farmer sardonically put the problem, "What we want is to produce some varieties of peaches, apples and strawberries with legs; that would soon solve the transportation problem."37 The State Horticulture Society acted as a coordinator for a protest move­ ment. By applying pressure through lobbying the state legislature, hearings before the State Board of Railway Commissioners and the Federal Interstate Commerce Commission, shipping rates were ap­ parently reduced twenty-five to forty percent; after 1908 the matter ceased to be a major source of complaint.38 Too much can easily be made of the differences among the shipping associations. What conflicts they had were mainly over matters of procedure and personality, not of purpose. There seems to have been a substantial amount of cooperation among them. Everything considered, their product was better graded, better packed and better merchandised than that of other Missouri fruit growers. Very likely they brought cooperative marketing techniques to a higher state of development than have any other producers in this state.39 Of course, with the many small producers and the highly perishable nature of their product, they had a compelling reason to develop such organization. This, more than anything else, explains why they were able to cooperate so successfully.40

35 Pailthorp, "Apple Grades," 97-98. 36 First Annual Report, Mo. St. Bd. of Hort., 1907, 32. 37 J. G. Kinder, "The Future of Horticulture in Missouri," Fortieth Annual Report, St. Hort. Soc. of Mo., 1897, 205-206. 38 First Annual Report, Mo. St. Bd. of Hort., 1907, 32-33; Second Annual Report, Mo. St. Bd. of Hort., 1908-1909 (Jefferson City, n.d.), 8; George T. Tip- pin, "How To Reach The Unsupplied Markets," ibid., 39. 39 "Orchard Census," 69; "Strawberries," Horticulture News, III (October 20, 1943), 12. 40 The national market connections they developed had some limitations. Because of Eastern competition, their main market was mostly to the North and Northwest: Kansas City, Topeka, Sioux City, Omaha, Denver, Minneapolis Picking is one of the most persistent problems in grow­ ing strawberries. The berries ripen over a period of about two or three weeks, so the season is very short and the work is hard. Since the berry vine clings to the ground, picking is all stoop labor and requires some conditioning of the muscles. The berry is small, often semi-concealed by the leaves of the vine, and must be pinched off with about one-half inch of the stem remaining if it is to be sold commercially. Thus a worker must have considerable dexterity with his fingers in order to be very productive. Add to this the rocky soil of the Ozark berry fields which made walking and stooping even more difficult, the ticks and the hot sun of a humid day late in May and one has the picture of a very exhausting type of menial labor.41 No exact figures on the earnings of pickers can be given; much depended on the condition of the patch. If it was a new field, well maintained and free of grass and weeds, with a heavy crop of big and St. Paul. When Eastern production was low or very early in the season, they found markets to the east and from time to time they shipped to all the big Eastern cities as well as Canada. Schleussner and Gilbert, "Marketing and Distribution of Strawberries," 20. 41 The Neosho Miner and Mechanic relates the story of a strike at a berry field near Seneca. It seems the main grievances were the li/2c per quart picking rate and the "savage atrocity of the sand ticks." On the second day the strike was broken when strikers—mostly boys and girls—tried to bar new pickers from entering the fields and were arrested. In typical turn-of-the-century bombast, the Miner and Mechanic editorialized: "We call on Superintendent Bailey to exhaust all his resources before yielding to this fiendish attempt to cripple the great promotive industries on the Southwest." Neosho Miner and Mechanic, June 2, 1900. berries, the picker might well pick three times as much as he could on a poor field. Also conditions would vary from day to day; a cool and cloudy day would mean fewer ripe berries to pick. When the picking price was one and one-half to two cents a quart, probably the average picker earned one to two dollars a day though fast pickers often earned three dollars a day and there are reports of eight dollars and nine dollars a day in earnings, especially after the rate went to three cents per quart.42 Most pickers could be drawn from the local popu­ lation if the acreage was small, and close to the bigger towns a considerable labor force could commute to and from town each day. At the big fields more distant from town, a tent and wagon camp usually formed for the short period the season lasted. Some of the pickers were professionals who started with the season on the Gulf Coast and followed it northward to northern Missouri and then turned to the western wheat fields to round out their summer of migratory work. The St. Louis Republic reporter has left us with this vivid description of their wagon trains: They came from anywhere and everywhere. The roads around Neosho were dotted with their slow-moving cara­ vans. Old wagons tied up with baling wire and hickory bark, covered with time-stained canvass and drawn by a horse and a mule or a couple of old plug horses made up most of the equipment. A frying pan and a coffee pot were all the cooking utensils in evidence.43

42 With the 3c rate a picker picked 183 quarts in six hours—equivalent to $9.30 for a ten-hour day, but this was an exceptional patch. Neosho Miner and Mechanic, June 9, 1922, June 11, 1915, & May 12, 1916. 43 ibid., June 11, 1915. 34 Missouri Historical Review

They called themselves "strawberry gaumers" because their hands, arms and clothing became "gaumed" with the stain of the red berries. Most of the camp pickers, however, came from towns of the surrounding area. They were vacationing families for the most part and they, too, came in covered wagons or pitched their tents. In­ tent on making a little money and having a respite from the city if not from their labors, they let the small children run half-wild around the camp while the mother, father and older children picked berries.44 There was no general agreement on what sort of person con- situted the ideal picker. Some thought the professional, migratory worker was best and some thought young teen-age boys and girls were best because they took more pride in their work. Some praised women and girls because they were "more honest, obedient and often more industrious than men." Others preferred men to women because they would "do more work, cause less trouble in camp, pick the berries cleaner and with less trash in the boxes and com­ plain less." Regardless of merit, women and teenagers of both sexes probably made up the bulk of the pickers.45 As the volume of strawberry production grew in the five-county area, attracting workers for the short period of seasonal work be­ came more and more of a problem. A large labor force was re­ quired; most authorities conceded that it took five to ten pickers per acre.46 In many years of heavy production from 1900 to 1930, the five-county area had 4,000 to 5,000 acres in production, thus, by a conservative estimate, 25,000 pickers were needed. Such heavy shipping centers as Neosho and Sarcoxie might require working forces of more than 5,000 in years when the acreage was high. It was difficult for local associations to recruit such an army of pickers and sometimes it could not be done. The success of the area in strawberry production was due in no small measure to the fact that it could draw on a considerable local reservoir of labor. Joplin and Springfield, towns of substantial size in the immediate vicinity, each had a population of more than 30,000. Joplin, the center of a rich mining area, was surrounded by

44 Ibid. 45 Ibid.; Howard, "Strawberry Growing," 270; Williams, "Berry-Growing," 104. 46 Boyd, "Chronological Narrative," 99; J. H. Christian, "The Strawberry, as Grown Commercially in the West," Second Annual Report, Mo. St. Bd. of Hort., 1908-1909, 229. Strawberry Culture in Southwest Missouri 35 a ring of small towns, some of which were in Kansas and Oklahoma. Jasper County, in which Joplin is located, had more people in 1900 than in the latest (1960) census. In 1900 the county had one of the densest rural populations in the state, exceeded only by St. Louis County.47 This concentration of population plus the decline of the mining industry in Jasper and Newton counties after World War I, if not before, meant there was a sizeable local reservoir of surplus labor. There can be little doubt that the labor supply placed an upper limit on the strawberry producing potential of Southwest Missouri. Even from the earliest year when production was unusually heavy in a given year, picker shortages were felt.48 The first really severe shortage appears to have come with the exceptionally heavy crop of 1916.49 World War I undoubtedly would have produced a labor shortage if acreage had not been sharply cut back after overproduc­ tion in 1916 and if bad weather had not further reduced the crop in the critical year of 1918. The 1920s were years of generally heavy production, and in exceptional years like 1922 picker shortages again appeared. As production dropped during the depression years of the 1930s, labor was not a problem, but from 1941 on labor problems became chronic. The area was losing population and the people who remained found more rewarding occupations. After

47 Thirteenth Census of the U. S., II, Population 1910, Report by States, Alabama-Montana, U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census (Washington, D. C, 1913), 1,065, 1,077. See p. 1,069 for the density of Jasper County's population. 1900 1910 1900 1910 *1960 Joplin 26,023 32,073 Jasper Springfield 23,267 35,201 County 84,018 89,673 78,863 *The World Almanac: 1962 (New York, 1962), 288. 48 G. A. Atwood, "Strawberries: The Demand; The Supply," Forty-Second Annual Report, St. Hort. Soc of Mo., 1899 (Jefferson City, 1900) , 39. Mr. At­ wood notes that Sarcoxie, with 1,500 acres of berries had difficulty drawing the 10,000 pickers needed. W. L. Howard, "Fertilizing the Soil for Strawberries," First Annual Report, Mo. St. Bd. of Hort., 1907, 266. In commenting on the bumper crop of 1904, Howard noted the difficulty in securing sufficient pickers, and he showed remarkable foresight in pointing out that the two great­ est drawbacks to expanding production in Southwest Missouri would be a labor shortage and soil exhaustion. Thus at this early date, he pinpointed the two factors that would eventually doom the region as a major strawberry pro­ ducing region. In a way the two factors are interrelated. The picker can always earn much more in a heavily producing field of fine, large berries. He can even pick at a lower rate per quart and still make more money. Yet the owner of the field grown on depleted soil cannot afford to pay more to have his small, scattered, inferior berries picked. 49 The Neosho Miner and Mechanic estimated that as much as one-third of the crop (50 carloads) around Neosho may have been lost. See the May 12 & 19, 1916, issues. 36 Missouri Historical Review

Mo. State Bd. of Horticulture, 1913

World War II an attempt was made to revive the industry, but an inability to get pickers, even when the price of picking rose as high as six cents a quart, quickly throttled the attempt. Some effort was made to import Mexican labor, but apparently it met with little success.50 The once sizeable industry was reduced to a minor one, catering mostly to local needs, with many of the patches being picked by the people who bought the berries. Another factor in the success and decline of Southwest Missouri as a strawberry growing area was the nature of its upland soils. The strawberry is not a critical plant as to types of soil, but for high yield it requires a soil well-drained and fairly rich in nitrogen, pot­ ash and organic matter. Many veteran strawberry growers felt that the virgin timberland of the Ozarks was an almost ideal soil. The well-drained, gentle slopes, once cleared of timber and loos­ ened up with a shovel plow or a spring tooth cultivator, revealed a thin, grayish top soil formed by countless years accumulation of

50 ibid., May 24 & 31, 1918, June 9, 1922, May 15 & 29, 1942, June 8, 1951, May 9, 1952, and May 10, 1957, for account of Mexican labor. Strawberry Culture in Southwest Missouri 37 decayed and burned leaves. At first, quite rich in nitrogen and pot­ ash and very mellow with organic matter, the land was easily culti­ vated. Weeds, grass, grubs and other insect pests were minor prob­ lems, and a little shallow cultivation, some hoeing and the usual training of runners sufficed to bring a splendid berry field into production unless drought or heavy freezes intervened.51 The Aroma, the main variety of strawberry grown in this area from ap­ proximately 1900-1940, seemed to have a natural affinity for such soil. It produced a firm, well-colored berry of exceptionally fine flavor.52 However, it was a rocky soil and after being cultivated a few

51 Howard, "Fertilizing Strawberries," 267-268. 52 The Aroma was a late maturing berry which made it ideal for Southwest Missouri since it matured right after the Arkansas crop. An important factor in its demise seems to have been that it was not good for freezing; however, as a fresh fruit, the Aroma from a virgin Ozark field must have been an exception­ ally flavorful berry. Even allowing for the superlatives of enthusiastic promoters, it must still have been one of the genuinely preferred berries on the national market. Martin, "Mo. St. Hort. Society, 1884, 1908," 56; Agricultural Experiment Station, Circular 311, University of Missouri, College of Agriculture (January, 1947), 3.

STRAWBERRY PRODUCTION IN MISSOURI 3roduction Average Missouri's Rank %of crates of Price Among the States National Year Acreage 24 quarts Per Crate Acreage Production Market 1899 7,498 542,436 8 8 5.1 1909 9,048 632,126 3 5 5.8 1919 8,645 535,909 2 2 7.3 1925 13,000 962,500 4.56 1927 27,340 1,086,750 3.60 1929 25,789 1,150,564 2 1 8.3 1935 6,600 310,000 2.75 8 18 2.7 1940 14,200 426,000 3.00 4 17 2.5 1945 3,200 144,000 9.25 7 12 2.6 1950 5,300 371,000 6.60 8 9 3.3 1955 900 45,000 9.60 20 22 0.4 1960 2,700 157,500 7.38 10 12 1.2 # 18,120 795,000 2.95 2 4 6.6 ## 10,360 417,000 2.80 5 12 3.7 *-1928-32 average **-1929-38 average Compiled from U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Agricultural Census for 1899, 1909, 1919, 1929; Missouri State Board of Agriculture Bulletin No. 2, April-June 1926, XXIV, 2; Bulletin No. 4, October-December 1927, XXV, 3; and U. S. Department of Agriculture, Agriculture Statistics, 1936-1941-46-51-56-61. 38 Missouri Historical Review times, the rocks were pulled to the surface and from a distance the green, matted row of berries appeared to be growing in a rock pile. Growers called this a "rock mulch" and experts pointed out that it actually was an aid in that it prevented the soil from drying out and kept the roots cool. Also it helped to keep the berries clean when they were ripening. Most of the berries in the Ozarks were grown on this type of soil, which, it was claimed, was more suited to berry culture than the black soils of the prairies and valley.53 The main shortcoming of this thin upland soil lay in the fact that its fertility was easily exhausted. It was not a matter of the soil being exhausted by constant cropping with strawberries be­ cause the plants are only good for two or three years, then it is necessary to plow them up thus breaking the cycle for at least a year. If the field was continuously cropped, regardless of what was grown, its shallow fertility declined and it was subject to the rav­ ages of erosion. Strawberries grown on this older land resulted in a smaller crop and inferior berries. The response of most growers was to move on to more new land, until with heavy production, the best land was soon used up. This problem, recognized by ex­ perts as early as 1904,54 was partially offset by pushing into new areas opened up by the Missouri and North Arkansas Railroad and by going farther and farther afield from the shipping points—a move that was greatly facilitated by the development of the motor truck. However, the heavy production of the 1920s exhausted even these reserves and by the 1930s strawberry production in Southwest Missouri was in a decline. Many veteran growers felt there was no real substitute for new ground, that fertilizers and other soil build­ ing techniques never produced satisfactory results.55 Experts dis­ agreed. Investigations at the Arkansas state experiment station proved that the land could be built up in minerals and organic matter through fertilizers and cover crops and would produce just as well as the best newly cleared land.56 This missed the point; growers were at least being practical in assuming that only new land was suitable for strawberry production. Reclamation was a tedious and costly process that could subject the land to even more erosion if it involved cultivation. Many felt turning the land into pasture was the most sensible alternative, and "cows rather than

53 Neosho Miner and Mechanic, June 11, 1915. 54 Howard, "Fertilizing Strawberries," 266-268. 55 "Strawberries," Horticulture News, III (October 20, 1943), 12. 56 A. E. Murneek, "Cultural Practices for Strawberries," Horticulture News, VI (May, 1946) , n.p. Strawberry Culture in Southwest Missouri 39

Strawberry Production in the Five-County Area of BARRY, JASPER, LAWRENCE, McDONALD AND NEWTON COUNTIES 5-County State 5-County State 5-County State Production Production Number of Total of Year Acres Acres (crates) (crates) Growers Growers 1899 2,455 7,498 186,953 542,436 1909 4,964 9,048 330,459 632,126 1913 3,278 4,513 974 1,753 1919 4,306 8,645 309,276 535,909 1929 15,642 25,789 667,586 1,150,564 5,598 37,558 1939 2,655 4,761 107,179 216,451 1,284 7,282 Compiled from U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Agricultural Censuses for 1899, 1909, 1919, 1929, 1939; and Missouri State Board of Agriculture, Forty-Sixth Annual Report, 1913. plows" proved the best long-range solution to the problem of these exhausted Ozark lands.57 With its many disadvantages, the wonder is not that Southwest Missouri declined as an important strawberry producing region, but that it ever became one in the first place. It was a part of that broad geographical belt, consisting mostly of southern mountain areas, that filled a niche in the seasonal strawberry market between the early maturing Gulf Coast berries and the later northern ones. The area includes such heavy producing states as North Carolina, Virginia, Tennessee, Kentucky and Arkansas. With the Arkansas Ozarks, of which it was a natural part, Southwest Missouri lay at the extreme western end of this berry belt and far from the large eastern market centers, yet closest to California which would in time prove the most formidable competitor of all. It was bold entrepren- eurship in forming marketing cooperatives that enabled Southwest Missouri to seize a share of this market, but it was held because of good railroad connections and more basically because they enjoyed special advantages in the choice, but limited, strawberry lands and a surplus labor force. When these special advantages began to fade, when the virgin timberlands were depleted and the surplus population began to move away, their finely organized marketing system could not save the industry.

57 E. A. Logan, "Missouri Described by Districts," Bulletin No. 1, Board of Agriculture, XXVI (January-March, 1928) , 20. Average production figures per acre reflect the drop in fertility. The statewide average taken from agricultural censuses for 1899, 1909 and 1919 show 68.3 crates per acres. Department of Agriculture figures for 1929-38 show an average of 40.2 crates per acre. See the accompanying "Strawberry Production" table. 40 Missouri Historical Review

There was no sudden collapse. It was a transitory process in which farmers turned to better opportunities, usually in dairying or beef cattle production. The many little forty-and eighty-acre farms were combined into larger units. Actually the strawberry industry facilitated this consolidation by increasing the incomes of these small farmers. Some used their increased earnings as an opportunity to "pull up stakes" and seek a better life in something else, others used it to buy more land and thus transform their farming oper­ ations. For all it enlarged their horizons even if they spent the money on consumer goods. It broke their bondage to a subsistence type of life and gave them more incentive to progress. Few really lamented the decline of the industry, it was so gradual, but the veteran growers could look back on it with gen­ uine nostalgia. It did have a certain drama to it, because so much frenzied activity was concentrated in the two- or three-week picking season. There were the memories of the multitudes of pickers and the drama of camp life with primitive living conditions; and there were the shipping depots with the long lines of wagons waiting far into the night to unload, the air pungent with the aroma of ripe berries. Then there were the bonanza years of World War I when if a person was fortunate enough to have a big patch of fine berries, he could make a real stake and might even realize enough to buy himself a good farm. By the 1960s such days were only memories.

Only a Mouthful Jefferson City Peoples Tribune, October 26, 1870. Perkins will get tight occasionally, much to the astonishment of himself and friends. "For years," says he, "it was unaccountable to me, for I never did drink but a mouthful or two; and the cause never did strike me until I meas­ ured my mouth and found that it held a pint." J.HOCt-

The Expulsion of the Mormons from Jackson County, Missouri

BY WARREN A. JENNINGS*

As October frosts transformed the green summer foliage into golden hues in Jackson County, Missouri, in 1833, across the border to the west the Indians commenced their fall hunts by firing the prairies. A murky cloud drifted eastward on the autumn winds, filling the valleys with blue haze, making what the settlers termed the "smoky days." There was a new stir of activity in the county after the quiet which followed the outbursts of violence the previous July. Irate Jackson Countians had demolished the Mormon printing establish­ ment at Independence, tarred and feathered Bishop Edward Part­ ridge and committed other depredations against the unwelcome Mormons who had been attempting for two years to build up a religious Utopia known as Zion. The Mormons had created much antagonism among the original settlers with their talk of the Second

*Warren A. Jennings is an associate professor of History at Southwest Missouri State College, Springfield. A previous contributor of Mormon history to the REVIEW, Dr. Jennings did his undergraduate work at the University of Kansas City and received his M.A. and Ph.D. degrees from the University of Florida. 41 42 Missouri Historical Review

Advent, which they believed would take place soon on the temple site dedicated two years before by Joseph Smith on a plot located a half mile west of the village of Independence. The Mormons were not indifferent to the feelings of others; but they were filled with a sense of urgency which permitted them little time or energy with which to concern themselves about the attitude of their "Gentile" neighbors. Their rapid migration into the county (they eventually numbered about 1,200) caused the original settlers to feel threat­ ened. The latter had dealt with the violent problem in the forthright manner of the frontier. Under duress the Mormons were forced to sign an agreement that no more of their number would settle in the county, that one-half of those already within the county would re­ move by January 1, 1834, and that the remaining half would vacate the area by April 1, 1834. In the ensuing period the Mormons sought assistance from Governor Daniel Dunklin and counsel from Smith, who was re­ siding in Kirtland, Ohio. It was determined, partly on the governor's advice, to try to settle the matter through legal process. Four law­ yers from Liberty, Missouri, were consulted. These included Alex­ ander W. Doniphan and David Rice Atchison. They recommended

Mormons Being Tarred and Feathered Stenhouse, Rocky Mt. Saints The Expulsion of the Mormons 43 that the Mormons arm themselves for protection against any future attacks. This the Mormons determined to do. When the Missourians learned that the Mormons would now stand on the defensive, they were incredulous. They felt that the Mormon promise to be gone by April 1, 1834, had been broken. They were further provoked when informed that the Mormons had appealed to the governor and were even contemplating taking some of their assailants to court to answer for past conduct. One resident of the county wrote: It was found not only that the Mormons did not in­ tend to move according to agreement, but that they were arming themselves, and threatened to kill if they should be molested. This provoked some of the more wild and un­ governable among us to improper acts of violence, such as breaking in upon Mormon houses, tearing off the covering, &c. On this the Mormons began to muster, and exhibit military preparations.1 The original settlers lost no time in responding to this chal­ lenge. About fifty of them met on Saturday, October 26, and voted to move the Mormons. All day Sunday they rode over the county spreading the word. Monday, court day, came and "fewer people were seldom seen at a Circuit Court."2 A few Mormon families ar­ rived during the week from Ohio and Indiana. They were threatened by the Jackson Countians, but none were injured. In Independence the citizens began stoning Mormon houses and intimidating individ­ uals. At this the Mormons were not greatly alarmed. They felt that the agreement would protect them until January 1. On Thursday, October 31, the first concerted action was taken. This was the day following a decision by the Liberty lawyers to take charge of the Mormons' legal affairs. That night a group of forty or fifty men, "without other warrant than their own judgment of the requirements of the situation,"3 attacked a Mormon colony eight miles west of Independence. This was just over the Big Blue River and was known as the Whitmer settlement. Ten houses were unroofed and several men were whipped. Philo Dibble remembered:

1 B. Pixley to New York Observer, November 7, 1833, as quoted in Wash­ ington, D. C, National Intelligencer, December 24, 1833; see also, Isaac McCoy to editor, November 28, 1833, in St. Louis Missouri Republican, December 20, 1833. 2 See "Extract of a letter dated, Independence, October 30, 1833," in Kirt- land, Ohio, Evening and Morning Star, December, 1833. Hereafter cited as Kirt- land Star. 3 History of Jackson County, Missouri (Kansas City, 1881), 255. 44 Missouri Historical Review

I was aroused from my sleep by the noise caused by the falling houses, and had barely time to escape to the woods with my wife and two children when they reached my house and proceeded to break in the door and tear the roof off. I was some distance away when the whipping occurred, but I heard the blows of heavy ox goads upon the backs of my brethren distinctly.4 In truth, the Mormons were short of weapons. The raid took them completely by surprise and in the confusion no force could be organized. Many of the men, along with their families, fled into the fields and forests. The marauders finally completed their depre­ dations and dispersed "after having threatened to come again in a more violent manner."5 No injury had been done to the women and children. As they withdrew they boasted of their intention to tear down the grist mill owned by the Mormons at the Colesville settle­ ment three miles away. The next morning the fugitives came out of hiding to find their homes and furniture destroyed. The sight made a vivid impression on three-year-old John Brackenbury, the son of a widower. He had spent the night in a cornfield. He testified later: In the morning when we came back to the house I re­ member that the house was torn down to the eaves, and the rafters were all off of it, and I remember going into the house, and there was a table sitting in the middle of the room, and a big large pan of honey sitting on it. Then they took us away from there off into the woods to a school- house, and there were the women, children, and an old man there, but I do not remember the old mans name. We staid there all day, women, children, and the old man were there all day, crying, and in great distress.6 The news of the raid soon spread among the settlements, caus­ ing great consternation. The Mormon prospects were not bright; "houseless, and unprotected by the arm of civil law in Jackson county—the dreary month of November staring them in the face."7 Parley Pratt walked the three miles from Colesville that morning. He wrote that he was "filled with anguish at the awful sights of

4 Early Scenes in Church History (Salt Lake Citv, 1882), 82. 5 Ibid. 6 In the Circuit Court of the United States, Western District of Missouri, Western Division, at Kansas City. (Complainant's Abstract of Pleading and Evi­ dence) In Equity. The Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints. Complainant vs. The Church of Christ at Independence. Missouri (Lamoni, Iowa, 1893), 232. Hereafter cited as Temple Lot Suit. 7 Parley Parker Pratt, Late Persecution of the Church of Jesus Christ, of Latter Day Saints (New York, 1840) , 32. The Expulsion of the Mormons 45 houses in ruins, and furniture destroyed and strewed about the streets; women in different directions, were weeping and mourn­ ing, while some of the men were covered with blood from the blows they had received from the enemy; others were endeavoring to collect the fragments of their scattered furniture, beds, &c."8 Some of the citizens pitied the Mormons, but they dared not offer help. Until this time the Mormons had not mobilized for defense, though it appears that a number of them had guns. None, apparent­ ly, had joined the local militia regiment. Mormon leaders met near Independence to discuss the situation. At first it was suggested that they gather all the people together into one group. This would have meant leaving their settlements to the prey of raiders, and so large a number could not be supplied with food and shelter. It was, therefore, concluded that each settlement would organize its own defenses and muster its own men. The men would assemble in small bodies in the different neighborhoods and take up guard duty. They were, however, to be prepared to march anywhere on a moment's notice. At this time the men felt little compunction about leaving their families, since "women and children were considered safe, they seldom being abused."9 In an effort to protect the grist mill, Pratt took charge of ap­ proximately sixty men from the Colesville settlement who had armed themselves as well as possible. On Friday night (November 1) Pratt was posting guards when two Missourians, Robert Johnson and a man named Harris, came walking by. Pratt hailed them, "and commanded [them] to advance and give the countersign."10 A fight immediately broke out. Johnson cracked Pratt over the head with the barrel of his rifle. Pratt was momentarily stunned, but help came from the guard house, and the two men were taken prisoners. After being detained the remainder of the night, they were released in the morning. Jackson Countians, in bands of ten to twenty members, began stoning the Mormon structures in Independence on the same Fri­ day night. A number of Mormons, including John Corrill, were gathered on the Temple Lot. The night was clear and the clatter of stones against the houses was plainly audible. It was decided not to intervene as long as nothing more destructive took place. Finally,

8 Ibid., 33, 9 Nauvoo, Illinois, Times and Seasons, December, 1839. to Washington National Intelligencer, December 24, 1833. a party was sent into the village to survey the situation, and they discovered that the citizens had "commenced pulling down the dwelling house of brother A. S. Gilbert."11 The damage was mainly to a brick annex. About midnight other parties of Mormons marched into Independ­ ence where they surprised a group attacking the store owned by the Mormons. When the raiders saw Parley P. Pratt the Mormons they fled. Richard McCarty, however, who had broken in one of the doors, was captured. All the doors into the store were smashed and some of the goods strewn in the streets. Gilbert, ac­ companied by several others, took his prisoner to Samuel Weston, justice of the peace, to obtain a warrant for his incarceration; but Weston refused to issue one. The Mormons reluctantly set their prisoner free and returned to their homes, where they discovered that long, ragged rails had been thrust through the windows and shutters of many of their houses. No longer could they feel that the women and children were safe at home.12 The next morning (Saturday, November 2) a council was held by the Mormon leaders to discuss this latest development. It was determined to move all the families which resided in the village to the Temple Lot. Hiram Rathbun, who was twelve at the time, testified later: Finally the women and household goods of the mem­ bers of the church were taken to the Temple Lot, and piled up there on the Temple Plot in the woods: and we were there, I think it was three days. . . . They were yelling and hollering and swearing and shooting around there night and day.13 About thirty Mormon men were formed into an irregular military unit to guard the refugees on the Temple Lot. That night another party of Missourians raided a settlement on the Big Blue River about six miles west of Independence. They

11 John Corrill to Oliver Cowdery, December, 1833, as printed in Kirtland Star, January, 1834. 12 Nauvoo Times and Seasons, December, 1839. 13 Temple Lot Suit, 217. tore the roof from one house and wrecked the furniture. The party then divided. One group pulled the roof from another dwelling while the other attacked the home of David Bennett. The owner was sick in bed, but they beat him any­ way. One attacker drew a pistol and swore that he intended blow­ ing out Bennett's brains. The gun discharged and the ball cut a deep gash in the top of the Mormons head. There is some disagreement about what then transpired.14 A party of Mormons was nearby, John F. Ryland and hearing the noise came up to investigate. In the ensuing confusion, firing commenced. Who fired first is still in doubt, but one of the marauders, the son of Justice of the Peace George Manship, was shot in the thigh.15 These were the first shots fired by the Mormons and word raced through the county that the Mormons had shot a man. The Jackson Countians were busily engaged the next day in organizing their forces. The retaliation had incensed them still further. The rumor spread that a six-pounder would be used against the Mormons in an open engagement the following day. Some of their Gentile friends warned the Mormons that "Monday would be a bloody day," and that they would be massacred if such an en­ gagement took place.16 This greatly alarmed the Mormons, and they prepared for the worst. According to Corrill, "two or three

14 Isaac McCoy claimed that "a company approached a house, about five miles from Independence, with a view no doubt of injuring it; and as they approached the Mormons fired upon them." St. Louis Missouri Republican, December 20, 1833. "Some shots were exchanged, the Mormons having given the first fire and wounded one man." Pixley's letter in Washington National Intelligencer, December 24, 1833. Compare, "A party of the saints were collected nearby, who hearing the disturbance went to the place. The mob began to fire upon them." Nauvoo Times and Seasons, January,' 1840. Orson Hyde wrote the editor of the Boonville Herald on November 8, 1833, that after the citizens "had fired five or six guns upon the Mormons without effect, the Mormons fired upon them, and one of the mob screamed, 'O my God; I am shot.' The mob then dispersed in much confusion." Reprinted in St. Louis Missouri Re­ publican, November 12> 1833. 15 Letter, dated November 6, 1833, printed in Kirtland Star, December, 1833. 16 History of Jackson County, 255. 48 Missouri Historical Review branches west of the Blue gathered together as well as they could, leaving their houses and property to the ravages of the mob."17 On Sunday night Parley Pratt, Thomas B. Marsh, Hiram Page, and Joshua Lewis set out to see Circuit Judge John F. Ryland at Lexington, forty miles away, to get a warrant for the arrest of the leaders of the mob. Taking the back roads and cutting through the woods to avoid interception, they lost their way and had to wait until it grew light. A heavy rain drenched men and horses. They made no halt for food or rest, however, until their arrival in Lex­ ington. Stopping first at a friend's house to breakfast and refresh, they then went to Ryland's home. Here they made statement, "but were refused a warrant," Pratt later claiming that the judge "ad­ vised us to fight and kill the outlaws whenever they came upon us."18 Deeply disappointed, they returned to their friend's house to spend the night. The next day they headed back to their settle­ ments in a dispirited mood. On Monday, November 4, a large party of citizens gathered on the Big Blue River, captured the ferry owned by the Mormons, and threatened some of those present. Moses G. Wilson, a member of the raiding party, testified that their purpose was "in expectation of having a fight with the Mormons."19 Tired at last of this sport, they returned to Wilsons store a half mile west of the river. In the meantime, the Mormons who had assembled at the Colesville branch were apprised of the escapade. They were informed that the citizens were doing damage and that their brethren needed their help. Accordingly, nineteen men. among whom was David Whitmer, volunteered to give assistance. Corrill wrote: "But when they had proceeded a part of the way, they learned that the mob were not doing mischief at that time, but were at Wilson's store, so they turned about to go home."20

17 Corrill to Cowdery, December, 1833, in Kirtland Star, January, 1834. 18 Parley Parker Pratt, Autobiography of Parley Parker Pratt (Salt Lake City, 1950), 98. Compare, "I wish to know whether Joshua Lewis and Hiram Page handed the writ to the sheriff of Jackson county, that I made and issued on their affidavit against some of the ringleaders of the mob in Jackson county, dated the sixth of this month." John F. Ryland to Robert W. Wells, November 24, 1833, as printed in "History of Joseph Smith," Nauvoo Times and Seasons, June 1, 1845. Hereafter cited as "H. J. S." 19 Testimony at a court of inquiry into the conduct of Colonel Thomas Pitcher in Liberty, Missouri, as reported in St. Louis Missouri Republican, Janu­ ary 20, 1834. This ferry was operated by Orrin P. Rockwell who was later charged as being the attempted assassin of Gov. Boggs. See Monte B. McLaws, "The At­ tempted Assassination of Missouri's Ex-Governor, Lilburn W. Boggs," MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW, LX (October, 1965), 50-62. 20 Kirtland Star, January, 1834. The Expuhion of the Mormons 49

At this point, two small boys—one of them Wilson's son- happened to pass along the road on their way to the store. They were detained and questioned by the Mormons. When the boys finally arrived at their destination, they told those assembled about the band of Mormons. Thirty or forty armed and mounted men set out at once in pursuit. After riding about two miles, they over­ took the Mormons, who fled and dispersed. A few hid in the woods; others, including Whitmer, sprinted to the Colesville Branch. Ac­ cording to Dibble, Whitmer was the first to bring the news, and he took charge, saying: "Every man go, and every man take a man."21 Thirty men with seventeen guns hastened back toward the river.22 Meanwhile, the Missourians were still seeking those who had fled. They searched a cornfield which belonged to Christian Whit­ mer, a cripple who had not left his home, and "fed their horses freely upon his corn."23 They bullied Christian, attempting to coerce him to tell the whereabouts of his brethren. They were engaged in this manner for about an hour, and the sun was just setting, when Whitmer's group came up after having jogged the three miles. It will probably never be determined who fired the first shot, but a hot engagement ensued. The Missourians soon fled the field, followed in close pursuit by the Mormons. The fire must have been heavy; for when the battle was over, two of the citizens and a number of their horses were dead on the field. Dead were Thomas Linville, who had his jaw shot away, and Hugh L. Brazeal, an attorney, who had received two balls in the head. Sev­ eral others were wounded. The Mormons also suffered casualties, Andrew Barber died the following day,24 and it was not expected that Philo Dibble would survive. He had received "an ounce ball and two buck shot" in the bowels,25 claiming later that it was from "the first gun that was fired."26 He remained a lifetime cripple. Abigail Leonard later asserted that her husband Lyman had returned from the affray

21 Early Scenes, 83; David Whitmer headed the disciples, according to "John Whitmer's Manuscript History," 44, in the Office of the Historian of the Reor­ ganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, Independence, Missouri. 22 "H. J. S.," Nauvoo Times and Seasons, May 15, 1845. 23 Kirtland Star, January, 1834. 24 "He was the first to give his life in the cause of the Church, the first modern martyr for the truth," according to an article published in the Salt Lake City Deseret News, June 13, 1959. 25 Early Scenes, 83. 26 Nauvoo Times and Seasons, January, 1840. with fourteen bullet holes in his garments and two slight wounds, one on the hip and the other on the arm.27 Wilson's boy, who had gone out to show the Jackson Countians where he had seen the Mormons, may also have been wounded in the encounter. Lieutenant Governor Lilburn W. Boggs, a resident of Independence, wrote: The information which reached [ Independence ] about eight o'clock on Alexander Majors Monday night, the 4th in­ stant, by an express, giv­ ing intelligence of the aforesaid battle, stated that the Mormons, to the number perhaps of sixty, well armed, attacked a party of the citi­ zens, numbering about twenty; that he had left them fight­ ing, and bore off the body of a small boy, who was shot in the back; that he could not tell the extent of bloodshed that had taken place.28 That same day, Gilbert, Corrill, Isaac Morley, William Mc- Lellin, and William Phelps, Mormon leaders in Independence, had been arrested for assault and battery and false imprisonment on warrant of McCarty, the man they had taken prisoner at the store. Late that evening these men were being tried in the court­ house in Independence when news of the skirmish arrived. Corrill wrote that it was rumored "that the mormons had gone into the house of Wilson and shot his son."29 Those present were enraged, and the prisoners were in a precarious situation. All doors out of the courtroom were barred, and there was no possible escape. But Samuel C. Owens, seeing that the Mormons were without counsel and in imminent danger, advised them to request imprisonment as the only alternative for saving their lives.*° Corrill noted: "The court

27 Edward W. Tullidge, The Women of Mormondom (New York, 1877), 163. 28 To editor, November 26, 1833, St. Louis Missouri Republican, December 6, 1833; also printed in Jefferson City Jeffersonian Republican, December 21, 1833. 29 Kirtland Star, January, 1834. 30 "H. J. S.," Nauvoo Times and Seasons, May 15, 1845; History of Jackson County, 256. The Expulsion of the Mormons 51

house being filled, a rush was made upon us by some to kill us; but the court esteeming it too dishonorable to have us killed while in their hands, on our request shut us up in the jail to save our lives."31 Guns were brandished, and there was a vocal demonstra­ tion. That night mounted horsemen were dispatched in all directions to call out the Jackson County militia. Lieutenant Governor Boggs stated that "the information of that battle having taken place, pro­ duced the call of the Militia." He noted further that this was "for the purpose of suppressing the insurrection."32 Rumors were rife: one that the Mormons had taken Independence, another that they were allied with the Indians. Alexander Majors observed that "every citizen, as soon as he could run bullets and fill his powder horn with powder, gathered his gun and made for the town; and in a few hours men enough had gathered to exterminate them had they approached."33 In the jail, according to Corrill, the prisoners were "frequently told that night ... by men of note, that without any doubt many lives would be lost the next day; for now not only the mob, but the whole county were engaged and greatly enraged against us and that nothing would stop them short of our leaving the county forth­ with."34 Even this might not calm the cry for vengeance. The lead­ ers in prison talked it over and then sent word to some of their brethren "that they might not expect anything the next day but a general slaughter of our people."35 It was decided that in view of the rage of the Missourians, they should agree to evacuate the area. One elder wrote his brethren in Kirtland: We saw plainly that the whole county were enraged, and preparing for a general massacre the next day. We then thought it wisdom to stop the shedding of more blood, and by agreeing to leave immediately we saved many lives; in this we feel justified.36 Their sentiments were conveyed to Sheriff Jacob Gregg. He and two others took Gilbert, Corrill and Morley to discuss their decision with some of their brethren. A short consultation was held

31 Kirtland Star, January, 1834. 32 St. Louis Missouri Republican, December 6, 1833. 33 Colonel Prentiss Ingraham. ed., Seventy Years on the Frontier: Alexander Majors' Memoirs of a Lifetime on the Border (Chicago, 1893) , 47. 34 Kirtland Star, Januarv, 1834. 35 ibid. 36 November 17, 1833, as printed in Kirtland Star, December, 1833. 52 Missouri Historical Review in which the leaders persuaded the others to agree to leave the county. When the prisoners were being returned to jail after mid­ night, they were hailed by a party of men with guns. Six or seven citizens were seen standing near the jail. The sheriff called out his name and the names of his prisoners. Some hostile moves were made, and the sheriff shouted, "Don't fire, don't fire, the prisoners are in my charge."87 Corrill turned, ran, and was fired upon. Mor- ley also made his escape, but Gilbert stood his ground. The citizens came up to him, pointed two guns at his chest and fired. Fortunate­ ly, "one snapped and the other flashed in the pan."38 Gilbert was then knocked to the ground by Thomas Wilson but was not se­ riously injured. Upon the arrival of another group of citizens, the affair came to an end. Gilbert was then placed in jail. He and the remaining prisoners were freed at sunrise, probably because of their promise to vacate the county. Edward Partridge, the bishop in charge of Zion, Gilbert and others promptly went across the Missouri River and sent an affidavit to Governor Dunklin. On Tuesday, November 5, the militia, called out by Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Pitcher, in the absence of Colonel Samuel D. Lucas, the commanding officer, assembled in Independence. Corrill wrote that the ostensible purpose was "to quell the mob: but it would have been difficult for one to have distinguished between the militia and mob, for all the most conspicuous characters engaged in the riot were found in [its] ranks."39 Boggs had given his ap­ proval to this action.40 Most of the Missourians, like most of the Mormons, had not as yet been informed of the elders' intentions of leaving. As the ranks formed and the citizens were told of this agreement, a strange quiet descended over the town. Stores were closed and business activity was suspended completely. More than two hundred men were standing in the ranks when alarming news was carried into town by persons riding in from the west. They had seen a large body of Mormons, "well armed," marching toward the village. It was reported that they were "coming on with a view to

37 Pratt, Late Persecution, 42. 38 Kirtland Star, January, 1834. 39 Ibid. 40 "The Militia were ordered into service by Lieut. Colonel Pitcher, (the colonel being absent,) for the purpose of suppressing the insurrection. I ap­ proved of the course adopted by Col. Pitcher, as the only means of saving bloodshed, and of restoring order." Quoted from Bog^s to editor, November 26, 1833, St. Louis Missouri Republican, December 6, 1833. The Expulsion of the Mormons 53 attack and destroy the place."41 It was around 9:00 o'clock in the morning. One of the members of the militia was Josiah Gregg, who had returned only a few days before from Santa Fe, Mexico. He re­ ported: I had often heard the cry of "Indians!" announcing the approach of hostile savages, but I do not remember ever to have witnessed so much consternation as prevailed at Independence on this memorable occasion. The note of alarm was sounded far and near, and armed men, eager for the fray, were rushing in from every quarter. Officers were summarily selected without deference to rank and station: the "spirit-stirring drum" and the "ear-piercing fife" made the air resound with music; and a little army of as brave and resolute a set of fellows as ever trod a field of battle, was, in very short time, paraded through the streets. After a few preliminary exercises, they started for a certain point on the road where they intended to await the ap­ proach of the Mormons.42 The Jackson Countians erroneously believed that the objective of the oncoming force was "to kill or drive out all the inhabitants, and to destroy the Village."43 Pitcher later asserted that the Mormons had the "avowed intention of burning the town and to kill Col. Sam Owens, Gen. S. D. Lucas, myself, and several other leading citizens."44 At the same time the Missourians mustered, the Mormons united their forces. Approximately 150 men from west of the Big Blue River volunteered to march to Independence under the leadership of Lyman Wight, a veteran of the War of 1812.43 They were poorly armed; only about one in three had a gun. The others had impro­ vised weapons; some made spears by fastening chisels to poles while others found clubs.46 They had not been informed that their leaders had agreed to leave. Word had come to them that several of their brethren were in prison "and the determination of the mob

41 Ibid. 42 Josiah Gregg, Commerce of the Prairies, Max L. Moorhead, ed. (Norman, Okla., 1954) , 220. 43 McCoy to editor, November 28, 1833, St. Louis Missouri Republican, De­ cember 20, 1833. 44 Interview of Thomas Pitcher in Kansas City Journal, June 17, 1881. 45 The number of men in this force has been estimated variously. Pitcher, McCoy and Corrill claimed there were 150, while Smith asserted there were 100. Wight alleged he had 200 men with him. 46 Kansas City Journal, June 17, 1881; Nauvoo Times and Seasons, January, 1840. 54 Missouri Historical Review

was to kill them."47 They had heard also that the branch in Inde­ pendence wras in imminent danger since the main body of Missouri­ ans was gathering there.48 Leaving early in the morning, they iiastily covered ten miles. They intended making a stand on the temple lot, but before reaching that objective they were advised that their leaders had promised to leave the county and that the militia had been called out. Wight directed his men off the road into the woods, a move the Missourians interpreted as a military movement for the purpose of forming lines.49 Lieutenant Colonel Pitcher dispatched a Mormon as a mes­ senger "with this information, that the militia were raised to quell this insurrection, and that they must come forward, surrender their arms, and return to their homes."50 Negotiations then began be­ tween the leaders of the two forces. Boggs was present, acting as intermediary between the two groups.51 The Mormons, faced by a superior military force, were at a considerable disadvantage. Their elders had already come to an understanding with the Missourians. Pitcher, according to Corrill, "would not give us peace only on the conditions that we should deliver up those men who were engaged in the battle the day be­ fore, to have them tried for murder; and also, that we must deliver up our arms, and then, he said, we should be safely protected out of the county."52 Pitcher remembered that "they were to sur­ render their arms and leave the county within ten days."53 Later the Mormons contended that they understood that the Missourians also were to be required to give up their weapons.54 According to Smith, "the fear of violating the law, in resisting this pretended militia, and the flattering assurances of protection, and honorable usage, promised by Lieutenant Governor Boggs, in whom they had reposed confidence up to this period, induced them to submit."55 It was late in the afternoon before the negotiations were

47 "H. J. S.," Nauvoo Times and Seasoiis, May 15, 1845; John Corrill, Brief History of the Church of Christ of Latter Day Saints (St. Louis, 1839) , 20. 4 8 Nauvoo Times and Seasons, January, 1840. 49 Kansas City Journal, June 17, 1881; St. Louis Missouri Republican, De­ cember 20, 1833. so Boggs to editor, November 26, 1833, ibid., December 6, 1833. 51 Ibid.; "H. J. S.," Nauvoo Times and Seasons, May 15, 1845. 52 Kirtland Star, January, 1834. 53 Kansas City Journal, June 17, 1881. 54 "H. J. S.," Nauvoo Times and Seasons, May 15, 1845, and testimony of Lyman Wight before Municipal Court of Nauvoo, Illinois, on July 1, 1843, as printed in Liverpool, England, Millennial Star, August 6, 1859. 55 "H. J. S.," Nauvoo Times and Seasons, May 15, 1845; Pratt, Late Persecu­ tion, 44. terminated. The Mormons under­ stood that their weapons would be returned to them after they had left the county.56 Both units were marcVed into town where a commit­ tee was appointed to receive the arms. The weapons, fifty in all, were stacked around a white oak stump standing in the public square. Afterwards they were placed in the jail for safekeeping where they "were eaten up with rust."57 Those Mor­ mons who were present and had participated in the battle gave them­ Lilburn W. Boggs selves up. Who these were is un­ known, but it seems that only three were turned over to the authorities and imprisoned.58 According to Boggs, the militia men- weapons still in hand—were dismissed, "with the exception of a small guard intended to guard the Mormons."59 The Mormons, Wight recorded, "returned home, resting assured . . . that we should not be further molested."60 In celebration of their victory the Mis­ sourians fired a number of rounds from their cannon that night. Orson Hyde and John Gould, two Mormons who had been present when McCarty was taken before the magistrate, had com­ pleted their business in Jackson County and were prepared to return to Kirtland. They boarded the Charleston at Liberty Landing on Tuesday, November 5, and during the night they heard the cannon fire. The next morning before the steamboat cast off from its moorings, "a messenger rode by, saying that he had just come from the seat of war, and that the night before, another battle had been fought, in which Mr. [Russel] Hicks, Attorney at Law, fell,

56 Corrill, Brief History, 20. 57 Ingraham, Majors' Memoirs, 49. 58 St. Louis Missouri Republican, December 6, 1833. "I am sorry to add that such was the ungovernable and unmanly conduct of some in our community, that it was with the utmost difficulty that the civil authorities could protect their prisoners from being massacred on the spot." Pixley's letter in Washington National Intelligencer, December 24, 1833. 59 St. Louis Missouri Republican, December 6, 1833. It appears that a group of the more prominent citizens of Jackson County formed a guard to see that the Mormons were protected and that the provisions of the agreement were carried out. Clearly, they were not always effective. See entries under November 7, 8 and 9, in "Isaac McCoy's Manuscript Journal," Kansas State Historical Society, Topeka, Kansas. 60 Liverpool Alillennial Star, August 6, 1859. 56 Missouri Historical Review

having three balls and some buck shot, through his body, and about twenty more of the mob.' 61 As the steamer proceeded down river, Hyde prepared a report of all that he had seen and heard in Jack­ son County. This statement was given to the editors of the papers in the river towns at which the steamer stopped. It was printed widely throughout the nation and was responsible for an impression that more blood had been shed than actually was. Gould and Hyde arrived in Kirtland on November 25 "and brought the melancholy intelligence of the riot in Zion."62 On Wednesday, November 6, Pitcher, acting in his civil ca­ pacity as constable, released the remaining Mormon prisoners. Ac­ cording to the Mormons, he first warned them and then took one of their watches "to satisfy costs." Leading them out to a cornfield, Pitcher released them and told them to "clear."6'5 At first the Mormon leaders planned to move south into Van Buren County. They discussed the matter with some of the more prominent Jackson Countians, who gave their approval. At a meet­ ing of the citizens, however, it was resolved that the Mormons could go neither to the south nor the west, but must move north of the river. It can only be surmised that the motive behind this was fear—fear that the Mormons might establish contact with the Indian tribes to the west and encourage the savages to attack the Jackson Countians. The Mormons later accused "Lt. Gov. Boggs, Col. Pitcher and Col. Lucas, of practising a stratagem upon them, and thereby de­ priving them of their arms."64 In the light of that which followed, it appeared to the Mormons that they had been deliberately deceived into giving up their weapons so that the citizens might torment them without fear of harm or retaliation. Without arms the Mor­ mons were helpless and the Missourians had "full power to come upon [them] when they pleased."65 On Wednesday, November 6, a systematic policy of harass­ ment began. Companies of from fifty to eighty men, mounted and with guns on their shoulders, visited the Mormon settlements. Many

61 This letter was first printed in the Boonville Herald, November 7, 1833. It appeared subsequently in St. Louis Missouri Republican, November 12, 1833; Columbia Missouri Intelligencer, November 16, 1883; the Washington National Intelligencer, November 30, 1833; and Kirtland Star, December, 1833. 62 "H. J. S.," Nauvoo Times and Seasons, June 1, 1845. 63 ibid., January, 1840. 64 On December 12, 1833, Pratt, Corrill and Newel Knight issued a hand­ bill stating the Mormon position on the events in Jackson Countv. See St. Louis Missouri Republican, January 30, 1834. 65 Kirtland Star, January, 1834. The Expulsion of the Mormons 57 of the Mormon men were away making arrangements for departure. Homes were broken into and searched for weapons. Some of the Mormon men were caught and whipped, and others were fired upon. A few were chased for several miles into the woods. As the aggressors passed through the Whitmer settlement, "they swore that if the people were not off by the time they returned at night, they would massacre the whole of them."66 They rode on to the Colesville branch. Emily Austin recalled that one of these was a man named Campbell, who drew a horse pistol on a woman. 'Madam, where is your husband? tell me the truth; do you see this weapon, which is only waiting for your heart's blood?' My sister-in-law calmly replied that she knew nothing as to his whereabouts, and could not tell anything more about it. 'Well, can you tell us when the Yankee's intend to leave this county?'67 After intimidating the inhabitants "they rode off, with their broad- brimmed hats and blanket overcoats, which costume was in those days characteristic of a fully developed Missouri an."68 Consterna­ tion and confusion swept the settlements. Women and children fled to the woods; others hastily packed what they could and headed for the Missouri River. Lyman Wight was one of those who had been chased "by about 60 of these ruffians five miles." He later recorded: I fled to the south and my wife was driven north to Clay County, and for three weeks I knew not whether my family was dead or alive. ... At one time I was three days without food. When I found my family I found them on the banks of the Missouri River under a rag carpet tent short of food and raiment. In this deplorable situation, on the 27th of December, my wife bore me a son.69 Mrs. Wight and her three small children had made their escape in a skiff which they rowed down the Big Blue River for fourteen miles to the Missouri River. Typical of the experience of many might have been that of Parley Pratt. On Tuesday afternoon he and Thomas Marsh had ridden within four miles of Independence on their return from

66 Ibid. 67 Emily M. Austin, Mormonism: or, Life Among the Mormons (Madison, Wise, 1882), 70. 68 ibid., 69. 69 "Lyman Wight's Journal," as quoted in Joseph Smith and Heman C. Smith, History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints (Lamoni, Iowa, 1897), I, 335. 58 Missouri Historical Review

Lexington. They stopped at a farm house and passed themselves off as strangers. The farmer asked them where they were from, and they replied from Lexington. "Have you heard?" he asked, "The Mormons have riz, and have killed six men."70 Circling the town, Pratt came upon some of his brethren about sunset and was in­ formed of the surrender. Walking his horse through the woods in order to avoid the main roads, he arrived home about the middle of the night. After resting a few hours, he arose before daybreak and rode off into the forest. That afternoon Pratt headed for the river. On his way he came across a Mormon, John Lowry, who was moving his family in a covered wagon. Lowry had a permit to pass in safety, and he concealed Pratt in his wagon. They made it safely to the Missouri River, "although frequently meeting armed men, who were pur­ suing our brethren." When night came they were still on the south side of the river, where they were forced to camp, since the ferry did not operate after dark. Pratt found a cave in which to sleep in the limestone ridge which overlooked the river. Later in the night he was joined by Isaac Morley and several others bringing rumors that "the mob were driving and probably butchering men, women and children."71 The next morning Pratt crossed over without mishap. Return I. Holcombe, who gathered his information from old settlers, wrote; "Affrighted and almost terror-stricken, the Mormons crossed the river and sought safety in Clay county." When the crossing began "the weather was cold and rainy; and the plundered, half clad women and children suffered severely."72 In their hurry to depart many had taken no extra clothing or bedding. They were ill prepared to face the rigors of the coming winter. Those encamped on the temple lot appeared to have fared better than most since they already had their possessions packed and loaded. Just north of Independence on the Missouri river was located the Wayne City landing where the steamboats and Everett's Ferry operated. This was the place where the major portion of the Mor­ mons congregated to cross the river. Pratt described the scene as it appeared on Thursday, November 7: The shore began to be lined on both sides of the ferry with men, women and children; goods, wagons, boxes,

70 Pratt, Autobiography, 98-99. 71 Pratt, Late Persecution, 45-46. 72 Walter B. Stevens, Centennial History of Missouri (The Center State): One Hundred Years in the Union, 1820-1921 (St. Louis, 1921) , II, 104. The Expulsion of the Mormons 59

provisions, etc., while the ferry was constantly employed; and when night again closed upon us the cottonwood bottom had much the appearance of a camp meeting. Hundreds of people were seen in every direction, some in tents and some in the open air around their fires, while the rain descended in torrents. Husbands were inquiring for their wives, wives for their husbands; parents for children, and children for parents. Some had the good fortune to escape with their families, household goods, and some pro­ visions; while others knew not the fate of their friends, and had lost all their goods. The scene was indescribable, and, I am sure, would have melted the hearts of any people on the earth, except our blind oppressors, and a blind and ignorant community.73 Not all groups, crossed over to Clay County. One wandered on the southern prairies for several days. A large number of women and children, approximately 130, had been collected at the Coles­ ville School. On Wednesday when the harassment began, a party of seventy-five to one hundred men rode through the area, ordering every Mormon out of the region within two hours. Most of the Mormon men were absent, looking for wagons or in hiding, and only six were present—among them young John Brush. Only four wagons were available, and the group, in a state of near panic, loaded these with bedding and provisions. Everything else was left behind. The party, under the leadership of Solomon Hancock, then headed south with no apparent objective other than to flee from the raiders. The first day they covered six miles. When night fell they made camp as best they could and after prayers retired.74 The following day, still drifting southward, they debouched upon an open plain and trudged fifteen miles. The prairie had been burned over, and the bunch grass left sharp stubs above the surface of the earth. Very few of the children had shoes, and by night their feet were torn and bleeding.75 The next day another fifteen miles were covered without meeting a single traveler or passing a farm site until evening when they stopped near a small house owned by a single man. He offered them the use of his home. The rain com­ menced to fall, and the women and children huddled together in the one room of the house while the men and larger boys leaned

73 Pratt, Autobiography, 102. 74 This trek is covered in "Elder John Brush," Autumn Leaves, IV (January, 1891), 23-24, 64. 75 Ibid., 23; Tullidge, Women of Mormondom, 164-165; Liverpool Millennial Star, August 6, 1859. 60 Missouri Historical Review

against the house and wagons until morning with the rain streaming down their backs.76 After breakfast they again took up their journey, but the land was inundated. When the party came to a slough they found the water from ankle to waist deep for a distance of over a mile, and across this they were compelled to wade. Nearly every adult had to carry a child the entire distance without resting. That evening they finally found a dry camp site under a bluff. When they awoke in the morning, the earth was covered with two inches of snow. They ate their last morsel of food for breakfast. With no apparent place to go, and without food, resignation swept the group. After prayers they remained inactive to await further developments. About mid-morning a man came riding up and offered them as­ sistance if they would come to his place five miles away. He had some potatoes to be dug and fence rails to be split. He promised them, in return for their labor, an ox and half the potatoes. The man was David G. Butterfield, and he and his neighbors collected clothing and provisions for the Mormons and took families into their homes. They also gave them work. But word soon came to the refugees that their brethren had crossed over into Clay County. Desiring to be reunited with their families and friends, many of the Mormons packed up and set out for the Missouri River. They circled around Independence, took Williams' Ferry across the river, and camped above the northern bluffs until spring.77

76 Autumn Leaves, 23. 77 Ibid., 64; Tullidge, Women of Mormondom, 165. The Expulsion of the Mormons 61

On the night of November 13 there occurred a singular phenom­ enon. According to Mormon eschatology, one of the signs of the end would be: "The sun shall be darkened, and the moon shall be turned into blood, and the stars fall from heaven."78 That night the stars "fell/* There was by all accounts a very remarkable meteoric display, probably the greatest Leonid shower ever observed and recorded in the United States. Parley Pratt remembered: About two o'clock the next morning we were called up by the cry of signs in the heavens. We arose, and to our great astonishment all the firmament seemed enveloped in splendid fireworks, as if every star in the broad expanse had been hurled from its course, and sent lawless through the wilds of ether. Thousands of bright meteors were shoot­ ing through space in every direction, with long trains of light following in their course. This lasted for several hours, and was only closed by the dawn of the rising sun. Every heart was filled with joy at this majestic display of signs and wonders, showing the near approach of the coming of the Son of God.79 Judge Joseph Thorp, a Clay Countian, also observed this spectacle, "The saints," he wrote, "looked at it as being a sign from heaven that the Lord would in some miraculous manner enable them to overcome the ungodly Gentiles who had so recklessly driven them from their homes and exposed their wives and little ones to the cold and chilling blasts of winter without shelter."80 It was not alone the Mormons who saw this as a portent. Josiah Gregg wrote that many of the citizens in Jackson County "began to wonder whether, after all, the Mormons might not be in the right; and whether this was not a sign sent from heaven as a re­ monstrance for the injustice they had been guilty of towards that chosen sect."81

78 Book of Commandments, for the Government of the Church of Christ (Zion [Independence, Mo.], 1833), 62, 107. 79 Pratt, Autobiography, 103. "And let others think as they may, I take it as a special manifestation to fulfill the scriptures, and to rouse our drooping spirits, by a fresh memorial, reminding us of a coming Messiah," in Pratt, Late Persecution, 50. The Leonid meteor shower occurs annually around November 14. It is so named because it appears to originate in the constellation of Leo. 80 Judge Joseph Thorp, Early Days in the West: Along the Missouri One Hundred Years Ago (Liberty, Mo., 1924), 76. 81 Gregg, Commerce of the Prairie, 220. This meteor shower was seen all over the United States. That night in Virginia the wife of a strolling actor gave birth to a son, and the midwife told her that he would be a great man since the heavens proclaimed his birth. The baby grew up to be one of America's greatest actors, Edwin Booth. The Washington National Intelligencer, November 21, 1833, reprinted a report from the Columbia Spy that many persons assumed that "the last day had arrived," and that only one drink was consumed at a 62 Missouri Historical Review

At first, of course, the hardships were cruelly difficult for the Mormons, especially the women and children. Babies were born those first nights in the cottonwoods, and the exposure to the chill and dampness apparently ruined the health of some of the elderly Mormons. Many had sold their cattle and personal effects at a very low price before leaving Jackson County. The initial response of the Clay Countians to the plight of the Mormons was warm and friendly. One reason, perhaps, was that their county had been settled longer than Jackson County. Liberty, the county seat, was six years old when Independence was founded; and it was "one of the proudest towns in the West, with its aristo­ cratic families."82 There was considerable difference in the political sentiments of the two counties, too, as their names would imply. Clay Countians tended to be Whigs; those from Jackson County were generally Jacksonian Democrats. The citizens of Clay very hospitably opened their homes to the refugees, providing them with shelter, provisions and work. This irritated the Jackson Coun­ tians, and for years thereafter they stigmatized persons from Clay County as being "Jack Mormons."83 Some of the Mormons moved into abandoned slave cabins or built huts in the woods, while others lived in tents or even in the open. Every vacant cabin in the southern half of the county was occupied by the fugitives. In the spring some of the Mormons rented unimproved land in the southeast corner of the county, where they again built homes and put in crops. The harvests were gener­ ally good, and by fall some began to enjoy a degree of comfort. A number of the Mormons hired out to work. Judge Thorp, who em­ ployed several of them, observed: The Mormons, in the main, were industrious, good workers, and gave general satisfaction to their employers, and could live on less than any people I ever knew. Their women could fix up a palatable meal out of that which a Gentile's wife would not know how to commence to get half a dinner or breakfast. They had the knack of economiz­ ing in the larder, which was a great help to the men, as public house the next day "and no charge was made for that." The Washington National Intelligencer, December 9. 1833, took notice of the death of a young woman in New York whose mind had given way from fear that the meteors portended the speedy dissolution of the world. 82 William Larking Webb, Centennial History of Independence, Missouri (Independence, 1927), 70. 83 History of Clay and Platte Counties (St. Louis, 1885), 133. The Expulsion of the Mormons 63

they had mostly to earn their bread and butter by day's work, and wages about half what they are now.84 Considering the implacable hostility that had been created by the Mormons in Jackson County, perhaps they should have aban­ doned their efforts to build Zion. This they did not do. While it was reported by the Missouri Republican, as early as November 22, 1833, that the Mormons had ceased all resistance and were leaving Jackson County "with intention of forming another community else­ where," they did not abandon Jackson County as the chosen site. They made several efforts to obtain reinstatement onto their lands, by legal process and the display of armed strength. These efforts failed, but the dream did not die. Though violently expelled, the Mormons still adhere tenaciously to the belief that Zion will yet arise on the prairies and hills of Jackson County.

84 Early Days, 76-77.

They Wouldn't Use Pop-Guns Paris Mercury, February 11, 1873. About the commencement of the war, Judge Rice made a speech in North Alabama, in which he said that the Southern soldiers could whip the Yankees with pop-guns. Since the war he chanced to make another speech at the place. A big, double-jointed fellow was present, who heard and remembered the former speech, and being in no amiable frame of mind, concluded to go for Sam. Rolling up his sleeves and popping his fist in the palm of his hand, pro­ pounded the fearful question: "Sam Rice, didn't you make a speech here in 1861?" "I did," said Sam. "And didn't you say we could whip the Yankees with pop-guns?" "Certainly I did, but the d—d rascals wouldn't fight us that way!"

Music Hath Charms Kansas City Star, July 30, 1965. Chadwick, Mo. (AP) —The charm that guitar music has for copperheads still isn't explained, but 149 of the snakes have been killed at the Pine Ridge Pentecostal church since revival services began July 16. Regulars at the church said they'd seldom seen a copperhead around until the guitar music started. The phenomenon—or the revival—has boomed attendance. "We can't hardly seat the people or park their cars," said Lloyd Walker, a member of the church in the Mark Twain national forest. Town Growth in Central Missouri 1815-1880 An Urban Chaparral

Part I

BY STUART F. VOSS*

In the Boonslick area of Central Missouri the woodland and the prairie meet. Dividing the region is the Missouri River, surrounded by rich alluvial soils. Beyond the river bottom emerge wooded hills and valleys interspersed with patches of prairies of varying size containing fertile soils. Around the edges on all sides except the south are prairie lands, which act as a coast for the great ocean of grass stretching to the north and west. The navigable Missouri River opened this region to settlement

*Stuart F. Voss received an A.B. with honors in History and a B.J. degree from the University of Missouri, Columbia. He is currently a Ph.D. candidate in History at Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts. 64 Town Growth in Central Missouri, 1815-1860 65 even before Missouri achieved statehood. Thus Central Missouri was the second section of the state to be settled, St. Louis and the area south of it bordering the Mississippi River being the first. This timing meant that in the next sixty-five years, during which Mis­ souri, by region, became completely settled, Central Missouri would be the challenged, not the challenger, in the struggle for dominance and growth among the various sections of the state. Central Missouri was culturally a southern enclave. The bulk of the early settlers came from the upper South, but gradually found themselves almost completely surrounded by immigrants from the northern states and Europe, the latter principally from Germany. As people moved into the region, a number of towns came into existence. An investigation of these towns reveals a consistent pat­ tern of growth and development. Initially, a town arose because it possessed at least one determinant, such as being the seat of govern­ ment or a center of trade, which gave it an advantage over the vil­ lages in the surrounding rural countryside. Once born, the towns grew in two ways. The expansion of the determinant responsible for its formation might carry the town along by itself. But such expansion of a single determinant usually meant growth at a rather slow rate. More successful towns increased their growth rate by adding other elements. For example, the river port town that re­ ceived the county seat found its possibility for expansion broadened. The next level of growth occurred when one town within a region gained a monopoly or domination over the determinants involved. A river port with a county seat and state and private institutions, which became the intersection of key land transportation routes and the terminal for trunk line railroads, found its population and wealth increasing rapidly. With a monopoly over these determinants in its own region, a town faced competition from rivals in a similar situation in the other regions surrounding it. If it failed in this competition to retain its independence, limits were placed on the expansion of its growth determinants by the expansion of its rivals—i.e., when new rail con­ nections were built, they went to the towns rivals. The town might even lose some of its growth factors, such as its position as a trans- portational terminal. These conditions, around which the process of growth centers, vary from region to region both in number and degree of impor­ tance. Some are primary, those which are the deciding elements in the growth of towns within a region. Others are secondary, rein- 66 Missouri Historical Review forcing the primary factors. Still others act as sustainers, enabling a town to retain its existence or present level of growth even when some of its factors have been lost or limited in their expansion. Finally there are those elements such as war or natural disasters which either change the conditions under which the other factors are operating, or speed up those changes that are already under way. In Central Missouri, transportation systems and the tradition of the region (its set of attitudes and values) played the decisive role in town growth. A combination of the two stimulated urbaniza­ tion to a certain level in the region. Then as conditions changed, they combined to prevent urbanization from going beyond that point. Economic patterns such as manufacturing, banking, markets and agricultural enterprises acted as secondary factors, reinforcing the primary factors at work. The sustaining factors in the Boonslick area were the seats of government and state and private institutions. The flooding Missouri River changed the conditions under which the above factors were operating during the early period, while the Civil War accelerated the changes that began in the 1850s, which caused a middle period of growth to become a later period of stagnation. The Early Years Although a few settlers had built forts along the Missouri River in southern Howard County before the War of 1812, it was not until after the war that actual, full-scale settlement of Central Missouri began. With the declaration of peace with Great Britain and the ratification of a treaty relinquishing the Indian title to the land, a tide of immigration rushed into the Boonslick region.1 This tide flowed steadily from 1816 to 1819 paced by the speculation that followed the War of 1812 throughout the country. The depression of 1819 slowed immigration somewhat.2 But in 1822, the tide once again began to rush into Boonslick, reaching its

i William F. Switzler, History of Boone County (St. Louis, 1882), 130. Born in Kentucky in 1819, Switzler moved to Fayette in 1826. In 1841, he be­ came editor of the Columbia Patriot. A year later, he became editor of the Columbia Missouri Statesman, a position he held for forty years. A Whig, Bell-Unionist, Conservative Unionist and finally a Democrat, Switzler was elected to the General Assembly for three terms and served as a member of the 1865 and 1875 constitutional conventions. 2 E. M. Violette, "Early Settlements in Missouri," MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW, I (October, 1906) , 49. As long as the postwar boom's abundant circu­ lation of money passed unquestioned, the immigrants continued to pour in. But by 1820 credit had tightened and those who were planning to emigrate to Central Missouri were unable to sell their lands. Town Growth in Central Missouri, 1815-1860 67

George Caleb Bingham's, "Emigration of Daniel Boone" peak in the latter part of that year, then gradually tapering off to a steady influx that continued throughout the antebellum period. The Missouri River provided a natural vehicle for immigration to Central Missouri. Settlers arrived by keelboat and flatboat at first, then by steamboat in the 1820s. The other main avenue which the settlers followed was the overland route along the Boonslick Trail. The trace went west from St. Charles, passed about six miles north of Columbia, and ended at Franklin.3 Central Missouri provided a familiar terrain: an area with fer­ tile land, a number of creeks and streams, plenty of wooded lands interspersed with small patches of prairie. As one traveler through the area described it:

3 Ruby Matson Robins, ed., "The Missouri Reader—Americans in the Val­ ley," MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW, XLV (October, 1950), 15. The rough, hilly Ozark highlands formed a natural barrier in the way of early expansion to the west of Missouri's first settled area that bordered the Mississippi River from St. Louis south. North of St. Louis there were still a few Indian tribes, who lingered for some years after the war. But to the west was a natural highway, whose bottomlands provided an abundant source of good farming land. 68 Missouri Historical Review

This is probably the easiest unsettled country in the world to commence farming in. The emigrant has only to locate himself on the edge of a prairie, and he has the one- half of his farm a heavy forest and the other half a fertile plain or meadow, he has then only to fence in his ground and put in his crop.4 Most of the immigrants were from the upper South—from Ken­ tucky, Tennessee and Virginia. To John Mason Peck, an itinerate missionary to frontier Missouri, "It seemed as though Kentucky and Tennessee were breaking up and moving to the Tar West'. Caravan after caravan passed over the prairies of Illinois, crossing the 'great river' at St. Louis, all bound to the Boone's Lick."5 These upper South immigrants viewed Missouri as a favorable place for a fresh start. Many were former landowners who had left worn-out farms to search for rich soil. The Missouri River itself was the last link in an excellent chain of river connections that joined the Boonslick region with the sources of its immigrant population. Moreover Missouri, unlike the states of the old Northwest Territory, did not prohibit slavery. The influence of the upper South was evident in the state's first constitution, that of 1820. With the exception of an enlargement of the judiciary, the constitutions of Missouri and Kentucky were practically the same. The article granting the General Assembly the power over slavery was almost identical to Article VII of the Ken­ tucky constitution.6 Although most of the settlers were small farmers, many of the immigrants were men of means. They were of the "most respect­ able" class, bringing their stock, slaves and vehicles. Most expected to own a large amount of land, establish a plantation, and become the social, economic and political leaders of the region.7 Wrote one observer in 1817: "Swarms of immigrants are daily arriving here

4 Missouri Historical Society Collections, II (January, 1900), 34, reprinted from Brown's Western Gazetteer or Emigrants Directory (Auburn, N. Y., 1817). 5 "The Boon's Lick Country," Missouri Historical Society Bulletin, VI (July, 1950), 468, reprinted from diary of John Mason Peck in Rufus Babcock, ed., Forty Years of Pioneer Life (Philadelphia, 1864) . An excellent analysis of the physical and geographical factors that encouraged settlement in the Boons­ lick appears in Walter Schroeder's "Spread of Settlement in Howard County, Missouri, 1810-1859," MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW, LXIII (October, 1969), 1-37. 6 Frank Hodder, "Sidelights on the Missouri Compromise," MISSOURI HIS­ TORICAL REVIEW, V (April, 1911), 142-143. The Missouri constitution added a provision preventing free Negroes and mulattoes from settling in the state. 7 Hattie M. Anderson, "The Evolution of a Frontier Society in Missouri, 1815-1828," MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW, XXXII (April, 1938), 303. Town Growth in Central Missouri, 1815-1860 69

from Virginia, Tennessee, and Kentucky, and among these are sev­ eral gentlemen of very considerable wealth."8 Land was important to these men of means, and the land pol­ icies that were operating in Central Missouri at the time allowed the purchase of large tracts. Early United States land policy fea­ tured a high minimum purchase limit at a relatively low price, $2.00 an acre. In addition, unlimited quantities of land were offered through public auction. This form tended to favor the capitalistic agrarian rather than the small farmer. Quite often squatters who had made some improvements on land might be replaced by the more wealthy farmers able to make purchases. This was especially true before May, 1819, when preemptions provisions were applied to land sales in the Boonslick region.9 The New Madrid Act of 1815 also benefited the land specu­ lators and the wealthy. The act, designed to assist those who suf­ fered losses in the destructive earthquakes in Southeast Missouri's New Madrid County during 1811-1812, allowed the victims to re­ locate on an equal quantity of public land. Owners of 160 acres or less were fortunate because they, regardless of the size of their original tract, were given the opportunity to relocate on a maximum 160 acres. Thus an earthquake sufferer owning a town lot of a few acres could exchange the damaged property for a farm of 160 acres. Many speculators, learning of the relief act before the earthquake sufferers, rushed to the district, bought up the damaged land at a low price, and with the claims thus acquired, seized some of the best land in the state.10 Most of those claims were located in the Boonslick region. There were forty-one claims in Boone County alone, ranging from 160 to 640 acres.11 Often squatters on the public domain found themselves dispossessed:

8 Sibley Letters, in the Missouri Historical Society Collection, St. Louis, reprinted in Raymond D. Thomas, "Missouri Valley Settlement—St. Louis to Independence," MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW, XXI (October, 1926), 31. 9 Floyd C. Shoemaker, Missouri and Missourians (Chicago, 1943), II. 443; W. F. Johnson, History of Cooper County (Cleveland, 1919) , 132. For more in­ formation on the public land policy in Missouri, see Donald J. Abramoske, "The Public Lands in Early Missouri Politics," MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW, LIII (July, 1959), 295-305. 10 Shoemaker, Missouri and Missourians, I, 202-203. HE. W. Stephens, "Boone County History," in Columbia Daily Tribune, November 11, 1914, was written in 1869 and gathered from interviews with pio­ neers from public records. Born in 1849, the son of a prominent merchant and large farmer in and near Columbia, Stephens was a curator of the University of Missouri and Stephens College. 70 Missouri Historical Review

The New Madrid Earthquake

There are many speculators recently come up from St. Louis, with what are called "New Madrid claims", and are laying them on the cornfields and improvements of the old settlers. Intense excitement is the consequence; people are running to the land office in Franklin, to prove their rights; everyone is uneasy, and I shall not be surprised if this ter­ rible state of things ends in bloodshed.12 One such land investor was Anderson Woods, who purchased a New Madrid claim and settled in Thrall's Prairie, where the first permanent settlement in the county was made. He also was one of thirty-five in the Smithton Company which bought the land where Smithton, the temporary county seat of Boone County, and later Columbia, the permanent county seat, were laid out. Woods had moved his family to Central Missouri in 1816 from Madison County, Kentucky, where he had established a reputation as a

12 Nicholas Patterson, a traveling missionary, to a friend in Philadelphia, from "The Boon's Lick Country," 464. Town Growth in Central Missouri, 1815-1860 71 skillful blacksmith. Later he served as one of the three judges of Boone County's first county court in 1821.13 Well-to-do upper South immigrants were not only land seekers, but usually slaveholders and in total number of slaves, Central Missouri's four main counties—Howard, Boone, Callaway and Coop­ er—by 1830, would rank second, third, fourth and eighth respective­ ly in the state.14 An example of the concern over the question of slavery was expressed in a public meeting in Franklin, July, 1819. The United States Congress had considered placing restrictions re­ garding slavery on Missouri before granting statehood. Those gath­ ered at Franklin passed a series of resolutions against the restric­ tions. A speaker at the meeting, a Mr. Carroll, expressed the im­ portance of slavery to the upper South immigrants: For a rejection of slavery cannot fail to shut out from the enjoyment of our country those disposed to migrate hither from the southern states, under a repugnance to separate from the labor useful to them in forming a new settlement . . . we modestly ask that our possessions of whatever kind, be not impaired, and that our proscribed relatives, our former associates of Tennessee, Kentucky, Maryland, and Virginia, or elsewhere, be allowed to join us with their property . . . ,15 While these slaveholders and landowners were men of means, theirs was not an opulent wealth. An ambitious class, they first built double log cabins, looking forward to the time when they could build more commodious houses, similar to those of the large southern planters. Among this group were lawyers, merchants and land speculators.16 Often members of this class combined two or three of these interests. Henry V. Bingham, the father of artist George Caleb Bingham, moved his family to Franklin from the western part of Virginia in 1819. After operating a tavern-hotel in Franklin for two

13 Stephens, "Boone County History," Columbia Daily Tribune, November 13, 1914; Switzler, History of Boone County, 161; J. C. Maple and R. P. Rider, Missouri Baptist Biographies (Kansas City, 1914) , 95-99. Another land and town speculator was Richard Gentry, who was a proprietor of the towns of Nashville and Osage, and also a member of the Smithton Company. He later served as a state senator and commanded the Missouri volunteers in the Florida Indian War of 1837, where he was killed. Franklin Missouri Intelligencer, June 4 & December 19, 1819; Switzler, History of Boone County, 869-871. 14 U. S. Census of 1830, "Population" (Washington, D. C, 1832) , 150-151. 15 Franklin Missouri Intelligencer, July 9, 1819. The resolutions claimed that Congress did not have any constitutional right to restrict slavery. Only the state had the right to make such a decision. 16 Anderson, "Frontier Society," 303-304. 72 Missouri Historical Review years, he expanded his financial interests. In 1821, he bought a farm near Arrow Rock, then a village about fifteen miles north of Franklin on the west bank of the Missouri River in Saline County, and turned his attention to growing tobacco. In November of that year, together with William Lamme, a prominent merchant of the town, he opened a tobacco factory, with a warehouse added a year later because of increased business. The factory's products—chewing tobacco, cigars and leaf tobacco—were sold in St. Louis. Bingham was active in town affairs, serving as chairman of a public meeting preparing a petition to the General Assembly in 1821, chairman of a committee to improve public health, justice of the peace, and one of the first Howard County court justices. Upon his death in 1823, the family moved to the farm near Arrow Rock, and by 1830, owned seven slaves.17 The Boonslick immigrants speculated in town growth. A proc­ ess of natural selection marked the beginnings of towns in Central Missouri; natural features, location on the main trade and immigra­ tion routes, and possession of the seat of county or state government being the determinants. Among the river towns, possession of a good natural location was the main advantage. Across the Missouri River from Franklin, a small creek cut into the bluff along the river, providing at its mouth a small area of comparatively low, flat land bordering the river. Sloping back gradually to the east, the land rises to form a summit on the river bluffs, with level country for some distance back. On this summit the town of Boonville was located. The sum­ mit gave the town a safe, healthful location, and the low, flat land next to the river made a good landing for river transportation. A ferry operated by Hannah Cole's sons made the town a convenient river crossing point. The donation of fifty acres by the town pro­ prietors, Asa Morgan and Charles Lucas, added another advanta­ geous factor, for it gave the town possession of Cooper County's seat of justice.18 Arrow Rock, a few miles north of Boonville, was similarly lo­ cated on a bluff rising above the river with a good landing below. It also was on the main land route west from Franklin to Fort Osage on Missouri's western border, and eventually to Santa Fe in the Southwest. John Ferrill's ferry accommodated those crossing the

17 Marie George Windell, ed., "Diary of Henry Vest Bingham," MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW, XL (October, 1945), 31-32; U. S. Census of 1830, "Popula­ tion," Saline County, Arrow Rock Township, II, 232-235. 18 History of Howard and Cooper Counties (St. Louis, 1883), 655-656. Town Growth in Central Missouri, 1815-1860 73

This depiction of Glasgow is taken from a painting by Cornelia A. Kuemmel. river at the town. Further north, near the mouth of the Chariton River, the town of Glasgow arose because of its healthful location and advantageous position in relation to the trade moving down the Chariton River.19 Connections with an interior trade area also were important to the river towns. The proprietors of Rocheport made this point clear in their advertisements for the sale of town lots: ... its situation is peculiarly favorable having in its rear the largest connected body of good country in the State, and its settlements, though good at present, are rap­ idly progressing, and of a wealthy and enterprising class. Its communication with the back country is easy and free from those difficulties which generally exist with towns situated on the Missouri, viz., bad roads.20 Houstonsville, across the river from Rocheport, was not so

19 Charles Van Ravenswaay, "Arrow Rock, Missouri," Missouri Historical Society Bulletin, XV (April, 1959), 206-207; Howard and Cooper Counties, 206. An earlier town site, Chariton, had attained considerable importance in the 1820s, but was abandoned in 1829 because of the malaria and other diseases that had annually proved to be unusually severe. 20 Franklin Missouri Intelligencer, December 17, 1819. The promoters of Nashville, fifteen miles south of Rocheport, made similar promises for their interior trade area—central Boone County. Ibid., December 17, 1819. 74 Missouri Historical Review fortunate. The town was laid out at the ferry landing and lots were sold. Being located on the bottomland, however, the site soon dis­ appeared under the encroaching waters of the Missouri River.21 For the towns away from the river, being centrally located in the county was important, for in such areas county seats were established. The commissioners of Callaway County appointed by the legislature in 1820 originally selected Elizabeth for the county seat; but changes in the county lines made a new site desirable. Thus Fulton was selected because it was within two miles of the center of the county.22 Speculation also was involved in the process of choosing county seats, especially Boone County. Before 1820, Boone was part of Howard County. But believing the organization of a new county was only a question of time, thirty-five men formed the Smithton Company in 1818, including Anderson Woods and Richard Gentry, and hoped to found a town that in the near future would become the seat of justice of the new county. They purchased land in what is today the central part of Boone County at the first govern­ ment land sales in Franklin in November, 1818. On part of the land, they immediately laid out the town of Smithton. Soon widespread dissatisfaction developed with the town's location because of the difficulty of obtaining water by dig­ ging wells. Consequently propositions were initiated by the citizens to change the location. Under such conditions, an act of the legis­ lature made Smithton the temporary county seat in November, 1820, and appointed five commissioners to select and establish a perma­ nent seat of justice. Just east of the plateau where Smithton was located, a tribu­ tary of Hinkson Creek, called Flat Branch, provided a valley with an ample supply of water. There the proprietors laid out a new town site which they called Columbia, donating fifty acres of land, two public squares, two water wells and $2,000. In the spring of the following year, the commissioners accepted the donation and selected Columbia as the county seat: "This town site is located in a neighborhood of first rate lands, and is intersected by the most public roads in the State leading to St. Louis, and from the Upper Missouri to the expected seat of government. . . ." The proprietors then announced in late spring that their town project was being

21 Howard and Cooper Counties, 727. 22 Shoemaker, Missouri and Missourians, II, 873. Town Growth in Central Missouri, 1815-1860 75 abandoned and that owners of lots in Smithton could transfer their titles of land to lots of similar size and value in Columbia if they so desired.23 Columbia, however, was not without a rival in its efforts to secure the county seat. Near the intersection of the old Boonslick Trace, or St. Charles road, and Perche Creek, a town was laid out in 1820, named Persia. Its proprietors wished to make it the county seat since the boundaries of the proposed county had not yet been determined, thus making a central location still a matter of speculation. But the decision to locate the county seat at Co­ lumbia blocked Persia's develop­ Colonel Richard Gentry ment. The town attained a maxi­ mum of fifteen to twenty houses and then gradually declined until it disappeared.24 Similar rivalry was involved in determining the location of the seat of the state government. The 1820 state constitution instructed five commissioners to select a site for the permanent seat of govern­ ment within forty miles of the confluence of the Osage and Mis­ souri rivers, composed of four sections "in one body," and border­ ing on the Missouri. Natural location and timing proved to be the crucial determinants in the final decision. East of the mouth of the Osage there was no such suitable site. Nor were there any to be found on the north bank to the west. On the south bank there were four or five suitable spots, but all except one already had been purchased. The Jefferson City lands were the only ones suitable and available. Yet there was one strong challenge. The legislature, after receiving the commissioners report, flirted with Angus L. Langham's

23 Switzler, History of Boone County, 140, 144-146, 158, 160-162. 24 Stephens, "Boone County History," Columbia Daily Tribune, January 25 & 29, 1915. The proprietors of Persia advertised in the Intelligencer that their town was "... generally supposed to be in the center of the contemplated county, in a rich and fertile tract of country, rapidly populating with wealthy and respectable citizens." Franklin Missouri Intelligencer, April 1, 1820. 76 Missouri Historical Review donation of 446 acres in the pre-1812 French settlement of Cote Sans Dessein, across the river from Jefferson City in Callaway County. But the House Judiciary Committee examined Langhorn's title and reported that he did not appear to own the land. The leg­ islature then instructed the commissioners to lay out the town of Jefferson City on the lands they had selected.25 The center of town life and growth in Central Missouri was lo­ cated on the banks of the Missouri, across from Boonville. Begin­ ning in 1817, when it was made the county seat of Howard County, Franklin was the economic and cultural leader of the Boonslick re­ gion. It was at the crossroads of the main lines of transportation; and, until other counties were formed out of Howard County (which for a brief period consisted of all Northwest Missouri), Franklin was the political center of Central Missouri as well. For a brief period Franklin held a monopoly over the determi­ nants of town growth and promised to be one of the major cities in the state. By 1820 the town contained more than 225 buildings and an estimated population of 1,200 to 1,500, ranking second behind St. Louis. It was the terminal of the Boonslick Trace and the touch-off point for the route to Santa Fe. With the arrival of the first steamboat in 1819, it became the main landing point for water navigation, being in the geographical center of the region; and in 1823, a tri-weekly stage was opened to St. Louis.26 Thus Franklin became the terminus for most immigrants coming west whether by keelboat, steamboat, wagon or stage. The opening of the Public Land Office in November, 1818, made Franklin the center of land-buying and town-promotion in the region. Speculators and promoters filled the Franklin Missouri Intelligencer with advertisements as the public land sales drew settlers and speculators alike. Lilburn W. Boggs, a Franklin mer­ chant and later governor of the state, advertised land for sale in the spring of 1819, the largest part of which he had bought the previous November for "the purpose of raising cash." Also for sale were a 200-arpent (about 170 acres) New Madrid claim, a number of lots in Franklin and interests in the towns of Madison and Smith- ton.27

25 Perry S. Rader, "The Location of the Permanent Seat of Government," MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW, XXI (October, 1926), 11-14. 26 E. W. Stephens, Boone County Atlas (Philadelphia, 1875), 7. Stephens wrote the historical sketch for the Atlas; Franklin Missouri Intelligencer, Decem­ ber 30, 1823. 27 Ibid., May 28, 1819. Town Growth in Central Missouri, 1815-1860 77

Franklin also carried on an extensive trade. Much of the surplus agricultural products of the region were shipped down the river to New Orleans: "Within a few days past a number of boats have left this vicinity, bound for New Orleans, laden with beef, pork, and other products of the country. . . . Pork, beef, flour, lard, tallow, etc., have advanced in prices, and it is said tobacco is on the rise." The town also boasted a number of manufacturing concerns which proc­ essed the area's raw products and turned out goods to meet the settlers needs. Isaac N. Bernard announced the opening of his rope- walk which offered twine and cordage of all description, hop­ ing . . . "to meet with that encouragement which always should be held out to manufacturers in our own section of the country in preference to importations."28 Beginning with the initial expedition to the Southwest by Wil­ liam Becknell and Company in 1821, the Santa Fe trade played an integral part in the economy of Franklin, and all of Central Mis­ souri. Commented the editor of the Intelligencer on the return of a Santa Fe trading expedition in the fall of 1823: It is gratifying to learn that these enterprising adven­ turers have made a profitable trip. The party brings with it, in exchange for merchandise it carried out, above 400 Jacks, Jennets, and mules, a quantity of beaver, and a con­ siderable sum in specie. The beaver, and the livestock will bear a profit by transportation to some of the older states, and specie, in these dull times, will serve to impart activity to the business of the country.29 Besides bringing in goods, this trade created a wholesale mar­ ket for commodities going out of the region to the Southwest. In May, 1823, a party of one hundred persons embarked with an esti­ mated $25,000 worth of goods. The firms of Robert Hood, Joseph Simpson, and Smith & Knox offered for sale a large assortment of goods purchased in New York and Philadelphia expressly for the Santa Fe market.30 The center of transportation, trade and land sales in Central Missouri, Franklin numbered among its citizens many of the most

28 ibid., November 11 & 18, 1823. The merchants Robert Hood, Ward & Parker and Prewitt & Foley offered merchandise and cash for pork and beef. John S. Patton offered for sale "an extensive variety of furniture of the first quality"; while a wide assortment of goods were advertised at the Thomas and William Andrews tin and copper manufactory. Ibid., November 18, 1823, Au­ gust 5, 1822, May 14, 1825. 29 ibid., October 28, 1823. 30 ibid., May 15, 1824 & April 12, 1825. 78 Missouri Historical Review

CENTRAL MISSOURI 1830

wealthy, enterprising and talented men who had emigrated from Kentucky, Tennessee and Virginia to Boonslick: future governors Hamilton R. Gamble, Lilburn W. Boggs, John Miller and Claiborne Fox Jackson; Missouri's first United States Senator, David Barton, who also served as the presiding judge of Howard's first county court; and future Supreme Court Justice, John F. Ryland.31 Somewhat less famous, but typical of this group of leaders was Judge David Todd, who came from Kentucky, his father having been one of the founders of Lexington. A graduate of Transylvania University in Lexington, Todd settled in Franklin, where he soon was appointed territorial judge by President James Monroe. When Missouri became a state in 1821, he was named Judge of the First

31 Howard and Cooper Counties, 166-167. Town Growth in Central Missouri, 1815-1860 79

Judicial Circuit Court of Missouri (which contained central and northwest Missouri), an office he held until 1837.32 In the fall of 1823, Franklin received a jolt. With the formation of a number of counties out of Howard's original boundaries, Franklin was no longer the political center of the county; the county seat was transferred to Fayette, now located in the center of Howard's new boundaries. This meant the exodus of those con­ nected with the county seat, especially many of the lawyers.33 The editor of the Intelligencer dismissed the loss as not being of crucial importance to the town since its strength lay in its trad­ ing position: It has been feared that the removal of the seat of jus­ tice . . . would tend to the injury of Franklin. We have never experienced any such apprehension. The location of a seat of justice, except to a village in its infancy, and which enjoys no local advantages, is of less interest than has generally been imagined. ... It is trade that invigorates a town and trade spurns at the control of the lawmaker. Trade will always seek out its own advantageous marts where the water and land transportation meet. Such a point is Franklin and from this circumstance, if from this alone, Franklin must continue to be the Emporium of the commerce of the Booneslick country. Indeed, Franklin did continue to prosper having a population in 1826 estimated variously from 1,800 to 3,000, a substantial number at this stage of a region's growth.34 When A. Fuller wrote from Franklin to a friend in 1819 of his faith in the town's glowing future, he had but one reservation: ". . . the traders think Franklin will eclipse any town out west. I think likely it will if the river will let it alone. . . ."35 In 1826, that small reservation became a bitter reality. In the spring of that year, the Missouri overflowed its banks. Since Frank­ lin was built upon shifting sand in a low, flat location, it suffered greatly from the high water. The constant falling in and washing away of the river banks undermined the buildings. Many of the towns houses washed into the river. Most citizens, convinced that every future effort to protect the banks from the river would prove

32 North Todd Gentry, "David Todd," MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW, XXI (July, 1927), 527-536. 33 Howard and Cooper Counties, 168. 34 Franklin Missouri Intelligencer, November 25, 1823; Johnson, Cooper County, 158-159. 35 Ibid., 138-139. 80 Missouri Historical Review futile, left the town, moving to Fayette, Boonville and other towns. A few founded the town of New Franklin, two-and-a-half miles back from the river on a bluff.36 In Franklin can be seen almost all of the determinants of town growth at work in Central Missouri. Those determinants which caused her rise to prominence would also be the stimulants for the growth of the other Boonslick towns. The role of being the main transportation terminus of the West, of being a market for goods to the South and Southwest, of dominating state politics, and pos­ sessing state institutions, would prove important for the growth of the other towns in Central Missouri. In the background was the heritage of the upper South. This tradition would play an im­ portant role in determining which political, social and economic choices the region and its towns would make in the future. Yet never again would any one town in Central Missouri so dominate such factors. The inheritance of Franklin was shared by many. This would prove a disadvantage to the towns of Boonslick when the other regions of the state to the west and north began to challenge their position beginning in the 1850s; for there would be no successor to Franklin's dominant position in relation to the rest of the state. To be continued.

36 Ibid., 158-159. The flood of 1844 washed all remaining evidences of this former town into oblivion.

They Played It Safely Benton Scott County Democrat, February 18, 1909. Uncle John Friend got in a reminiscent mood Monday and gave an account of how they rid the country of wolves in his boyhood days. Said he: "From 1840 to 1850, my grandfather, for whom I was named, had a wolf trap about where J. W. Clemson's residence now stands. The trap was made of hewn logs and floored in the same manner. These traps were generally made 6x8 feet with a trap door in front. The bait was attached to a string which hung in the center of the trap and when the wolf pulled at the bait it threw the trap door and imprisoned the animal. When the wolf was found in the trap he was drawn by hooks, near enough to be what we called 'ham strung,' and then the door was raised to allow the wolf to pass out. After it had gone about 100 yards the dogs were turned loose and gave chase, and I tell you we had some as fine chases as a man ever saw. Although the wolf had been hamstrung to impede his progress he moved off at a rapid gait. When caught by the dogs it was killed and scalped; the scalp was taken to the county clerk who gave you script, and this was taken in payment of taxes. The wolf was always allowed to get some distance from the trap before being killed as the least sign or trace left at the trap kept any other wolf from ever venturing near the place." Marquette Descending the Mississippi River

Jacques Marquette 1637-1675

BY JOHN F. BANNON, S.J.*

This is the Age of the Young Man. Thirty-seven-plus might eliminate Jacques Marquette in the minds of some of the modern militants, yet by most norms of reckoning he should qualify as a young man. However, by modern standards he would seem to have many things "going" for him—he wore beads, rosary beads; he also had a very prominent medallion, true it was in the form of a cruci­ fix; his hair was, undoubtedly, long, since barbers were few and far between in the wilderness of Mid-Continent North America; he often went barefoot, probably by necessity rather than choice; he

*John F. Bannon, S.J., is chairman of the Department of History, Saint Louis University, and a former contributor to the REVIEW. On September 15, 1968, he was the principal speaker at the ceremony commemorating the 300th anniversary of Father Jacques Marquette's expedition down the Missouri River. "Jacques Marquette, 1637-1675" is the address he presented at the commemora­ tion. 81 82 Missouri Historical Review was hardly the paragon of sartorial excellence, again by necessity; he possibly even wore a beard; he had love, love for his fellow men, all of them, but especially the underprivileged majority of the American natives; he had ideals, which many of his contempo­ raries may not have shared; and he probably loved flowers, too, though it is doubtful that he took time to distribute them; his trips were many, but not for personal pleasure nor drug-induced. Still, withal, Marquette was no hippie or yippie; he was young, but not obnoxiously so. He was one of the more remarkable young men who contributed to the making of our America. Jacques Marquette was a native of Laon, in France, born the first son and third child into a family that had long been prominent in France's northern province of Champagne, because of a record of service which was just as long. His birthday was June 1, 1637. Richelieu was "ruling," as King Louis XIII "reigned" in France of that day, and was at the height of his power—the Thirty Years War was into its last phase—Charles I in England was having more and more difficulties with the Puritan bloc in his Parliament. Overseas, Champlain was recently deceased in New France—Massachusetts Bay Colony was domineering in New England; the Marylanders were beginning to know some stability in their young colony and Virginia was readying to resent them—Spain had her Atlantic out­ post, to the northeast, in Florida and the Franciscans were ex­ tending their line of Georgia missions toward the Carolinas; she had another outpost in New Mexico, thrust far out toward the Great Plains; and her frontier was moving steadily northward to close the gap—the Dutch were on the Hudson and beginning to back the Iroquois in their forest-feud with the Huron-Algonquin- Ottawa combine to the north. Jacques Marquette would grow up in exciting times, which would see Cavalier tangle with Round­ head in England, the Peace of Westphalia bring some surcease of war to the Germanies, Mazarin succeed Richelieu in France, Oliver Cromwell launch his "Western Design" against Spain in the Ameri­ cas, the Netherlands begin to lose their control of the known world's carrying trade, and so on and so on. As a lad of seventeen, Marquette decided to cast his lot with the Jesuits and entered their novitiate at Nancy, in 1654. He had become well acquainted with the sons of Ignatius of Loyola who had been his schoolmasters for the previous nine years in their college at Rheims—high-school and junior-college years. Twelve years later his training as a young Jesuit was completed and Jacques Marquette, 1637-1675 83

crowned by his ordination to the priesthood, in the spring of 1666. By this time he had for some years past been urging his superiors to send him to the Jesuit missionary field in North America. And they were about to do just that. The fall of 1666 found him debarking at Quebec and "checking in" at the Jesuit college on the heights. Hardly recovered from the rigors of the trans-Atlantic crossing, by mid-October he was on his way upriver to prepare more immediately for his forest apostolate. With Three Rivers as his base, the next year and more he went through his apprenticeship, learning Indian-ways, language and lore, talking with veterans among his Black Robe brethren, and conditioning his robust young body for the rigors of the mission frontier. During those months he had seen several of his Jesuit brethren go upstream to open a new mission well beyond, in the country of the Iroquois, now brought to heel by the successful campaign of the Marquis de Tracy and his contingent of regulars. He had been jealous. Obediently, yet impatiently, he waited for his assignment. Summer of 1668 was at hand. Then Pere Claude Allouez came in from the West. He had been reopening mission activity among the refugee Huron and Ottawa, who had fled during the days of the Iroquois rage in the previous decades. He needed help. Superiors thought of the young Marquette and assigned him as assistant to the man who was becoming the great pioneer in the heart of the continent. Marquette and a lay brother went off with the first of the canoes to push homeward, in mid-August, 1668. The rest of that year and most of the next he was based at Sainte-Marie de Sault; some of the Christian refugees were there, and the Chippewa, too, occupied Marquette's energies. In the late fall of 1669 he was shift­ ed out toward the western end of Lake Superior, to La Pointe de Saint-Esprit, the mission founded by Allouez among the Huron and Ottawa, on Chequamegon Bay. Out in the West, Marquette and his Jesuit fellows were picking up more and more dribbles of information concerning the "great river." Jean Nicolet, at Green Bay in 1634, looking for a way to the Western Ocean, had first heard of it from the Winnebago; but had not followed up with a search. "The Father of New France," the great Champlain, had died shortly after his return and Champlain's successors too soon had other worries, the rampaging Iroquois. The 1660s brought peace, and the waterways to the West could be trav- 84 Missouri Historical Review eled with less danger. The coureurs-de-bois went out and the Black Robes followed quickly. Allouez heard the name of the "great river," the Mesippi. A Shawnee slave picked up by the Ottawa with a band of westward-roving Iroquois added a bit to the Frenchmen's infor­ mation. When Marquette was at Chequamegon Bay more rumors of the river were heard, from Sioux and Cree visitors. A little later, when he had transferred his Ottawa to a new mission site near the Strait of Mackinac, at Mission Saint-Ignace, he encountered a young Illinois slave lad who added to his fund of information. At his new mission, Saint-Ignace, whither he moved in 1671, sometime after the famous forest pageant at the "Soo" earlier in that year, over which the Sieur de Saint-Lusson presided and at which the formal prise de possession of the entire Mid-Continent took place, Marquette began to dream. Allouez had already made contact with the Illinois nations. Even though it was, so to speak, "on the run," he had been greatly impressed. Marquette dreamed of becoming their apostle— and the "great river" still haunted his thoughts. It also became a very large question mark in minds more of­ ficial. Jean Talon, the intendant, had been working diligently and intelligently since 1666 to build France's colony in North America, as his master at the Court, Jean Baptiste Colbert, was striving to strengthen France overseas clear across the board. It was important to Talon to know more of this "great river of the West"—did it flow, as one rumor had it, into the ocean around Virginia; or did it cut

Marquette Instructing the Indians Jacques Marquette, 1637-1675 85 across the continent and give downstream access to the "Vermillion Sea" and the Pacific? If the first, the river might condition policies as regards England; if the latter, policies toward Spain would be in­ volved. Hopes ran high that the river might have a western outlet, for Spain's American possessions could be more attractive—New Spain's gold and silver, assuredly, were more tempting than Virgin­ ia's burley. Talon wanted an answer. In December, 1672, Louis Jolliet came to Michilimackinac with a commission; and young Pere Marquette was to be his co-worker. They laid their plans, compared their notes and sorted their dreams, as they waited for the season to moderate and the ice in the north­ ern waters to melt. By mid-May (1673) they and their five companions were ready and their two canoes well stocked. Mission Saint-Francois Xavier at Green Bay was their first major stop and their last anticipated con­ tact with civilization for weeks and weeks. As they paddled up the Fox, they were heading into lands unknown and uncharted. Mid- June, the Wisconsin debouched into what had to be the "great river"—at last they were on the way to their answer, probably the first Europeans on the Mississippi since that day in the early 1540s when sorrow-heavy Spaniards lowered the body of Don Hernando de Soto to its bottom far, far downstream. The next weeks were eventful—the Peoria "in exile" and their chief's calumet, the grotesque and frightening figures on the Alton bluffs, the great mass of churning, muddy water which came in on their starboard side and threatened to engulf them in the whirlpool thus created, as the mighty Missouri joined the great Mississippi. Farther down the Ohio, entering on portside, did so in more lady­ like fashion. In time their calumet lost its magic as a key to hos­ pitality. Evidence indisputable was mounting, their river was head­ ing neither toward Virginia nor toward the Pacific but down to the Spaniards' Gulf of Mexico, where they might not be welcome, where Marquette might be held for deportation and the six laymen could well find themselves clapped into a Spanish jail, as trespassers on the domain of His Most Catholic Majesty. Better to turn back with their information, while still they could. Late September, 1673, found them at Saint-Francois Xavier. Then Marquette went back to his own mission, to prepare his report; and Louis Jolliet headed for Quebec to talk to the governor (Frontenac) in person. Death claimed him in the rapids and all his goods and notes and map- sketches were lost. France and the world now depended on the 86 Missouri Historical Review

young Black Robe, for its first detailed knowledge of Mid-Conti­ nent. And even then Death was stalking him. The next fall (1674) Marquette fulfilled his promise to the Illini and visited them. In December he was on the site where Chicago later would rise and in early spring he was on the Illinois River among the Peoria and the Kaskaskia. Impaired health suggested that he cut this visit short, regretfully to all concerned. With his two faithful companions he hurried back toward Saint-Ignace; but he did not make his home base. Death intervened at their campsite, on the eastern shore of Lake Michigan, April 18, 1675, snuffing out a young life of great promise. The end was premature, but his nine American years were to leave a mark—and to pun, a number of markers, such as the one we are dedicating today, here on the Marquette-Jolliet Trail. These two young Frenchmen started a chain reaction which soon would bring the white man into Mid-Continent permanently. A few years later La Salle and his men would go down to the mouth of the great river and claim the entire valley for Louis XIV and name the land in his honor. Black Robes and traders were soon among the Illinois nations. The abortive attempt of La Salle and the French to settle on the Gulf aroused Spain's interest and prepared for her ultimate occupation of Texas. Other Frenchmen succeeded where La Salle had failed and, as the century was closing, came back to the Gulf coast—first at Biloxi, then at Mobile, then on the Red, and finally on the great river itself, at New Orleans. Down from Canada and from the upper Illinois Frenchmen came to plant Cahokia and then Kaskaskia; up from Louisiana came others to strengthen the hold on the Illinois Country and to spot strategic posts in between. From New Orleans and Natchitoches, from Natchez, from Kaskaskia, Frenchmen began to range westward and look beyond the Plains to Spain's Taos and Santa Fe; and Spain in Texas and New Mexico steeled her defenses against the Gallic advance. Then a few years short of a century after Marquette and Jolliet were on the Missis­ sippi, their river became an international boundary. France, losing her fight for North America, ceded the Trans-Mississippi half of her Mid-Continent claims to Spain, and at the peace table had to yield the rest to victorious Britain. The young explorers' country­ men left their stamp on the Valley but could not keep their flag flying as token of sovereignty. When it waved briefly once again, in the first years of the new century, even it had changed; broad bands of blue and red and white had replaced the golden fleur-de-lis. And Jacques Marquette, 1637-1675 87 soon another emblem would be fluttering, from the Alleghenies to the Rockies. America has always honored its pioneers—whether they were pathbreakers, inventors, political leaders, artists or what-have-you. Men or women of vision, first, and then courage and endurance. Jacques Marquette fits into this honored category, and today we hail him and recall his exploits, three hundred years after he first came into Mid-Continent, which he was to have so large a part in opening to the generations to come, including us.

A Bicycle Built for Two Caruthersville Pemiscot Press, November 6, 1902. A traveling man, it is said from Caruthersville, who travels for a bicycle firm, was obliged to leave home a few days before a very interesting event was expected, and left a cypher code by which the nurse was to tell him of the happening. If a boy, the telegram must read: "Gentleman's safely arrived," and should a little daughter come: "Lady's safely arrived," would explain itself. Three days later the dispatch came and bore the word, "Tandem."—Cape Progress.

She Frightened the Burglar Jonesburg Journal, February 13, 1908. Suddenly the lone woman awoke, and pressing a button flooded the apart­ ment with light. In the full glare stood a burglar. "I don't wish to alarm you," she said to him, "but in just a minute the hour of of midnight will strike." He did not seem impressed. "Are you aware," she continued, "that the coming of the hour will usher in the new year?" Still he stood mute. "And that it will be leap year at that?" she added. Then it was that he fled into the darkness.

What Happened to the Monkey? Potosi Journal, August 22, 1894. It was once a familiar sight, the man approaching with a hand organ slung upon his back by a broad strap across his shoulder and carrying a stick which might serve as a staff as he walked and which presently he would use to support the hand organ while he turned the crank, but he is seldom seen now; the prevailing hand organ is the big piano organ on wheels. HISTORICAL NOTES AND COMMENTS Art Exhibits in Society's Quarters In preparation for the 1969 Annual Meeting of the State Historical Society of Missouri, October 4, the Art Gallery and main corridor will feature new ex­ hibitions of the Society's art holdings. Artists featured in the exhibits are: Thomas Hart Benton, Daniel R. Fitzpatrick and Fred Geary.

Thomas Hart Benton

One of America's most important mission made the artist famous and twentieth-century artists, Thomas Hart his impact on the world of art con­ Benton is known for his realistic por­ tinued to grow. His execution of the trayals of the American social scene. mural depicting the social history of Born in Neosho, Missouri, over eighty Indiana was exhibited during the 1933 years ago, he began his serious study Chicago World's Fair. That mural and of art in 1907, at the Chicago Art In­ the mural completed in Missouri's stitute. The next year Benton traveled State Capitol, in 1936, were well re­ to Paris and enrolled in the Academie ceived and at the same time criticized Julien. There, he came in contact with by some for the choice of subject mat­ the prevailing theories of abstraction­ ter. In 1961 Benton finished another ism and returned to the United States of his famous murals, "Independence in 1912. It was not until he finished and the Opening of the West," for the his naval enlistment during World Truman Library. War I that the young artist abandoned An untiring worker, Benton has con­ the abstract school and started paint­ tinued to paint and to work in a ing and sketching in his own realistic variety of media and types of creative style. effort. His artistic skills have been Benton enjoyed only moderate suc­ acknowledged through numerous cess in the 1920s. His talent, however, awards, both in the United States and was becoming well-known and in 1931 foreign countries. In April, 1960, Ben­ he was asked to interpret contempo­ ton received the Fine Arts Medal from rary America through his skills by the the American Institute of Architects New School of Social Research in New and, in 1962, he was elected to the York. The completion of this com­ American Academy of Arts and Letters. Historical Notes and Comments 89

He is an honorary member of the past year two other significant works Argentine Academia Nacional de Belles on the artist have appeared, Benton Artes, the Fiorentina delle Arti del Drawings and The Lithographs of Disegno, of Florence, Italy, and the Thomas Hart Benton. recipient of honorary degrees from the The artist, Thomas Hart Benton, is University of Missouri, Lincoln Uni­ a concerned and competent craftsman, versity, Rockhurst College and the a brilliant colorist and sure draftsman New School of Social Research. who uses light theotrically and form Benton also has written many arti­ in almost sculptured manifestations. cles on the subject of art and the Twenty-three recently acquired Benton books, An Artist in America, now in lithographs and his magnificent paint­ its third revision, and the recently ing entitled "Negro Soldier" currently published An American in Art. In the are on exhibition.

Fred Geary

Although he never attempted to country, often painting murals of make a woodcut until he was 35 western scenes for railroad stations and years old, Fred Geary, noted Mis­ restaurants. souri woodcut artist, won fame in the Geary earned his living through use of the medium for the depiction commercial art but during his leisure of Missouri River steamboats, Missouri hours he developed his skill in xylog­ farm scenes, taverns, houses, circuses raphy. Recognition came to him in and animals. this medium as his prints were exhib­ Born in Clarence, Missouri, May 19, ited in national and international art 1894, Geary moved with his parents to shows. He won first prize in 1931 and Carrollton. He attended Carrollton 1932 for his woodcut exhibits at the schools and later studied art at Wil­ Missouri State Fair and from that time liam Jewell College, the Kansas City until his death in 1946 he won awards Art Institute and the Art Students from leading art museums and print League in New York. For 27 years clubs. the versatile artist was employed in The Society's Geary collection of the art department of the Fred Harvey prints includes four engraving wood restaurant system of the Santa Fe plates, 73 woodcut and linoleum prints Railroad and traveled all over the and seven woodcutting tools. 90 Missouri Historical Review

Daniel R. Fitzpatrick ,^^&M

Daniel R. Fitzpatrick, editorial car­ Fitzpatrick and his editor differed toonist for the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, on two occasions on their choice for 1913-1958, established an international presidential candidate, but Fitzpatrick reputation as a cartoonist. During his drew no cartoons against his convic­ 45 years with the Post-Dispatch his tions. His most memorable cartoons, cartoons reflected a passion for justice drawn in bold crayon strokes, were and the rights of man. opinionated and ironic. He was at one Fitzpatrick began his career with the time cited for contempt of court for Post-Dispatch after working three years the publication of a cartoon in his with the Chicago Daily News. A native famous "Rat Alley" series, released on of Superior, Wisconsin, as a youth he bond and later exonerated by the worked in his father's millwork factory, Missouri Supreme Court. as a machinist's helper in a shipyard In 1954 he received the Sidney Hill- and as second cook on a lake freighter. man Foundation award and a second He studied three years at the Chicago Pulitzer Prize. In April, 1958, he re­ Art Institute and later at Washington ceived the University of Missouri jour­ University, St. Louis. nalism award. In 1949 he was the re­ His first Pulitizer Prize in 1926 was cipient of the LL.D. degree from for the cartoon of April 12, 1925, called Washington University which cited "The Laws of Moses and the Laws of him for "his permeating sense of the Today." In 1929, 10 months before moral obligation of citizenship and the stock market crash, he won the razor-edged humor." Harmon Foundation prize for the cartoon entitled, "The National Sport." The State Historical Society of Mis­ It showed a huge pair of dice rolling souri is the repository for 1,560 origi­ in Wall Street. In the 1930s his works nal Fitzpatrick cartoons. Seventy-three were reprinted in England and ex­ of these cartoons are exhibited in hibited in Moscow. the Society's main corridor. Historical Notes and Comments 91

EDITORIAL POLICY

The MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW is always inter­ ested in articles and documents relating to the history of Missouri. Articles pertaining to surrounding states and other sections are considered for publication when they involve events or personalities having a significant bearing on the history of Missouri or the West. Any aspect of Missouri history is considered suitable for publication in the REVIEW. Genealogical studies are not accepted because of limited general reader interest. In submitting articles for the REVIEW, the authors should examine back issues for the proper form in foot­ noting. Originality of subject, general interest of the article, sources used in research, interpretation and the style in which it was written, are criteria for acceptance for publication. The original and a carbon copy of the article should be submitted. It is suggested that the author retain a carbon of the article. The copy should be double-spaced and the footnotes typed consecutively on separate pages at the end of the article. The maximum length for an article is 7,500 words. All articles accepted for publication in the REVIEW become the property of the State Historical Society and may not be published elsewhere without permission. Only in special circumstances will an article previously published in another magazine or journal, be accepted for the REVIEW. Because of the backlog of accepted articles, publica­ tion may be delayed for a period of time. Articles submitted for the REVIEW should be ad­ dressed to;

Dr. Richard S. Brownlee, Editor MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW The State Historical Society of Missouri Corner Hitt and Lowry Streets Columbia, Missouri 65201

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VIEWS FROM THE PAST MISSOURIANS AT WORK

Creve Coeur and Surrounding Area Soap-making, from excess grease and cooking fat, was an early family duty.

&<&*&&** Treft's Collection The farmer plowed his garden with mules.

A quilting bee was the occasion for a get-together a half century or more ago. Miles & White, Tattle-Tales

^-1 *». O

?;\*** Smithville Historical Society Men of the community prepared ice for storage in ice houses.

Carroll County, Missouri, 1910-1968

Milk for the family's table ,L^fe^i^*S^^- «* was supplied by the local farmer. Lamar Democrat Barton County residents made sorghum in 1903.

Farmers did winter butchering to supplement the meat supply. Norborne Centennial, 1868-1968 94 Missouri Historical Review NEWS IN BRIEF

Columbia Missourian From left to right: Victor A. Vaccarezza, Dr. Richard S. Brownlee, G. Duncan Bauman and Mrs. Mildred Planthold During the Presentation of "Vic Vac" Cartoons to the Society

Victor Vaccarezza, known to the R e n n e r Village archaeological site, readers of the St. Louis Globe-Demo­ Kansas City; Lilac Hill, Fayette, a crat as "Vic Vac" presented a collec­ home built in 1822 by Alfred Mor­ tion of his drawings to the State His­ rison; King's Hill archaeological site, torical Society of Missouri on May 9, St. Joseph; and Maramec Iron Works during Journalism Week at the Uni­ District, Phelps County. versity of Missouri, Columbia. Vacca­ rezza made the presentation to Dr. James W. Goodrich, associate editor Richard S. Brownlee, director of the of the MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW, Society. G. Duncan Bauman, publisher completed a one-week seminar on His­ of the Globe-Democrat, and Mrs. Mil­ torical Publications at Nashville, Ten­ dred Planthold, vice president of the nessee, June 22-27. The seminar was National Federation of Press Women, sponsored by the American Association were among the persons attending the for State and Local History and Van- ceremony in the Society's quarters. derbilt University and financed Vaccarezza has been an artist with the through a grant from the National Globe-Democrat since 1920; for the Endowment for the Humanities. Its past 18 years he has been chief artist. purpose was to provide an opportu­ nity for persons having major re­ sponsibility for historical publishing Announcement by the National Park programs to improve the quality and Service, May 30, noted the addition of effectiveness of their publications ef­ six historic Missouri sites placed on fort. Attendance was limited to 35 par­ the National Register of Historic ticipants from 28 states. The seminar Places. They included Missouri's first faculty included some of the most in­ state capitol buildings in St. Charles; fluential leaders in the field of histor­ Louis Bolduc House, Ste. Genevieve; ical publications. Topics of discussion Historical Notes and Comments 95 featured the role of publications in the and Fox Indians arrived by canoes on historical agency, illustrating, editing, the riverfront and went "on the war­ layout and design of publications, and path" to the City Park to surround a promotion and distribution. wagon train preparing to set up camp. The performance of "Hannibaltown," The Kingdom of Callaway Historical the gigantic pageant depicting the Society, in cooperation with the Civil town's history, was presented five times War Round Table of St. Louis, dedi­ in the high school stadium. Other cated a historical marker, July 20, at events included fence painting; frog the site of the Civil War Battle of jumping; tractor pulling and beard Moore's Mill near Calwood in Calla­ judging contests; square dancing; raft way County. At a luncheon in Rob­ race; horse show; art show and an old- ertson Hall, Westminster Campus, Ful­ fashioned picnic. ton, Dr. William E. Parrish, chairman of the History Department, gave an The Eugene Field House, 634 South account of Colonel Joseph Porter's Broadway, St. Louis, recently restored raid into North Missouri in the sum­ by Landmarks Association, was opened mer of 1862. Some 150 persons at­ to the public late in June. Hours are tended the dedication ceremonies at from 10 a.m. to 5 p.m. daily except the battle site and heard Dr. Parrish Monday. Admission is 50 cents for read a description of the battle from adults and 25 cents for children. Colonel Odon Guitar's report. Walter Thompson of the Civil War Round Sesquicentennial activities at Cale­ Table explained the work of his group donia were held, June 11-14. They in­ and their reasons for interest in mark­ cluded horseshoe pitching contests; a ing the site. James A. Williams, presi­ parade; Pioneer Church Day; demon­ dent of the historical society, presided strations of whittling, rug and soap at both the luncheon and the dedica­ making and horseshoeing; and a com­ tion. munity banquet with Missouri Secre­ The 65 persons from St. Louis tary of State James Kirkpatrick as also toured Churchill Memorial, visited guest speaker. A pageant of Caledo­ the diorama of the battle and other nia's history was presented nightly. exhibits at the county courthouse, and witnessed a demonstration of flintlock George Fuller Green, Kansas City musket firing at the rural home of a artist and trustee of the State Histori­ society member. Among the honored cal Society of Missouri, was honored, guests were Earl Mercile, St. Louis, July 2, at a special opening and re­ designer and builder of the diorama, ception at the Kansas City Public Li­ and Bernard "Doc" Simcoe, owner of brary. On exhibit were historical the land where the battle was fought. paintings by Mr. Green. The event was sponsored by the Kansas City Pub­ National Tom Sawyer Days and a lic Library, Kansas City Native Sons 10-day sesquicentennial celebration at and the Westport Historical Society. Hannibal were both held, June 27-July 6. On opening day a king, queen, On July 16, the National Federation prince and princess were crowned and of Business and Professional Women's Tony Bowman, designer of the official Clubs dedicated a commemorative seal of the sesquicentennial, unveiled a plaque at the St. Louis Gateway Hotel. monument which was placed over the The date marked the anniversary of time capsule. Also on opening day, Sac the club's origin in downtown St. 96 Missouri Historical Review

Louis on July 16, 1919. The formation anniversary. Dr. Phillip J. Wood worth, of B.P.W. was the first national or­ pastor in the Peoria, Illinois, area, was ganization of women working in busi­ the guest speaker. The congregation ness and professions. The organization was organized by John Shanks from has since been active in legislative Kentucky in 1869. programs and is registered in Wash­ ington as a lobbying body. Noted The Excelsior Springs Historical achievements included getting the Museum, 101 East Broadway, held its word "sex" in the 1964 Civil Rights open house, August 2. Guests attended Law and helping to create the Wom­ en's Bureau and Children's Bureau the short program and ribbon-cutting under the United States Department ceremony and toured the museum of Labor. from 2 p.m. to 5 p.m. A commemorative plate was pre­ sented to the Federation's Foundation. Some 300 persons participated in the It was of the original dinner service historical pageant, "Plows, Picks and pattern used at the time of the Fed­ Planes," a featured attraction at the eration's first meeting in the Statler Higginsville centennial. The pageant Hilton Hotel, now the St. Louis Gate­ was shown at the Fairgrounds Park, way Hotel. August 11-15. The celebration actually A week-long convention of the club began August 8, with the Centennial began, July 20, in St. Louis. Ida Miller, Ball and queen coronation on the fol­ University City, a charter member of lowing day. Highlighting the centen­ the club, was among the some 4,000 nial were a number of special days for attending the event. Faith of our Fathers, Homecoming, Ladies, Youth, Pioneer and Agricul­ On July 27, the First Christian ture, and Good Neighbor and In­ Church of LaBelle celebrated its 100th dustry.

She Was Looking for a Husband St. Joseph Gazette, May 2, 1915. Personal A very petty miss of 19 summers, weight 126, height 5 ft. 6; brown hair, brown eyes, fair complexion, good, kind disposition; American, Christian, farm­ er's daughter, property worth $25,000, will inherit; has no opportunity to meet desirable gentlemen; is a good housekeeper and cook; plays piano and sings. Never married. Will marry poor man if worthy. No objection to farmer. More particulars for any man answering quick, enclosing some postage. Address, "Sincere," B 443, Valley, Neb. (General deliveries not answered) This notice is genuine.

A Deadly Ordinance Paris Mercury, March 25, 1873. Doniphan, Kansas, has the following dog ordinance: "Dogs that are not collared and labeled, no matter how respectably they are connected, will have their narratives amputated one inch south of their ears." Historical Notes and Comments 97

LOCAL HISTORICAL SOCIETIES

Junior Historical Societies

Local historical societies in Missouri its first periodical, The Historic Times. are beginning to realize the impor­ W7ith similar guidance and encour­ tance of stimulating young people's in­ agement, other young people may de­ terest in the study of county history. velop an interest in the history of Two new junior historical societies their community. Junior societies en­ have been organized this past year. able students to work together on proj­ The Morgan County Junior Histori­ ects adapted to their age level. cal Society was organized after mem­ The success of a junior society de­ bers of the senior society had pre­ pends on the cooperation of the school sented an assembly program in the principal, teachers and members of the Versailles Upper Elementary School on local historical society's board of di­ April 2. Senior members told of the rectors. Operating within, but inde­ importance of preserving historical pendent of, the regular school system, artifacts and related interesting stories junior groups usually affiliate with the about everyday life of pioneer settlers. local historical societies. The school The junior society has some 160 third personnel can provide valuable advice through eighth grade pupils. Dues are on history projects to enrich the school 25 cents per year and the group is curriculum. The senior historical so­ affiliated with the senior society. ciety should be responsible for making Organization of the St. Charles research facilities and materials avail­ County Junior Historical Society was able to junior historians and for spon­ accomplished under the direction of soring some youth activities. Special Rolland W. Kjar, chairman of the recognition programs for the juniors Department of Social Studies at Du­ can be presented by the senior histori­ chesne High School in St. Charles. He cal society. Junior research papers can first approached board members of be preserved in the senior society's the St. Charles County Historical So­ archives, and outstanding articles ciety and told of his plans for the should be published in the society's organization. The board encouraged bulletin. Mr. Kjar to continue his project and The junior historical society must the new society was formed with some also have inspiring adult sponsors. A 35 members. The junior society has teacher may act as sponsor and an its own bylaws and officers; it is an interested member of the senior his­ auxiliary member of the State His­ torical society may serve as co-sponsor. torical Society of Missouri and is in­ Much of the planning and responsi­ corporated. Membership dues are $1.00 bility should be carried on by the a year for persons between the ages members, however, the sponsors must of 15 to 25. Adult members serve on offer firm guidance. the executive board along with four Through field trips, service projects junior elected officers. Divided into and various types of activities, mem­ classes, members of the Society meet bers learn about their community's in the office of the St. Charles County heritage. Society programs are end­ Historical Society archivist for research less. Members enjoy tours to historical and the preparation of history papers. places and museums; provide enter­ This past summer the group published tainment for school assembly programs 98 Missouri Historical Review

and senior historical society meetings; meet twice a month after school to carry on research and writing pro­ study the services and opportunities grams; participate in contests; collect offered by the Society. Those who photographs, biographies of prominent complete the course are required to citizens, books, papers and obituaries work 30 hours, assisting the staff with from the local newspaper; arrange summer programs, to gain practical museum or store window displays; experience in museum work. make dioramas, models of pioneer In 1966, through the St. Louis homes and maps; do mural painting; Globe-Democrat, the Missouri Histori­ mark historic sites; make a town sur­ cal Society sponsored a "What Is It" vey with maps, research papers and contest. The project was designed to models; fill out genealogy charts; acquaint young people with a variety clean up and restore old cemeteries; of articles used in the past. Every and present a history fair where the other weekend the newspaper ran a year's work is displayed. These proj­ picture of an object which contestants ects appeal to students with varied in­ were required to identify. Before terests in art, dramatics, music, pho­ identification each item was placed on tography and writing. display in the Society's museum so The local historical society need that contestants could observe it in not wait for the formal organization detail. Children then sent in a brief of a junior historical society to interest write-up telling of the object's use. young historians. Senior societies have Entries were judged and prizes of gift initiated projects involving student certificates were awarded to the win­ participation. ners. The answers were published in For some 20 years the Missouri His­ the newspaper. torical Society in St. Louis has offered Through cooperation with the St. in its quarters, history classes for Joseph School Board, the St. Joseph children. Famous-Barr Company, in Historical Society presented historical cooperation with the St. Louis Public programs in 1967-1968 for children in Schools and County Cooperating School grades 4-7. The overwhelming re­ Districts, sponsored the program for sponse from interested young people pupils between the ages of 7-12. Popu­ attested to its success. The Dallas lar topics have been the Plains In­ County Historical Society sponsored an dians, pioneer life in Missouri and essay contest for junior and senior Christmas in old St. Louis. The story high school pupils on the subject, "My hour is supplemented with games and Most Interesting Ancestor Who Lived crafts where children have an oppor­ in Dallas County." Winning essays tunity to make tepees, play authentic were read at a society meeting. Cash Indian games, etc. The summer sched­ prizes and memberships to both the ule of classes is usually concluded with state and local societies were awarded. the popular "Indian Trails" program. The Nodaway County Historical So­ Paths are marked through Forest Park ciety has encouraged students to write and children are divided into groups a history of their home town. One 40- to see which will be the first to com­ page paper was prepared and read at plete its trail. a society meeting. Square dances and The Missouri Historical Society has a skit on early county history were re­ also offered courses in "Museum cently presented by students at meet­ Aides," designed for Senior Girl Scouts ings of the Moniteau County Histori­ who wish to explore possibilities of cal Society. museum work as a vocation. Classes Through the junior historical pro- Historical Notes and Comments 99 gram, the youth acquire a pride in Butler County Historical Society their heritage. Adults, especially teach­ At the July 17 meeting in Karen ers and parents, become interested in West Community Center, Poplar Bluff, area history and are motivated to sup­ members and guests were given an in­ port activities of the local historical sight into the prehistoric life of the society. The local society can expect a area. James Price, University of Mich­ growing future, for the children of igan archeologist, presented an il­ today will be the local historical mem­ lustrated lecture on his findings and bers of tomorrow. observations in Western Butler County and Eastern Ripley County, from Atchison County Historical Society about 2000 B.C. to 1400 A.D. Mr. Price, Some 400 persons attended the So­ a native of Doniphan, is directing the ciety's "Mule Barn Benefit" antique work of 19 students who are excavat­ show, sale and flea market at the ing Indian village sites. Tarkio Community Building, June 14. Funds were used for improvement of Camden County Historical Society the Mule Barn museum facilities. Some 200 persons attended the Sil­ ver Tea and formal opening of the Members of the Society presented historical museum, April 20, in the a historical review of the area as part I.O.O.F. Hall, Linn Creek. Ninth grade of the program at St. John's Lutheran civics classes in the county were in­ Church picnic on August 31. vited to tour the Museum in May and The Society reports that restoration 115 students participated along with on the Rankin Home and Mule Barn Superintendent John Bearden, Junior on the campus of Tarkio College is High School Principal Bob Wallace progressing satisfactorily. The "The­ and the civics teacher, Mrs. Milton atre in the Round" has completed a Earnest. year of activities. Art works have been At the June 13 meeting at St. displayed in the building and the golf George Episcopal Church, Camdenton, course adjacent to the Mule Barn Mrs. Charles Huddleston, regent, should be completed in September. Niangua Chapter, D.A.R., spoke on her recent trip to Washington, D.C. Benton County Historical Society The Society is to be congratulated At the May 8 meeting in the Benton for publication of its first journal, County Enterprise office, Warsaw, Mrs. entitled Camden County Historian. It Laura Lee Salley, Warsaw, gave a pro­ deals with the early history of Linn gram on methods of genealogical re­ Creek and is illustrated with old pho­ search. She displayed ancestral charts, tographs. The next issue will feature records and genealogical publications. part two of the town's history from Newspaper publisher Mahlon N. 1900-1930. White, formerly of Warsaw, spoke at The archives section of the Society the June 12 meeting on his early is attempting to build up a genealogy recollections of that city. file. County residents have been urged to fill out charts of their family tree for deposit in the historical museum Boone County Historical Society in Linn Creek. At the July 17 meeting members toured the Russell Green home and Carondelet Historical Society art studio in Rocheport and enjoyed Officers, elected at the annual busi­ a buffet dinner at Campfire Restaurant ness meeting, May 26, in the Caron­ near Rocheport. delet Branch Library, were Richard L. 100 Missouri Historical Review

Federer, president; Charles H. Reitz, Civil War Round Table vice president; Louis H. Nicolay, re­ Of the Ozarks cording secretary; Paul J. Rathgeber, Round Table members, their la­ financial secretary; and Ernest E. dies and guests attended a luncheon at Winklemann, treasurer. Ramada Inn, Springfield, on May 10, Members enjoyed an old-fashioned and toured the Wilson's Creek Battle­ basket picnic, music, singing, games field near Springfield. Tom Meier, res­ and other attractions in Carondelet ident manager of the battlefield, and Park, July 19. round table member Lt. Col. Leo Huff provided the commentary aboard Carroll County Historical Society chartered buses. Members of the Some 40 members and friends of the Greene County Historical Society were Society enjoyed a tour of the Wayne invited to join the group. County Museum in Corydon, Iowa, Franz Daniel, former assistant direc­ June 8. The museum featured an old tor of organization for A.F.L.-C.I.O., village street on which were found a Springfield, spoke on "The Great barber shop, drug store, general store, Border Side Show," at the June 11 music shop, toy shop, doctor's office, meeting at Ramada Inn, Springfield. church, jail and bank. The display included some 12,000 artifacts found Clay County Museum Association in the county. In the bank was a safe Dr. Richard S. Brownlee, director of robbed by Jesse James on June 8, 1871. the State Historical Society of Missou­ ri, Columbia, spoke at the third an­ nual spring dinner meeting, April 17, Cass County Historical Society Mrs. Robert Williams, Warrensburg, in Sandy's Oak Ridge Manor Dining Room, formerly the historic Compton presented a program on "How to home. More than 100 persons heard Search Records in Cemeteries," at the the address on "General Ulysses S. May 18 meeting in Citizens National Grant in Missouri." Bank, Harrisonville. At the May 15 meeting, held in the Chariton County Historical Society Clay County Historical Museum, Lib­ Remembrances of early Salisbury erty, Colonel D. J. Delaney, president were presented by Aubrey Fellows at of the Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, His­ the July 20 meeting in Dulany Li­ torical Society, told of the history and brary, Salisbury. Members displayed a significance of the fort in the Clay variety of historical items and Presi­ County area. dent Jordan Bentley described the So­ Members enjoyed an old-fashioned ciety's recent acquisition of old farm basket dinner at the June 26 meeting implements and tools. in the historic Mount Gilead Church, north of Liberty. Orval Henderson, Civil War Round Table historian for the State Park Board, Of Kansas City spoke on "Historic Sites Restored and At the May 27 meeting at Bellerive Administered by the Missouri State Hotel, Herman Hattaway, Baton Park Board." Rouge, Louisiana, spoke on "Stephen The Association reports that the D. Lee," with special emphasis on the debt on its museum building is down Chickasaw Bayou campaign. Mr. Hat­ to $1,450. If the debt is paid off by taway moved to Kansas City this sum­ December 1, H. F. Simrall will give mer to join the staff at the University the Association $1,000 for further ren­ of Missouri—Kansas City. ovation work. In order to raise some Historical Notes and Comments 101 of this money the Association has sold ing the Dallas County Fair, July 17, its surplus of old bottles. 18 & 19. Ribbons were given for first, A program on "The United States second and third place items in some Arsenal at Liberty Landing," was pre­ 20 classes. They were judged for their sented by Mrs. Harry L. Boggess, Sr., age and historical relationship. at the July 17 meeting in the historical DeKalb County Historical Society museum, Liberty. Mrs. Boggess has an Members enjoyed a "show and tell" extensive collection of pictures and program, May 18, at the county court­ articles on the site. Miss Sherrill Carr house in Maysville. read an essay on the Arsenal written At the June 15 meeting, Opal Pearce by her father in the late 1930s. and Mrs. Ward Bowen, presented a Officers of the Society, elected for program on continuous land owner­ the coming year, are Donald C. Pharis, ship by families in the area. president; E. V. Baume, vice president; Representative Ralph Combs of Mis­ Catherine D. Wilkerson, secretary; and souri's 89th District, was guest speak­ Gerald Barnes, treasurer. er at the July 20 meeting. The pro­ Cole County Historical Society gram honored county correspondents From June 23 to 26, researchers from who, the speaker stated, were "the the University of Missouri Archaeo­ backbone of the small newspaper." All logical Field School did excavation on correspondents were given honorary the foundations of a building near memberships in the Society. Lohman's Landing in Jefferson City. The Society now has 159 members. The work was under the direction of Dent County Historical Society Robert T. Bray, assistant professor of Some 75 persons met, June 22, for Anthropology, University of Missouri, a picnic and program near Salem at Columbia. A number of artifacts dat­ the Bressie Place, now owned by San- ing from the 1850s and 1860s were un­ ford Inman. At the meeting in the covered and turned over to the Society Inman home, Mrs. Margaret Vickery which helped finance the project. gave a program on the White River Trail which went through the area. Crawford County Historical Society The covered-dish dinner was served Some 20 persons attended the May at the edge of Old Bressie Springs. 15 meeting at Recklein Library, Cuba. James W. Goodrich, associate editor of Florissant Valley Historical Society the MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW, Co­ The Society held its 11th annual lumbia, spoke informally on the im­ dinner meeting at Taille de Noyer, portance of local historical societies July 17. The evening's entertainment and offered project ideas. consisted of a "mini auction," where members brought for sale, items that Dallas County Historical Society they no longer wanted. At the April 18 meeting in the courthouse, Buffalo, Mrs. Amanda Foundation for Restoration Holt had charge of the program. Stor­ Of Ste. Genevieve ies were read from a collection being During the months of May and June, compiled for publication in a book of the Foundation conducted a member­ anecdotes about county residents and ship drive. At the close of the drive events. the membership total included 14 busi­ The Society displayed a large num­ ness or organization members, 145 in­ ber of historical articles in a room at dividual members and a lifetime the junior high school in Buffalo, dur­ member. 102 Missouri Historical Review

At the June 17 meeting in the Greene County Historical Society American Legion Hall, the Reverend At the May 22 meeting in the Francis J. Yealy, S.J., spoke on the Springfield Art Museum, Mrs. Ruth "Old Days" in Ste Genevieve. McCann Gibson spoke on "Springfield: The Green Tree Tavern underwent Items of Interest, 1880-1910." The talk repair work and reopened to the pub­ was based on the journal of Charles lic, July 4. The building will remain McCann, father of the speaker, who open from 10 a.m. to 5 p.m. daily recorded pertinent events and happen­ with Henry G. Seitz as manager of the ings in Springfield and Greene County Tavern. through the years. Questions and com­ ments followed the talk. Franklin County Historical Society A program on "fainting Ozarks Pre- Nearly 100 persons attended the History," was given by Steve Miller charter dinner at the Knights of Co­ at the June 26 annual meeting at Syca­ lumbus Hall, Union, on June 24. Dr. more Inn, Springfield. Mr. Miller is Richard S. Brownlee, director of the director of the Ralph Foster Museum State Historical Society of Missouri, at the School of the Ozarks, Point addressed the group on Ulysses S. Lookout. On display was a painting Grant. Senator Don Owens, Gerald, by the speaker, which he created to was master of ceremonies. After dinner show what archaeological research has entertainment of German songs was determined about Ozark Bluff Dweller provided by A. E. Vogel and Jimmy Culture. Patterson, Washington. Officers elected for the coming year Officers of the Society are Elmer were Dr. B. B. Lightfoot, president; Cowan, Sullivan, president; Mrs. W. Dr. William E. Berger, vice president; A. Bruns, St. Clair, vice president; and Fay G. Robb, treasurer. Miss Renee Nouss, Washington, secre­ tary; and William Strothmann, Berger, Grundy County Historical Society treasurer. Some 40 members attended the May 4 meeting at Hodge Presbyterian Friends of Florida Church in Trenton and heard William Members of the Friends opened the Denslow speak on the history of the double-log George House free to the county. public each Sunday afternoon during The Society now has 143 members. the summer months. Furniture and A committee is working on the history tools were on display and handcraft of small towns in the county which items were offered for sale. A new are now extinct. booklet, M. A. 'Dad' Violette—A Life Sketch, by Ralph Gregory, was also Harrison County Historical Society on sale. A history of the Odd Fellows Lodge in the United States, Missouri and Gentry County Historical Society Harrison County, was presented by The Society held its July 13 meeting Carl Slaughter at the April 10 meeting at Mt. Moriah Baptist Church in Ber­ in First National Bank, Bethany. The lin. Carmen Jolly, McFall, gave a re­ Society voted to fence Neil Cemetery port on the first consolidated school and discussed the possibility of using district in the county, and Lester the old library building for a county Pierce presented an account of the museum. Robert Mcintosh was ap­ 75-year-old Oxley Mill, near Alanthus pointed to act as treasurer for the re­ Grove. mainder of the vear Historical Notes and Comments 103

Hickory County Historical Society H. White had charge of the arrange­ At the March 4 meeting in the ments. courthouse, Hermitage, members dis­ cussed the cleaning and marking of Jewish Historical Association of graves at the Tillery Cemetery. The Greater St Louis group also voted to sponsor a contest Officers for 1969-1970 are Aleene K. for family histories of county residents. Schneider, president; Morton D. Bar­ Prizes will be awarded to the winners. on, vice president; Joseph O. Losos, Two members, Jerrol and Joyce Briggs, vice president; Seva J. Roberts, record­ are compiling the history of Wheat­ ing secretary; Fannie L. Bender, cor­ land. The town is now in its centen­ responding secretary; and Burton C. nial year. Bernard, treasurer. Officers elected for the coming year Joplin Historical Society were Nannie Jinkens, Wheatland, pres­ Buford L. Pickens, St. Louis, Amer­ ident; Dillon Tipton, Wheatland, vice ican Institute of Architects coordinator president; Faye Coffelt, Hermitage, for Missouri in the selection and pres­ secretary; Eugene Harryman, Weau- ervation of historical buildings, was bleau, assistant secretary; and Frankie the guest speaker at the June 5 meet­ Bartshe, Hermitage, treasurer. ing in the Connor Hotel. His subject, Some 15 persons met, July 8, at "Why Save Old Buildings and How," Caludonia Acres, the summer cottage was illustrated with slides on histori­ of Claude and Donna Carpenter, near cal buildings in Missouri. Mr. Pickens Weaubleau. Each family brought old- arrived in Joplin ahead of his speak­ fashioned food, most of which was ing date to view the city's historical cooked and served in antique pots, buildings and to make himself avail­ pans and dishes. Members reported able for consultation. Local architects, that Tillery Cemetery had been members of the city council, board of cleaned and restored during June. directors and the Chamber of Com­ merce, were special guests at the Historical Association of meeting. Greater St. Louis The board of directors approved a Dr. A. B. Lampe delivered his presi­ plan to compile a listing of all his­ dential address at the May 24 annual torical buildings still standing and dinner meeting at Koberg Hall, Con­ voted to purchase a tape recorder. cordia Seminary, Clayton. Society membership at the end of the fiscal year, May 31, totaled 652. Jackson County Historical Society The Society is attempting to save Members and guests enjoyed a bus the 20-foot-high stone carving on the trip, July 19, to Fulton for a visit at corner of the 1892 Keystone Hotel. Winston Churchill Memorial on the The building is being demolished. campus at Westminster College. On the return trip, participants stopped Kansas City Westerners for dinner at the Arrow Rock Tavern. At the February 11 meeting in Hotel Mrs. Kenneth L. Graham, coordinator Bellerive, Wilbur A. Zink spoke on of Society activities planned the tour. "The Outlaw Youngers of Missouri." On July 27 the Society held a picnic He related stories of the James and buffet in the Garden Center Building Younger brothers in Missouri and at Loose Park in Kansas City. The Kansas during the Civil War and post- park is on a portion of the Westport Civil War era. Civil War Battle site. Mrs. Herbert Lt. Col. Milton B. Halsey, Jr., pre- 104 Missouri Historical Review sented an illustrated slide talk on home of Mr. and Mrs. Ernest Childress "The History of Ft. Leavenworth, in Sand Hill. The collection of old Kansas," at the March 11 meeting. county school and church histories was A program on "Soldiers on the Santa suggested as a society project. Fe Trail," was presented, April 8, by Dr. Leo E. Oliva, chairman of the Lawrence County Historical Society Department of History, Kansas State Mrs. Wesley Ruckert spoke at the College, Ft. Hays. Dr. Oliva is the July 20 meeting in Jones Memorial author of a new book by the same Chapel, Mount Vernon. Mrs. Ruckert title. has been researching and collecting At the May 13 meeting, Dr. John A. pictures of all county clerks from 1845 Hawgood, professor of History, Uni­ to the present day. The pictures will be versity of Birmingham, England, spoke displayed in the county clerk's office. on "The American West: Fact and The publications committee made a Fiction." Dr. Hawgood, author of a number of recommendations for fu­ number of books on American western ture projects which were approved by history, traced the development of the membership. Included in the plans various myths about the West from are the publication of a short, soft- Spanish exploration up to and includ­ bound county history; the collection of ing the 19th century. family, cemetery, church and town Captain Michael Koury, author of histories; and the encouragement of Diaries of the Little Big Horn, spoke history writing assignments for school at the June 10 meeting on "The Big children which will be preserved by Horn Gun of Montana Fame." the Society. Long-range plans call for On July 8, Dr. Donald J. Mclntyre, the publication of a complete, hard­ Kansas City, showed two films he had bound county history. produced, entitled "Old Chisholm Trail," and "Negro Cowboys." Missouri Historical Society At the May 20 annual meeting in Kingdom of Callaway the home of Otto R. Erker, 1 Port­ Historical Society land Place, members of the Women's A "History of Old Auxvasse Presby­ Association heard Bernard M. Baren- terian Church" was presented at the holtz present an illustrated talk en­ June 16 meeting at the Old Auxvasse titled, "Guides on Collecting." Mr. Church in North Callaway County. Barenholtz is a collector and co-found­ er of "Creative Playthings." Kirkwood Historical Society At the June 10 picnic supper at the Moniteau County Historical Society home of Mr. and Mrs. George Heege, Mrs. Clarence Sappington narrated Carmen Road, the host spoke to the the history of music at the May 19 group on the old days in Kirkwood. meeting in the Masonic Hall, Cali­ Knox County Historical Society fornia. Also featured on the program The July 13 meeting and picnic was the double mixed quartet of high lunch were held at the cabin of Dr. school students and members of the J. L. Cornelius, near Baring. Roy Par- 4-H A-Go-Go's Club. cell, Dr. Cornelius and Junior Wilker- Some 48 persons at the July 21 son presented histories of Sand Hill, meeting, heard James Borders, Glas­ Millport and extinct towns in the gow, speak on "Man and the River." county. Members toured the Millport Mr. Borders is retired from the Army and Sand Hill cemeteries and the old Corps of Engineers and is doing re- Historical Notes and Comments 105 search for a book about the Missouri Officers elected for the coming year River, its famous men and steamboats. were Tom Hooper, president; Mrs. Ross Martin, first vice president; John Morgan County Historical Society Ed Fuhrman, second vice president; Some 50 members attended the reg­ and Mrs. Curtis Brodrick, secretary- ular May 26 meeting at the Bank of treasurer. Versailles. A. J. Bolinger spoke on sanitation and medical practices of the Old Trails Historical Society past. Kenneth Erickson, a member of Mrs. Juanita McKee presented an the high school faculty, introduced the illustrated talk on her recent trip to officers and sponsor of the Junior Greece, at the April 16 meeting in Morgan County Historical Society. Daniel Boone Library, Ellisville. Members discussed plans for opening The Society sponsored a tour to Ste. their museum to the public on June Genevieve, May 14. Sites on the itin­ 2. It was open daily during the sum­ erary included the Ste. Genevieve mer months. Catholic Church, the Museum, Price The program for the July 28 meet­ Brick House, Mammy Shaw House-Fur ing, consisted of a history of Freedom Trading Post, Bolduc House and Baptist Church by Lee T. Sims, and Amoureaux House. a talk on old glassware and china by Pike County Historical Society Mrs. Royce Moser. Mrs. Moser dis­ Members enjoyed their annual pic­ played samples of glass and china and nic dinner, July 22, in the church­ told how to identify valuable pieces yard of historic St. John's Episcopal and how to distinguish between au­ Church, Eolia. Mrs. Addison McDan- thentic and reproduced dishes. nold read the history of the church. Morgan County Junior A committee was appointed to secure Historical Society estimates on restoration costs for Officers of the new society are Ken "Honeyshuck," the Champ Clark Goodman, president; David Yarger, Home in Bowling Green. The Society vice president; Patti Eppright, secre­ hopes to use the home for a perma­ tary; Pat Haile, treasurer; Walter nent museum. Rhodes Hood spoke on Smith, reporter; Kathy Francis, his­ the importance of a museum. torian; and Steve Stone, parliamentar­ Pony Express Historical Association ian. Helen Bass is the group's sponsor. The Association sponsored its second Native Sons of Kansas City annual Summer Pony Express Antique Donald Heinicke, sales representative Gun and Collectors Show, June 7-8, for T.W.A., spoke on "The History of Patee House, St. Joseph. Door prizes T.W.A. in Kansas City," at the May 20 were given away daily and seven spe­ meeting in Hotel Bellerive. cial Pony Express Awards were pre­ sented for various display categories. Nodaway County Historical Society Jack Akines was show master. Some 62 persons attended the an­ On June 18, the Association con­ nual dinner meeting, June 23, at Car­ ducted 40 teachers of the Missouriana dinal Inn, Maryville. Special guest Study Tour, through Patee House and speaker, W. Crosby Brown, chief of the the Pony Express Stable Museum and Memorial and Shrines Division of the on a sight-seeing bus tour of St. Jos­ Missouri State Park Board, presented eph's historic sites and points of inter­ an illustrated lecture on preservation est. The Study Tour was under the and restoration work in Missouri. direction of Delbert Wells, Jefferson 106 Missouri Historical Review

City, manager of educational agri-busi­ piling a county history. The co-chair­ ness for the Missouri Chamber of men noted that 10 of 24 manuscripts Commerce. had already been completed for the Mayor Douglas Merrifield declared book. The group voted to purchase the month of July to be "Historic the 1860 census of the county for use Railroad Month" in St. Joseph. He in compiling the history and agreed to urged all citizens to purchase shares accept old pictures of the county. of stock for the installation and re­ Officers elected for the coming year construction of the historic Hannibal were Mrs. Acel Price, president; R. C. and St. Joseph Railroad train, a re­ Garrison, vice president; and Mrs. Max cent gift to the Association. Many civic Shemwell, secretary-treasurer. and business organizations have pledged support of the stock sale. An St Charles County ice cream social and annual Heritage Historical Society of American Art exhibit opened at Two films, "Ste. Genevieve—A French Patee House, July 4, to promote the Legacy," and "Missouri's First State sale. More than 2,500 persons visited Capitol," were shown at the July 24 the Patee House Museum that week­ quarterly dinner meeting in St. Pe­ end. ter's School Cafeteria, St. Charles. A major attraction on display at St. Charles County Patee House is a roll-top desk which Junior Historical Society once belonged to Abraham Lincoln. Members of the new society held It was used by Lincoln in his office their July 16 & 23 meetings at the at Springfield, Illinois, prior to his home of Rolland W. Kjar in St. election as president of the United Charles. The group discussed plans for States. The desk was given to the the St. Charles bicentennial in August. Association for exhibit by Davis Members volunteered to help with Martin. the historical pageant and with mus­ eum and historical tours. A float is Pulaski County Historical Society being prepared for the parade. Tom At the July 24 quarterly meeting in Glosier reported at the July 16 meet­ the courthouse at Waynesville, Pat ing on a recent visit to the State His­ Rice played a recording of the Society's torical Society of Missouri in Co­ organizational meeting. lumbia. The Society reports that the histori­ Bruce McCoy completed a life-size cal museum in the courthouse is pro­ sculpture of Louis Blanchette, founder gressing very well and some members of St. Charles, for display during the are compiling various phases of the bicentennial. county's history. George Lane, Waynes­ Officers of the Society are Jay Schul- ville, chairman of the cemetery com­ tehenrich, president; Stan Suchman, mittee, is working on a project for vice president; Tom Glosier, treasurer; platting old county cemeteries. Anyone Mary Miner, secretary; Mike Mudd, having information on old area grave historian; Bruce McCoy, sculptor; sites is requested to contact him. Mike Wilkison, photographer; and Pam Plume, newspaper editor. Re­ Ripley County Historical Society search group chairmen are Darla Hen­ At the June 17 meeting in the Ozark derson, Jeanne Thro and Roger Orf. Photograph and Art Studio, Doniphan, Mrs. Max Shemwell and Mrs. Acel St. Clair County Historical Society Price reported on the progress in com­ Members discussed the movement of Historical Notes and Comments 107 a historical marker at the July 23 More than 2,000 name cards have meeting at Commercial Hotel Cafe, been prepared toward complete in­ Osceola. Society treasurer John Mills dexing of the 1967 Saline County presented a program which included History. the listing of headstones in the Doyal and Waldo cemeteries; viewing photo­ Shelby County Historical Society graphs from the Frank and Annie Some 35 persons attended the July James family album; and listening to 20 picnic dinner at the Shelbina Bap­ a tape recording on the histories of tist Church, July 20. Roy Neff re­ Harmony Mission and the Hudson- ported on the county rural school Appleton City Presbyterian Church, history and church history projects. and the biography of the Reverend He also displayed maps which il­ Seth Gold Clark. lustrated Indian sites and the location of county churches.

Saline County Historical Society Westport Historical Society The Society held its annual picnic Some 100 persons attended the May meeting, July 20, at Indian Foothills 23 dinner meeting at the Westport Park, Marshall. A program on "Charles Presbyterian Church. Paul M. Jones, a Towne, South Carolina," was given trustee of the Society, spoke on his by Henry W. Hamilton, a recent vis­ grandfather, the Reverend Nathan itor to the historic settlement. Scarritt (1821-1891), a teacher at the A Society library was established the old Shawnee Indian Manual Laboring past year in the home of Mr. and School and an early resident of West- Mrs. T. M. Hamilton, Miami. port.

Lemon on a String St. Joseph Morning Herald, July 23, 1870. There is a "refreshment" establishment in this city selling "lemonade" to thirsty pilgrims, which is supposed to be made thus: A large bowl, holding sev­ eral gallons, is filled with water, in which is dissolved a small lump of sugar. A medium-sized lemon is attached to a string, and once every three hours a small, cheap boy takes hold of the string and drops the lemon into water, with­ drawing it quickly, lest the beverage become too strong. The same lemon used last season is used this; but if the European war continues, and the proprietors of the establishment do well this year, they intend to have a new lemon next summer. The beverage made as above described is said to be excellent and safe as an after-dinner stimulant, but it should never be taken in large quantities.

Helpful Hint Linneus Bulletin, March 30, 1898. Do not leave your bicycle standing too long in the sun, or you cannot ex­ pect your tires to last as well as if your wheel was kept in the shade. The bright sunshine soon takes the elasticity out of rubber tires, and so does oil if allowed to stay on the rubber. They absorb water quickly, then the dirt grinds in and the tires soon rot.—New York Evening Post 108 Missouri Historical Review

GIFTS

MURIEL E. AKERS, Caledonia, donor: "Years of Gold," historical pageant celebrating 150th anniversary of Cale­ donia, written by donor and George Showalter. R*

JOHN ANDERGER, Lexington, donor: Newspaper clippings on Caledonia and Bellevue Presbyterian Church. E

ELIZABETH CUNNINGHAM ATWOOD, Galena Park, Texas, donor: Photographs: Scenes of Excelsior Springs and home of Dr. Amos A. Wheeler, Miami. E

MRS. JAMES L. BASS, Smithton, donor: Photograph of Lake Creek Camp Meeting, about 1895. E

ROBERT BIRBECK, Stanberry, donor: Photograph and history of Gillespie Hindman stagecoach home, Island City. E

JENNIE and ACENA BOOTH, Columbia, donors: Kin of Mellcene Thurman Smith. R

REX BUNDY, Kevin, Montana, donor: "The Gilliam Train of 1844 & The Whitman Massacre," by Catherine Sager Pringle. R

MRS. LUCILLE BYRD, Slater, donor: Xerox pages from Joseph A. McClintic—The McClintic Family. R

DR. EMMETT B. CARMICHAEL, Birmingham, Alabama, donor: Scrapbooks of donor, a writer in medicine and chemistry and a native of Shelby County. M Reprints of articles by donor. R

MRS. D. B. CARPENTER, Hallsville, donor: Carpenter Family Papers: Genealogical records of Lucy Grant Carpenter Bly and correspondence between Carpenters of Covington, Virginia, and Boone County, Missouri, 1830-1860. M

CYRIL CLEMENS, Kirkwood, donor: Cyril Clemens letters, 1912-1931, and newspaper clipping. M

CLINTON PRINTERY, Clinton, donor: Pioneer Life in Rural Missouri, by Mrs. Birdie Parks Witherspoon. R

R. I. COLBORN, Paris, donor: Photographs of early Monroe County scenes. E

* These letters indicate where the gift materials are filed at Society head­ quarters: R refers to Reference Library; M, Manuscript Collection; E, Editorial Office; N, Newspaper Library; A, Art Room; and B, Bay Room. Historical Notes and Comments 109

Miss JIMMIE Lou COURTNEY & PAULINE M. COURTNEY, Gower, donors: "Cemetery Inscriptions of Clinton County, Missouri," Volume I, and "Cem­ etery Inscriptions of Buchanan County, Missouri," Volume I. R

BUELL B. CRAMER, Columbia, donor: A Brief History of the American Legion, Post 202, Columbia, Missouri, compiled by donor. R

THELMA LEE CROY, Poplar Bluff, donor: Letter of June 6, 1865, from Office of Provost Marshall, Department of Missouri, concerning reward money for Samuel Hildebrand. M

DE SOTO PUBLIC LIBRARY, De Soto, donor: Photograph of De Soto, East Main Street looking south, loaned for copying. E

WALTER H. EICHHOLTZ, Syracuse, donor: Copy of information and pictures on mills of Morgan and Pettis counties. E

RICHARD F. FERGUSON, Carthage, donor: Grace Episcopal Church, Carthage, 1869-1969. R

MRS. NORMAN GRIFFIN, Beaverton, Oregon, donor: Photograph of Solomon Cox (1793-1889). E

J. R. JACKSON, Kansas City, donor: Some Descendants of Thomas Aukland, 1822-1890, and William Aukland, 1818-1851, compiled by Willis Rodney Aukland. R

MRS. DAN KELTY, Temple City, California, donor: "Index of Holloway and Riggins Families," compiled by donor. R

LLOYD E. LANGLEY, Poplar Bluff, donor: Biographical and Historical Memoirs of Eastern Arkansas. R

MRS. VERNON E. LEIST, Macon, donor: Books of Joseph H. Grady, Justice of Peace of Macon County (1853- 1902). M

MAMIE J. MCCORMICK, Sedalia, donor: Papers of Mamie McCormick, including the Massena Moreau McCormick Deposition, 1901, and the will of George McCormick, December 6, 1855. M The Book of Common Prayer and "Microcopies, File of Records in National Archives, No. 123, Roll 32, 11th Census of the United States, 1890, Schedule Enumerating Union Veterans and Widows of Union Veterans of the Civil War, Missouri." R

MRS. THELMA S. MCMANUS and MRS. GRACE E. BURLISON, Doniphan, donors: "Come Over Into Macedonia," a history of Ripley County, by donors. R

MRS. J. FRED MERMOUD, Monett, donor: "Barry County Extension Homemakers Clubs History, 1919-1969," by donor. R 110 Missouri Historical Review

FRED G. MIESWINKEL, Mount Vernon, donor: History of the Zion Church &• Cemetery with Inscriptions and Young Gen­ ealogy, compiled by donor. R Photograph of Zion Church loaned for copying. E

MISSOURI LODGE OF RESEARCH, donor: Transactions of the Missouri Lodge of Research, by H. L. Haywood, edited by Lewis C. "Wes" Cook. R

MISSOURI STATE LIBRARY, Jefferson City, donor: A Family History: The Ancestry of Ransom Frank Welch & Susan Curtis Welch, by June Rayfield Welch; Goose Eggs, A Family History, by William H. Godsey; and Souvenir of the Centennial Celebration of St. Joseph's Parish, Westphalia, Missouri, August 6, 1935. R

NATIONAL SOCIETY OF COLONIAL DAMES IN MISSOURI, donor, through MRS. NOR­ MAN HEITNER, St. Louis: Early Laws of Missouri Pertaining To Women. R

ALLEN L. OLIVER, Cape Girardeau, donor: Typed copy of Allen L. Oliver Memoir covering faculty and students of the University of Missouri Law School, 1907-1909. M

MRS. EDNA MCELHINEY OLSON, St. Charles, donor: Index to the St. Charles County Missouri Marriages, 1792-1863, by donor. R

M. N. SCHOWENGERDT, Warrenton, donor: Schowengerdt and Son Account Book, 1869-1870, Warrenton. M

GEORGE H. SCRUTON, Sedalia, donor: Negatives of old photographs of area scenes. E

JOE B. SEE, Grinnell, Iowa, donor: "The History & Genealogy of the See & Related Families, 1674-1968," by donor. R

P. O. SELBY, Kirksville, donor: "The Genealogy of John R. Musick," compiled by donor. R

WILBUR MORSE SHANKLAND, St. Louis, donor: "Where Rivers Meet—Relics of a Vanished Empire," an address by donor at the John Sappington Chapter, Daughters of the American Revolution, St. Louis, March, 1967. M

DAVID SMITH, Columbia, donor: Autobiography of A. J. Smith, Sr., 1926. M

MARY ANN STEES, Columbia, donor: Xerox material concerning the Girl Scout organization in Columbia. M

MRS. LORA RUTH STEPHENS, Tipton, donor, through MRS. ILENE SIMS YARNELL, Versailles: Photographs of Versailles street scenes, 1937. E Historical Notes and Comments 111

JOHN L. SULLIVAN, Flat River, donor: Lead—A Metal for the Future. R

CLAUDE A. TEMPLETON, Tarkio, donor: Photograph and photostat copies of newspaper and magazine articles con­ cerning the David Rankin Mule Barn, Tarkio. E

MRS. ARCHIE CAREY TOAL, Manteca, California, donor: Cary Families from Virginia, by donor. R

JOHN M. USRY, Rolla, donor: "Usrey - Usry - Ussery Bulletins," and "Phelps County Marriages, Book A," 1857-1867. R

LOUIS HEADLEE VANDIVER, Columbia, donor: Xerox copy, "Autobiography of Willard Duncan Vandiver, Mar. 30, 1854- May 30, 1932." R

MRS. SHELLY V. WILLIAMS, Centralia, donor: Genealogical material on the Stone family and the Isaac and Darcus Wil­ liams family of Boone County. R JAMES C. WINFREY, Kansas City, donor: "The Winfrey Family." R

MRS. GROVER YOUNG, Rocheport, donor: Seventy Years of the Rocheport School. R Photographs of Rocheport scenes loaned for copying. E

Did He "Ancher"? Oakridge Indicator, October 25, 1906. We got hold of the following letter, which was written by a school girl to her seemingly sweet heart: "mr Dear sweet hart i will ancher your almost kind welcome nice sweet letter that i sure received and was very glad to hear from you my sweet hart, you are my little pretty boy and i thank you are the prettyst i ever seen you little doll you, so i will close for this time, ancher soon from miss to mr ancher soon."—Douglas County Herald.

Applied Psychology Columbia Herald, May 29, 1890. From the New York Sun "You didn't sell a copy of 'How to Make Home Attractive' to that woman did you?" "Yes, I did. When she came into the parlor I rose and said that I had this book, but I saw that she did not need anything to tell her how to make home attractive and begged her pardon for coming in and started to leave. She bought two copies." 112 Missouri Historical Review

MISSOURI HISTORY IN NEWSPAPERS

Ashland Boone County Journal May 1, 1969—"The 1913 Hartsburg Truth," reprinted from the September 19, 1913, newspaper. May 8—"Negro Hung by Mob in 1853." May 16—"Nashville Flooded in 1844"; and a brief history of the Lawrence Bass family. May 22—"Gun Powder Explosion [1850] Demolished Columbia Store [of J. L. Stephens]"; and a tombstone of Fielding Curtis recalled some area history. May 29, June 6—"Bushw[h]ackers Raided, Killed In Centralia During Civil War." June 19—"Boone County National—1st National Bank in State." June 27—A history, "County July 4 Celebration." July 3—"Boone County's Ira P. Nash Helped Spanish Survey This Area." July 11— "Stage Coach In Columbia Caused Lots Of Excitement." July 18—"Stephens Ran Discount Store in 1843." July 25—"Tales Of An Old Timer [Thomas Turner]." July 30—"Civil War Activities In Cedar Twp."

Brunswick Brunswicker May 1-July 31, 1969—"You Write The Caption," a weekly picture series. July 24—"[Fort Orleans] First White Settlement West of Mississippi River," by Bill Hibler.

Caledonia Courier June 12, 1969—The. sesquicentennial edition featured numerous historical articles and old photographs.

California Democrat June 19, 1969—-"The Heritage of Moniteau County." June 26—"Pisgah Baptist Church Observes 150 Anniversary," a history, by Benton C. Smith. July 3—"History of Oakland Baptist Church," by Lottie Hunt.

Camdenton Reveille May 9, 1969--"History of Osage Beach."

Cape Girardeau Southeast Missourian April 21-26, 28-May 3, 5-10, 12-17, 19-24, 26-29, 31, June 2-7, 9-14, 16- 20, 1969—A series of the reminiscences of Louis Houck. Houck settled in Cape Girardeau 100 years ago and recorded these accounts in book form. The only known copy is now in possession of C. C. Juden, Alta Vista, a grandson of Houck.

Columbia Daily Tribune June 9, 1969—An article, announcing the feature of a shaving contest at the Rocheport Friendsfest, related a sketch of the famed Rocheport barber, Hugo Dietrich. July 3—"Ozark Water Mill Trail attraction to vacationers [in southern Missouri and northern Arkansas]." Historical Notes and Comments 113

Columbia Missourian — July 20, 1969—"[Hays Hardware Company] Selling Out A Century," history by Pam Hemenway, photographs by David Arnold.

De Soto Press May 5—"Historic Mansion of De Soto's Past." May 12 & 19—"The Steamboat Captain Was a Honey." May 26—"Country Peddler a Favorite Visitor." June 2—"Early Kitchens and Earlier Ways." June 9—"Big Fire on Easton Street, 1917." June 16—"Time To Eat in Earlier De Soto." June 23, 30—"Folklore of Our Area." July 7, 14-"De Soto's 100th Birthday-1903." July 21—"The Year the Champs Won the Series Again." July 28—"City's Past Surrounded by Fences." All the above articles from the column, "As You Were," by Eddie Miller.

Eldon Advertiser May 8, 1969—"Olean [Baptist] Church Notes 75th Anniversary."

Florissant Florissant Valley Reporter May 15-July 31, 1969—"Calico Jam," by Lee Mercer, a weekly series on the history of the Florissant area. July 10—A brief history was related in the article, "Florissant Bank to cele­ brate 65th anniversary."

Hannibal Courier-Post July 27, 1969—The special sesquicentennial edition featured numerous his­ torical articles.

Jackson Journal May 7-28, 1969—A weekly series of excerpts from the Cape Girardeau Eagle, compiled by K. J. H. Cochran. May 7-July 30—A weekly series of old photographs included families, schools and other area scenes. June 4-July 30—"The Open Door, A Brief History of Jackson and Cape Girardeau As Reflected in the Buildings," a weekly series, written and illustrated by K. J. H. Cochran. July 30—A history of Passover Methodist Church.

Jefferson City Daily Capital News July 3, 1969—The "Show Me" column, by Jon Cozean, featured a history of the St. Louis Gateway Arch.

Jefferson City News and Tribune June 8, 1969—"[George] King Family house [near New Bloomfield] is part of area History," written by Margaret Taylor, with photos by Rufus Harmon. June 15—An article announcing the centennial services of St. John's Lutheran Church at Schubert, recalled a brief history of the church.

Kansas City Star May 3, 10, 17, 24, 31, June 7, 14, July 5, 12, 26, 1969—A series of postcards from the collection of Mrs. Sam Ray featured respectively: Veterinary College, 114 Missouri Historical Review

Kansas City & Independence Rapid Transit Railway, Evanston Golf Club, City Hall, Watt Webb's country home, public bathhouse at Grove Park, Hannibal Bridge, Electric Park, city workhouse and early aviation. May 3-July 26—"Missouri Heritage," a weekly series by Lew Larkin, featured respectively: John Smith T., Henry M. Brackenridge, Missouri Press Association, B. Gratz Brown, Charles H. Hardin, Susan Elizabeth Blow, Philip Francis Renault, early roads, steamboat race, Edward Leonard's Ravenswood, Timothy Flint, 6th Missouri Infantry in the Spanish-American War and Zebulon Pike. May 4—"In Independence . . . New Life Into Historic [Samuel Hughes Woodson] Home," by Margaret Olwine. June 9—"The Tornado Season Brings to Mind Past Toll of Twisters," by Allen D. Pearson. June 15—A history of the Willows Maternity Home of Kansas City, written by Laura Rollins Hockaday. June 19—"Driving the Outlaws Out of 'Lapland' [on the Arkansas-Missouri Border]," by John C. Hicks. June 20—"O'Hara Stadium Now Alone With Its Memories," by Bill Sharp. July 19—"The Queen of Electric Park [Mrs. Pearl Goelz]," by Mrs. Sam Ray. July 23—"Railroading 'First' in 1869 Track Size Changed Overnight," by Calvin Manon. July 24—"Missouri's Big Neck War, Settler's Angry Words Roused Indians," by Dale Wilson. July 30—"Courthouse in Princeton, Mo., a Landmark, Fire Sparked Politi­ cal 'Sensation.' "

Kansas City Times May 19, 1969—" [Robert] Gillham Genius Helped Build the City," by Calvin Manon. June 21, 28, July 19—A series of postcards from the collection of Mrs. Sam Ray featured Kansas City street scenes. June 26—An article by Margaret Olwine noted the 50th wedding anniversary of the Harry S. Trumans'. July 1—"Washington Park [near Kansas City] a Gay 90s Favorite," by Ed­ ward F. Bowman. July 3—Two articles relating the history of Hannibal and St. Joseph Rail­ road Bridge in Kansas City were "Across the Hannibal Into a New Era," by Robert W. Richmond, and "Quick Thinking Won Bridge for City," by Albert H. Hindman. July 8—"City Helped Make Aviation History"; "Bennett Spring Has a Long History," by Wanda Dial. July 30—"From the Model T to the Moon," by Hildur Ek.

Linn Osage County Observer May 15, 22, June 5, 12, 19, July 3, 24, 1969-"History of Osage County," a series written by Hallie Mantle.

Monett Times July 19, 1969—"Old Times Issues Provide Backward Look At Bustling City of Monett." Two old photographs accompanied the article. Historical Notes and Comments 115

Paris Monroe County Appeal May 1-July 31, 1969—"History of Monroe County," a weekly series, re­ printed from an 1884 history of the county. May 1—"Stories at Which Early Residents Laughed," compiled by Ralph Gregory, Mark Twain Shrine curator, from old newspapers, books, and docu­ ments of Monroe County. May 1, June 5, 19, July 24—Old photographs of area scenes. May 22, 29, June 5, 12, 19, 26, July 3, 10, 24, 31—A history of area busi­ nesses presented in the column "Business Anniversary." July 3—"The Quarles Farmhouse That Mark Twain Knew," by Ralph Gregory.

Poplar Bluff Daily American Republic May 21, June 9, 1969—Part of a series, "Public Education in Butler County." July 19, 31— "The Narrative of John Eudaly." All above articles written by George R. Loughead. July 28—"Recalls Railroading At The Turn Of The Century," by O. H. Heacock.

St. Charles Daily Banner-News July 28, 1969—The bicentennial edition featured numerous historical articles, illustrated with line drawings and old photographs.

St, Charles Journal April 24, 1969—"Renken's [Grocery] Market." May 1—"First Presbyterian Church." May 8—"Bushnell Pioneer Museum." May 15—"[T. George] Jung Farm." May 22—"First Capitol Restoration." May 29—"[Captain James] Campbell Home." June 12—"Early Fire Fighters." June 19—"The [Julius F.] Rauch Home." June 26 if July 3—"Oldest Business." July 10—"St. Charles Cinema." All the above articles written by Edna McElhiney Olson.

Ste, Genevieve Fair Play May 2-June 27, 1969—"History Of Our Town," a weekly series, by Mrs. Jack Basler. May 9—"Body Of Senator [Lewis F.] Linn Disinterred May 28, 1938," a reprint.

St, Louis Globe-Democrat May 4, 1969—"A Memorial for Winston Churchill [at Fulton]," written by David Brown and photographed by Ken Winn. May 4,11,18, 25—The picture series, "Then and Now," featured respectively: blacksmith on Gravois Road, Henry Shaw's mansion, street scenes and Grand Avenue Bridge. May 9—" [American] Legion's First Caucus Was Here in 1919." 116 Missouri Historical Review

June 22—A history of air travel, "Plane Meets Train." June 28-29—A historical article by Bill Cox, "What the FHA Has Done for St. Louis."

St, Louis Post-Dispatch May 5, 1969—"Hannibal Landmark [Rockcliffe] Mansion Restored," by Jack Rice. May 11—"A Ravaged Cemetery [St. Marcus, St. Louis County]," a picture story, written by Harper Barnes and photographed by Robert C. Holt, Jr. May 11, 13, 14, 75—"Harold J. Gibbons Teamster Boss," a series, by Sally Bixby Defty. May 15—"Little Known Water Mill Draws Attention on Creek Studies Tour," a story of Falling Spring Mill near Winona, by Wayne Leeman. May 31— An article by Charles De La Haye reported on plans of Mrs. A. C. Langford and Mildred Depping to restore the Old Rock House in Moscow Mills as a tourist site. The house was built in the early 1800s. June ^/—"Longest U.S. Plank Road Linked Iron Mines, Mississippi River," by John P. Stewart. June 23—"Have Theater, Will Travel," an article by Mary Duffe, re­ printed from St. Louis Commerce, noted repertory work of St. Louisan Sol Smith. June 25—An article by Wayne Leeman related a history of the Lead Belt Railroad. July 7—"Spirit of Seventy-Six [southeast Missouri town] Is Gone." July 12—"A history of Washington University School of Nursing," by Clarissa Start. July 28—"Missouri's Fort Osage," by Frank A. Bartonek, reprinted from Farmland. July 31—"The Drive To Save Ex-Governor's [Thomas Clement Fletcher] House," by Clarissa Start.

Sedalia Capital May 1, 1969—"Clinton Was Built on the 'High Ground' Near Grand River." May 8—"Arrow Rock Capitalizes on Its Rich Historical Heritage." May 22—"Smithton Followed Railroad Into Pettis County." May 29—"Concordia Was Founded On A Hope of Harmony." June 5—"Hughesville Was a Major Rail Shipping Point." June 12—"Chilhowee Grew Up Literally By Accident." June 19—"Mora Plot Was Purchased When Buchanan President." June 21—An article noting the anniversary of County Line Baptist Church, related a history of the congregation. June 26—"Two Accounts are Given of the Naming of Centerview." July 3—"Co-Founder Named Alma For Daughter." July 10—"Corder Picnic Dates Back to Town's Early Days." July 24—"Early Days in Kingsville Were Marred by the Civil War." July 31—"The Missouri River Made Miami an Important Town." All the above articles by Hazel Lang.

Sedalia Democrat June 15, 1969—An editorial on the Pettis County Courthouse was entitled, "Court House Histories," by George H. Scruton. Historical Notes and Comments 117

Shelbyville Shelby County Herald June 11, 1969—An article noting the 100th anniversary of Shiloh Baptist Church, near Bethel, recalled a history of the church.

Steelville Crawford Mirror May 15, 29, June 19, 26, July 10, 1969—A series of "Souvenir Photos," fea­ tured area scenes and people.

The Glory Road Linneus Bulletin, May 11, 1898. A countryman wandering about a church yard came upon a stone having the inscription, "Sic transit gloria mundi." "What does it mean?" he asked of the sexton, who had been explaining the inscriptions to him. The sexton peered toward it, and not wishing to show any ignorance, re­ plied, "Well, it means that he was sick transiently, and went to glory Monday morning."—Harper's Bazaar.

Nature's Agreeable Blunder King City Democrat, November 25, 1898. A cynical bachelor says that woman is an agreeable blunder of nature.

It Took the "Shoo" from the Fly St. Joseph Morning Herald, July 22, 1870. To get rid of flies—Make them drunk on toddy and murder them in their sleep. They are beastly fond of toddy, and while under its influence they don't "shoo" worth a cent.

The Wrong Sample Jackson Missouri Cash Book, January 12, 1911. A man in Platte county recently sought an expert in oil, because he be­ lieved that he had struck oil on his land. He brought a sample in a bottle. Evidently he had been in a great hurry and had grabbed the first bottle at hand, for when the chemist had duly analyzed the sample submitted he sent the following telegraphic report: "Find no trace of oil. You have struck paregoric." 118 Missouri Historical Review

MISSOURI HISTORY IN MAGAZINES

American Heritage, August, 1969: "Mr. Eads Spans The Mississippi," by Joseph Gies. Annals of Iowa, Spring, 1969: "The Civil War Letters of an Iowa Family," edited, with an introduction, by Richard N. Ellis.

, Summer, 1969: "The Missouri River Improvement Program," by George R. Call. Arizona and the West, Summer, 1969: "The Kansas Pacific Railroad in the Southwest," by William R. Petrowski.

Arkansas Historical Quarterly, Summer, 1969: "The Federals Capture Fort Smith, 1863," by Edwin C. Bearss. Bulletin, Camden County Historical Society, May, 1969: "Vignette of Stout- land."

, July, 1969: "Historical Notes [of early Camden County]," contributed by Esther M. Barclay.

Bulletin, Missouri Historical Society, July, 1969: "William Clark's 1795 and 1797 Journals and Their Significance," by Samuel W. Thomas; "Correspondence of Senator Francis Marion Cockrell, December 23, 1885-March 24, 1888," by the Hon. Hugh P. Williamson; and "The Engineers' Club of St. Louis, A Century of Its History, 1868-1968," by Everett E. Carlson.

Chariton County Historical Society Newsletter, July, 1969: "Truman—Bentley Letters"; "An 1849 Letter Written From Keytesville, Missouri"; and "July And Chariton County Blackberries," by Pearl Gehrig.

Chronicles of Oklahoma, Winter, 1968-1969: "A Study of the Ust of Madstones in Oklahoma," by Kenneth L. Ketner.

Civil War Times Illustrated, June, 1969: "An Audience with His Excellency, John Charles Fremont," by James M. Tuttle.

, July, 1969: "Wounded at Fort Donelson, A First Person Account," by James O. Churchill. Clay County Museum Association Newsletter, June, 1969: "The Allcorn Family in Clay County, Missouri," by Donald Pharis.

1 July, 1969: "Letters From Liberty Landing, 1842-1843," edited by Mrs. Julian Evans.

Florissant Valley Historical Society Quarterly, July, 1969: "Ferguson ... As I Knew It," by E. R. Schmidt; and "Road to Musick Ferry, Mo., offers historic as well as scenic points of interest," reprinted from the St. Louis Post- Dispatch, 1919.

Frontier Times, August-September, 1969: "Jesse, Frank [James] and Cole [Younger]," by Albert S. Gilles, Sr. Historical Notes and Comments 119

Jackson County Historical Society Journal, Summer, 1969: "Society Is Selling Photographic Reprints"; "Old Mansion An Office Quality Hill Residence Is Refurbished," by John C. Monroe, Jr.; "Ross Twins, Born in Marshal's House, Recall Independence Square of Mid-90's," by Helen Ross; and "Re­ tired Lawyer Grew Up on Farm Near Site of the Proposed Sports Com­ plex," by John H. Hardin. Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society, Summer, 1969: "The Prager Affair: A Study In Wartime Hysteria," by Donald R. Hickey. Kansas Historical Quarterly, Summer, 1969: "Border Frontier: The Missouri River, Fort Scott & Gulf Railroad in the Cherokee Neutral Lands, 1868- 1870," by Craig Miner.

Kirkwood Historical Review, June, 1969: "Trains," by Miller Mabrey Donovan; "Over My Shoulder," by Corinne Gould Chamberlain; and "The Diary of Anna B. Richter," conclusion.

Lawrence County Historical Society Bulletin, July, 1969: "Meeting of Some of the Original Settlers of Lawrence County," reprinted from Fountain and Journal, September 22, 1887, edited by Euphrates Boucher; "Notes on the Catts and Crawford Families," by Clarence W. L. Catts; and "Sketch of the Cumberland Presbyterian and Methodist Churches of Marionville," by Mrs. Harriette Kimzey.

Lincoln Herald, Winter, 1968: "Zachariah Chandler and the Withdrawal of Fremont in 1864; New Answers to an Old Riddle," by H. L. Trefousse.

Montana Magazine of Western History, Spring, 1969: "Lewis & Clark, Portraits and Portraitists," by Paul R. Cutright.

, Summer, 1969: "William Gilpin: Advocate of Expansion," by J. Christopher Schnell. Museum Graphic, Spring, 1969: "Grand Old Gentlemen of the Pony Express," by Don L. Reynolds; and "Railroad Avenue," by Charles Radcliffe.

Muzzle Blasts, July, 1969: "Two Missouri Gunsmiths of the Boonslick Area, John P. Sites, Sr., 1784-1853, John P. Sites, Jr., 1821-1904," by Thomas B. Hall. National Genealogical Society Quarterly, June, 1969: "Greeley Cemetery (In the Missouri Ozarks)," by Louise (Hamby) Skaggs.

North Dakota History, Spring, 1969: "The Marquis De Mores: Instrument of American Progress," by Lewis O. Saum. Ozarks Mountaineer, May, 1969: "The Ozark Water Mill Trail," by Clay An­ derson; and "Side-Tripping from McCormack Lake," by Russ How.

, June, 1969: "The Westover Mill," by Russ How; and "The Ozarks in Other Days," by M. G. Clute.

, July, 1969: "The Ozarks in other days, An Auction Sale and a Funeral," by M. G. Clute; "Balloon Ascensions," by Fred Schmickle; and "The Spirit of the Mountaineer," by Harold Hatzfeld. 120 Missouri Historical Review

Pacific Northwest Quarterly, April, 1969: "Pat Donan's West and the End of the Age of Hate," by Lewis O. Saum.

Ray town Trail News, April, 1969: "Richard's Flying Field."

Register of the Kentucky Historical Society, July, 1969: "Audubon and the New Madrid Earthquake," by James P. Jones; and "The Polk Clan, Kentucky's Contribution To The Early Development of Modern Architecture," by James Hancock.

Today's Farmer, May, 1969: "For 66 Years at Willow Springs, the Village Black­ smith [Francis Anson]," by M. A. Dickman.

, June, 1969: "Old Cemeteries Reveal History [in Shelby County]," by Timothy Guse.

Westport Historical Quarterly, June, 1969: "Tom Morrison, The Last Marshal of Old Westport," by Neuma Morrison Chitwood; "The Old Dummy Line From Westport To Waldo," by Paul Turner; "Captain Joseph Parks, Chief of the Shawnee Indians," by Adrienne Christopher; "The Shawnee Treaty of 1832," by Adrienne Christopher; "For Those Who Love Horse-Racing," by Albert N. Doerschuk; and "The Four-Horse Buses Westport To Kansas City," by Adrienne Christopher.

White River Valley Historical Quarterly, Spring, 1969: "Was 'Bloody Bill' An­ derson in the White River Country in 1861?" by Hardy A. Kemp; "Moore of Moore's Ferry," by Isaac Moore, from Stories of the Pioneers, by E. J. and L. S. Hoehshel; "The Bald Knob School," by John Gerten; "Reeds Spring," from the Stone County Booklet of 1927; "The Town of Hurley," by A. L. McQuary; "Interprise School," by Bertha Dye Larsen; "A Civil War Pilgrimage," by Fred DeArmond; and "Marriage Records of Taney County, Missouri, 1885-1900," copied by members of Taneycomo Chapter, DAR.

ERRATUM In the last issue of the REVIEW, the map prepared for illustrating William A. Hansen's article, "Thomas Hart Benton and the Oregon Question," depicted Missouri's boundaries including the area known as the Platte Purchase. This area was not added to Missouri until 1836.

He Knew How to Subtract Gainesville Ozark County Times, October 4, 1907. "Pop, a man's wife is his better half isn't she?" "So we are told, my son." "Thpn if a man marries twice there isn't anything left of him. is there?" Historical Notes and Comments 121

IN MEMORIAM

ALLIN, CURTIS S., Louisville, Tennes­ KLEIN, MRS. RACHEL GULLY, Mo­ see: 1898-April 24, 1969. berly: March 19, 1897-October 20, 1967. BARNES, CHARLES M., JR., New Or­ LEITCH, MRS. MARGARET H., Tarkio: leans, Louisiana: March 16, 1902-June September 30, 1908-July 16, 1968. 2, 1968. LLOYD, ROBERT A., Ballwin: March BLAIR, MISS JESSIE, Sedalia: March 14, 1887-February 6, 1967. 11, 1876-January 13, 1968. LOGAN, DR. JAMES A., Warsaw: May BREEN, GEORGE F., Brookfield: Febru­ 28, 1880-April 9, 1969. ary 10, 1893-December 1, 1968. MAY, MORTON J., St. Louis: July 13, BUSH, MRS. CHARLES M., Kansas City: 1881-May 17, 1968. June 30, 1883-February 21, 1969. MYERS, A. E., Prairie Village, Kan­ COWDEN, MARVIN, Springfield: April sas: February 4, 1881-March 22, 1969. 18, 1892-June 11, 1969. OECHSLE, ALBERT H., Jefferson City: DICKINSON, LELIA, Clayton: Septem­ December 23, 1889-May 29, 1969. ber 5, 1897-September 21, 1968. PETTIJOHN, JAMES H., Oregon: De­ EDGAN, ROBERT L., Arcadia: April 20, cember 4, 1907-June 3, 1967. 1900-May 2, 1968. PYLE, C. HOMER, Bethany: May 29, 1898-May 31, 1969. Past president of EDGAR, WILLIAM R., Ironton: May 24, 1885-August 24, 1967. Gentry County Historical Society. RAY, S. K., Sedalia: June 26, 1891- FARNER, MRS. ALICE, Moberly: July October 4, 1968. 21, 1870-August 13, 1968. RICHARDSON, W. A., Maitland: July FITZPATRICK, DANIEL ROBERT, St. 4, 1884-February 23, 1969. Louis: March 5, 1891-May 18, 1969. ROMJUE, HONORABLE M. A., Macon: GAYLORD, GLEED, Kansas City: March December 5, 1874-January 23, 1968. 26, 1904-July 26, 1966. Probate Judge of Macon County. U.S. GIBBANY, MRS. E. H., Pattonsburg: Congressman, 1916-1920, 1922-1942. October 3, 1884-June 10, 1969. ROWE, BURT H., Sikeston: January GLEICK, HARRY S., St. Louis: March 6, 1892-March 3, 1969. 9, 1894-May 31, 1969. SCARRITT, WILLIAM H., Kansas City: GOULD, E. A., Kansas City: May 18, February 5, 1886-June 24, 1969. 1902-October 20, 1968. SHAW, DR. B. E., Cameron: April 13, GROVES,, THOMAS HOWARD, Portland, 1893-September 29, 1968. Oregon: November 12, 1889-March 14, TEMPLIN, LUCINDA DE L., El Paso, 1968. Texas: November 10, 1889-May 12, GROVES, MRS. VETA SPENCE, Portland, 1969. Oregon: August 5, 1890-July 5, 1967. THOMPSON, R. C, Leadwood: Janu­ HALL, GENE, Hannibal: March 11, ary 28, 1899-June 27, 1969. 1902-October 18, 1966. VICKREY, MATT, Joplin: January 5, HANEY, ALANZO FRANK, Brookfield: 1893 -July 9, 1969. Curator, Mineral October 27, 1868-September 23, 1968. Museum, Schifferdecker Park, Joplin. HEINE, ELDON E., Hannibal: 1903- VREDENBURGH, WALTER J., St. Louis: January 23, 1969. June 24, 1898-December 15, 1968. HOLMAN, JOHN T., Callao: October WEIER, GEORGE W., Pevely: Decem­ 13, 1885-March 30, 1969. ber 26, 1885-March 21, 1968. HUFF, FRED W., Houston, Texas: De­ WILLIAMS, W. G., Sun City, Arizona: cember 14, 1898-November 14, 1968. August 10, 1895-June 23, 1968. 122 Missouri Historical Review

BOOK REVIEWS

The Loneliest Campaign: The Truman Victory of 1948. By Irwin Ross (New York: The New American Library, 1968). xii & 305 pp. Illustrated. Notes. Indexed. $6.95. The 1948 election is the delight of the romantics. They see a brave man, fighting almost alone against great odds, defying the experts who unanimously predicted his defeat and emerging as the winner in the greatest upset in American political history. While in touch with some of the realities, the interpretation obscures at least as much as it reveals. It exaggerates the significance of Tru­ man's own efforts, although they must not be neglected, and under­ states his debts to others. Most important, the romantic view pays inadequate attention to the strength of Truman's party. The inter­ pretation also neglects his own weaknesses. Nineteen forty-eight was a narrow-margin, low-turnout and maintaining election. While Roosevelt's margin of victory had ranged from 7.5 to 24.5 percent, Truman's was only 4.5, the lowest since 1916 when Wilson's percentage of the popular vote was only three points ahead of Hughes'. Furthermore, less than fifty-two percent of the total citizenry voted, the smallest percentage since the establishment of the two-party system, except for the first two elections after the advent of woman's suffrage. Truman had not aroused strong public interest in the choice of candidates nor con­ verted large numbers to the Democratic cause as the Great Depres­ sion, the New Deal and Franklin Roosevelt had. Truman and his aides merely took advantage of the strength that his party had de­ veloped by the 1940s and maintained its control of the White HTl^ ntonnlor Ttootnr o rvf Vn' c ^OTYinoinrn moc ifc cnr»_ Historical Notes and Comments 123 cess in rallying Democrats who earlier had been unhappy with him and inclined to vote for one of his foes or to stay at home. The loneliness of Truman's campaign is not one of the signifi­ cant features of 1948. In fact, it was not a lonely campaign. Many people worked with Truman and helped him win, and large crowds greeted the President on his campaign trips. Irwin Ross recognizes the most significant features of 1948. His title is his only concession to the romantic view. He provides, for example, the best account we have of the work of Truman's campaign advisers, headed by Clark Clifford. And although Ross pays almost no attention to the low-turnout and narrow-margin features, he writes that "the election proved that the Democratic party had become the nations majority party" and that the Demo­ cratic victories in the Roosevelt years "were not merely the result of adventitious circumstances." They resulted from "a profound alteration in the political loyalties of the great mass of Americans, a shift of allegiance from the Republican to the Democratic party." (p. 6) Ross's informative, well-written and sophisticated book is the best history of the 1948 election presently in print. The leading competitor is Out of the Jaws of Victory by Jules Abels, published in 1959. This book, however, is seriously flawed by its exaggeration of the importance of Dewey's campaign. While it was weak, that does not justify Abels' suggestion that Dewey would have won if he had made a better effort. Most non-voters had Democratic in­ clinations, and an increase in the total turnout would have favored Truman unless some selective stimulus were present that would have induced only Republican non-voters to go to the polls. Perhaps a slashing, anti-New Deal campaign would have rallied these Re­ publicans behind Dewey, but it would have strengthened Truman's charge that the Republicans represented a threat to the New Deal and would have helped him attract even more Democrats. Ross recognizes this and suggests that "the only way Dewey might have won the popular vote would have been to campaign on Truman's platform." That, of course, he could not have done: "For Dewey to have sought to outflank Truman on the left would have meant the repudiation of the Eightieth Congress and the denial of support for a host of conservative Republican candidates for the House and Senate." (p. 261) In part, Ross's book is better because his research opportunities were greater and he took advantage of them. Writing at a later 124 Missouri Historical Review

date, more people were willing to be interviewed and to make manuscripts available. Furthermore, he has explored more thor­ oughly the rich social science literature on 1948, including the work of Angus Campbell, Bernard Berelson and Samuel Eldersveld. Curiously, he dismisses the challenge to the standard interpretation of the Wallace campaign that has been supplied by Karl Schmidt and Curtis MacDougall. All in all, however, Ross makes a sub­ stantial contribution to the large efforts now under way to enlarge our understanding of the Truman years.

University of Missouri Richard S. Kirkendall

Joshua Pilcher: Fur Trader and Indian Agent. By John E. Sunder (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1968). 203 pp. Illustrated. Bibliography. Indexed. $5.95. John Sunder, author of Bill Sublett: Mountain Man and The Fur Trade on the Upper Missouri, 1840-1865, has added another worthwhile monograph to the bookshelves of Western History. His latest study is a biography of Joshua Pilcher, an important figure in the fur trade of the Far West and Indian-white relations from the 1820s through the early 1840s. Sunder's subject was born in Virginia in 1790, spent his early years in Kentucky and Tennessee and, in 1814, traveled to the Mis­ souri Territory and settled in St. Louis. There, he became involved in the mercantile business and banking, eventually becoming a di­ rector of the Bank of St. Louis. Politically he aligned with the Thomas Hart Benton, William Clark and John Scott faction, a move that would prove profitable in later years. Pilcher had enjoyed a lucrative mercantile and auction house business with his partner, the prominent St. Louisan, Thomas Riddick. Even so, he abandoned these enterprises and, while the Bank of St. Louis closed in 1819, joined the Missouri Fur Company and its founder, Manuel Lisa; when Lisa died in 1820, Pilcher be­ came manager of the company. Under his guidance the Missouri Fur Company prospered until competitors, during the summer of 1824, forced it into bankruptcy. This defeat did not stop Pilcher and his partners from attempt­ ing a comeback in the fur trade. Pilcher and Company was or- Historical Notes and Comments 125 ganized with the hope of recouping losses in the rich fur fields west and north of Bellevue, Nebraska, and when this plan failed, into the mountains between the territories trapped by William Ashley's Rocky Mountain Fur Company and the English Hudson's Bay Company. The latter also proved unprofitable. Pilcher returned to St. Louis in 1830, anxious to secure a posi­ tion in the Federal Indian Agency. Using the national recognition he received from a report submitted to the Secretary of War on the Hudson's Bay Company and the fur trade in the Pacific Northwest, plus what political support he could muster, he attempted to re­ place his one-time friend, John Dougherty, as the Indian Agent on the Upper Missouri. His plans were unsuccessful and, in 1832, he agreed to work for the American Fur Company, an enemy from his earlier fur trade ventures. With Benton's assistance Pilcher finally achieved a position with the Indian Agency; in 1835 he was appointed sub-agent to the Sioux, Poncas and Cheyennes. When William Clark, Superintend­ ent of Indian Affairs at St. Louis, died, Pilcher's commendable rec­ ord as sub-agent and his political friends, assisted him in obtaining the post. He became Clark's successor on March 4, 1839, and his ensuing actions in that position continued to illustrate a genuine concern for the welfare of the Indian. In September of 1841 Pilcher was relieved of his duties, not because of a poor performance but as a result of the Whigs gaining the presidency and his inopportune comment concerning that election. Two years later Pilcher died of pulmonary consumption. In preparing this monograph Sunder seemingly has exhausted the pertinent primary and secondary sources pertaining to his sub­ ject. The result is a portrait of Pilcher as an energetic, enterprising and entertaining man who possessed a volatile temper. This is not, however, just a study of an important frontier personage; it in­ cludes a compact view of the social, economic and political condi­ tions in St. Louis, the fur trade of the Far West and the Indian Agency (especially illuminating) as they relate to Pilcher's life and times. Easily read it is doubtful that another factual work on Pilcher, the man, will be needed in the near future. Sunder has written a monograph that should interest both the professional and non-professional historian of the West.

State Historical Society of Missouri James W. Goodrich 126 Missouri Historical Review

BOOK NOTES

English Village in the Ozarks, The Story of Hollister, Missouri. By Edith McCall (Hollister: Edith McCall, Box 255M, 1969). 114 pp. Illustrations. $2.75. Hollister is an unusual Southwest Missouri town with an in­ teresting history. This book relates the story of a town founded less than seventy years ago, its early struggle for prominence, its suc­ cess and heyday, disaster and near death, survival and progress. After the coming of the railroad to the White River area, Reu­ ben Fletcher Kirkham built a store in the valley of Turkey Creek and opened a post office there in 1904, naming the site Hollister. In an effort to make the town different from other railway stops, William H. Johnson, a few years later, conceived the idea of constructing the buildings to resemble picturesque structures of old England. Later buildings, even the railroad depot, followed this English pat­ tern of architecture, making a very unusual setting in the scenic Ozark countryside. Tourists came to be the town's biggest asset, even before the construction of the Empire power dam across White River in 1913, some ten miles below Hollister. With the area around Hollister be­ coming a lake, the town entered the heyday of its tourist season in 1916. Eleven years later area residents witnessed an unusually bad flood; in the 1930s came the depression and few vacationers. The Hollister bank closed, never to reopen. After Branson became the commercial center of the area and after other severe floods in 1943 and 1945, Hollister's businesses began to close. Only a ceramic plant and the Southern National Manufacturing Company kept the town going until the completion of Table Rock Dam in 1958, which removed the threat of continual flooding. A subdivision in the late 1950s brought new citizens, and business began to revive. This 114-page booklet is handsomely illustrated with photo­ graphs which help depict the area's development. The village drama is ably told by a professional writer, Edith McCall. The author has lived in Hollister since 1955. She has written a number of books for children and is co-author of the elementary Missouri history textbook, Where Rivers Meet. Historical Notes and Comments 127

Bright Glowed My Hills. By Douglas Mahnkey (Point Look­ out, Mo.: The School of the Ozarks Press, 1968). 158 pp. Illus­ trations. $2.25. Douglas Mahnkey, in recalling some of his years in Taney County, Missouri, and the Ozarks, has written a refreshing and nostalgic account of his affection for the people and country. Born in Taney County in 1902, the author's reminiscences include his early youth, his days at the School of the Ozarks (when less than fifty young people attended), his six years as a rural school teacher, his campaigning for various public offices and his experiences as a practicing lawyer representing the "hill people." Besides Mahnkey's own experiences he relates the story of Alf Bolin, one of the most notorious Jayhawkers on the Missouri- Arkansas border during the Civil War, and discusses the role of the "Baldknobbers" in the area's history. Mahnkey and his acquaintances make for lively and enter­ taining reading.

Centennial History of the First Baptist Church, Kirksville, Mis­ souri. By Walter H. Ryle (Kirksville: Simpson Publishing Company, 1968). 199 pp. Not indexed. Illustrations. $3.50. From church records and reports of the Macon and Mt. Pleasant Baptist associations, Kirksville newspapers and major secondary works, Dr. Ryle has compiled an interesting historical account of the First Baptist Church in Kirksville. The church was organized in Kirksville on July 25. 1868. De­ spite inspiring leadership, the first few years of its beginning were difficult. On January 5, 1873, the group built a new brick structure but, unable to finance the building, it was purchased by the Pres­ byterians. In 1896, under the leadership of the Reverend S. H. Mor­ gan, the church financed without debt a new church, only to have it burn some 14 years later. It was soon rebuilt. Dr. Ryle traces the growth of the Baptist movement in the county through early religious leaders and the growth of the First Baptist Church in Kirksville through its numerous pastors. The Rev­ erend A. T. Hite came to Adair County in 1839 and had a great influence on the religious life of the county. The Reverend Ray Palmer inspired a sizeable growth in church membership after his arrival in 1887. The Reverend Ralph M. G. Smith has served the 128 Missouri Historical Review congregation the longest, from 1929 through the centennial year— 1968. The author also presents brief sketches of the church's assistant pastors and a story of the centennial events. Also included are a list of former pastors and a church directory noting the church officers, teachers and a complete membership list.

Notable Lawyers and Criminal Trials. By Hugh P. Williamson (Fulton: Hugh P. Williamson, 1968). 203 pp. Not indexed. $2.00. In this volume, Judge Williamson presents interesting biograph­ ical sketches of Missouri's outstanding lawyers, many notable for some characteristic of mind, temperament or manner. Some led lives which were noble, tragic, courageous, sacrificial or dedicated. All deserve a prominent place in Missouri history. Rufus Easton, commissioned judge of the Louisiana Territory in 1805, had within his jurisdiction the largest land area of any judge who ever sat in the United States. Mathias McGirk was the first chief justice of Missouri and Hamilton Rowan Gamble, later provisional governor of Missouri during the Civil War, served on the Missouri Supreme Court at the time of the Dred Scott Decision. William B. Naptons service on the Supreme Court of Missouri spanned a period of some 40 years and, though not continuous, em­ braced a longer period of time than any other man who ever sat in that high court. Shepard Barclay had the distinction (unique during his lifetime) of having served on the circuit court, the supreme court and the court of appeals. Henry Lamm, noted for his wit, humor and ability at phrase-making, made legal opinions interesting to read for laymen and a delight to lawyers. Other well-known figures, Willard P. Hall, Thomas Hart Benton, Alexander W. Don­ iphan and Francis Preston Blair, Jr., are sketched by Judge Wil­ liamson. A number of interesting trials are also related in this book in­ cluding the "freedom suit" of Mary Charlotte vs. Chouteau; the case of Celia, the 19-year-old slave girl, hung for the murder of her master; and the brutal Taylor murder case tried in Carroll County in 1895. A final chapter in the book on "Benefit of Clergy" gives a brief view of a legal concept, totally different from and unrelated to our own. Historical Notes and Comments 129

Carroll County, Missouri, 1910-1968. By Carroll County His­ torical Society (Marceline, Mo.: Walsworth Publishing Company. 1968). 524 pp. Not indexed. Illustrations. $10.00. In 1961, members of the Carroll County Historical Society began to realize the need for a new history of their county. Some 50 years had elapsed since the publication of the 1910 county history. Through the dedicated efforts of Pearl E. Lowrance, Marie Betzler, Katie Marie Adkins, the executive committee, faithful society mem­ bers and some 400 other interested county citizens, this book has become a reality. Approximately 58 years of Carroll County history are covered in this informative work. An introduction summarizes the history of the county up to 1910 and the county officials since 1910 are listed. Major topics in the book are the county courthouse, high­ ways, railroads, rivers, libraries, newspapers, the telephone, bank­ ing, the fire department, the airport, town histories, farm progress, the weather, business and industry, organizations, recreation, events of yesteryears and wars. Numerous brief human interest stories add colorful history and over 100 pages are devoted to family histories. The county seal and line drawings for each chapter were drawn by Mrs. David Thomas, Jr. The book is also attractively illustrated with old, as well as recent, photographs.

Centennial Norborne, Missouri, 1868-1968. (Marceline, Mo.: Walsworth Publishing Company, 1968). 126 pp. Not indexed. Il­ lustrations. $4.00, plus postage. Norborne B. Coates, land agent and surveyor for the North Missouri Railroad, arrived in this Carroll County area in 1867 to contact land owners and negotiate a right-of-way for the railroad. He platted the town which became Norborne. The book includes a brief history of the town, a chronology of events from 1868 to 1968, and historical sketches of the post office, library, churches, schools, organizations, recreation and rural areas. A section on "Twice Told Tales" presents brief, colorful stories from the past. The book is attractively illustrated with both old and recent photographs. A paper-back supplement was later published which contained an account of the centennial celebration and numerous pictures of the events and area residents in centennial dress. Missouri Bee Hunt Kansas City Journal, October 18, 1903. Bees are peculiar things, the most marvelous of the enigmas of natural history in many ways, but scarcely more so than the wild-bee hunters. In the heart of a wood quite a little distance from Milan, in a cozy, scrupulously clean one-story farm house he chanced to pay one of his mysterious visits, did the old bee hunter. Drumming with his big hands on the porch, his long, dark beard dallying in the evening breezes, he awaited the arrival from the fields the master of the house. I had never been on a wild bee hunt before, but had read of such in books that smelled too strongly of the lamp, but now that I was to participate in one of the real things, I waited with the utmost impatience the farmer's arrival home, for the wild bees had been located on property belonging to the owner, ethics of the country being against anything like vandalism above all things. For the swarming of a "colony" was an event that added assets to the lucky man on whose property the occurence transpired. It was with interest that I looked the old bee hunter over, he being a character most unique, widely known for many miles about as the keenest scenter of wild bees even in that locality, a neighborhood full of such experts. He was over six feet tall, with a pair of piercing eyes, that seemed to look from the bottom of a crow's nest, for his beard and hair were as heavy as a mattress. A great slouch hat topped a heavy head of hair, while his feet, shod in heavy buckled shoes, were marvelously "permanent bases." An ill-concealed impatience and enthusiasm lurked within him for the hunt to be settled, and he told me how he "traced" the bees. "Wall," said he, as he crossed his legs again for the seventh time and took a fresh chew of natural leaf, "I found them this way: by first going to a place where they water themselves. Yes, bees have their watering places same as lots of things else. I spotted one or two bees that were particularly fussy. They be a couple of new galoots, said I to myself, and I'll shadow on 'em, that's me, little bees. And so I did. Bees, after they've watered, usually go straight back to the new place that's going to be their home, or, the place," he chuckled, "that they think 'ats going to be their home, for lot of 'em get nailed." "Wall, I lost the scent once or twice while in the heavy timber, but finally followed a bee from there on, across the creek, and he disappeared somewhere,

130 Historical Notes and Comments 131

I couldn't tell where. But I was onto the job, as of old. I goes up and puts my ear against every tree trunk thereabouts, and listens, for bees can't keep silent, when they're swarming, especially." "Sure 'nough, on putting my ear agin a slanting lynn tree, I hears a thun­ dering of a racket, like a buzz saw, for sound travels best on a piece o' wood, ye see. You are discovered, said I to myself, and your juice, if ye've got any made yet, is mine. But I knew they hadn't been there long, by several signs. They weren't fighty enough, for bees that leave the old parent stand and settle some­ where else aren't cross till they begin to make their honey." He ran on in this way for some time, saying that he had come to tell the farmer about it all and to have a hunt that very night and take them hive and all to add to other hives which comprised the farmer's apiary. About dusk the longed for came ... he first set us out an excellent cold lunch. . . . A lantern, a bunch of woolen cloth, an ax, and a "bee gum," this latter consisted of a plain square pine box together with a large piece of oil cloth— these comprised the outfit for the bee hunt. By this time it was dark, and we started, six of us, in single file. The old bee-man led the way with the lantern, joyously humming a tune ... we delved into the woods, very heavy, and tangled with brush and other undergrowth. The mellow rays of the lantern fell upon the trees and cast shadows that flickered and cut up antics with all the peculiarity of a vitascopic "picture" as we moved along. . . . After a tedious ramble, up hill and down dale, over creek and in yellow mud, the old bee man suddenly stopped and gave a happy laugh, the rays of the lantern making his eyes sparkle with all the effulgence of a cat's eyes. "We are thar," said he; "jest put yer ears to this," and he pointed at a lynn tree that grew from the hillside, bent at an angle of about forty-five de­ grees over the hollow. We took turns about, placing our ears at the trunk of the hollow tree. To say there was a humming sound were putting it too mildly; the sound that came from it was, indeed, like a buzz saw. "Well, down with the tree," said the bee man, and took first turn chopping it. One of his arms being weaker than the other, he was shortly relieved by our host, and as the blows fell thick and fast the bees above literally buzzed themselved into a frenzy, I thought. "Ho, ho, they aren't dangerous; they're only nonplussed," said the man of bees, reassuringly, as I was making for a tree to hide behind. Before long the tree, hollow inside, though by no means either dead or small, began to show the effects of the blows, and slowly sank down, then tottered and fell with a crash to the ground, down into the little valley. A slow, smothered fire was built of twigs, and the woolen cloth lighted, then blown out and permitted to merely smolder and throw out volumes of suffocating smoke. This was the "dope" to put a quietus on the bee's ambitions to raise trouble, and it did, to some extent, for the smoking stuff was placed directly beneath the hole in the tree trunk, which was the only egress and exit of the bees. Before long, things becoming somewhat quiet in the bees' affairs, the bee man chopped two holes into the fallen trunk, one above and one below the mass of bees; one of these holes faced the ground, the other upward, over which was placed the "bee gum." 132 Missouri Historical Review

The bee gum was braced by little chips, so as to prevent its toppling over, and the crevices surrounded by the aforesaid oilcloth. The smoke beneath was supposed to drive the bees up into the bee gum, but it miscarried, at first, for some unknown reason. Whereupon the bee man, surpassing all belief protruded his naked hand and arm right into the hollow of the tree, even among the million insanely mad bees, pushing them literally forward, to hasten their movement into the bee gum, and he received not so much as a single sting. I gaped with wild-eyed wonder from behind a tree, quite away. "They don't sting much when they have made no honey, and they haven't had time yet to make nary a speck, I see," said the wizard of the bees. While the others calmly went about entrapping the bees, I dodged the bees and pawed at them nervously, and was the only one stung. The bee man was literally covered with bees, only stopped slowly to take one off his eyes now and then, or dump a few out of his neck. In the course of a half hour longer, the great mass of bees were into the bee gum, among which was the queen herself, the magnet that held all the rest in a solid colony. She being procured, all was well. Then the bee man dumped the box over quickly, covered it tightly with the oilcloth, and the wild bee hunt was a success. We slowly trudged with the pounds of buzzing bees back to the farmhouse, where they were again transferred into a regular bee box and strips of beeswax, formed by the hand of man into comb, were artfully hung to give the bees a start to begin their work for someone else, and just as the many other hives were doing there. P.M.B.

It Was a Nightmare Columbia Missouri Statesman, October 1, 1880. A young lady ate half a wedding cake, and then tried to dream of her future husband. Now she says that she would rather die than marry the man she saw in that dream.

Because They Were Desperate King City Democrat, December 16, 1898. Men probably began holding girls' hands because they had to do some­ thing desperate to keep them away from the piano.

A Slight Error Gainesville Ozark County Times, October 25, 1907. No doubt the world is small, yet few of us know much about what is on the other side of it. An English paper, in paying tribute to Mark Twain, calls one of his books, "Life on the Minneapolis." Missouri Women In History

Zoe Akins Zoe Akins, daughter of Thomas Jasper Akins and Sarah (Green) Akins, was cited by the Saturday Review of Literature in the 1930s as Missouri's only important dramatist of her gen­ eration. Winner of the Pulitzer Prize for the best American play performed in New York during 1934 and 1935, her later career included screen plays for Paramount Studios in Hollywood. Zoe was born October 30, 1886, at Humansville, Missouri, and at the age of 11 moved with her parents to St. Louis. In the early 1900s her father served as St. Louis postmaster, chairman of the Republican State Committee and United States Sub-Treasurer under President Theodore Roosevelt. Her maternal grandfather, General Duff Green, was a member of the first Missouri Constitu­ tional Convention, Washington, D. C, newspaper editor and public printer to Congress, 1829-1833. Educated at Monticello Seminary, Godfrey, Illinois, and Hosmer Hall, St. Louis, Zoe Akins made valuable friends and learned about stagecraft during a brief engagement with the Odeon Stock Company in St. Louis. The noted actress, Julia Marlowe, encouraged her to study the European dramatists. She began her literary career as a contributor of poems, criticism and miscellaneous writing to Marion L. Reedy's St. Louis Mirror. Her first volume of verse, Interpretations, published in 1912 by Grant Richards in London and Michael Kennerley in New York, was admired both in America and Europe. Many of her later poems were published in book form and in leading magazines. Her two published novels were Cake Upon the Waters (1918) and Forever Young (1941). In 1928 Zoe went to Hollywood to complete her smash hit, The Greeks Had a Word for It, rated by critics as one of her finest plays. The Old Maid, her prize-winning play starring Judith Anderson, was produced at the Empire Theater, New York, during the 1934-1935 season and was later presented as a motion picture starring Bette Davis. The play was an adaptation of Edith Wharton's study of social taboos of the 1850s. Zoe was married in 1932 to Captain Hugo Cecil Levinge Rumbold, artist and dramatic director, who died a few months later from wounds he had received in World War I. Zoe died October 29, 1958, in Los Angeles.