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Structure and Dynamics of Religious Insurgency: Students and the Spread of the Reformation Hyojoung Kim and Steven Pfaff American Sociological Review published online 1 February 2012 DOI: 10.1177/0003122411435905

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American Sociological Review XX(X) 1­–28 Structure and Dynamics © American Sociological Association 2012 DOI: 10.1177/0003122411435905 of Religious Insurgency: http://asr.sagepub.com Students and the Spread of the Reformation

Hyojoung Kima and Steven Pfaff b

Abstract The Protestant Reformation swept across Central Europe in the early-sixteenth century, leaving cities divided into Evangelical and Catholic camps as some instituted reforms and others remained loyal to the Roman Church. In offering a new explanation of the Reformation, we develop a theory that identifies ideologically mobilized students as bridge actors—that is, agents of religious contention who helped concatenate incidents of local insurgency into a loosely organized Evangelical movement by bridging structural holes. Building on existing literature, we offer a novel way to measure the influence of contending religious movements through university enrollments; we propose that the institution of reform can be partially explained by the varying degree of exposure that cities had to Evangelical activist and Catholic loyalist university students. Based on statistical analysis of a novel dataset comprising cities in the Holy Roman Empire with a population of 2,000 or more from 1523 to 1545, we find support for the role of university students as bridge actors linking critical communities at universities to arenas of urban contention. The greater a city’s exposure to heterodox ideology through city-to-university ties, the greater its odds of instituting the Reformation.

Keywords bridge leaders, diffusion, Reformation, university students

By convention, the Reformation began in Octo- Scholars have described the Reformation ber 1517 when Martin Luther began circulating as the first modern social movement and as “Ninety-Five Theses” with the intention of stir- the progenitor of “distinctively activist” ring debate about the selling of indulgences modes of religious advocacy that reshaped from sin and other ecclesiastical practices. The the world (Edwards 1994; Stamatov resulting theological debate soon became a full- 2010:618). Understanding the Reformation as blown rebellion. Emboldened by public acclaim a social movement is fitting in terms of the and shielded by a sympathetic prince, Luther defied emperor and pope at the Diet of Worms aCalifornia State University, Los Angeles in 1521. By this point, the conflict had become bUniversity of Washington widely known and demonstrations had occurred in some towns. As for Worms, a papal emissary Corresponding Author: Hyojoung Kim, Department of Sociology, said, “nine-tenths of the people here shout ‘hur- California State University, 5151 State University rah for Luther,’ the other one-tenth cry ‘death to Drive, Los Angeles, CA 90032 the pope’” (Tracy 1999:55). E-mail: [email protected]

Downloaded from asr.sagepub.com at UNIV WASHINGTON LIBRARIES on February 15, 2012 2 American Sociological Review XX(X) general understanding of the term: “a collec- conditions do not automatically translate into tive, organized, sustained, and noninstitu- social movements—in the midst of cultural tional challenge to authorities, power holders, upheavals, actors require an ideological rally- or cultural beliefs and practices” (Goodwin ing point around which grievances are inter- and Jasper 2003:3). Evangelical activists preted and organized. While some princes inspired by a new theology wanted to redeem favored reform or patronized Evangelicals, the Gospels through profound changes in col- reform failed in some cities in spite of such lective ritual and the civic constitution of support and triumphed in others where terri- society. They wanted to replace Latin with the torial rulers opposed it. Nor can preexisting lay language, abolish the priesthood, and fun- demand fully account for the movement. damentally alter religious doctrine and sacra- Although the late medieval Church is some- ments.1 In towns, this sparked a veritable times depicted as corrupted and deeply objec- culture war between Evangelicals and defend- tionable to its adherents, current historiography ers of Catholic orthodoxy (Edwards 1994; indicates that in many places the Church was Tracy 1999). As one witness recalled in 1525: vital and met the spiritual needs of its flock “On Wednesday in Holy Week the last Mass (Cameron 1991; Scribner 2001; Taylor 2002). was celebrated in Zürich. . . . All the alters As Blickle (1992:6) observes, “popular piety which were still in churches were stripped is not a meaningful way of approaching the bare; all the week was no more singing nor question of why the reformation became in reading, but all the (liturgical) books were Central Europe a social movement that was taken out of the choir and destroyed” (Kidd broadly rooted among townsmen.” 1911:443). Furthermore, substantial obstacles con- Within a few years of 1517, the movement fronted the reformers. It was not simply a touched every corner of the Holy Roman matter of converting individuals; as Pettegree Empire (hereafter HRE). It advanced largely (2005) notes, Evangelicals also had to change through local, urban struggles that variously the constitution of the community. To do so, took the form of peaceful demonstrations and leading theologians needed to reach dis- petitions, iconoclasm and anti-clerical rioting, persed, locally based actors who might be and even armed uprisings. Emperor Charles V open to their appeals. Yet a tremendous gap— was committed to suppressing Evangelical or “structural hole” to employ Burt’s (1992) heresy but was preoccupied with wars against famous terminology—lay between Evangeli- France, the Papal States, and the Ottomans. He cal theologians, on the one side, and towns- did not campaign earnestly against Protestants men with their local grievances and interests until 1545. Neither side, however, achieved a on the other. Given this structural gap, the lasting victory, which led to peace under the process by which new religious ideas were principle of cuius regio, eius religio—the ter- transmitted and instituted requires explana- ritorial prince would decide the religion of his tion. Who would have been prone to accept people. Prior to the war, the Evangelical move- heterodoxy, commit to a dangerous cause, ment had achieved only mixed results. Accord- and instigate townsmen to act against the ing to the data we collected, somewhat more powerful ecclesiastical and political estab- than half of the large towns and cities had lishment? Who channeled insurgency into reformed their rites by 1545. local arenas and helped concatenate local We seek to explain the rapidity with which incidents of dissent into a wider movement? the Evangelical movement spread and why it Overcoming structural holes is an issue achieved such mixed success in the Empire’s confronting nascent radicals in many times cities. Certainly, the coming of the Reforma- and places.2 Building on social movement tion was entangled with socioeconomic theory, we posit that during the Reformation, change and the geopolitics of its day, as a cohort of students trained at universities past scholarship emphasizes. Yet structural in Wittenberg and Basel helped propel the

Downloaded from asr.sagepub.com at UNIV WASHINGTON LIBRARIES on February 15, 2012 Kim and Pfaff 3 movement by diffusing ideological dissent reject the novel ideology (Kim 1998). Actors and catalyzing urban contention. Based on who were well-integrated into existing politi- historical evidence, we show that Wittenberg cal and ecclesiastical institutions had much to and Basel acted as “critical communities,” lose if the Evangelicals prevailed—they which sociologists have identified in the birth needed alert and resourceful activists to of insurgent social movements. Such commu- defend the Catholic establishment. We thus nities convince potential change agents of posit that theologically orthodox university their conceptualization of a problem, advocate students may have provided cadres around new social values, and export heterodox ideas which orthodox countermovements formed. to wider political arenas (Rochon 1998; Wuth- If our proposition is correct, then cities now 1989). Mische (2007), for example, strongly influenced by heterodoxy through traces Brazilian activists who bridged posi- ties to emerging Evangelical centers, all other tions as students, ideological partisans, and things being equal, were more likely to insti- civic actors. We hypothesize that some six- tute Evangelical reform. Conversely, cities teenth-century students were deliberately with greater links to emerging centers of tutored for insurgency by radical theologians orthodoxy would have shown a greater ten- in a fashion akin to that documented in the dency to resist reform and remain loyal to spread of the U.S. civil rights movement Roman Catholicism. (Isaac 2008). Much like the “bridge leaders” To test our hypotheses, we analyze reform studied by Robnett (1997:19) who linked U.S. outcomes in all cities with a population of civil rights organizations to Southern commu- 2,000 or more in the HRE that enjoyed privi- nities, Evangelical students “brought the leges of self-government (Stadtrecht). Our movement home” by “foster[ing] ties between analysis ranges from 1523, the year a town the social movement and the community.” first abolished the Latin-rite Mass, through As agents of diffusion, students connected the advent of imperial religious warfare in universities and the outside world. Mobilized 1545. Findings show that institution of reform students spread the new theology to towns in cities was determined not only by local and catalyzed the formation of a local critical structural factors and political opportunities, mass to bolster urban agitation. In returning as emphasized in comparative-historical lit- to their places of origin, students risked the erature, but also by relative exposure to uni- dangers of agitation, helped bear the costs of versity centers where contentious heterodox local organization, and endowed the emerg- and orthodox ideologies were being devel- ing movement with trust and mutual expecta- oped. Cities exposed to Evangelical activism tions. Jointly embedded in global and local through student enrollments were more likely dissident communities, students channeled to institute reform. Reform was less likely heterodox ideology to local communities and where Catholic loyalists were supported by brought locally specific grievances and needs orthodox university enrollments. to the attention of dissident leaders at the emerging centers of Evangelical theology, where they could help inform action strate- THE REFORMATION AS A gies tailored to local needs. SOCIOLOGICAL PROBLEM The Reformation also illustrates a point The Reformation has been the subject of that is often neglected in studies of conten- extensive research into its origins, its theol- tious movements. Actors seeking to establish ogy, its leading reformers, and its historical heterodox ideas must contend with counter and cultural context.3 In explaining the pressures from individuals loyal to institu- Reformation’s success, many historians assert tionalized ideas (orthodoxy). Conflict is likely that reform was instituted, ultimately, because to occur between heterodox and orthodox it served the interests of the rulers of nascent actors who pressure others to embrace or principalities (Brady 1998; Dixon 2000;

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Schubert 1996; Tracy 1986). Other scholars Church practices was nothing new, but a new emphasize the role of literate townsmen class of intellectuals attempted to exploit among the lower and middle strata of bur- changing conditions (Wuthnow 1989). Luther, ghers in championing reform as a route to Melanchthon, Bucer, Zwingli, and other lead- greater civic autonomy and sounder eco- ing figures of the early Reformation were nomic policy (Blickle 1992; Karant-Nunn young (Luther, the oldest, was just 34 in 2005; Moeller 1972; Mörke 2005). 1517), academically gifted, and deeply trou- Sociologists have developed their own ver- bled by the state of Christianity. Influenced sions of these theses. Some researchers empha- by Biblical Humanism, they embraced the size political opportunities. Swanson (1967), authority of the “pure Gospel”—that is, spir- for example, advanced the elite interests thesis, itual justification through Christ alone rather contending that open and responsive regimes than through the Church—and the restoration allowed for the institution of reform, while of doctrine and liturgy on the basis of original authoritarian and hierarchical regimes blocked Scriptures. Stark (2003) observes that the reform. Fulbrook (1983) identifies sociopoliti- initial Evangelical rebellion was meant to cal environments that encouraged or sup- restore standards of religious belief and prac- pressed reformers depending on whether their tice to a more demanding level, not to create goals were congruent with the interests of rival sects or found new churches. But activ- state-builders. Where religious reformers ists’ zealous embrace of the Gospel and their enjoyed princely patronage, they were much confidence that the sincere believer had the more likely to succeed. In a similar vein, Stark right to challenge doctrines contradicting (2003) posits an alliance between religious Scripture had explosive potential and made idealists repulsed by the Church’s worldliness compromises with papal authority difficult. and modernizing princes interested in gaining Where they were able to establish themselves control over ecclesiastical assets and revenues. on university faculties, they forged what Rulers who would benefit from the seizure of Rochon (1998) calls critical communities, ecclesiastical resources tended to favor reform; sites where existing institutions and practices rulers who already had substantial control over were reconceived as deeply corrupted and these resources, or advantageous alliances with where heterodox ideas were openly discussed. the Church, tended to oppose reform. This perspective finds support in the history Other scholars view the Reformation fun- of universities prior to the Reformation damentally in class terms. Engels (1966) (Courtenay and Miethke 2000; Grendler offered an influential version of the nascent 2004; Hammerstein 2003; Rüegg 2003; social class thesis, analyzing the Reformation Schwiebert 1996; Schwinges 1998). as a movement triggered by the rise of mer- Despite the great value of existing studies, cantile capitalism: initially spurred to defy from the perspective of social movement and feudalism and the Roman Church by visions social diffusion theories, puzzles remain. of a just (bourgeois) order, fear of peasant Evangelicals responded to grievances, revolutionaries soon led the burghers to blunt exploited civic tensions, and built on existing the social gospel and side with the princes. efforts to improve local religious life. In join- Also focusing on economic interests, Ekelund ing the reform camp, urban leaders perceived and colleagues (Ekelund, Hebert, and Tolli- a host of material incentives, including the son 2006; Ekelund et al. 1996) argue that opportunity to seize ecclesiastical assets, burghers rallied to Protestantism in hopes of foundations, and endowments. Moreover, the gaining a cheaper alternative to the Catholic promised Evangelical order would unify civic religious monopoly and making more rational authority, abolish the clergy’s special status, use of economic resources. improve preaching and religious instruction, An important variant of the social class and eliminate ecclesiastical corruption (Witte thesis focuses on the role of intellectuals. 2002). The burden of ecclesiastical laws and Frustration with clerical corruption and abusive penitential extractions had grown heavy

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(Ekelund et al. 2006; Ekelund et al. 1996), (Burt 1992). This insight is especially instruc- and clerical exemptions from civil authority tive in the case of the Reformation. We should weakened councils and restricted revenue not overestimate the potential for the spread collection (Nicholas 1997), so the Evangeli- and adoption of heterodox ideas in early mod- cal message reverberated with the civic ern Europe. The average city in our sample republicanism shared by burghers and guilds- had no more than a single connection to the men (Blickle 1992; Brady 1998; Moeller network of trade routes, and only a few cities 1972; Mörke 2005). The presence of these were located at the intersection of multiple interested factions was pivotal in forming the routes. Politically, the Empire was divided necessary critical mass for collective action in into a host of rival polities and independent towns. Student dissidents served as vital towns. The economy was dominated by feu- would-be zealots during early phases of high- dal agriculture and most trade remained local. risk collective action: students were embed- Urban life was divided by rigid social distinc- ded in dissident communities, prone to move tions, the predominance of local cultures and first and pay start-up costs, and modeled soli- dialects, and stultifying provincialism. Given darity and commitment (Chong 1991; Cole- this context, the central organizational hurdle man 1990; Gould 1995; Lichbach 1994). that confronted reformers was how to over- Nevertheless, at its outset, the Evangelical come structural holes and reach out to dis- cause had to overcome enormous skepticism, persed, disunited, and culturally diverse cities if not outright hostility, from established and towns. How did reformers create crucial elites. As Dixon (2000:153) notes, “There bridges to spread ideological innovations seemed to be little a prince could do to stop originating in one place to numerous cities the spread of the movement in the early over structural holes? 1520s, just as there was little that the German Naturally, the nascent print industry played princes seemed to offer in support of it.” As an important role. Yet printing only goes so far for the bourgeoisie, “the new reform ideas in explaining the very mixed success of the were often introduced in a manner which movement—for one thing, printed materials seemed to threaten the [city] Council’s author- were distributed in every region but reform was ity” and, given the dangers, many chose to highly variable (Edwards 1994; Eisenstein “temporize and stall” rather than back reform 1980). Moreover, exposure to new ideas alone (Sea 1986:236). Guildsmen and burghers is rarely enough to trigger extensive collective were often won over, but only where influen- action, much less remake the institutional order. tial voices strategically linked the Evangelical For most actors, dangers of change loom larger message to local grievances, anti-clericalism, than potential gains (Weingast 2005), and estab- and old civic ideals (Blickle 1992; Brady lished elites are especially prone to loss aversion 1998; Moeller 1972). (Kahneman, Knetsch, and Thaler 1991). By its The uncertainty facing actors was aggra- very nature, heterodoxy makes issues of status vated by the fact that the ultimate fate of a quo bias and collective conservatism even more local insurgency would be influenced by the acute. The Church and the emperor condemned strength of the Evangelical movement across Evangelical ideas as heresy, and the conse- localities. The literature on innovation and quences could be dire: thousands of heretics diffusion shows that the spread of ideas and were executed in the HRE. Printed materials subsequent conversion is most likely in the alone would not have remade the social order context of dense social networks where infor- because, as social movement studies have mation and social influence flow quickly and repeatedly demonstrated, heterodoxy “moves efficiently (Kim and Bearman 1997; Rogers through flows of people” (Isaac 2008:36); 1995; Valente 1995; Watts 1999). The other moreover, radical movements often expand side of this principle is, of course, that inno- when activists link centers of cultural innova- vations are less likely to diffuse in sparse tion to political arenas (Oliver and Myers 2003; networks characterized by structural holes Rochon 1998).

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Before 1523, the clerical profession domi- they “are active in their own group, but their nated the conflict and many of the theological adoption-eliciting influence is in adjacent issues being debated were beyond the experi- groups. They are in some ways structurally ence or grasp of ordinary folk (Moeller 1994; similar to the people they influence, but in one Strauss 1978). So how did Evangelicalism important way distinct; they have strong con- move beyond scholarly disputes to ignite an nections to other groups.” These change agents insurgency? In a pioneering study, Hanne- are typically highly educated and highly mann (1975) explored sociological channels mobile, facilitating the flow of innovations through which the Reformation expanded. from centers of innovation outward (Rogers His study of a single region suggests that par- 1995). Research demonstrating the importance ticular messengers, such as preachers, may of a critical mass for initiating movements and have been the vectors that spread Evangeli- revolutions also identifies this kind of strategic calism. Unfortunately, his study was limited actor (Andrews and Biggs 2006; Kim and not only geographically but also to the roles Bearman 1997; Marwell and Oliver 1993). played by itinerant preachers, overlooking These actors form a recognizable core around actors with stronger local ties. Furthermore, which a movement takes shape and from his study took no notice of possible Catholic which subsequent mobilization goes forward. countermovements. With this core in place, prospective converts Identifying the structure that knitted find it easier to cross individual participation together an Evangelical movement is crucial thresholds (Braun 1995). Lacking a daring for explaining issues left unanswered by the cadre of activists, rational actors may stick elite interest and rising class theses: Why did with the status quo even when discontent is reform sometimes occur against the wishes of widespread (Centola, Willer, and Macy 2005). entrenched urban elites and territorial rulers, McAdam and Paulsen (1993:659) observe and why did it sometimes fail despite their that a movement’s core is generally composed wishes? Why did some economically and of actors with “a strong subjective identification commercially advanced cities embrace reform with a particular identity, reinforced by organi- while others rejected it? Our systematic, zational and individual ties.” Characteristics of large-N comparison reveals that reform fre- university students during the HRE, especially quently occurred even in politically hostile those trained in Wittenberg and Basel, appear to contexts; reform sometimes failed in eco- meet these expectations. Not only were students nomically advanced areas where Evangelicals being trained in the very universities where benefited from favorable opportunities and debates surrounding reform and orthodoxy were princely patronage. The uneven geopolitical raging, but because they traveled and main- distribution of reform strongly suggests the tained contacts between university centers and influence of agents whose bridging activities their hometowns, they often championed new variably intersected with those of local elites. ideas locally (Asche 1999). In a world where higher education was uncommon and cities were small, students’ unusual levels of educa- UNIVERSITIES AND tion and mobility made them important RELIGIOUS CONTENTION IN resources for local opinion leaders and potent THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY: agents of change. Indeed, as Grendler (2004:1) HYPOTHESES declares, “universities and their professors may have had greater influence on society in the The literature on diffusion and social move- Renaissance and Reformation than in any era ments helps identify characteristics typical of since.” bridge leaders. Burt (2005:85) emphasizes In 1517, there were 17 universities in the actors whose advocacy makes innovations HRE; nine of them were founded between contagious for those with whom they interact; 1450 and 1506. During this period, between 1

Downloaded from asr.sagepub.com at UNIV WASHINGTON LIBRARIES on February 15, 2012 Kim and Pfaff 7 and 2 percent of the male population enrolled or opportunity would be unlikely to generate at a university. Yet Central European students, a social movement (Kitts 2000). In fact, his- unlike their counterparts in Latin Europe, torians generally posit that universities had a could not expect to be absorbed into state, modest effect on the early Reformation. judicial, or clerical careers. The corps of edu- Moeller (1999:42) notes that “as a whole the cated people grew rapidly, but there was no universities regarded the new [Evangelical] expansion in career opportunities in the state movement with many reservations or rejected or ecclesiastical administrations. Conse- it outright.” Only faculties at particular uni- quently, most students studied for degrees in versities committed themselves to clear ideo- the arts rather than in theology or law and had logical positions early on and sought to to be content with employment as ordinary involve students in religious contention pastors, tutors, or teachers (Grendler 2004; (Grendler 2004; Hammerstein 2003; Schwie- Kintzinger 1999; Schwinges 2000). Research bert 1996). In particular, four universities shows that such a mismatch between expand- served as focal points of early heterodox and ing elite ranks and limited opportunities is a orthodox ideological formation: Wittenberg, general structural condition favoring rebel- Basel, Cologne (Köln), and Louvain (Löwen). lion (Goldstone 1991). Founded in 1502, Wittenberg was “one of In the crucial years from 1517 to 1522, the earliest and most important universities when conflicts over Catholic doctrine erupted founded in the humanistic spirit” (Hammerstein into public discourse, a unique cohort of 2003:17). It was a new university located in a activists was created. We examined standard peripheral region ruled by an independent- biographical dictionary entries for 314 promi- minded prince. The school was an “academic nent Evangelical activists and their Catholic Siberia” situated, as Luther acknowledged, “on opponents in the early phase of the Reforma- the edge of civilization” (Hillerbrand 2007). Yet tion (i.e., those born prior to 1500). These this remoteness offered advantages. Witten- biographies reveal that about 80 percent of berg’s novelty, lack of inherited status, and activists from both groups had matriculated at indulgent patron made it far easier for faculty to a university, although most sought their first sway their constituents than at more prestigious, degrees in the liberal arts rather than theology better-established universities. Luther served as (Ganzer and Steiner 2002; Stupperich 1984). professor of Biblical theology at Wittenberg for In his study of clerical careers during our more than three decades. Philip Melanchthon, period, Scribner (1980) found that nearly 80 the great humanist educator, joined the faculty percent of clerics had studied at a university in 1518. Melanchthon trained students in the but only 15 percent achieved a doctor of the- arts, including the field of rhetoric; he was con- ology. This meant that students usually found vinced that sermons and public addresses could their first position as ordinary, salaried pas- mold opinion in favor of reform. Together, the tors employed by a town. Consequently, civic Wittenberg faculty deliberately shaped a cohort politics in their hometowns and maintenance of students dedicated to the Evangelical cause of ties to their university fellows held more (Karant-Nunn 2001; Park 1995; Rüegg 2003). promise than did imperial or ecclesiastical As Grendler (2004:18) remarks, “The activities patronage (Maczak 1988; Wriedt 2000). of the first four or five years of the Lutheran University students returning to their Reformation resembled a young faculty upris- hometowns carried interpersonal networks ing. Led by Luther, professors and students that spanned beyond city boundaries and engaged in what appears to have been a continu- bridged structural holes separating dispersed ous seminar, as they debated the foundations of cities. Of course, not all organizational ties traditional Catholicism.” From the lecture halls, promote activism. Random networks gener- students went forth to “spread the Reformation ated by students enrolling at uncommitted or through their preaching, by advising princes and conservative universities because of proximity city councils” (pp. 18–19).

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Moeller’s (1999) study of Evangelical ser- establishment. Their movement mobilized mons of the 1520s found a Wittenberg effect guildsmen and young clerics, published the evident in texts evincing consistent doctrines first tracts in the local dialect, and finally and maxims and a strong partisanship. In forced reform of the city in 1528 over objec- addition to ideological preparation, study at tions of a conservative council and a hostile Wittenberg provided a loose organization duke (Baeumer 1991). These examples are based on ties to the university and among not meant to suggest that all Wittenbergers alumni. Early activists who flocked to the became leading activists or that they always Evangelical cause were not only better edu- succeeded—some were passive and others cated than most urban residents, but they faced violent persecution, imprisonment, and were generally not yet established profession- exile—but rather that they linked their home- ally (Evangelicals’ average age in our bio- towns to the Evangelical movement and graphical sources was 27 years in 1517), a became key instigators in local religious con- factor that reinforced their identification with tention. the movement. Common experiences, a In addition to Wittenberg, a second move- unique status, and university ties seem to ment took shape around Ulrich Zwingli have defined a distinctive Evangelical protest (1484–1531) and his followers in the south- identity (Gould 1995). west of the Empire (Gäbler 1986; Locher Biographies drawn from Stupperich (1984) 1979; Potter 1977). Their intellectual center and Hillerbrand (1996) reinforce this sense of was the University of Basel (founded 1460). activist identity. In 1519, Joachim Slüter (b. At Basel, students were influenced by the 1491) went to Wittenberg from Rostock. new humanistic spirit; among other things, in Returning home, he became the leading agita- 1516 Erasmus published his influential anno- tor for reform. Denounced by the council and tated Greek New Testament there (Gäbler barred from preaching, he held open-air ser- 1986; Hammerstein 2003; McGrath 1987). mons outside the city gates and published a But cautious Erasmus only “laid the egg that hymnal in the local Low German dialect. Zwingli hatched”; it fell to Zwingli and his With massive popular support, Slüter pre- allies on the faculty to cultivate a corps of vailed in 1528; Rostock’s mayor and leading young teachers and preachers willing to throw patricians endorsed reform, and in 1531 themselves into “the reforming battle” Slüter devised a new church order. Following (McGrath 1987:49). his studies at Wittenberg, Tilemann Plettner Many of Zwingli’s associates and disciples returned to Stolberg where he agitated for were recruited at Basel, including Leo Jud Evangelical reforms that were finally adopted (graduated 1522), Johan Kessler (1522), in 1539. Ambrosius Moibanus (b. 1494), son Oswald Myconius (1521), Kaspar Hedio of a Breslsau shoemaker, studied at Witten- (1521), Kaspar Megander (1518), and Hein- berg and in 1525 returned to help reform his rich Utinger (1518). Like Luther’s followers, hometown. Thomas Blarer (b. 1499), a law they frequently began their careers as agita- student, was an early Evangelical enthusiast tors in their hometowns. Some met success at Wittenberg (among other things, he eagerly (e.g., Jud in Zürich, Kessler in St. Gallen, and took part in the burning of papal decrees). Rhegius in Augsburg); others faced opposi- Returning to Constance, he was elected to the tion and frustration, such as Myconius in town council in 1525 and helped build a coa- Lucerne and Wyttenbach, “Zwingli’s inspired lition for reform. In 1527, Blarer and his pupil,” in Biel (Locher 1979; Roper 1989). allies abolished the Roman church and drove Basel was not identical to Wittenberg; it was the Catholic bishop into exile. Gottschalk not Zwingli’s city, whose base was at Zürich Kruse (b. 1499) and Autor Sander (b. 1500) (Hendrix 1984). At first, Basel and its univer- returned to Braunschweig and mobilized a sity were bitterly divided. It was not until grassroots insurgency that crippled the Catholic 1529 that the Zwinglian party, backed by an

Downloaded from asr.sagepub.com at UNIV WASHINGTON LIBRARIES on February 15, 2012 Kim and Pfaff 9 uprising of the guilds, finally took control of chapels and hundreds of foundations and the city. The divided faculty was reformed, charities. Its university developed a reputa- leading to the ouster of the Catholic Human- tion for canonical theology and orthodox ists (including Erasmus). Evangelicals at advocacy (Hammerstein 2003). Hillerbrand Basel then recruited students who similarly (1996:384) writes, “Cologne was an impor- went on the offensive in the name of the tant center of religious orthodoxy, ensured by redeemed Gospel. the close relationship between its leading The Wittenberg and Basel universities religious institutions and the university.” The constituted the two major critical communi- famed priest and publicist Johannes Cochlaeus ties where leading heterodox theologians (b. 1479), one of the earliest and most were protected from orthodox cross-pres- renowned opponents of Luther, studied at sures; where radical ideas were articulated Cologne, and a number of famed Catholic into coherent Evangelical theologies; and theologians were on the faculty (Bagchi where a cadre of student activists were trained 1991). Contra Wittenberg, Cologne became and sent out across the Empire. Because uni- an early bulwark of orthodoxy that prepared versity students tended to return to their cities agents to defend the Church (Ganzer and of origin after study, cities that sent students Steiner 2002); it earned the monikers “holy to these universities were more likely to be Cologne,” the “German Rome,” and the “true exposed to insurgent messages of Evangeli- daughter” of the Church. Activists included calism and thereby convert to it. We therefore Albert Pigge (b. 1490), who won his doctor- hypothesize the following: ate in theology in 1517 and returned to the Netherlands where he served as a canon and Hypothesis 1: The more exposed a target city cathedral provost in Utrecht, published anti- was to Evangelicalism through student ties Lutheran tracts, and zealously blocked Evan- to Wittenberg University and Basel Uni- gelical inroads. Johannes Dietenberger (b. versity, the more likely it was to institute 1475) studied at Cologne until 1517 and was reform. then named Dominican prior in his native Frankfurt where he published anti-Lutheran Facing an Evangelical insurgency, defend- pamphlets and led the opposition to reform. ers of the Catholic establishment also relied on In 1522, law student Johannes Gropper (b. university ties in mobilizing countermove- 1503) was appointed representative of the ments. The Counter-Reformation, with its con- Archbishop of Cologne in the nearby city of certed campaign for the religious and political Soest. re-conquest of Europe, did not take shape until Founded by the Duke of Brabant in 1425, the after the Council of Trent in December 1545 University of Louvain differed in some respects (Tavard 1957). Before 1545, Cologne and from Cologne. It was an orthodox redoubt that, Louvain were the two leading bastions of under the advice of Erasmus, modified its cur- Roman orthodoxy; they were the only univer- riculum in accord with humanistic principles. sities officially to declare the writings of Although Humanism is commonly associated Luther anathema in 1519 (Park 1995). Local with the Reformation, Louvain remained an resistance to reform received limited and orthodox bastion (Schwinges 1998). Evangeli- inconsistent support from Rome and the cal ideas were officially reviled and all students German bishops, so Catholic loyalists relied on were required to take an oath against Luther. orthodox scholars and the university networks Influential teachers such as the future Pope they constructed in their struggle against the Adrian VI (1459–1523), Johannes Dridoens (b. Evangelical insurgency (Bagchi 1991). 1480), and Jacobus Latomus (b. 1475) trained Like Basel, Cologne’s university was zealous defenders of the Church and imperial founded in 1388 by the free-city government. interests, among them Bartholomaeus Latomus The city boasted dozens of churches and (b. 1490), Ruard Trapper (b. 1487), Josse

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Figure 1. Theoretical Model of the Reformation: Critical Communities, Bridge Leaders, and Critical Masses

Ravesteyn (b. 1506), and Peter van der Vorst (b. Evangelicalism was likely affected by the pres- 1500). ence and strength of reform-oriented social Orthodox agents and polemicists trained at and economic classes (e.g., burghers and Cologne and Louvain attempted to counter guildsmen) and the nature of regional princes’ Evangelical agitation. Catholic loyalists pro- political patronage. However, these factors vided a powerful resource for the Catholic were not enough to determine the fate of cause, especially in concert with the Habs- reform. Cities were also exposed to wider ide- burgs and conservative princes (Bagchi 1991; ological contention between Evangelicalism Tracy 1990). In summary, historical evidence and Catholicism, which was expounded by the indicates that opposition to Evangelicals crys- respective critical communities at Wittenberg tallized at universities serving as early bul- and Basel and Cologne and Louvain, and com- warks of religious orthodoxy, which may municated through the bridging role played by have helped bolster Catholic resistance. This students. A city’s relative exposure to these leads to our second hypothesis: countervailing ideological influences, in addi- tion to its local economic and political struc- Hypothesis 2: The more exposed a target city ture, determined its likelihood of reform. was to orthodox Catholicism through stu- dent ties to Cologne and Louvain, the less likely it was to institute reform. RESEARCH DESIGN AND MEASUREMENT OF As Figure 1 illustrates, the theoretical model VARIABLES we develop here posits that towns were exposed to different layers of influence. To test our hypotheses, we examine the pro- Locally, a city’s ideological disposition toward pensity of cities to institute reform in the

Downloaded from asr.sagepub.com at UNIV WASHINGTON LIBRARIES on February 15, 2012 Kim and Pfaff 11 period from 1523 to 1545. The first official lists, historical monographs, historical atlases, abolition of the Mass in a town was in 1523. and published source materials. Table 1 lists the The movement dynamics of interest to our variables employed in our analysis; Table 2 study persisted through 1545, after which reports their Pearson’s correlation coefficients.4 general warfare began between imperial and Protestant forces. Abolition of the Mass: Dependent A common limitation in historical analyses Variable of adoption of innovations is the unavailability of individual-level data on adopters (Palloni As an indicator of our dependent variable, we 2001). In these circumstances, researchers focus on whether the Catholic Mass was offi- can draw inferences from larger units so long cially abolished (or reformed) in a town. as they engaged in decision making (see, e.g., Fortunately, reform is a well-documented Hedström 1994). In sixteenth-century Central phenomenon, and we coded the variable from Europe, settlements possessing the formal secondary sources (e.g., Brady 1999; status of city (Stadtrecht) were self-governing. Cameron 1991; Greengrass 1998; Köbler They had their own laws and courts, commu- 1989; Littell 2001; Moeller 1972). We coded nal associations, feudal exemptions, property this variable 1 if the Mass was officially abol- rights, and a civic administration that was ished during the study period, and 0 if a city selected by and accountable to local burghers remained Roman Catholic or bi-confessional. (Nicholas 2003; Weber 1962). Accordingly, we selected cities as the unit City-to-University Ties: Key of analysis and observation. According to Independent Variables Scott and Scribner (1996), 2,000 inhabitants was roughly the mean size of a Central Euro- To assess whether the probability of a town’s pean town during this period. To ensure reli- adopting reform was affected by its contacts ability and complete information, we limited with heterodox and orthodox universities, we our analysis to cities with an estimated popu- focus on the number of students from a given lation of 2,000 or more in 1520. We elimi- town who enrolled in Central European uni- nated a handful of towns because they did not versities. Ideally, one would measure student enjoy self-government, resulting in a sample returns to hometowns directly, but no source of 461 cities, closely corresponding to the exists that would allow us to track move- historical estimate (ca. 500) of the number of ments of the thousands of students who settlements of this size in Central Europe matriculated at universities from 1517 to (Scott and Scribner 1996). Note that exclu- 1522. However, the biographical evidence on sion of towns with a population of fewer than prominent activists that we collected indi- 2,000 is appropriate for two reasons. First, cates concretely that more than a third of smaller towns generally lacked Stadtrecht— students who attended a university were sub- that is, they lacked institutions of self-govern- sequently active in religious contention in ment that are a critical scope condition for our their town of origin. Scribner’s (1980) study analysis. If a town’s citizens could not practi- of the structure of clerical careers found that cally decide for the Reformation, then the the majority of theology students began their very question of identifying determinants of a careers in their hometowns and that this was city’s decision to convert to Evangelicalism is the typical career progression for students in irrelevant. Second, there is not enough docu- German-speaking lands (see also Grendler mentation about small towns to permit sys- [2004] on this point, showing how Central tematic coding of variables. Europe was different from Latin countries in For 461 cities, we identified reliable sources that there were far fewer career openings out- for coding a number of important variables; side of hometown settings). It is reasonable to sources include sixteenth-century matriculation conclude that most students—especially those

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Table 1. List of Variables Used in the Analysis Mean Variables Measurement (SD; Range)

Abolition of the Mass 1 if abolished Mass; 0 otherwise .59 Population Logged population size in thousands 1.57 (.7; 0–3.8) Mining Center 1 if a mining center; 0 otherwise .06 Trade Links Number of land-based trade routes intersected in a .54 town (1.19; 0–8) Seat of a University 1 if a university in a town; 0 otherwise .03 Printing Press 1 if there is a printing press in a town; 0 otherwise .17 Luther Bible 1 if Luther Bible was printed in a town; 0 otherwise .03 Free/Imperial Cities 1 if a free city; 0 otherwise .20 Neutral Patronage 1 if a city belonged to a territory whose rulers were .11 neutral concerning religious conflict; 0 otherwise Pro-reform Patronage 1 if a city belonged to a territory whose rulers favored .24 Evangelicals; 0 otherwise Distance from Wittenberg/ Distance from Wittenberg or Basel, whichever is 2.85 Basel closer (in 100 km) (2.49;.0~31.5) Distance from Cologne/ Distance from Cologne or Louvain, whichever is 3.74 Louvain closer (in 100 km) (3.14;.2~35.1) Students to All Logged number of students per 1,000 residents from 1.19 Universities a town who were enrolled in any university (.69; 0–3.09) Students to Wittenberg/ Logged number of students per 1,000 residents from .27 Basel a town who were enrolled in Wittenberg/Basel (.37; 0–1.90) University Students to Cologne/ Logged number of students per 1,000 residents from .30 Louvain a town who were enrolled in Cologne/Louvain (.54; 0–2.69) University

Table 2. Pearson’s Correlation Coefficients among Variables Used (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10) (11) (12) (13) (14) (15)

(1) Abolition of the Mass 1 (2) Population −.03 1 (3) Mining Center .07 .08 1 (4) Trade Links .10 .40 .28 1 (5) Seat of a University −.06 .21 .07 .29 1 (6) Printing Press −.08 .43 .04 .26 .34 1 (7) Luther Bible .00 .29 .21 .41 .35 .34 1 (8) Free/Imperial Cities .08 .22 −.08 .05 .02 .13 .08 1 (9) Neutral Patronage .04 −.19 −.00 −.13 −.01 −.08 −.05 −.17 1 (10) Pro-reform Patronage .28 −.16 .03 −.00 .00 −.12 −.05 −.28 −.20 1 (11) Distance from −.16 .13 −.02 −.02 −.01 .01 −.02 −.11 .02 −.05 1 Wittenberg/Basel (12) Distance from .13 .04 .04 .09 .05 .03 .01 −.08 −.01 .06 .66 1 Cologne/Louvain (13) Students to All −.01 −.03 .05 .13 .08 .16 .07 .14 −.08 −.13 −.08 −.10 1 Universities (14) Students to .26 −.02 .13 .13 .02 .14 .03 .08 .01 .11 −.23 .00 .49 1 Wittenberg/Basel (15) Students to −.34 .18 −.02 −.03 −.04 .02 −.06 −.10 −.11 −.16 .26 −.22 .32 −.19 1 Cologne/Louvain

Note: Statistical significance at .05 level is indicated by italics. The table does not include the ideological centers of reformDownloaded (Wittenberg from asr.sagepub.com and atBasel) UNIV WASHINGTON and anti-reform LIBRARIES on (Cologne February 15, 2012and Louvain). Kim and Pfaff 13 who were not subsequently famous enough to Ingolstadt (1,321; 12.1 percent); Leipzig have a biographical entry—went to their (1,478; 1.25 percent); Rostock (859; 3.8 per- hometowns first after leaving the university, cent); Tübingen (625; 8.5 percent); and even if they ultimately completed their careers Vienna (3,519; 20.3 percent). elsewhere. Matriculation lists for Mainz, Prague, and Contemporary matriculation lists give each Trier universities were not complete enough enrollee’s name and place of origin (see the to permit coding. Across coded matriculation Appendix). Places are reported in Medieval lists, place of origin for 10.5 percent of stu- Latin or German. We located and translated dents was indeterminate, sometimes because Latin place names with the assistance of the place of origin was lost or because the Graesse’s Orbis Latinus, a comprehensive Latin student originated from outside the HRE. place-name dictionary, supplemented by the Student variables are log-transformed to cor- linked Bibliographic Standards Committee’s rect for a skewed distribution. Latin Place Name Directory and the Cathedral Library Catalogue (http://www.columbia.edu/ Other Variables acis/ets/Graesse/contents.html). Students in Wittenberg/Basel measures the To assess the net effect of university students number of students from a town who enrolled on the Reformation, we control for effects of at Wittenberg or Basel from 1517 to 1522. other social, political, economic, cultural, and Based on matriculation lists, we identified geographic conditions described by the litera- 1,097 students enrolled at Wittenberg, 9.2 ture as salient for reform outcomes. percent of whose place of origin was missing or indeterminate. For Basel, we identified 301 Aristocratic patronage and political matriculated students, 6.7 percent of whom opportunities. At the macro level, a favor- had an indeterminate place of origin. able political opportunity structure seems to We measured students in Cologne/Louvain have been vital for Reformation success (Ful- by the number of students from a town who brook 1983; Stark 2003; Swanson 1967). The registered at Cologne or Louvain from 1517 Empire was an electoral monarchy based on a to 1522. We identified 1,397 students enrolled loose confederation of principalities, domains, at Cologne, 7.4 percent of whom had an inde- and free cities (Köbler 1989; Kohler 1990; terminate place of origin. For Louvain, we Neuhaus 1997; Schindling and Ziegler 1989– identified 4,743 matriculated students, 12.5 1997; Schubert 1996; Spruner von Merz percent of whom had an indeterminate place 1880). It included nascent states ruled by of origin. dukes and prince-electors, ecclesiastical We include students in all universities to states, free cities and city-states, petty aristo- examine whether the total number of students cratic domains, and direct holdings of the from a town who enrolled in any university in imperial (Habsburg) dynasty (Neuhaus 1997). HRE influenced the odds of instituting Imperial politics provided macro-level reform. Complete matriculation lists are opportunities for the Reformation. The emper- available for 14 of the 17 universities in the or’s authority was limited outside Habsburg HRE (for a total of 18,856 entries). In addi- domains, and princes and cities routinely frus- tion to Wittenberg, Basel, Cologne, and Lou- trated centralizing policies. Some regional rul- vain, this measure includes the total number ers opposed reform, others supported it, and yet of matriculates and the percentage of matricu- others maintained non-interventionist or neutral lates with indeterminate origins from the fol- positions. We coded the disposition of territorial lowing universities: Erfurt (1,248; 6 percent); rulers toward reform based on historical Freiburg/Breisgau (614; 6.25 percent); Frank- accounts detailing a ruler’s support or opposi- furt/Oder (705; 6.8 percent); Greifswald (227; tion to Evangelical inroads in his territory, 5 percent); Heidelberg (722; 5.3 percent); including membership in the Protestant party at

Downloaded from asr.sagepub.com at UNIV WASHINGTON LIBRARIES on February 15, 2012 14 American Sociological Review XX(X) imperial diets, hostility or alliance with the Accordingly, we use the following three Habsburg emperor, signatory status to the indicator variables to measure the range of Augsburg Confession, as well as efforts to sup- aristocratic patronage in the HRE: neutral port or prevent introduction of reforms in their patronage, which we coded 1 if a city was territories (Dixon 2000; Köbler 1989: Neuhaus located in a territory whose regional ruler 1997; Schubert 1996). Our cities were located in positioned himself as neutral or outside of the the 21 largest princely territories, the Habsburg religious conflict; pro-reform patronage, domains, the ecclesiastical territories, and the which we coded 1 if a city was located in a Swiss territories. territory whose regional ruler favored the Specifically, we coded the territories of Evangelicals; and free/imperial cities, which Ernestine (electoral) Saxony, Mecklenburg, we coded 1 if a city was granted as an impe- Holstein, Hessia, Lüneburg, Ansbach, Anhalt, rial or free city. The omitted category of anti- and Prussia as favoring reformers. We coded reform patronage (which includes the princely the Habsburg territories, and those of states identified earlier, the ecclesiastical Brandenburg, Albertine (ducal) Saxony, states, and the Habsburg dominions) is the Bavaria, Pomerania, Wurttemberg, Braunsch- reference group against which we evaluated weig-Wölfenbuttel, Geldern, Lorraine, and these three indicators. the ecclesiastical states as opposing reform- ers. We coded the territories of Kurpfalz, Nas- Economic structure of cities. Several sau, Cleves, Jülich-Berg, Baden-Durlach, studies ascribe the Reformation to newly petty states, and the Swiss confederation as emergent commercial classes, the bourgeoi- neutral in religious politics. sie, and proto-industrial workers such as To capture political dynamics caused by miners (Blickle 1992; Engels 1966; Karant- rulers changing their stance, if a city was Nunn 2005; Moeller 1972). Unfortunately, we located in a territory whose ruler shifted his could not obtain detailed information on the policies we used the posture of its ruler class structure of a large sample of cities. As immediately preceding the city’s reformation is standard in economic history, we measure year. Specifically, the territories of Albertine the economic and class structure of early Saxony (1539), Brandenburg (1539), Pomer- cities indirectly by employing measures of ania (1534), Nassau (1536), Cleves (1533), their population size, mining activity, and the Jülich-Berg (1533), Württemberg (1535), and number of trade routes that intersected in Geldern (1538) changed their position in them. favor of reform (change year in parentheses). This coding rule avoids the problem of reverse Population. As Nicholas (2003:43) causality in the analysis between aristocratic observes, “the larger the city, the more diver- patronage and reform outcomes. sified and specialised its labour force.” Not all cities in the HRE were subject to Particularly in larger towns, merchants, arti- the authority of territorial rulers. Some sans, and tradesmen were organized into enjoyed their charter from the emperor, rather guilds, brotherhoods, and other corporations than from local princes or bishops, making with a substantial say in civic affairs. In larger them fully independent. Other towns were cities, guilds and fraternal organizations were released from feudal obligations because of extensive, sought political influence, and privileges they had been granted or had pur- were frequently anti-clerical—all factors chased. These imperial and free cities (Reichs- expected to favor Evangelicals (Brady 1998; und Freistädte) had the greatest independence. Moeller 1972). Historical scholarship stretching back to Historical demographers have developed Moeller (1972) depicts free and imperial cit- standard techniques to estimate urban popula- ies as especially hospitable to Evangelical tions in the sixteenth century (Scott and mobilization. Scribner 1996). In coding these estimates, we

Downloaded from asr.sagepub.com at UNIV WASHINGTON LIBRARIES on February 15, 2012 Kim and Pfaff 15 took the average value of two estimates (i.e., were literate (Schilling 1988). Early in the town size gathered from two secondary Reformation, printers quickly turned to the sources that report populations from 1400 to production of pamphlets and woodcuts to 1600) (Bardet and Dupaquier 1997; Brady reach a broad swath of the population (Pette- 1999; Dollinger 1964; Eckert 2000; Israel gree 2005). Evangelicals pursued an 1995; Köbler 1989; Nicholas 2003; Pfister “aggressive media campaign” centered on 1996; Russell 1972; Scott and Scribner 1996). “little pamphlets advocating radical reform” Because population grew slowly in agrarian (Edwards 1994:15). In the brief period Central Europe, we sometimes took available between 1517 and 1521, more than half a mil- estimates from the century before and after lion Evangelical pamphlets were printed 1520 as an estimate of the size of a town. The (Gilmont 1998; Schilling 1988). In other variable is measured in thousands of persons, European countries, presses were located only which is logarithmically transformed. in the largest cities, but in German-speaking lands, dozens of towns had presses, which Mining. Mining and associated metal probably reduced the cost of pamphlets and trades were among the most important new frustrated censorship (Edwards 1994; Gilm- industries of the sixteenth century. Some ont 1998; Pettegree 2005). cities (e.g., Annaberg and Zwickau in Saxony, Finally, another local cultural resource was Joachimsthal and Kuttenberg in Bohemia, and the presence of a university. In 1520, 17 uni- Goslar in the Harz) developed quickly and versities were distributed across the HRE. became rich due to discovery of silver, copper, These universities enjoyed many scholarly lib- salt, and other minerals. Miners were special- erties, increased the local density of literate ized craftsmen with distinctive interests, a people, and were centers of humanist senti- taste for political and social autonomy, their ments (Hammerstein 2003; Moeller 1999; own associations, and a tendency to live in Schwiebert 1996; Wuthnow 1989). To control specific boroughs. Some accounts depict for the effect of cultural resources on the Ref- mining towns as fertile ground for the Refor- ormation, we measured the presence of print- mation (Karant-Nunn 1987; Kautsky 1897). ing presses in a town circa 1520 (Gilmont 1998). To investigate whether local printers Trade links. Central Europe’s geography were Evangelical partisans, we measured if a was marked by structural holes, with many first edition (1522) of Luther’s translation of medium-sized towns serving as centers of the New Testament was printed in a given autonomous regions (Nicholas 2003; Rozman town (Ganzer and Steiner 2002). We also 1978). The road network was poor and cities measured whether a university was present in were relatively isolated from each other. Most a town in 1517. trade occurred in local market centers, which were spaced 20 to 35 miles apart (Russell Geographic proximity. Physical proxim- 1972). Even so, commercial exchange did ity can be an important factor in determining the connect cities to one another and could have diffusion of innovations. Scholars have shown facilitated the spread of Evangelical ideas. To that regions geographically proximate to Wit- control for effects of intercity trade on reform, tenberg had a greater probability of adopting we measured the number of trade routes that reform than those distant from Wittenberg intersected in a town, including local, regional, (Becker and Woessmann 2009; Cantoni 2009). and long-distance (Fernhandelstrassen) routes Although the specific mechanisms for this phe- (Berthold 1976; Magocsi 2002). nomenon remain underspecified, it may capture various contact opportunities enabled by geo- Cultural resources. Printing facilitated graphic proximity such as commerce, political cultural innovation in the late medieval world. emulation, or the flow of print materials. What- In 1520, about a third of male urban residents ever the operative mechanisms, it is important

Downloaded from asr.sagepub.com at UNIV WASHINGTON LIBRARIES on February 15, 2012 16 American Sociological Review XX(X) for our study to demonstrate that the roles played proximity addresses the possibility of ideo- by university students are not confounded by logical spillover from nearby universities. geographic proximity. Finally, we employed a number of variables To control for a possible proximity effect, to capture cities’ political, economic, and cul- we measured the distance between cities and tural characteristics. To the extent that a city’s university centers of the Evangelical insur- ideological orientation reflects its structural gency (Wittenberg and Basel) and the Catho- characteristics, the strategy we employed lic orthodoxy (Cologne and Louvain) in the should provide a conservative test for our following way. We first measured the distance central hypotheses. between a city and each of these four focal universities using the Haversine measure (i.e., as the crow flies) of distance between FINDINGS two points on the globe (Sinnott 1984). This Because our dependent variable is a dichoto- generates two separate distance measures for mous variable, we analyzed the propensity of the same ideological camp (i.e., distance from cities to institute reform from 1523 to 1545 Wittenberg and Basel for the reformation by logistic regression analysis (Long 1997). camp and distance from Cologne and Lou- Table 3 reports the outcomes. For the sake of vain for the Catholic camp). We created a exposition, we estimated regression models composite distance index for each camp on by groups of independent variables: structural the basis of minimum distance of the two. control variables, geographic proximity vari- This minimum-based composite index cap- ables, and city-to-university ties (we esti- tures the theoretical thrust of the proximity mated university students separately). We argument; that is, students were more likely then estimated a final comprehensive model to attend more proximate universities and including all the variables to determine their there could be proximity effects in the aboli- net effects while controlling for other vari- tion of the Mass, either through diffusion or ables. Note that the reported regression coef- shared contexts. We measured distance scores ficients indicate the net additive effect of in 100 km.5 corresponding independent variables on the Historical studies always entail limita- log odds of a city abolishing the Mass; a tions. We acknowledge the possibility that positive coefficient indicates a positive effect some towns might have had a preexisting on log odds and a negative coefficient indi- ideological propensity or that students simply cates a negative effect. We removed cities studied at the closest universities, thereby housing the four focal universities influencing university enrollments. Self- (Wittenberg, Basel, Cologne, and Louvain) selection could result in reverse causality in from the analysis to focus on their influences which, for example, more students went to over the other cities. Wittenberg or Basel from Evangelically inclined cities. But this scenario seems Economic Structure and the unlikely. First, we measured city-to-university Reformation ties from 1517 to 1522, that is, the period beginning with Luther’s publication of the Control variables selected on the basis of “Ninety-Five Theses” and prior to the first existing historiography explain variation in abolition of the Roman Catholic Mass. Dur- the institution of reform rather well. The log- ing this period, uncertainty surrounded the likelihood ratio test is statistically significant controversy, no city formally aligned itself and the model has a pseudo R-square of .121, with the Reformation, there was no Protestant indicating that these structural variables league to join, and a permanent break with the explain 12.1 percent of the variance in the Roman Church was not inevitable. Second, latent dependent variable of Evangelical our inclusion of a measure of geographic reform.

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Table 3. Logistic Regression Analysis of the Abolition of the Mass Independent Geographic University Variables Baseline Proximity Students Combined

Intercept −.534 (.300) .385 (.196)* .449 (.204)* −1.093 (.412)** Population .021 (.175) .449 (.198)* Mining Center .459 (.495) .299 (.541) Trade Links .316 (.130)* .160 (.120) Seat of University −1.276 (.809) −1.502 (.737)* Printing Press −.342 (.316) −.816 (.331)* Luther Bible −.029 (.890) .027 (.797) Free/Imperial Cities 1.132 (.271)** .754 (.317)* Neutral Patronage 1.117 (.333)** .994 (.393)* Pro-reform Patronage 2.042 (.311)** 1.813 (.314)** Distance from Wittenberg/Basel −.374 (.060)** −.225 (.072)** Distance from Cologne/Louvain .282 (.044)** .185 (.057)** Students to All Universities −.084 (.196) .099 (.229) Students to Wittenberg/Basel 1.555 (.423)** 1.095 (.468)* Students to Cologne/Louvain −1.374 (.240)** −.888 (.338)**

Log Likelihood (LR χ2) 58.54** 54.81** 62.93** 108.70** Pseudo R-squared .121 .092 .128 .227 N 457 457 457 457

Note: Numbers in parentheses are robust standard errors. The table does not include the ideological centers of reform (Wittenberg and Basel) and anti-reform (Cologne and Louvain). *p < .05; **p < .01 (two-tailed tests).

Individual regression coefficients show how once effects of geographic proximity and uni- reform was affected by various economic, cul- versity students are controlled for in the com- tural, and political factors. Mining centers do bined model. This may indicate that trade not show any significant propensity to adopt routes affected reform outcomes only indi- reform. However, the regression coefficient for rectly, by providing channels for university cities’ population size is statistically insignifi- students to travel and spread dissent, or they cant in the baseline model but turns significant are confounded by geographic proximity. at the .05 level once we control for effects of geographic proximity and university students. Cultural Resources and the This coefficient is positive, indicating that larger Reformation cities had greater propensity to reform. This finding shows that net of effects of city-to-uni- The regression coefficient for seat of univer- versity ties, larger cities were more prone to sity is statistically insignificant in the baseline reform than were smaller cities. Because popu- model but attains statistical significance when lation size reflects a larger economy—a diversi- geographic proximity and university students fied and specialized labor force of merchants, are controlled for. This coefficient is negative, artisans, and tradesmen—our findings render indicating that reform was less likely in cities basic support, albeit indirectly, to the thesis that housed universities. This finding rein- based on early capitalist development. forces historical accounts that, apart from a By contrast, the regression coefficient for few faculties at specific universities, universi- long-distance commercial networks as indi- ties generally had a conservative influence. cated by trade links is statistically significant The coefficient for the Luther Bible variable in the baseline model but loses significance is positive but statistically insignificant,

Downloaded from asr.sagepub.com at UNIV WASHINGTON LIBRARIES on February 15, 2012 18 American Sociological Review XX(X) whereas the coefficient for printing press is burg-ruled Low Countries, for example, an negative and statistically significant (in the edict against Luther’s followers threatened combined model). These results indicate that “loss of life and property.” In 1521, Luther’s while printing presses publishing the Luther works were publicly burned in Ghent and Bible did not influence reform outcomes, other cities. Hundreds of Evangelicals were having a printing press, in general, worked as arrested, executed, or exiled across the region a deterrent to reform. These findings should (Fühner 2004; Tracy 1990). As Tracy not be interpreted as denying the role that (1990:160) reports, “Charles’ religious policy print materials played in the Reformation. had succeeded in driving into exile most of Presses as fixed objects could be readily con- the educated men who would be the natural trolled or censored by the ecclesiastical estab- leaders of any dissident movement.” Similar lishment, but the larger book trade did not patterns were seen in many Habsburg territo- rely on local publishers; books, and especially ries and ecclesiastical states. pamphlets, were carried from place to place By contrast, the majority of princely states by preachers, peddlers, and merchants. provided favorable political opportunities for Indeed, an extensive propaganda campaign the reform movement. Although not all was carried out through these cheap, portable princes welcomed the Reformation, most pamphlets (Edwards 1994). Our variables eventually supported Protestantism and oth- simply measure potential effects of printing ers maintained a neutral stance. Bitter con- presses on host cities’ odds of reform. flicts of interest between the emperor and Moreover, the fact that presses printed territorial rulers made reformist inroads more Luther’s Bible may not indicate a particular likely in princely territories. Indeed, many ideological orientation; it may well have been princes preferred a weak imperial govern- good business. ment and resented extraction of revenues for the sake of Rome. The Evangelical cause could thus serve princes’ strategic and mate- Political Opportunities, Aristocratic rial interests. The Saxon prince-electors, Patronage, and the Reformation Luther’s patrons, are famous examples of the Our results reinforce the importance of politi- sort of principled opportunism that furthered cal opportunities in determining local out- the Evangelical movement. comes of the Reformation. Historians have long viewed free and imperial cities as impor- Geographic Proximity/Distance tant supporters of the Evangelical cause. Our analysis finds that pro-reform effects of free As another set of control variables, we used and imperial status are indeed significant. cities’ geographic proximity to ideological Historians and sociologists have often found centers of the reform movement (Wittenberg that aristocratic patronage was necessary for and Basel) and the Catholic countermove- the Reformation’s success. Our analysis ren- ment (Cologne and Louvain). The third col- ders strong support for the elite interests the- umn of Table 3 reports the findings. The sis: Evangelicals had a greater chance of geographic proximity model is statistically success in cities where surrounding territorial significant (see the log likelihood statistic) rulers favored—or at least did not actively and it explains 9.2 percent of the variance in suppress—reform movements. Where territo- the latent dependent variable of reform. rial rulers actively supported Evangelical Coefficients of individual variables con- reformers, odds of success were about twice form to expectations of the proximity thesis. as high as in places where rulers adopted non- The negative and significant coefficient for interventionist policies. distance from Wittenberg/Basel indicates that Ecclesiastical states and the Habsburg cities located farther from these ideological dominions were bastions of loyalist patronage centers of the reform movement had less and repression of Evangelicals. In the Habs- chance of reform success than did cities close

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Table 4. Reform Rate by Princely Patronage Type and University Students in Towns Princely Patronage Type

Pattern of University Students Anti-reform Neutral Pro-reform Total

Wittenberg/Basel Only .620 .556 .949 .729 (50) (18) (39) (107) Cologne/Louvain Only .190 1.000 .500 .291 (63) (6) (10) (79) Both .441 .571 .850 .590 (34) (7) (20) (61) Neither .443 .650 .800 .595 (61) (20) (40) (121) Total .409 .647 .835 .568 (208) (51) (109) (368)

Note: The table does not include free cities and the ideological centers of reform (Wittenberg and Basel) and anti-reform (Cologne and Louvain). Numbers of cities for the corresponding cells are shown in parentheses.

to them. By contrast, the positive and signifi- control for effects of baseline structural vari- cant coefficient for distance from Cologne/ ables and geographic proximity variables. Louvain reveals that cities located farther The regression coefficient for students to from the ideological centers of the Catholic all universities is statistically insignificant, countermovement had a greater chance of net of effects of the countervailing Witten- reform than cities close to them. Geographic berg/Basel and Cologne/Louvain networks. proximity and distance appear to have moder- This indicates that the general exposure cities ated the degree of exposure and influence had to universities was not a significant factor cities received from critical communities at in reforming towns. This is an interesting the heart of the contending Evangelical move- finding given scholars’ tendency to attribute ment and its orthodox countermovement. the Reformation to the spread of humanism and literate culture. Rather than humanism per se, evidence indicates that what mattered City-to-University Ties and the was whether theologians at particular univer- Reformation sities had the willingness and the opportunity Returning to our main argument, our hypoth- to unleash the radical potential of the new eses find clear support in the significant and learning, coupled with students who would positive effect of Wittenberg and Basel enroll- carry these insurgent ideas back to their ments on a town’s probability of subsequently hometowns. In other words, the Reformation adopting reform. Cologne and Louvain was propelled by ideologically charged activ- enrollments significantly decreased the prob- ists, not simply by ideas. ability of reform. A given town’s probability Our analysis helps resolve the political of adopting reform was substantially influ- puzzle that remains in many structural enced by the relative exposure that a town had accounts of the Reformation: How did reform to the Evangelical student network versus the succeed in the face of opposition from impe- orthodox network, as indicated by the rela- rial or Catholic loyalist territorial rulers and tively high pseudo R-square of the university fail despite their support? Table 4 reports the students model, which explains 12.8 percent rate of reform by the type of princely patron- of the variance in the latent dependent vari- age and the pattern of students attending Wit- able. This finding remains even when we tenberg/Basel and Cologne/Louvain. Because

Downloaded from asr.sagepub.com at UNIV WASHINGTON LIBRARIES on February 15, 2012 20 American Sociological Review XX(X) free cities were not subject to princely patron- counterbalanced by their Wittenberg/Basel age, we removed them from the analysis. As counterparts. The competition between activ- Table 4 shows, reform succeeded in 85 (40.9 ist students in determining the fate of reform percent) out of 208 cities in anti-reform ter- is further indicated by the pattern of reform in ritories, such as the ecclesiastical states and cities where both Wittenberg/Basel and Habsburg dominions. Although this rate of Cologne/Louvain students were present. In success is much lower than in territories with these cities, the pro-reform effect of Witten- pro-reform patronage (83.5 percent), it is still berg/Basel students was offset by the anti- far greater than one would expect based on reform effect of Cologne/Louvain students; the princely patronage thesis alone. By con- chances of success in these places were close trast, reform failed in 18 (16.5 percent) out of to that observed in cities with none of these 109 cities coded within pro-reform territories. students. Why is this so? Our finding that city-to- Note that there appears to be an anomaly university ties through university students in regions governed by neutral princes. The had a significant independent effect on reform rate of reform success appears to be much outcomes net of effects of political patronage higher where there were only Cologne/Lou- strongly indicates that political and ideologi- vain students compared with cities where cal conflict occurred side-by-side, sometimes there were only Wittenberg/Basel students. conjointly and sometimes independently. This This unexpected pattern occurs largely can be seen more clearly if we examine the because all of the Cologne/Louvain only cit- strength of contending university networks ies experienced reform success. However, the within each aristocratic patronage type and number of cases in this category is extremely reform rate. Table 4 classifies cities into four small (only six cities) and, excluding them, categories: cities with only Wittenberg/Basel cities under neutral princely patronage had a students, cities with only Cologne/Louvain similar rate of success regardless of the pres- students, cities with Wittenberg/Basel and ence of university students. Because out- Cologne/Louvain students, and cities with no comes reported in Table 4 obtain without students enrolled in these universities. controls for the effect of other variables, On average, reform had less than a 50 per- especially geographic proximity, we re-esti- cent chance for success ( p = .409) in territories mated the combined model of Table 3 includ- ruled by anti-Reform princes, whereas reform ing interaction terms between the princely had a far greater chance of success ( p = .83) patronage and university student variables. in cities ruled by pro-Reform princes. Yet, the Table 5 reports these outcomes. Note that rate of success varied greatly even within with the interaction terms, the baseline uni- princely territories depending on the presence versity student variables—students to Witten- of Wittenberg/Basel and Cologne/Louvain berg/Basel and students to Cologne/ students. In cities where only Wittenberg and Louvain—capture the effect of university stu- Basel students were present, reform had a .62 dents from each ideological center on cities probability of success even under anti-Reform under anti-reform patronage. princely patronage. This figure represents Focusing first on students to Wittenberg/ three times as great a chance as in cities with Basel, the baseline variable is statistically only Cologne/Louvain students ( p = .19). We significant and positive, indicating that cities see a similar pattern in territories ruled by that sent more students to Wittenberg or Basel pro-Reform princes: reform was a virtual cer- were more likely to successfully institute tainty ( p = .949) if Wittenberg/Basel students’ reform. However, the interaction term with activities were not checked by their Cologne/ neutral patronage is statistically significant Louvain counterparts, yet it was significantly and negative, suggesting that the pro-reform reduced to a 50 percent chance ( p = .50) if effect of Wittenberg/Basel students was con- Cologne/Louvain students’ activities were not spicuously reduced in regions where princes

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Table 5. Patronage-Student Interactions in Logistic Regression Analysis of the Abolition of the Mass Independent Variables β se

Intercept −1.204 (.426)** Population .461 (.201)* Mining Center .258 (.550) Trade Links .144 (.122) Seat of University −1.529 (.755)* Printing Press −.930 (.333)** Luther Bible .172 (.806) Free/Imperial Cities .756 (.322)* Neutral Patronage 1.486 (.496)** Pro-reform Patronage 1.950 (.417)** Distance from Wittenberg/Basel −.230 (.071)** Distance from Cologne/Louvain .192 (.056)** Students to All Universities .088 (.230) Students to Wittenberg/Basel 1.461 (.551)** Students to Wittenberg/Basel x Neutral Patronage −2.299 (.887)** Students to Wittenberg/Basel x Pro-reform Patronage 1.013 (1.296) Students to Cologne/Louvain −.707 (.334)* Students to Cologne/Louvain x Neutral Patronage .841 (1.181) Students to Cologne/Louvain x Pro-reform Patronage −1.732 (.848)* Log Likelihood (LR χ2) 103.65** Pseudo R-squared .246 N 457

Note: The table does not include the ideological centers of reform (Wittenberg and Basel) and anti- reform (Cologne and Louvain). *p < .05; **p < .01 (two-tailed tests). retained neutral positions vis-à-vis the reform mobilization tends to be invigorated by threats movement. In fact, the sum of the two coef- and (moderate) repression as well as by facili- ficients of the baseline variable and its inter- tation (Almeida 2003; Goldstone and Tilly action with neutral patronage is statistically 2001; Hoover and Kowalewski 1992; Lich- insignificant; this indicates that the number of bach 1987). Repressive responses by authori- students sent to Wittenberg and Basel had no ties may engender a sense of urgency among significant effect on reform chances of corre- potential activists; they may also inadvertently sponding cities. In pro-patronage areas, how- help frame the authorities as unjust. While ever, the trend is reversed. The interaction specific mechanisms of such threat-induced term with pro-reform patronage is positive mobilization remain to be explained, we note but statistically insignificant at the .05 level. that Wittenberg and Basel student activists This indicates there is no statistically signifi- appear to have faced a similar paradox in their cant difference in the effect of the number of campaign to spread reform in territories with Wittenberg and Basel students, whether they neutral rulers. Students tended to have greater were operative in anti- or pro-reform princely success if territorial rulers were supportive of territories. their efforts or if rulers visibly opposed them. Although it may seem unexpected, this find- Student activists had much less success where ing is consistent with the literature on social territorial rulers handled them neither favora- movements. One conspicuous paradox in the bly nor antagonistically but with circumspec- study of social movements is that insurgent tion or opportunistic ambivalence.

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Focusing on students to Cologne/Louvain, holes from critical communities to cities. the baseline variable is statistically significant As network actors intentionally spreading and negative. Furthermore, its interaction with heterodoxy across institutional settings, neutral patronage is insignificant, indicating no Wittenbergers and Baslers returning to their statistically significant difference between hometowns played an important role in insti- anti-reform and neutral patronage. This means gating religious contention. These students that Cologne and Louvain students were were among the first and most committed equally effective in deterring reform in territo- proponents of the new ideology and prone to ries ruled by anti-reform or neutral princes. By further it in places they knew best. Exploiting contrast, the interaction term with pro-reform political opportunities and countering ortho- patronage is statistically significant and nega- dox threats, students helped turn theological tive, indicating that the presence of Cologne debates into an ideologically charged move- and Louvain students had a greater deterrent ment that permanently altered European civi- effect in territories ruled by pro-reform princes. lization and, by extension, other major The pattern here is consistent. Wittenberg and civilizations around the globe (Stamatov Basel students needed either clear support or 2010). In explaining how this movement arose clear opposition to mobilize insurgency effec- and spread, our study emphasizes a triple con- tively; the deterrent effect of university stu- nection among heterodox challengers in orga- dents from Cologne and Louvain, however, nizing an insurgency against an orthodox was consistent across all types of princely status quo: (1) critical communities in which patronage, attesting to the advantage of status insurgent ideas are produced and dissemi- quo incumbency. The effect of loyalist activists nated; (2) local actors willing to bear start-up was more pronounced in areas where threats to costs for initiating and organizing insur- the religious establishment were made visible gency—that is, a critical mass; and (3) bridge by territorial princes’ pro-reform positions. leaders who deliver insurgent ideas to a local In summary, university students from arena, convert local actors, and instigate insur- Cologne and Louvain benefited from advan- gency. The swift rise of the Evangelical move- tages of Catholic incumbency, and their deter- ment and the widespread occurrence of reform rent effect was felt across all types of princely across the Empire’s cities would not have patronage. By contrast, effects of Wittenberg been possible without these three functionally and Basel students were felt unevenly. These distinct groups of actors. While each was nec- students were more effective in instituting essary for reform to occur, bridge leaders reform where territorial rulers maintained a linked the other two groups, uniting insurgent clear position vis-à-vis the Evangelical move- ideas with a local critical mass motivated by ment by either supporting or repressing it. Rul- long-standing grievances and newly recog- ers who carefully remained on the sidelines of nized incentives for striking against the the religious conflict deprived local Evangelical Catholic establishment. activists of a clear target for mobilization. This The theoretical model we developed here rather complex pattern between university stu- identifies collective action at three different dents, the reform movement, and princes helps levels. At the global level, Evangelical theo- to explain why reform sometimes occurred in logians waged a campaign to challenge the anti-reform regimes and sometimes failed in theological foundations of the Roman Catho- pro-reform regimes. lic establishment. In the resulting ideological warfare, the presence of critical communities at universities played a crucial role. Most CONCLUSIONS AND universities and most students, operating IMPLICATIONS under strict ecclesiastical or political supervi- In the early Reformation, ideologically mobi- sion, were not involved in the movement. At lized students moved ideas across structural Wittenberg and Basel, however, students

Downloaded from asr.sagepub.com at UNIV WASHINGTON LIBRARIES on February 15, 2012 Kim and Pfaff 23 were trained to serve as preachers and agita- rightly noted that “research so far has been too tors for the Evangelical cause. These univer- unsystematic, concentrating either on large sities appear to have served as the “ideological towns, such as Nuremberg or Strasburg, or on envelopes” (Kim and Bearman 1997:85) the imperial cities, to the neglect of small within which heterodox convictions were towns under territorial rule.” While historians nourished and an empire-wide social network have provided a host of detailed case studies, of agitators could be assembled without hav- it has so far been difficult to test hypotheses or ing to contend with serious orthodox counter- identify general mechanisms. Nevertheless, pressures. our statistical findings are consistent with At the local level, cities provided a battle- narrative histories of urban reform. In cases field in which Evangelical activists and Cath- as varied as Nuremberg (Strauss 1966), olic loyalists fought for control over civic Augsburg (Roper 1989), and Braunschweig governance. The balance of power in this (Baeumer 1991), Evangelicalism arrived on arena was affected by social, economic, and the shoulders of recent graduates from Wit- political forces. Reform-oriented burghers tenberg and Basel, and these graduates were abetted by centralizing princes often swung key players in instigating religious contention. the contest in favor of the Evangelicals. Open Evangelical preaching and propaganda spurred and responsive political regimes shielded lay movements that pressed elites for reform. from imperial and ecclesiastical pressures— Naturally, such efforts usually met resistance in particular the free and imperial city- from Catholic loyalists (Bagchi 1991). The states—also provided favorable contexts for stakes were high in the culture war waged for Evangelical movements. control of the towns (te Brake 1998). Con- Despite their long-standing political and fronted with loyalist counter-mobilization or economic grievances, dissatisfied urban lead- elite intransigence, Evangelicals and their ers needed an ideological rallying point allies frequently turned to outright rebellion. around which to organize. Yet a tremendous They attacked priests and monks, smashed gulf existed between ideological innovators icons, and looted monasteries and the property on theology faculties, on the one side, and, on of prominent loyalists. Generally, once the the other, dispersed towns and cities. This conflict reached this intensity, either Evangeli- distance was not overcome by pamphlets cal insurgents triumphed or Catholic loyalists alone. Diffusion of heterodoxy relies on prevailed. The victors then expelled the defeated human carriers of insurgent ideas who advo- camp from the town. cate its institutionalization against the estab- Our theoretical model and empirical findings lished social order. Bridging actors willing to suggest the value of the ongoing synthesis commit to novel ideas, endure repression, between social movement and diffusion theo- spread these ideas, and organize collective ries in the study of social change. Yet there are action on its behalf make ideas into move- gaps in these literatures. Despite holding a better ments, a pattern vividly illustrated by studies understanding of the dynamics of diffusion in as diverse as Stark’s (1996) on the rise of innovations, the literature in general suffers Christianity, Robnett’s (1997) and Rochon’s from what Rogers (1995:100) calls a “pro- (1998) on the U.S. civil rights movement, and innovation bias”: “the implication . . . that an research on the genesis of nineteenth-century innovation should be diffused and adopted by socialism (Ansell 1997; Hedström, Sandell, all members of a social system, that it should be and Stern 2000). diffused more rapidly, and that the innovation Our empirical findings render strong sup- should be neither reinvented nor rejected.” port for the proposed model based on an Research has paid little attention to how diffu- analysis that is uniquely systematic for sion outcomes can be altered by the opposition research on the Reformation. Scribner of individuals with vested interests in the status (1986:26), a pioneering social historian, quo. Yet our theoretical model shows how

Downloaded from asr.sagepub.com at UNIV WASHINGTON LIBRARIES on February 15, 2012 24 American Sociological Review XX(X) movements and countermovements are shaped Album Academiae Vitebergensis: Volumen primum, AB by the same social processes. While social A. CH. MDII Usque AD A. MDLX. Edited by K. E. Foerstmann (Leipzig, Germany: Karl Tauch, 1841). movement studies have been paying attention Codex diplomaticus Saxonie Regiae, Zweiter Hauptheil, to movement–countermovement dynamics XVI Band [Universität Leipzig]. Edited by O. Posse (Andrews 2002; Lo 1982; Luker 1984; Meyer and H. Ermisch (Leipzig, Germany: Gieske and and Staggenborg 1996; Zald and Useem 1987), Devrient, 1895). the importance of the meso (e.g., network) level Die Matrikel der Ludwig-Maximlians-Universität Ingol- stadt-Landshut-München, Teil I Ingolstadt Band IV: has largely been overlooked. Personenregister. Edited by L. Buzas (Munich, Ger- Just as with Evangelical activists, success- many: Lindauersche Universitätsbuchhandlung, ful mobilization by Catholic loyalists in the 1981). cities was critically affected by bridge leaders: Die Matrikel der Universität Basel, Band I., 1460–1529. the more exposed cities were to ideological (Basel, Switzerland: Verlag der Universitätsbiblio- thek, 1951). appeals from their own orthodox critical com- Die Matrikel der Universität Freiburg im Breisgau von munities, the less likely that reform succeeded. 1460–1656. Edited by H. Meyer (Freiburgim Breis- In the absence of a coordinated imperial and gau, Germany: Herdersche Verlagsbuchhandlung, papal campaign, which may well have crushed 1907). the Evangelical movement in its infancy Die Matrikel der Universität Heidelberg von 1386–1662, Erster Teil, 1386–1553. Edited by G. Toepke (Heidel- (Nexon 2009), the reform movement’s local berg, Germany: Winter Verlag, 1884). outcomes were influenced by countervailing Die Matrikel der Universität Köln, Zweiter Band, pressures exercised by rival networks of uni- 1476–1559. Edited by H. Keussen (Düsseldorf, Ger- versity-trained activists. In each town, the many: Droste Verlag, [1919] 1979). Evangelical movement’s fate was decided by a Die Matrikel der Universität Rostock, 1419–1831. (Schwerin and Rostock, Germany: 1889). complex set of local conditions, elite interests, Die Matrikel der Universität Tübingen, 1477–1600. and contending ideological spheres of influ- (Stuttgart, Germany: 1906). ence operating far beyond the city walls. Die Matrikel der Universität Wien: II. Band 1451-1518; The early Reformation can thus best be III. Band 1518–1579. Edited by the Institute for Aus- explained not only by political and social- trian Historical Research (Graz, Austria: Verlag Her- mann Böhlhaus, 1959). structural conditions, but also by a distinctive Matricule de L’Université de Louvain III: 1485–1527. social movement spearheaded by a cohort of Edited by A. Schillings (Brussels, Belgium: Palais former university students who bridged the des Academies, 1962). gap between the lecture hall and city hall. More generally, the case of the Reformation Authors’ Note suggests that to better understand the struc- The authors contributed equally to the completion of this ture and dynamics of social movements, we article. should analyze countervailing webs of influ- ence and the role of bridge leadership in span- ning structural holes. Acknowledgments We acknowledge the comments of Phil Gorski, Rodney Stark, Michael Halvorson, Paul F. Grendler, Edgar Kiser, APPENDIX Karen Snedker, Anne McCants, Rory McVeigh, and Sigrun Primary Data Sources for University Haude, as well as participants at the Sixteenth Century Soci- ety Conference in Salt Lake, October 2006, and at the Enrollments Coded for this Study American Sociological Association Annual Conference in Acten der Erfurter Universität, II. Theil, 1492–1636. New York City, August 2007. A special recognition is due to Edited by J. C. Herman Weissenborn (Halle, Peter S. Bearman who initiated this research with Joel Germany: Hendel Verlag, 1884). Podolny (whose earlier work was initially presented in 1986 Aeltere Universitätsmatrikeln I: Universität Frankfurt an at the Annual Meeting of the Southern Sociological Associa- der Oder. Edited by E. Friedländer (Osnabrück, tion, Atlanta, Georgia) and the first author (whose work was Germany: Zeller Verlag, [1887] 1965). presented in 1996 at the Annual Meeting of Social Science Aeltere Universitätsmatrikeln II: Matrikel der Univer- History Association, New Orleans, Louisiana). Research sität Greifswald, 1456–1645. Edited by E. Friedländer assistance was provided by University of Washington stu- (Leipzig, Germany: Hirzel Verlag, 1893). dents Eric Gleave, Kristin Smith, Alice Amaya, Hannah

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Moon, Carrie Schwochow, Chri Sevo, Kayln Kato, Matthew Andrews, Kenneth and Michael Biggs. 2006. “The Bennett, and Sally Li. Dynamics of Protest Diffusion.” American Sociologi- cal Review 71:752–77. Ansell, Christopher. 1997. “Symbolic Networks: The Notes Realignment of the French Working Class, 1887–1894.” 1. Schilling (1988) describes the movement as “Evan- American Journal of Sociology 103:359–90. gelical” because of its professed inspiration by and Asche, Matthias. 1999. “Der Ostseeraum als Univer- commitment to the authority of the Gospels. In this sitäts- und Bildungslandschaft im Spätmittelalter article, we generally use the term “Evangelical” und in der Frühen Neuzeit.” Blätter für deutsche rather than “Protestant” (a pejorative coined at the Landesgeschichte 135:1–20. Diet of Speyer in 1529). Baeumer, Maximillian. 1991. Die Reformation als Revo- 2. Drawing on Burt (1992, 2005), by structural hole we lution und Aufruhr. 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For a detailed explanation of the coding syntax and Blickle, Peter. 1992. Communal Reformation. London: statistical commands, along with a 25 percent random Humanities. sample of the data used for the analysis, see the online Brady, Thomas J. 1998. Communities, Politics, and Ref- supplement (http://asr.sagepub.com/supplemental). ormation in Early Modern Europe. Leiden, Netherlands: 5. Initially we used four separate distance measures. Brill. However, because of high collinearity, this approach Brady, Thomas J. 1999. “The Reformation of the Com- resulted in the counterintuitive finding that the more mon Man, 1521–1524.” Pp. 91–132 in The German distant a city was from Cologne the less likely it was Reformation, edited by C. S. Dixon. London: Black- to reform. An alternative would have been to average well. the two distance items for each camp. However, this Braun, Norman. 1995. “Individual Thresholds and Social approach has critical limitations. 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