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French Revolution THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AND THE BIRTH OF MODERNITY Edited by FERENC FEHER The French Revolution and the Birth of Modernity University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles, California University of California Press Oxford, England Copyright © 1990 by The Regents of the University of California Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The French Revolution and the birth of modernity I edited by Ferenc Feher. p. cm. ISBN 0-520-06879-3 {alk. paper).-ISBN 0-520-07120-4 (pbk.: alk. paper) I. France-History-Revolution, 1789-1799-lnftuence. 2. Civilization, Modern. 3. Political science-History. I. Feher. Ferenc. 1933- DCI48.F722 1990 944.04-dc20 90-10819 CIP Printed in the United States of America I 2 3 4 5 6 789 The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences-Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-19840 The French Revolution and the Birth of Modernity EDITED BY Ferenc Feher UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS Berkeley Los Angeles Oxford Contents ACKNOWIFDGMFNTI l1;; INTRODIJCTTON FmncF,hirl I PART I-STATE, NATION, AND CLASS IN THE FRENCH REVOUTTION I. Mars Unshackled: The French Revolution in World-Historical Perspective Theda Skoc/Jol and Meyer Kestnbauml 13 2. The Making of a "Bourgeois Revolution" EricHoh ,hawm / W 3 State and COIlDterreyohltion inFrance Charles TillyI 49 4. Cultural Upheaval and Class Formation During the French Revolution Patrice Higonnetl69 5. Jews into Frenchmen: Nationality and Representation in RevolutionaryFrance Gary Kates I 103 6 The French World-Revolution asa HistoricalEvent ImmanuelWnllerrtein IliZ PART II-THETERROR 7. Saint-Just and the Problem of Heroism in the French Revolution Miguel Abensourl133 vi CONTENTS 8. Violence in the French Revolution: Forms of Ingestion/Forms of Expulsion Brian Singer/150 9. The Cult of the Supreme Being and the Limits of the Secularization of the Political FerencFehir 1 174 PART III-THE IDEOI.OGICAI. IEGACYOFTHE FRENCH REVOT JITION 10. Practical Reason in the Revolution: Kant's Dialogue with the French Revolution Fmnc F(hir/201 I I. Hegel and the French Revolution: An Epitaph for Republicanism Stellen B Smith1219 12. Alexis de Tocqueville and the Legacy of the French Revolution Harvey Mitchell/240 13. Transformations in the Historiography of the Revolution FraTlfois Furet /26 4 Index /279 Acknowledgment The majority of the contributions to this volume have been originally pub­ lished in the special issue of Social Research, the theoretical journal of the Graduate Faculty of the New School fo r Social Research, vol. 56, no. I, Spring 1989. Editor and publisher would like to thank Professor Arien Mack, the editor of Social Research fo r her permission to use the material previously published in the journal. vii Introduction Ferenc Feher The historiography of the French Revolution has been traditionally and rightly regarded as the major yield and the ultimate confirmation of the golden age of historicism, a success story in which every representative paradigm of writing history has had its own share. From Jaures to Lefebvre and Soboul, the Marxist chronicles transpired as proof positive of the validity of their master's paradigm. The liberal partisans of the thesis of "limited but infinitepr ogress" thrived on an apparently inexhaustible treasure trove of the hagiography of the "Republic." In their accounts, an indestructible and constantly resurrected republicanism signaled "progress," and the surrepti­ tiously surviving and occasionally reemerging "ultramontanism" or "royal­ ism" meant "regression." The advocates of historical decay, from Bonald and De Maistre to Maurras, fo und their explanatory principle continually confirmed by their nation's intermittent loss of gloire and its incessant inter­ necine strife. Prior to Nietzsche, the mythology of the superman demon­ strated its seductive power through the exploitation of the material of the French Revolution in Carlyle's celebrated work. And the particularly French branch of "skeptical liberalism," initiated by Tocqueville, continued by Cochin, and inherited by Furet, felt itself confirmed by every new disastrous tum ofa permanently shaky French democracy. And yet, in the postwar domestic research of the French Revolution, un­ mistakable symptoms of the decline of the traditional interpretations have been emerging fo r decades, the sole exception being Soboul's classic on the sans-culottes of Year II and the direct democracy of the Paris districts. Put bluntly, the domestic narrative became tediously self-repetitive. Until the publication of Furet's Th inking the French Revolution in the second half of the 2 INTRODUCTION '970s, which has become a turning point fo r fr iend and fo e alike, innovating impetus came exclusively fr om outside. The Anglo-American "revisionism" successfully questioned the relevance of the majorexplanatory devices of the Marxist school, at least in the actual fo rm in which they had been used. Via the accumulated experience of sociological research, the new American "so­ cial history" or "historical sociology," whose paradigmatic works were Tilly's The Vendee and Skocpol's States and Social Revolutions, gave an impor­ tant stimulus to that particular style of writing history, which had been cap­ tive too long to a dubious method of "typology." In her celebrated, as well as hotly debated, On Revolution, Hannah Arendt has drawn such a sharp contrast between the "American" and "French" models of revolution that the after-effects of her challenge or provocation have been reverberating ever since in historical consciousness. Of the contributors to the present volume, Higonnet with his most recent Sister Republics is thoroughly indebted to Arendt's provocative gesture. English and Scandinavian New Leftist histo­ rians were the only worthy sucessors to Guerin's and Soboul's pioneering explorations into a hitherto unknown continent of anonymous militants (I have in mind the works by Cobb and Tonnesson). Th e French Revolution and the Birth of Modernity, emerging fr om a special bicentennial issue of Social Research (the theoretical journal of the Graduate Faculty of the New School fo r Social Research) and with a majority of its contributors coming from outside of French research, tries to live up to the already very high standards of the new tradition. A very serious trend, at once historical and philosophical, lurks behind the decline of the French domestic narrative. The end of World War II marked the simultaneous collapse of the great paradigms of nineteenth-century his­ toricism, which, without public recognition, had been philosophically eroded already fo r a long time. The Hegelian-Marxian paradigm of a progressive conclusion of (pre}history was hard, later outright impossible, to maintain in the face of the Holocaust and the Gulag. Paradigms of historical decay had profoundly compromised themselves by their often close association with the "heroic" efforts of Fascism and Nazism to "overcome decadence." The para­ digms oflimited (mostly technological) progress, which had fo r a while fa red best, ran into the insurmountable hurdle of the apparently ineliminable poverty of the postcolonial world and the skeptical "ecological conscious­ ness." Although on the academic scene of "mass society" historical research has expanded to an incredible extent; although its methodological self­ awareness has been immensely refined and its tools sharpened; although the walls of national segregation have been pulled down within the global in­ stitution of academe, historians have been increasingly at a loss concerning the extra muros relevance of their research. In the meantime, however, a beneficial change has begun to develop in INTRODUCTION 3 the professional-historical consciousness under the impact of the widespread acceptance of hermeneutics in the social sciences. This acceptance has in­ fluenced the historian, whether or not the historian was consciously preoccu­ pied with philosophy. The nineteenth-century paradigms of history operated with the concept of an objective, uniform, homogeneous and coherent pro­ cess comprising its "meaning" (which was to be "scientifically" deciphered by historians). They often used the hypothesis of objective historical laws, and they ascribed an unambiguous (although divergingly explicated) direc­ tion to the integral process. True enough, several constituents of these theories, above all its "objectivity," had already been profoundly questioned in the nineteenth century, primarily by Nietzsche. The methodological con­ sequences of this challenge, however, dawned on the historian with excessive delay. But now we are living in an age of "hermeneutical consciousness," the spirit of which, transpiring in the present volume, can be summed up in a term that none of the participants uses and some of them would object to: posthistoire. Posthistoire, a term coined in the process of exploring "postmodernity," seems to be a particularly inept category fo r the use of historians ifit is meant in the facile and misleading sense of "history having come to a standstill." But there are other possible interpretations ofthe term. If "postmodernity" is understood not as an epoch subsequent to modernity, but as a position and attitude within modernity which confirms modernity's "arrival," its final settling-in, while at the same time making inquiries into modernity's creden­ tials and efforts to render meaning to it, the concept posthistoire will emerge from a taboo and a barrier
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