CONCORDIA THEOLOGICAL MONTHLY

Luther and the English E. GEORGE PEARCE

Studies in Discipleship MARTIN H. FRANZMANN

Brief Studies

Homiletics

Theological Observer

Book Review

VOL. XXXI October 1960 No. 10 Luther and the

(1959 Reformation Lecture delivered at Luther-Tyndale Memorial Church, , on 31 October 1959) By E. GEORGE PEARCE

M ARTIN LUTHER never came to Eng­ I land. So far as I know, he was POINTS OF CONTACT never invited. Melanchthon was - many Just before Christmas in 1525 King times, sometimes by King Henry himself, Henry VIn received a letter, postmarked very often by the Archbishop of Canter­ Bordeaux, from Dr. Edward Lee, his al­ bury,! but he always found reason to de­ moner, which said: cline. never set foot on the Please it your highness to understand that realms of Henry VIII. What, then, is the I am certainly informed, as I passed in connection between Luther and the English this country, that an Englishman, your Reformation? There are 3erious scholars 2 subject, at the solicitation and instance of who maintain that the Reformation in Luther, with whom he is, hath translated got its impetus not from Luther the New Testament into English and but from England's own and within a few days intendeth to arrive with was bound to come, Luther or no Luther. the same imprinted in England. I need Are Lutherans, especially we Lutherans in not to advertize your grace what infection England, guilty of introducing wishful and danger may ensue hereby if it be not thinking into our reading of the events withstanded. This is the way to fill your realm with Lutherans. that took place here 400 years ago? It is the burden of this 1959 Refor­ And the letter goes on, mation lecture to show that there were For all Luther's opinions be grounded points of contact between Luther and the upon bare words of Scripture .... All our English Reformers and that through these forefathers, governors of the , have with all diligence forbade contacts the of Luther was given and eschewed publication of English Bi­ a permanent place in the faith and worship bles. . . . The integrity of the Christian of English . So there are two faith within your realm cannot long en­ questions: How did the doctrine of Luther dure if these books may come in.s get into England? Where are the proofs of his influence in English religious life Luthers Books today? And come in they did. Of Tyndale's , referred to in the letter, we shall ! "I am now sending a third letter to speak later. Books were the first means by Melanc[h]thon in which I exhort him to come to us." Cranmer's letter to John Lasco, Original which Luther's theology influenced the Eng­ Letters 1537-58, p.17. lish Reformation. There was an eager de- 2 Pollard, Modern History II, 478. 3 Froude, History of England II, 31. 598 LUTHER AND THE ENGLISH REFORMATION mand in Britain for the writings of Luther. chancellor to recommend vigorous action: Men wanted to read what this monk, who "that no man, without express license, have, dared to defy Rome, had to say. As early keep, or read any of the same books under as 1520, only three years after the posting pain of excommunication." 7 of the 95 Theses, Luther's great tracts, On the Babylonian Captivity of the Church and White Horse Inn Address to the Christian Nobility, were At Cambridge there was the White selling in England.4 In 1521, Cardinal Horse Inn,8 a notable center of Lutheran Wolsey ordered his books to be burned. activity. At this public house, with its By 1529 his tract The Liberty of the Chris­ easy and discreet access from the backs of tian Man, his catechism in , and his Kings and Queens Colleges, there gathered, earlier Commentary on Galatians had been from about 1521, a group of scholars to added to the books the reading of which read, discuss, and circulate the writings of was forbidden. Two years later the charge Luther. Headed by Robert Barnes, this that he sold Luther's books brought the first 16th-century "Luther Society" had an enor­ of many, , monk of Bury mous influence on the subsequent changes St. Edmunds, to the stake of Smithfield. But in the English Church. Among the thirty enterprising merchants, as always, found or more men, most of them in their early ways to supply the demand despite the ban. twenties, whose theology was shaped in Shippers in smuggled the contra­ these clandestine discussions were the lead­ band books into East Coast ports in bales ing English Reformers, like Tyndale and of cloth and in bags of flax. In 1536 Coverdale, the Bible translators, Cranmer Henry suddenly swung around and ordered and Parker, archbishops of Canterbury, and Melanchthon's books to be included in the Latimer and Ridley, popular preachers. course of studies at Cambridge. English Reformers Visit Luther Luther's writings, a recent Roman Cath­ A more direct influence upon the direc­ olic historian says, "were the first 'best tion of the English Reformation came sellers' the book trade ever knew." 5 Sir through the personal contact which lead­ , whose special license it was ing English Reformers had with Luther to read and answer such books, wearily while they were in exile on the Continent. confessed, "The bare names of those books were almost enough to make a book." 6 Robert Barnes One may overestimate the penettation Of Robert Barnes, "restorer of letters" 9 of Lutheran ideas through printed books to his eager Cambridge students, ambas­ into the lives of the common people, but sador and chaplain to Henry VIII, and the effect upon budding theologians at the two universities is hard to exaggerate. At 7 ]. H. Blunt, The Reformation of the Oxford, already in 1521, there were enough Church of England (London, 1897), p. 76. Blunt quotes from Ellis, Original Letters III, "young scholars suspected" to provoke the i,239. 8 The White Horse Inn stood in Trumping­ 4 Hardwick, Reformation, p. 168 n. ton Street, opposite Bennet Street, and was razed 5 Hughes, Reformation in England, p. 134. to allow the improvement of Kings College. 6 Gasquet, Eve of the Reformation, p. 195. 9 Foxe, Acts and Monuments V, 415. LUTHER AND THE ENGLISH REFORMATION 599

"the holy martyr St. Robert" to his friend, fledgling reformers. His own persistent Martin Luther, I need not say much to efforts, as of the only convinced Lutheran church members who own him as the first on the English side in the Anglo-Lutheran English Lutheran pastor or to clergy who discussions of 1535 to 1539, succeeded, as call their pastoral conferences after his we shall see, in the ultimate incorporation name. of large sections of Lutheran belief into Robert Barnes spent several years in the doctrine of the Church of England. , first as a fugitive from Henry's wrath and then as Henry's ambassador and William Tyndale was another maker of theological adviser. His personal contact English Protestantism whose theology and with Luther was repeated and close. Luther work were deeply influenced by personal called him "our good pious table com­ contact with Luther in . panion and guest of our house." At Wit­ Tyndale was probably an early member tenberg he published, under the name of of the White Horse Inn fraternity; at any Antonius Anglus, a treatise of 19 ar­ rate he was at Cambridge University dur­ ticles.10 They reveal a full grasp and a ing the years that Robert Barnes and other complete acceptance of distinctive Lutheran Reformers were there.n His determination tenets. When Henry needed Lutheran al­ to cause every ploughboy in England to lies, he recalled Barnes and from 1534 to know the Scriptures in his own tongue 12 1539 used him to negotiate alliances with lost him his first parish at Little Sodbury the King of Denmark and with the Smal­ in the Cotswolds. But even in London and caldic League, headed by the Elector of under the protection of a generous mer­ Saxony. It was Barnes, the king's chaplain, chant, Humphrey Monmouth, he "under­ as the letter of introduction called him, stood," he said, "at last not only that there who arranged the important series of was no room in my lord of London's Anglo-Lutheran theological meetings which palace to translate the New Testament, but took place at King Henry's request from also that there was no place to do it in all 1535 to 1539 and of which we shall hear England." 13 more shortly. In Germany he stayed for a time at Wit­ Robert Barnes yearned and strove to tenberg,14 where, Foxe says, "he had here make the English Church Lutheran. But conference with Luther and other learned he died at the stake at the age of 45 in men." Sir Thomas More states that Tyn­ 1540 - too soon to take an important part dale "gOt him to Luther straight" and that in the reforming of his church. His in­ "at the time of his of the New fluence was, nonetheless, significant for his Testament was with Luther in Witten­ own day - and far beyond it. As leader berg." 15 Tyndale's Bible translation, which of the White Horse Inn group at Cam­ bridge his fiery espousal of Lutheran prin­ 11 Mozley, William Tyndale, p.20; see also ciples was a major influence in moulding Hughes, Reformation in England, p. 133 n. 12 Tyndale, Doctrinal Treatises, p. xix. 13 Ibid., p. 396. 10 Purnehmlich Artikel, neuUch verteutscht, von Dr. Antonius aus England (Wittenberg, 14 Mozley, William Tyndale, pp.51,52. 1531). Bugenhagen was the translator. 15 More, Dialogue (1557), pp. 283, 221. 600 LUTHER AND THE ENGLISH REFORMATION he was still revising at his arrest and mar­ in 1537 by John Rogers as "Matthew's tyrdom at Vilvorde in Belgium in 1536, Bible." 17 was, in the opinion of a contemporary John Rogers, also a Cambridge man, be­ scholar, far more important in England came a student of Luther at Wittenberg than any theological tract; it was "the su­ University, matriculating there in 1540. preme event of the first decade of the For five years he served a Lutheran con­ English Reformation." 16 gregation in the town of Meldorf. He was the first martyr of the Marian perse­ Miles Coverdale cution, dying at Smithfield in 1555. "He Another English Reformer whose Bible has been burned alive for being a Lu­ work exercised a decisive influence upon theran," the French ambassador wrote to the current of English Reformation history a friend, "but he died persisting in his was Miles Coverdale. For years Coverdale opinion." was a Lutheran pastor near Strasbourg. Matthew's Bible was not a new trans­ Also a member of the Cambridge Luther lation. It was a composite, with some group, he acted as Barnes' secretary at his corrections, of the texts of Tyndale and trial before Wolsey. Coverdale, plus copious prefaces and mar­ It was CoveI

1539, initiated by Henry VIII and arranged English embassy then moved to Witten­ largely by his Lutheran chaplain, Robert berg for theological discussions with Lu­ Barnes. Not that the king was interested ther and Melanchthon. "W/hat Henry wanted in theology; his only concern was the here was endorsement for his divorce from safety of his realm.1 9 Threatening him . This, on Scriptural during those years was a coalition of the grounds, Luther could not give. What the two most powerful men in , Em­ Wittenberg theologians wanted was unity peror Charles V and Francis I of France. in doctrine. Discussions began. At length As long as there was danger of invasion Melanchthon reported: "Of the remaining by their combined forces, Henry was very articles of doctrine we had no light dispu­ willing to be helped by the Smalcaldic tation, but nonetheless we agreed over League of Lutheran princes and was even many." 20 Out of these discussions evolved prepared to discuss doctrine, as the Lu­ the "Wittenberg Articles of 1536," taken therans always insisted. But he had no largely from the Augustana, upon which intention of changing the doctrine of his Luther and 1\~elanchthon had taken their church. This is the key to the amazing stand. changes of policy which Henry exhibited As to further negotiations Luther told during those years. --,--et [hough the king the Elector he was not averse to verbal never intended it, the doctrinal discussions changes, but so far as doctrine was con­ which took place from 1535 to 1539 cerned, it would be, he said, "great folly opened the way for Lutheran tenets to be to grant concessions to the King of Eng­ taken into the official doctrine of the land which had been denied to the Bishop Church of England. of Rome."21

First Series, 1535-36 Second Series} 1538-39 In 1535, after Robert Barnes had cleared The second series of meetings began the way with Luther's protector, Elector when Henry, under cross-Channel pressure John Frederick of Saxony, a delegation again, invited a Lutheran delegation, Me­ consisting of Bishop Edward Foxe of Here­ lanchthon among them if possible, to Lon­ ford, Dr. Heath, later Archbishop of York, don to attempt a "concord of doctrine" and Barnes met with the Lutheran princes which would enable the Lutherans to make at Smalcald and put forward their king's common cause with him against Rome. proposals for a Protestant alliance. To Melanchthon could not come. Instead, this the Lutherans replied that, of course, Francis Burchardt, Fr:ederick Myconius, and Henry would be welcome in the Smalcaldic a layman, George Boyneburg, arrived in League, but since the first object of the June 1538 with a letter to the king ear­ league was the defense of "the pure doc­ nestly requesting him to promote true trine of the Gospel," any new member unity among the delegates. On the Eng­ would first have to subscribe to the Au­ lish side was a commission headed by the gustana. archbishop and including two bishops and At this the conference adjourned. The 20 Ibid., p. 106. 19 Rupp, pp. 10 fl. 21 Ibid. 602 LUTHER AND THE ENGLISH REFORMATION

four doctors, Robert Barnes among them. The English Bible Discussions went on all summer. One by The one book which has most affected one they went through the sections of the the life and faith of the is Augustana. By August they had agreed the Holy Bible. This is also the book in and compiled a list of 13 articles. which, more than in any other, the in­ Meanwhile the political situation across fluence of Luther is seen. the Channel had improved, and the pres­ Even before it was off the presses Tyn­ sure was off Henry again. He took a hand dale's translation was called Luther's New in the proceedings of the theologians. He Testament in English. According to the was not pleased with the Thirteen Articles. Roman Catholic opponent of Luther, John He would brook no change whatever in Cochlaeus, it was all part of a great scheme Communion in one kind, clerical celibacy, to convert England to . In or private masses. The conference was a pub in , Cochlaeus overheard finished. two printers boast "that whether the King Once again the dream of the Lutherans and the Cardinal would or not, all England that England might be won for the prin­ would in a short time become Lutheran." 23 ciples of the Augustana was shattered. Inviting them to his home and plying them Myconius wrote bitterly: "Harry only with wine, CO<.:hlaeus learned "the secret wants to sit as in the temple by which England was to be drawn over of God and that Harry should be Pope. to the ~arty of Luther, namely, that there The rich treasures, the rich incomes of the were at that very time in the press 3,000 church, these are the Gospel According to copies of the Lutheran New Testament Harry." 22 On Oct. 1 the Lutherans went translated into the English language." 24 home, having accomplished nothing. Cochlaeus brands Tyndale's work "Lu­ At least so Henry thought. theran," of course, for more than one reason. He wants to discredit it and prej­ II udice its reception. But modern scholars, LUTHER'S IMPRINTS on the basis of sound scientific investiga­ ON THE ENGLISH CHURCH tion, agree with him. "To anyone," one scholar says, "who has enjoyed the oppor­ To this point we have dealt with the tunity of placing side by side the folio of question: How did the principles and spirit Luther's German Testament printed in of Luther get across the Channel and into September 1522 and the quarto of Tyndale England? We have seen how through printed in September of 1525, the whole his books, through personal contact, and matter is clear at a glance. Tyndale's New through official theological discussions he Testament is Luther's in miniature. The was able to influence the Reformation in general appearance of the page is the same; England. We must now look at the evi­ dences of such influence in the theology the arrangement of the text is the same; and worship of English Protestantism 23 Quoted from Cochlaeus, Commentary on today. the Acts and Writings of LuthM, in Demaus, William Tyndale, p. 136. 22 Ibid., p. 117. 24 Ibid. LUTHER AND THE ENGLISH REFORMATION 603 and the appropriation of the margins, the a few minor changes,30 the book to which inner one for parallel passages and the all British Christians, Anglican or Free outer for glosses, is also the same." 25 And Church, turn today for light, life, and sal­ in the content itself Tyndale follows Lu­ vation. ther most of the time. Gordon Rupp says: The Thirty-Nine Articles "On careful examination, [there are] The Thirty-Nine Articles also bear the hardly any points where disagreement be­ indelible impress of Luther's theology. tween Tyndale and Luther can be found." 26 These are the statements of doctrine which Westcott concedes "the profound influence set forth officially what the Church of which Luther exerted," 27 yet says if Tyn­ England believes and to which every min­ dale used Luther, "it was with the judg­ ister of that church is bound not to con­ ment of a scholar." 28 "So skilled in seven tradict in his teaching. languages, Hebrew, Greek, Latin, Italian, We must return now to the 1535-39 Spanish, English, French [and we might discussion between Lutheran and Anglican add an eighth-German], that, whichever divines at Wittenberg and London and to he spoke, you would suppose it his native the Thirteen Articles which they agreed tongue," 29 a contemporary scholar says of upon before 'Itthe Tyndale. He was no mere copyist but Lutherans home. The Thirteen Articles of a scholar in his own right. Nonetheless, 1538 were never submitted to Convocation, it is plain that he had Luther's version were never sanctioned, were not even pub­ before him as he prepared, from the orig­ lished but were allowed quietly to drop inal, his own translation. into oblivion. But four reigns later they It is certainly no derogation to Tyndale, appeared again and became the basis of the nor to Coverdale and Rogers who, even officially accepted Confession of the Church more, borrowed from Luther, to believe of England. And so those conferences that in their close personal contact, either which Henry for his own political ends as Luther's guests or as Lutheran pastors, began and ended as he pleased did accom­ they had come under the influence of the plish something. In the end it was the great faith and the great mind of Luther theology not of Henry but of Robert Barnes and hence followed in his footsteps as which was to prevail in his realms. a translator and commentator. The Thirty-Nine Articles of 1563 are At any rate the same hearty simplicity the final product of a whole series of doc­ and the same rhythmic force which inspire trinal statements framed during the reigns Luther's Bible are everywhere in the com­ of Henry, Edward, and Elizabeth, all of bined work of the three men from whom, which are based on the Thirteen Articles despite many revisions, has come, with but and borrow thought and language from the Augustana. The Thirteen Articles are

25 Demaus, p. 154. "the Anglo-German medium," 31 as one 26 Rupp, p. 50 n. 30 Hughes, p. 146, says, "The Authorized 27 Westcott, p. 146. Version is 90% Tyndale without alteration." 28 Ibid., p. 151. 31 Hardwick, History of the Articles of Re­ 29 Ibid., p. 34. ligion, :p. 60. 604 LUTHER AND THE ENGLISH REFORMATION

historian puts it, through which large sec­ pure Word is preached and the Sacraments tions of Lutheran doctrine found a perma­ be duly administered. . . . nent place in official Anglican theology. Article VII CAC): Of the Church It is "most remarkable" that as late as . . . the church is the congregation of 1563 "the model chosen for the guidance saints, in which the Gospel is rightly of the compilers [of the Articles) was taught and the Sacraments rightly admin­ a Lutheran document." 32 By this time istered .... Reformed theology was in favor in Eng­ Article XI C39): Of the land, probably because most of the bishops of Man had spent their years in exile among the Weare accounted righteous before God Reformed and not in the Lutheran churches. only for the merit of our Lord and Saviour The Lutherans had their doubts about Jesus Christ by faith and not for our own preachers who would not accept the Augs­ works and deservings. . . . burg Confession. At Wesel, Melanchthon intervened, saying they were to be "in­ Article IV CAe): Of Justification structed and informed" and not "rudely ". . . men cannot be justified before God thrown out from among them." 33 by their own strength, merits, or works, but are freely ;u:;tificd for Christ'G sake There seems even to have been a group through faith .. , . of English Reformcl~ who urged the adop­ tion of the Augustana itself.34 Perhaps, Article XXV (39): Of the Sacraments also, the influence of Elizabeth is here. Sacraments ordained of Christ be not only The daughter of , whom badges or tokens of Christian men's pro­ fession, but rather they be certain sure Shakespeare calls "the spleeny Lutheran," witnesses and effectual signs of grace and had little liking for Calvin and his reform. God's will toward us, by the which He When the Thirty-Nine Articles are doth work invisibly in us, and doth not placed side by side with the Augsburg only quicken, but also strengthen and con­ Confession, it is immediately apparent that firm our faith in Him ... ' the later document is greatly indebted to Article XIII (AC): Of the Use of the the earlier one and that the one was used Sacraments in the preparation of the other. Five of . . . the Sacraments were ordained, not the Thirty-Nine Articles have language only to be marks of profession among that is identical with that of the Augus­ men, but rather to be signs and testimonies tana; another eleven are similar in sub­ of the will of God toward us, instituted to stance, if not in language. awaken and confirm faith .. '

Article XIX (39): Of the Church "The Book of Common Prayer" The visible Church of Christ is a congre­ I turn now to a final evidence of Lu­ gation of faithful men in the which the ther's abiding influence on the Church in England: The Book of Common Prayer, 82 Hardwick, Reformation, p.213. the official service book of the Established 33 Quoted in Smithen, Continental Protes· tantism and the English Church, p.88. Church, but used also in the Methodist M Strype, Annals of the Reformation I, 53. Church. LUTHER AND THE ENGLISH REFORMATION 605

If Tyndale, Coverdale, and Rogers had reading from Mark X from Luther's Bap­ Luther's Bible before them as they prepared tism Booklet (Taufbuechlein) and Her­ their own, if the composers of the Thirty­ man's Order. The Lutheran custom of Nine Articles drew upon the Augsburg sponsors, omitted by all other Protestants, Confession, then certainly Cranmer and his is also retained in the Prayer Book. associates made use of Lutheran orders as The Anglican Confirmation Service is they compiled The Book of Common also largely adapted from the Lutheran Prayer, the literary gem of all English form of Archbishop Herman. As in Lu­ rituals. This close affinity is acknowledged theran orders, so in the English Confirma­ in the 1949 brochure published by the tion Service a public profession of faith at Church of England to commemorate the the age of discretion is required which, quadricentennial of the Prayer Book.35 according to an authority, "finds no coun­ Sources for much of the reformed liturgy terpart in the ancient rite." 38 in the Prayer Book are Luther himself, In the Marriage Service of The Book Lutheran orders of service, and the church of Common Prayer, the joining of hands order of the Lutheran Archbishop, Herman with the words "What God hath joined of Cologne. together, let not man put asunder" and It was Robert Barnes who was "the first the Declaration of Marriage beginning to introduce, in 1538, the practise of say­ "Forasmuch as N. and N. have consented ing the Mass in English." 36 In 1542 King together in holy wedlock" are from Lu­ Henry ordered Convocation to reform the ther's Marriage Booklet (Traubuechlein). various orders of service. The Litany which An essential part of Protestant worship Cranmer published two years later borrows is the singing of hymns. Here, too, Luther freely from Luther's Litany of 1529. is the benefactor. The first Protestant The Order of Holy Communion in the hymnal ever published appeared in 1524 Prayer Book follows closely the one issued and contained eight hymns. Four were by by the Archbishop of Cologne. It is in­ Luther. Of the 41 hymns in the first teresting to note that both the Lutheran Protestant hymnal in the English language and the Anglican service required that be­ prepared by Miles Coverdale, 22, as we fore Communion men and women separate, have seen, were from the pen of Luther. "the men on the one syde and the women It would be hard to find a hymnal in on the other syde," a practise still observed any Protestant church in England today in parts of the Lutheran Church. The which does not include his greatest hymn, First Prayer Book also directed the min­ "A Mighty Fortress Is Our God," the ister to place the bread not into the hand Battle Hymn of the Reformation, which, but into the mouth of the communicant. as a music critic has said, "thunders at the The Order of takes over "di­ very gate of heaven with its magnificent rectly and almost verbatim" 37 the prayer affirmation of belief." 39 "Almighty and Everlasting God" and the

38 Gasquet-Bishop, Edward VI and the Book 35 Your Prayer Book, SPCK. of Common Prayer, p.227. 36 Smithen, p. 72. 39 Handbook to the Lutheran Hymnal, 37 Daniel, Prayer Book, p.416. p.193. 606 LUTHER AND THE ENGLISH REFORMATION

To sum up, from the facts which this Froude, J. A. History of England. London: essay has brought together there can be 1862-1870. Gairdner, James. The English Church in the no doubt that the influence of Dr. Martin Sixteenth Century. London, 1902. Luther upon the course of English eccle­ Gasquet, F. A. The Eve of the Reformation. siastical history was immense and endur­ London, 1900. Gasquet and Bishop. Edward VI and the ing. The English Reformers borrowed his Book of Common Prayer. London, 1891. very language for their Bible, their Con­ Hughes, Philip. The Reformation in Eng­ fession, their Liturgy, and thus his very land. London, 1954. More, Thomas. Dialogue in English Works. accent is still heard in the devotion, in the London, 1557. theology, and in the worship of the English Mozley, J. F. William T'Yndale. London, nation even today, 413 years after his 1937. Parker Society. Original Letters Relative to living voice has been hushed in death. the English Reformation 1537-1558. Cam­ Such is the debt which the Anglo-Saxon bridge, 1846. nation owes to the Saxon monk and which Polack, W. G. Handbook to the Lutheran H'Ym11al. St. Louis, 1942. we remember this day. Rupp, E. G. Studies in the Making of the London, England English Protestant Tradition. Cambridge, 1947. Smithen, Frederick J. Continental Protes­ tantism and the English Reformation. London, BIBLIOGRAPHY 1927. Blunt, ]. H. The Reformation of the Church Strype, John. Annals of the Reformation. of England. London, 1897. London, 1725. Carter, C. Sidney. The English Church and Tyndale, William. Doctrinal Treatises, Par­ the Reformation. London, 1912. ker Society Edition. Cambridge, 1848. Daniel, Evan. The Prayer Book. London, Westcott, B. F. History of the English Bible, 1905. 2nd ed., rev. London, 1872. Demaus, Robert. William Tyndale. London, Hardwick, Charles. History of the Christian 1904. Church During the Reformation. London, 1898. Ellis, H. Original Letters Illustrative of Eng­ --. Histor'Y of the Articles of Religion. lish History. London, 1827. London, 1890. Foxe, John. Acts and Monuments, ed. Pratt. Cambridge Modern Histor'Y. London, 1877. Your Prayer Book. London, 1949.