CULTURAL STRATEGIES FOR THE MITIGATION OF DROUGHTS IN THE DRY

AlainGIODA [email protected] Pierre MORLON [email protected]

Introduction

The Southern Central Andes (, , Northern and Argentina) is a large arid or semi-arid biogeographic in a mountainous environment, sometimes up to 6000 mols. Today, the descendants of the Inca in the highlands of Peru, Bolivia, northern Chile and northern Argentina are some of the poorest people in the world. Yet in spite ofwhat appears to be a harsh subsistence existence, these indigenous people have developed flexible agricultural systems over many centuries, to guarantee a livelihood when faced with major droughts or other climatic uncertainties. The evidence for their success at dealing with droughts comes from historical accounts since the 1530's, subsequent to the Spanish conquest, as well as a range of evidence before the period of writing. More importantly perhaps, the people are still there carrying out these successful strategies on the landscape and managing to obtain the necessary resources to sustain them: food, fodder and fuel. 160 ARCHIVO Y BIBLlOTECA NACIONAlES DE BOLIVIA

I. Biodiversity and climate driving societal development?

The Andes is one of the most important areas of the world for biodiversity and endemism. In particular, the highlands of Peru and northwestern Bolivia are probably the centers of domestication for potatoes and tomatoes, as well as many other crops, particularly tubers (Cardenas, 1989; Gioda & Humala-Tasso, 2000). From sea-level to more than 4000 m altitude, agriculture and shepherding are practiced across a diverse range ofclimatic gradients and environments, which have played an important role in the development of societies during more than 5000 years in the Central Andes (Murra, 1975; Usselmann, 1993; Morlon, 1996). However, the Central Andes from Peru to northern Chile and Argentina are generally dry, often composed of puna and lacking in trees (Gonzalez Loyarte, 1999). The shores ofLake Titicaca are more humid, allowing major agriculture at high altitudes, but still subject to frost and drought risks (Morlon & Vacher, 1991). In the Yungas zone, towards the eastern slopes of the Andes, the higher rainfall and temperatures support humid and cloud forests. Not only are the highlands of the Central Andes exposed annually to a marked dry season, generally from May-August, but they are under the influence ofone ofthe most important global phenomena, often called El Nifio events, but more correctly ENSO/LNSO (Landsberg, 1976). This phenomenon ofoceanic origin causes major floods on the dry coasts from the Galapagos to Chile and droughts in the Central Andes at irregular intervals. Its intensity and frequency is highly variable through time (Fontugne et al., 1999; Ortlieb, 2000). After a period of quiescence during the 'early-mid Holocene climatic optimum' (a time characterized by aridity in the Central Andes at circa 8000-5000 years ago) the onset of El Nifio events may have been a driving force for major cultural developments. Chronologically, to simplify we shall distinguish three periods: before and after the Spanish conquest (1530's), and from Independence in the 1820's to the present day. Obviously, these are artificial divisions, as some indigenous practices have remained intact, while others have integrated well with European introductions, when these seemed useful, such as ploughing with oxen or adopting crops such as barley and broad beans. ANUARIO DE ESTUDlOS BOLlVIANOS, ARCHIVlsTICOS y BIBLlOO!lAFICOS 161

11. Archaeology, climatic uncertainties and traditional societies

Before the 1530's, there are three obstacles to understanding climatic history. i) The first is well known and not specific to . History is only written by the conquerors, but in the case ofthe Inca who did not possess a written language (and to whom this principal equally applies), documentation ofevents prior to the 1530's were filtered by the Spanish and mestizo (half-blooded) chroniclers, as well as by official writers subsequently (Cabildo de La Paz, 1548-62; Gasca, 1551-53; Cieza de Leon, 1553; Acosta, 1590-91; Guarcilaso de la Vega Inca, 1609; Guaman Poma de Alaya, 1613-20; Jirnenez de la Espada, [end of XVIth century]; etc.). The Spanish collected eye-witness accounts and recorded oral traditions, but these would have been transcribed in ways the transcribers understood or recognized. In particular, this information would be biased by their objectives, as their sources Offunding would have frequentlycarried ideologicalor religious constraints. if) Without a written language in pre-Colombian South America, one is reliant on the archaeological record, which is invariably disjunctive in space and time. Archaeological time is not like historical time. It may shed light on major developments such as metallurgy or ceramic changes, but it is not useful for understanding discrete events, such as the battle ofCajamarca and the capture ofAtahualpa in 1533, a singular event with major consequences for the subsequent history of South America. To what extent archaeology can be used efficiently and independently to reveal climate history on droughts lasting from several months to several years and their impact on societies is ambiguous. Understanding the frequency and impact of El Nifio events occurring roughly every 4-8 years on the South American coast or in the Andes, as recorded using historical accounts (Ortlieb, 2000) or current events (Francou & Pizarro, 1985), becomes problematical in the period prior to the Spanish conquest. iii) Another problem is distinguishing between a drought and desertification. Droughts, in general, tend to be brief, lasting from several months to a few years, whereas desertification is a much longer process (Comet, 2002). Native populations developed three strategies to mitigate the effects of drought: 162 ARCHIVO Y BIBlIOTECA NACIONALES DE BOLIVIA i) Exploitation of resources from different and complementary ecosystems, according to altitude, with an exchange network betweengroups(Morlon, 199Ia); ii) Conservation, stocking, and distribution of goods between different , as shown by the Inca's granaries, management; including the system for recording items and their sophisticated road systems. iii) Construction of irrigation networks (acequias) and terraces (andenes) (Morlon, 1996). Other major advances include the domestication of , alpacas, and tubercles crops with the edible parts sheltered from frost, as well as preservation by Iyophilization ofpotatoes and minor tubers (chuiio) (Antunez de Mayolo, 1981). In the mountainous Andean environments, societies were well protected by traditional and innovative methods that developed through time as revealed by agroclimatology (Morion, 1991b; Gilot, 1996; Orlove et al., 2000), while the exchange and spread of technologies allowed survival. These methods to ensure food security are common to many tropical mountainous regions, free from lowland tropical diseases, where complex societies developed, such as from Nepal to Ethiopia. This accumulated practical traditional knowledge is at the center ofa new project developed by FAO, Globally-important Ingenious Agricultural Heritage Systems (GIAHS), which is included within Agenda 21 of the United Nations. In the Central Andes (and especially at high altitudes) the peasant or campesino societies have always been affected by two fundamental climatic problems: risks and limitations.

A. Risks (droughts,jrosts,floods and hailstones)

For survival, these societies have developed two strategies (Fig I): i) Risk reduction by infrastructural development, particularly irrigation and terracing, but also microclimate modification using trees and walls (Morlon, 1996); ii) Risk dispersal by the simultaneous use of a wide range of ecological environments.

B. Limitations

The climate is characterized by the alternation between a short rainy season and a long dry season (Fig. 2). The end of the rainy season in April or May, ANUARIO DE ESTUDIOS BOLlVIANOS, ARCHIVlsTlCOS y BIBLlOGRAFICOS 163 is followed by using up the remaining soil moisture (Fig. 3), which is aggravated by nightly frosts, preventing plant growth and possibly causing plant mortality. Therefore, all the crops must reach maturity at the end of the wet season, which can only be achieved by early planting and sufficient care (Fig. 4) (Bourliaud et al., 1988; Morlon, 1996). The most obvious solution is to start working in the dry season, by irrigating the soil, so it becomes less hard. This is the principal role of irrigation, since rainfall is normally sufficient for guaranteeing crop watering. However, just at the time when rain would be most useful for ploughing and sowing, the water for irrigation is least abundant and most in demand. Hence, other solutions should be sought, such as crop rotation and a combination of different methods for various periods (cf. Fig. 1). For an historian, one should abandon the idea of a precise chronology or the myths behind the origin ofthe Inca state (Bouysse-Cassagne, 1988), let alone finding short lived droughts in the period before written documentation in the Andes. It is only possible to work on large-scale arid events, which may be linked to societal changes (Margueron, 2004), though interpretations should not automatically follow the climatic determinist route (Moore, 1998). The direct link between climate change and human activities proposed by the North-American historian, E. Huntington (and widely popularized between 1900 and 1925) remains strong in the Anglo-Saxon world (Bindford et al., 1997; Haberle & Chepstow-Lusty, 2000; Weiss & Bradley, 2001). However, the French school of history is more likely to consider socio­ economic causes for explaining the rise and fall ofsocieties (Le Roy Ladurie, 1983; Leveau, 2003; Gioda & Baker, 2004). It may be advisable to use a more probabilistic approach than the determinist ones, for example, in understanding the population increases at higher altitude between AD 1000-1200 (Fig. 5). Indeed, these deterministic representations of reality could handicap archaeologists in attempting to understand landscape history via new data from the environmental sciences, such as dendrochronology, glaciology, lichenometry, and palynology. Advances in history could come from a multidisciplinary approach, such as used by Chepstow-Lusty et al. (2005) in interpretating lacustrine sediments from the Cuzco region. The high organic content ofthe sediments from the infilled lake of Marcacocha allowed an internally consistent series ofradiocarbon dates to be obtained, producing a reliable chronology for past environmental changes. Agriculture has probably been practiced on a wide 164 ARCHIVO Y BIBLlOTECA NACIONALES DE BOLIVIA scale since 2200 BC, which corresponds with the base of the sequence, and includes abundant Chenopodiaceae polIen, some of which is probably derived from the crop, Chenopodium quinoa (quinoa). At the same time, the forests had probably largely been removed or not recovered from the arid 'early-mid Holocene climatic optimum' c. 8000-5000 years ago. Erosion of soils is evident, associated with the disturbance indicator, Ambrosia arborescens. This shrub is also used in the stabilization of rudimentary terraces, though this is practiced on a smaller scale today. A significant decline ofagriculture occurred at the beginning ofthe first millennium AD, associated with a long interval ofcooling. The arboreal pollen increase ofAlnus acuminata (aliso), the only species of South America alder, is broadly contemporaneous with a phase of warming beginning from AD 1100, which may be equivalent to the Medieval Warm Period in . Even if this alder growth is spontaneous, other independent sources indicate that this species was important in indigenous agroforestry subsequently (Chepstow­ Lusty & Winfield, 2000). The use of terraces constructed after 1100 AD also assisted in reducing erosion, as well as being highly efficient, especiaIly for maize production. Although, quinoa appears to have become a less important crop, these traditional agricultural practices, associated with indigenous plants and terrace systems, are still present in the poorest regions of the Andes. Some of the environmental events in the Marcacocha lake record can be easily correlated with the Quelccaya ice core (Thompson et al., 1986), such as the appearance of the tree Alnus acuminata at 1100 AD (Chepstow­ Lusty et al., 2003).

Ill. Spaniards, christ and the creation of a new world The conquest in 1533-34 was achieved by less than 200 Spaniards who rallied a part ofthe native forces against the Inca. In 1538, in Chile, Almagro, a conquistador coming from Cuzco carried out the conquest single-handedly similarly supported by native forces. The smaIl number of conquistadors, followed by colonists, who would settle during the next three centuries, would cause the rise ofan elite minority. It may even have contributed to the maintenance of traditional societies, even if altered to some extent. The Spanish did not use a 'scorched earth' policy to control the population, but other persuasive and coercive methods (Wachtel, 1990). Native customs were supported, such as using (which was only accessible to the elite in Inca times) and they adopted the Inca model of mita or work duties performed by local communities. ANUARIO DE ESTUDIOS BOUVIANOS. ARCHIVISTICOS y BIBUCX;WICOS 165

After a troubled period, called the civil war (between the conquistadors, and then against the crown), almost complete control by Spain was achieved in 1548. The Royal representative, the Viceroy ofthe West Indies, Pedro de la Gasca (1551-1553) reigned over the territory and all its subjects. This situation would continue until 1809-1810, when the War of Independence began. Colonization was characterized by control of the numerous resources, particularly those with a high economic value such as the mines supplying gold, silver and mercury (vital for their smelting). Agriculture was also an important resource to be managed, especially if linked to the exploitation of mineral resources. Consequently, in the historical documents produced, droughts attracted the attention of landowners, who attempted to plant European crops with more or less success, in new climatic zones. The Andes became dominated by Spaniards from north to south, and numerous cities rapidly developed: Bogota, Cali, Medellin, Quito, Cuenca, Cuzco, La Plata (currently Sucre), Cochabamba, Tarija, etc. On the , mining cities prospered in relation to various booms: Cerro de Paseo, Potosi, Oruro and their supporting cities such as La Paz. This colonization was helped largely by the Church, mainly by five orders (four orders of monks, and Jesuits missionaries from at least 1568), which were under the authority of the king according to a specific administrative regime, el patronato (Engafia, 1954; O'Neill & Dominguez, 200 I). The first official historian of the Crown was probably the Jesuit, Jose de Acosta (1539-1600) who described the new territories of Peru and their climate. He appreciated the highlands: they were healthy because there were dry, cold and without any tropical diseases. The Altiplano looked like the Castilian plateau (meseta), which was always the Spaniards' reference point. The colonial administration, which was linked with the Spanish archives from the times of Philip 11, began compiling documents on population, settlements, landscapes and economic resources (Metcalfe et al., 2002). As a consequence, a modem climatic and environmental history can be written for Argentina, Peru, Bolivia, etc. (Abraham de Vazquez & Prieto, ]99]; Morlon, 1992; Gioda & Prieto, ]999a; Prieto et al., 2000; Carcelen Reluz, 200]). This history is specific to the Spanish world, which is characterized by a strong religious background (Garza & Barriendos, ]998; Garza, 2002). The had a powerful arm with the clergy, who pursued two avenues: 166 ARCHIVO Y BIBLlOTECA NACIONALES DE BOLIVIA i) To eradicate idolatry; and ii) To substitute shamans in ritual practices (Rosling, 1996) by persuading the local population to pray to God and associated Christian imagery for rainfall and other needs. It was a rather successful strategy. Numerous images of saints and virgins were introduced during subsequent droughts according to 'Arzans' historical chronicle (1705-1736), such as: St Andrew, St Severino, St Anne, St Domingo, St Augustine, and Our Lady of Conception. The Chipaya-Uru (Altiplano native population located close to Oruro) still call St Andrew, the master ofthunder (Wachtel, 1990), and St Severino, the rainfall saint, the latter being carried in procession before the rainy season in Tarata, in the Quechua valley of Cochabamba, Bolivia (Brother Maurizio Valcanover, pers. comm.). Hence, Jesuits played an important role in evangelization by having mestizo Fathers with an intimate knowledge of Amerindian languages and cultures. This was particularly notable during their first missions on the Altiplano, and more specifically by using the . The Lupaca native population was sporadically evangelized from 1574 in the residencia ofJuli on the shores ofLake Titicaca (Engaiia, 1954). The first mestizo Jesuit, Gonzalo Ruiz (O'Neill & Dominguez, 200 I), was very active between 1568 and 1618 with the local people of Lima, Cuzco, Arequipa, Huamanga (nowadays called Ayacucho) and Potosi. He was considered 'as a saint' by the director ofthe Peruvian Jesuits, Jose de Acosta. Missionaries also provide us with detailed historical accounts, including climatic events, especially in the marginal areas ofthe Spanish Empire (e.g. Jesuits settlements in Bolivia and Paraguay). The Church's interest in modern meteorology, and therefore climatology, originates from the lasting success of Matteo Ricci in China between 1582 and 1610. In the XVIlh century, science took a leap forward, without doubt helped by the increased funding available (x 10), following the exploitation of gold and silver from Mexico and Peru. The Jesuits, originating from the University of the Sorbonne in Paris, through their founders St Ignacio and St Francois Xavier, wanted to energize the image of the Church in its fight against Protestantism by moving away from 'the darkness of the Middle Ages'. As a result, they sought a different route, which Wl!-S the 'spiritual conquest' of the world using an elitist strategy, with their own preaching, simple dress and lack ofa conventional life, quite unlike other monks. In , the Jesuit settlements were the seat ofthe first scientific advances, e.g., the Argentinian astronomer, Father Buenaventura ANUARIO DE ESTUDlOS BOLlVIANOS, ARCHIVlsTICOS y BIBLlOGRAFICOS 167

Suarez, was highly active between 1706 and 1750, especially in the Paraguayan mission ofSt Cosme and St Damien. It is important to emphasize the correspondence ofFather Suarez with the scientific community ofEurope and China, as well as with other Jesuits working at the Imperial Mandarin Court, including the German, Ignaz Kiigler (O'Neill & Dominguez, 2001). Therefore, there existed at a global scale, a network of researchers in astronomy and meteorology of a high standard from the beginning of the eighteenth century (Demaree in Gioda et al., 2004). Yet, the initial stage in this development had been the rudimentary observatory at Rome, which began in 1572 (Udias, 2003). In South America, other great scientists and cartographers were the Fathers: Jean-Xavier Nyel with his map ofthe Straits of Magellan in 1713; Pedro Lozano with his mapping of the Chaco and a study of the Lima earthquake in 1746; Jose Cudiel with his travels in in 1747, etc. The Jesuits noticed quickly, perhaps as a result of their physical proximity with indigenous people, that it was important to communicate with God in a simplified or popular way, and hence the Heavens always attracted them. Searching the Heavens could in part be achieved by making astronomical and meteorological observations (Gioda & Prieto 1999 b ; Udias, 2003). The prolonged War of Independence which lasted between 1809 and 1825 throughout Spanish South America was responsible for the physical destruction of the colonial elite. However, the peasants/native people remained poor, while the new dictators (caudillos) emerged, of whom the first was Bolivar, supposedly freeing them from the Spanish yoke. Criticism of the new hierarchy that emerged was in the minority. Only the scientist Jose Maria Bozo (known under the nickname as the Diogenous Bolivian) openly refused to pay homage to Bolivar in 1825 at the end of the War of Independence and questioned his reasoning (Gioda & Forenza, 2000). From the writings of Bolivar himself, one can read: 'If nature is opposed to what we have decided, we will fight against it and make it obey us', as cited by Usselmann (1993). This statement was pronounced the day after the terrible Caracas earthquake in 1812, in which 10,000 people died. However, one should not rush to throw the first stone at Bolivar. Today, in Europe, the ecologist James Lovelock, the originator of the concept of Gaia, wishes that societies, should face up to global dangers, such as desertification or the greenhouse effect, rather than just the perceived ecological problems directly affecting them. Unlike the social insects, we do not have a reliable record 168 ARCHIVO Y BIBLlOTECA NACIONALES DE BOLIVIA globally that allows us to restore a civilization that has collapsed! Always, we have to begin our path from zero or almost to rebuild and civilize humans (Lovelock, 1998). But, the most serious concern is that this feeling of being able to dominate nature still persists today in South America at the highest level. In this way, the elite thinking is a step backwards in comparison to the developed world, and the linked perceptions of progress and ecology are delayed (Mansilia, 1992). Unlike the bourgeoisie, the Church quickly responded to the Independence and became an essential link in Latin-American history. The Jesuits were expelled from Spanish South America in 1767 by Charles Ill, and some years before from Brazil by the king ofPortugal; subsequently the order was suppressed by Pope Clement XIV in 1773. According to a 1749 census, the Jesuits had about 23,000 priests, ofwhom 15,000 provided education in a network of 800 centers for 200,000 pupils across the world (O'NeilI & Dominguez, 200 I). School was not obligatory at this time, nor provided by the state. They were re-established as an order in 1814. In Latin America, since the 1830's (Argentina was the first), the Jesuits returned to focus on teaching and science until 40 years ago (Father Morales s.j., pers. comm.).and as elsewhere in the world (Udias, 2003), they rebuilt their meteorological network. A seismological section was added, which is extremely important in the tectonically active Andes. Established observatories in Latin America mainly consist of: La Paz (1891-present), and Sucre (1914-1965) in Bolivia, Quito (1864-76) in Ecuador, Bogota in Colombia [San Bartolome (1922-41) and the Institute of Geophysics (1941-present)], Santa Fe (1904-1967) and San MigueI close to Buenos Aires (1934-1977) in Argentina, Puebla (1877­ 1930) and Saltillo (1884-1932) in Mexico, and lastly at Belen (1857-1964) in Cuba, which became famous for its hurricane warning and was completed by Cienfuegos observatory data (1910-1946). For their continuity, the observations of the Jesuit missionaries often span 30 or 40 years in Latin America. By comparison, exploring scientists were there generally for short periods, and although some achieved success, such as La Condamine and Humboldt, others more often found failure (Pelayo, 200 I). In many countries, these observatories provide the temporal link with the national meteorological services which were normally poorly financed and often delayed in their establishment. For example, in Bolivia, the National Meteorological Service was founded in 1912, but did not become effective until 1942. ANUARIO DE ESTUDlOS BOLlVIANOS, ARCHIVISTICOS y BIBLlOGRAFICOS 169

IV.The concept of catastrophes and the modern world

The new countries that emerged from the War of Independence remain poor by contrast to their rich potential resources. They are, on a global scale, sparsely populated, yet natural catastrophes have a strong impact. This paradox comes from poverty providing little security against earthquakes, hurricanes or other natural hazards. In a world becoming increasingly technologically advanced, the flexibility of large scale population movements by contrast appears to be a more complex and dramatic process (Weiss & Bradley, 200 I), especially for the poor. The enforced concentration of native populations in encomiendas or reducciones from the 1570's was especially dangerous. Droughts are not brutal and instantaneous as are earthquakes, and as a result they allow the development of planned strategies. Catastrophes originate from the combination of unpredictable natural or anthropogenic events, which taken individually, appear incapable oftriggering catastrophes. The word catastrophe is frequently used when it has a major impact on humans, particularly in terms ofrapid loss oflives. By contrast, droughts are not generally considered as catastrophes. With the development of the Spanish colonial state, droughts were particularly feared in the mining towns, where the extraction and concentration of minerals, such as silver, required an abundance of hydraulic energy, after the development in Peru of a new technology in 1572 (Gioda & Serrano, 2002). Nevertheless, during droughts, the Spaniards could always resort to either animal or human force for working most oftheir machinery. We put forward the hypothesis that the notion ofcatastrophe linked to droughts comes directly from a decree of Charles Ill: 'Relaciones seximestrales de aguas, cosechas y demds particulares', a Royal decree dated 1784. Starting from this time, the administration, directed by important Royal advisers, such as Cafiete y Dominguez (1787) in Potosi and Francisco Viedrna in Cochabamba, took control of agriculture and claimed as in a modem state to have a complete survey of its lands. Every six months, the authorities in charge ofeach region of the Empire had to return their reports (Prieto & Herrera, 2003). This system remained until the War of Independence. One could even say that they contributed unintentionally to the multiplication ofcatastrophes in the archival sources. There appears to be a paradox in that the series ofdroughts reconstructed between 1777 and 1804, beginning from the instigation of these 'Relaciones', is not compatible with 170 ARCHIVO Y BIBLlOTECA NACIONALES DE BOLIVIA the series of droughts before or afterwards. An uneven distribution of dry episodes occurs, particularly during the period 1780-180I, which includes II unusually dry years (Gioda & L'Hote, 2002). These Royal demands allow us to follow the great catastrophe: i) The drought of 1803-05 or the catastrophe announcing the end ofSpanish colonization was documented by the Argentinian historian, Enrique Tandeter (1991). It affected all the area ofBolivia, from the Altiplano of La Paz to Potosi, and from the Andean valleys of Cochabarnba to Tarija and up to Chaco (Gioda & Prieto, I999a). Two other great droughts also occurred during disastrous political events: ii) The drought of 1878-79 or the catastrophic Pacific War between Bolivia and Peru. Linked to an El Nifio phenomenon ofa rare scale affecting the (Ortlieb, 2000), it disrupted the normal transportation and provisioning of Bolivian troops coming from the Altiplano. Moreover, people died of starvation in the towns, such as Cochabamba and shops were looted in Sucre, the capital. iii) The drought of 1982-83 or the catastrophic control of the drug trade. A major El Nifio event comparable by its amplitude to the preceding one occurred in Bolivia, completely isolated for many months by international reprisal measures against the government ofGeneral Garcia Mesa (1980-82). Aid did not arrive in time to prevent the abandonment of a large part of the Aymara population from their rural life on the Altiplano, resulting in 25,000 homeless, the decimation of camelid populations and the boom ofEl Alto, the satellite city of La Paz.

Conclusions

It is very difficult to say when the notion of catastrophic droughts appeared in the history of the Andes, even if we put forward a hypothesis dating this concept from the end of the xvm- century. Droughts have the great distinction ofbeing non-instantaneous catastrophes, by contrast slow, ranging from a month to a year or longer. As a consequence, ifthey are well managed, these droughts do not necessarily become catastrophic. For example, the normal and successful strategy is the utilization of a range of crops adapted to the daily freeze-thaw cycle and the adoption of plants with low water requirements during long dry periods in this part of the Andes. If we have ANUARIO DE ESTUDlOS BOLlVIANOS, ARCHIV!STICOS y BlBLlOGRAFICOS 171 considered mostly small scale farmers (peasants or campesinos) in our paper, it is because 70% of the water used today is destined for agricultural needs. The preeminence of the important role played by water is a constant in the history ofall societies.

Acknowledgements

The authors are grateful for the financial support from the German Historical Institute (GHI). These results were presented by A. Gioda at the 'Conference on Natural Disasters and Cultural Strategies Responses to Catastrophe in Global Perspective', held in Washington (USA), February 19-22, 2004. Christof Mauch (GHI), and Christian Pfister (University of Bern) were the conveners. A summary ofthe conference by Ch. Mauch was published in the Bulletin ofGHI, Washington, D. C, Fall 2004, 35, 125-132. Alex Chepstow-Lusty (UMR CNRS Paleoenvironnements, University of Montpellier 2), and Mike Baker (ARCHISS) helped with the translation. 172 ARCHIVO Y BIBLlOTECA NACIONALES DE BOLIVIA

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• •

ANUARIO DE ESTUDlOS BOLlVIANOS, ARCHI V(STICOS y BIBLlOGRAFICOS 181

FIGURA N° I CAMPESINO STRATEGIES FOR DEALING WITH CLIMATIC PROBLEMS

Limitations Risks A short time for droughts - floods ploughing and sowing frosts - hailstones

Order of crop Complementary use Modification of rotation, of.. ecological natural environment .. Ploughing floors (infrastructure) methods and dates • ! ~ I -, 1 Reducing the Spacing out Dispersing Reducing workload the work the risks the risk s

FIGURA N° 2 EXAMPLE OF RAINFALL DISTRIBUTION ON THE NORTHERN ALTIPLANO

mm 150 (Azangaro, Peru, average of 15 years)

... ·····;~·:~·~·~;~i····· ... lO{}-+----,7------''--'''-'-=='O''------'.o.;:--f-----O>...------...... evapotranspiration" ...... ~ . " ...... (PET) ...... '

50

o J A s ON DJ F MA MJ J •

182 ARCHIVO Y BIBLIOTECA NA CIONALES DE BOLIVIA •

FIGURA N° 3 POTENTIAL WATER BALANCE (RAINFALL MINUS POTENTIAL EVAPOTRANSPIRATION) AVERAGE IN THE BASIN (AZ.<\NGARO)

Storage in the soil 50 of excess rainfall from 50 mm the rainy seaso n mm

o

Drought -50 - 50

• -100 - lOO • JASONDJ FMAMJJ

FIGURA NU 4 LIMITATIONS AND CLIMATIC THREATS ON THE ALTIPLANO

Period at Period which crops when crops must have must be been planted npe ~ / . ~ j I' ...... d f m •

ANUARIO DE ESTUDIOS BOLlVIANOS, ARCHIViSTlCOS y BIBLlOGRAFlCOS 183

FIGURAN°5 OBSERVATIONS: HABITED PLACES AT HIGHER ALTITUDE (BY 200-300 M) BETWEEN AD 1000-1200

Different Interpretations

! / ! <, Politics Climate Socio­ (Guaman Poma): Increased economic or Period Warming cultural ofwars

Fortified Hill Altitudinal rise in Changing importance Settlements zones offood <===:J ofthe different (« pukaras ») production and production zones habitation Gioda Alain, Morlan P. Cultural strategies for the mitigation of droughts in the dry Andes. In : Anuario 2005. Sucre : ABNB, 2005, p. 159-183. (Anuario de Estudios Bolivianos, Archivisticos y Bibliograficos).