The "Gilat Woman": Female Iconography, Chalcolithic Cult, and the End of Southern Levantine Prehistory Author(S): Alexander H

Home , Ghassulian, Nahal Hemar Cave, Nahal Mishmar, Natufian culture, Yarim Tepe (Iran), Yarmukian culture

The "Gilat Woman": Female Iconography, Chalcolithic Cult, and the End of Southern Levantine Prehistory Author(s): Alexander H. Joffe, J. P. Dessel, Rachel S. Hallote Source: Near Eastern Archaeology, Vol. 64, No. 1/2 (Mar. - Jun., 2001), pp. 8-23 Published by: The American Schools of Oriental Research Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3210817 . Accessed: 09/09/2011 14:23

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The GilatWoman, a complex representationof a suite of humanconcerns. Multiplelayers of meaning yield insights into the natureof the socio-political and religiouscharacter of late prehistoricvillage society in the southern Levant.From Israeli and Tadmor(1986: fig. 16).

8 NEAR EASTERNARCHAEOLOGY 64:1-2 (2001) THEt, an "GILATWOMAN" Female Iconography,Chalcolithic Cult, and the End of Southern Levantine Prehistory

AlexanderH. Joffe, J. R Desseland Rachel S. Hallote

T he relationshipof womento changesin socialpower, production,and organization is a topicthat has begun to engage archaeologists.Iconographic evidence in particularhas been used to explorethe rolesand status of women in late pre- / historicand earlyhistoric Western Asia (e.g., Gopherand Orelle 1996;Pollock 1991; Wright 1996). Therenewed interest in figurines /4 , Bxi>' mirrorsthe largerissue of incorporatingsymbolism into archaeo- logicalanalyses, with particularemphasis on issues of genderand the individual(Bailey 1994; Hamilton et al.1996; Knapp and Meskell 1997;Robb 1998; cf.Talaly 1993). I H ~~° The "GilatWoman," one of the few examplesof representative C ... artfrom the fourthmillennium Levant, has a notableplace in such discussions (Alon 1976; 1977;Alon and Levy1989; 199o; Amiran ..^^A t - .51a E ^v ._-' 1989;Fox 1995;Weippert 1998). Hersignificance in the contextof ._ ~ -J - -f localand pan-Near Eastern cult practices and competing notions of F female"fertility" is the subjectof this article.Unlike other inter- preters,we believethat the markingson the figurine'sbody and her overall characteristicsand provenancedo not identify her as a "goddess"but ratherwith humanconcerns such as ceremoniallife 1 3 5m passagesand/or highly specific aspects of "fertility."Close studyof the andits contextsalso demonstrates the mul- figurine comparative The find of the Gilat Woman. The was recovered from levelsof cultthat characterized late societies spot figure tiple prehistoricvillage Room A in Stratum III.From Alon and Levy (1989: fig. 2). andthe fusionof religiousand political strategies by controlling male elites. The natureof these powerstrategies, based fundamentally that into the southernCoastal Plain. First discovered in the in shamanisticaccess to the supernaturaland political economic con- grades excavationswere undertaken in the and in the trol of relatedsymbols and materials,are key for understanding 1950s, 1970s again late and 1990s. Four dividedinto a numberof the evolutionarylimitations of the southernLevant compared to 198os early strata, werefound. The Gilat Woman was foundin stratum other regions.Finally, the GilatWoman is a symbolof the transi- subphases, III, in a room m x m This Room was tional natureof the southernLevantine Chalcolithic period, at the approximately3 4.5 large. unit, A, locatedin the middleof a structureflanked twoother rooms end of a long streamof traditionthat beganin the Paleolithic. long by and formeda complexsome 16 m long.Another structure was ori- TheGilat Woman in Context ented at a right angle to it, creatingan open courtyard.The Gilat Gilat is a ten-hectaresite located to the northwest of the Beer- Womanwas foundwith a similarlystyled figurineof a ramcarry- shevabasin on the banksof the NahalPatish in a transitionalzone ing threecornets. Some 68 additionalobjects were found in Room

NEAR EASTERNARCHAEOLOGY 64/1-2 (2001) 9 TheWorld of the Chalcolithic

Principal sites TheChalcolithic period in the south- in mentioned text em Levantis characterizedas a period ofvillage-levelagro-pastoralism, craft sc-.' m,lnq ., production,which saw the emergence i/ ~ of rankedsociety and possibly "chiefs" (Levyand Holl 1988; Gilead 1988). Materialculture evidence indicatesthat the "classic"features of the Chalcolithicperiod developed out of locallate PotteryNeolithic , cultures,especially the southern Qat- ~"~' ifiantradition, which then supplants s/ r~' othertraditions, such as theWadi (' i / Rabaculture (Gilead 1990; Gopher EnGed*l \ j/ ^andGophna 1993). Radiocarbon evi- .~~~~/ ~ Nahal Mshmar * / Gilat. j I) dence suggests that the classic The famous figurineof a ram bearingthree cornets was found in Beersheva-Ghassul tradition or Beer B.o*Sheva (/-, ) associationwith the GilatWoman. From Israeli and Tadmor(1966: ~.J "DevelopedChalcolithic" emerged fig.17). by4500 BCEand surviveduntil ca. 3700 BCE (Joffe and Dessel 1995; A, including several stone "violin"figurines, palettes, incense 10 -3= see also Gilead 1994; Levy 1992).A burnersand a macehead(Levy and Alon 1993). numberof regionaltraditions are The locationof Gilatand other The Gilat Woman is a 31 cm tall, hollow terracottafigurine certain of Chalcolithiceyhalcolithic sftessites inthe ther apparent,sharing aspects (Alon 1976; Alon and Levy1989:90). The nude, barrel-shaped key materialculture and southernkoutheyLevant. iconography woman sits atop a biconical stool. Her right arm is raised and a differentmixture of bututilizing helps balance a twin handled churn with broken neck on her agro-pastoralstrategies. The most highly developed and best-known head. Her left arm holds a small biconical vessel, possibly an of the southernCoastal traditionis foundin an arcfrom the edge incense altar,against her upperbody, and the left hand rests on on Plain,across the Beershevabasin and out to the site of Ghassul her body above the leg. There is no true division in the northeastmargin of the DeadSea. clayor paint betweenthe righthand and the churn, Thevillages of theBeersheva basin, including well-known sites the left hand and the body, or the head and the suchas Bires-Safadi, Tell Abu Matar, and Shiqmim, are located along churn. Her hands and feet are schematized with the banksof the NahalBeersheva drainage and utilized floodwater incised lines representingthe fingersand toes. She craft farming.They also contain extensive evidence for specialized has small, slightly protrudingbreasts, a largenavel and andShalev Per- productionof copper ivoryobjects ( Levy 1989; and exaggerated and enlarged lower rot Other Chalcolithicsites include the 1984). importantdeveloped genitalia, enhanced by her sitting site of Ghassul et al. the isolated structure at type (Mallon 1934), positions. Pubic hair is indicated by EnGedi (Ussishkin 1980), burial caves in theCoastal Plain (Perrot small incisions.The only plasticfeatures and Ladiray1980; van den Brink 1998), and the spectacularcache of her face are the nose and small ears. of copperobjects in theNahal Mishmar cave (Bar-Adon 1980). The mouth is not represented. Circles of Thedecline of theDeveloped Chalcolithic began by 39oo/3800 redpaint representher eyes and there BCE andwas characterizedby the gradualabandonment of many is also a circle around the nose. Two sites. The TerminalChalcolithic phase, ca. 3700-3500 BCE, saw verticallines descendfrom her eyes to thealmost complete collapse of thesettlement system of thenorth- belowthe levelof herbreasts, and two in such ernNegev, although there is greatercontinuity otherregions sets of verticalwavy lines are in front as the JordanValley. The beginning of the subsequent Early of her ears like sideburns. The legs, BronzeI periodmay now be dated to, or even before, 3500 BCE(Joffe arms and torso of the figure are andDessel 1995). The Early Bronze Age is characterizedby the re- coveredwith horizontalbands of the emergenceof verylarge village and fortified "urban" settlement, a of Egyptian"colonial" system in the southernCoastal Plain, and This "violinfigurine" is one sixty- found in RoomA with the highlevels of Mediterraneancrop production and exchange (Joffe eight objects Gilatwoman. FromLevy and Alon 1993). (1993:1. - -- 515).. 1

10 NEAR EASTERNARCHAEOLOGY 64:1-2 (2001) LEFT:The culticsignificance of the head inthe in of two and threelines. The bandsare paint groups Chalcolithicplastic arts is indicatedby a vertical at the ankle but become wavy lines at the numberof findsincluding this ceramicossuary. wrists. The churn and biconical stool were covered From Israel and Tadmor(1986: fig. 20). with red paint as well. Some fragments of the BELOW:Evidence from woman and of the ram were also found in a Mesopotamia suggests that tatooing was practicedthere. room of the (Alon 1976:77; neighboring building Thisfigurine dates to the Halafperiod and Alon and Levy 1989:90). comes fromthe site of the same name. From Fox recentlysuggested that the Gilat figurine Huot (1994: cover). was a goddess whose decorationrepresents body painting, and that she and the accompanying ' Jordan,as well as the frontonsof ceramic ramfigurine were part of a fertilitycult "centered ossuariesfound along the coastal plain and aroundmilk and/or water, in whichbirth, death s the extraordinarysite of Peqi'in (Amiran and rebirthwere perceived as cyclical,ensuring and Tadmor 1980; Epstein 1988; Gal etal. the revival of the dead" (1995: 225).' Weippert, 1997;Institute of Archaeologyand Anthro- following a suggestion by Kempinski, cites pology 1988; Levy and Alon 1985; Anatolian parallelsand proposes that the figurine Levy and Golden 1996; Perrot 1959; 1969; Perrot and Ladi- represents the "Mother Goddess/Great Mother" ray1980; Tadmor1985).2 Beck also notes that "CreamWare" (Weippert1998). While the figurine'sconnection with "fertility'is vesselsoften have depictions of humansfaces (1989; cf. Ami- inescapable,its iconographicand technologicalfeatures and the ran 1955).3 contextin which it was foundmake it an improbablecandidate for Chalcolithicchums are found in a numberof sizes, J: a "goddess." A fuller analysis of the body treatment and includingvery small votives, and significantly, modificationsdepicted on the figurinesuggests other possibilities. the churnis one of the fewceramic forms that continues,albeit briefly, into the EBI period Deformation and Body Marking on the Gilat Woman (Amiran1985a; 1985b; Commenge-Pellerin TheGilat Woman's body marking and treatment must first be placed 1990: fig. 36.25; Mallon et al. 1934:fig. 59.4, pl. into largercontexts. Body modification has an extraordinarilylong 50 A, B, 102; Tadmor1990). This object thus has historythroughout Western Asia. In the GilatWoman, the figurine's bothutilitarian and religious connotations. Note headflows into the churn.While there is a paintedline suggestinga that the zoomorphicvessel with cornetsfound ringon whichthe vessel sits, thereis no formalseparation of the two withthe Gilat Woman also has a ritualfunction.4 _ elements,either iconographically or practically.The cultic significance of the head is manifest in other Chalcolithicplastic arts, The Body suchas the ivorystatuary and smaller finds from Bir es-Safadi, stan- In additionto the distinctiveschematized or dardnumber 21 fromthe hoardfound at NahalMishmar, a small deformedhead, the GilatWoman is marked { basalthead and ivoryfigurine from Shiqmim, basalt pillar figures with red horizontalstripes. Body markings fromnorthern sites in the Golan,the HulaBasin, and in northern havenot been discussedmuch, nor havetheir

TheHead of the GilatWoman nificantin thatthe binding of theskull had to be begunshortly after Ifthe depiction of thehead of theGilat Woman is notsimply schematic, birth.It indicatesthat the concepts being signaled by thedeformed butis meantto representa deformed skull, then an interesting conti- skull,whether identity, role or status, were ascribed to thechild and not nuityfrom the Neolithic period may be suggested.A fascinationwith achieved.Deformed skulls may be depicted on figurinesfrom the south- craniawas central to Neolithiccult, and is well-documentedby the ernLevant such as PotteryNeolithic figurines of theShaar haGolan numerouscases of skull removal,painting, plastering and other type(see now Gopher and Orelle 1996). "Violin shaped figurines" with treatment,and caching in domesticand specialized architecture schematizedfeatures including possibly deformed heads, some of which (e.g.,Arensburg and Hershkovitz 1989; Bienert 1991; Butler 1989; werefound at Gilat,should also be notedas possiblyrepresenting Mollesonet al.1992; Ozbek 1988). This practice is widelydistrib- deformedskulls (Alon 1976: fig. 1;Alon and Levy1989:185-90, fig. utedfrom the southernLevant through eastern Anatolia, and has 7,tables 4-6; Stekelis1972: pl. 49; Yadin1976:121). Comparable arti- connectionsto conceptsof ancestorveneration and worship, as well as factsfrom Mesopotamia, which may indicate similar traditions, are property,ownership and residence. Artificial skull deformation has also variousSamarran and Ubaid period figurines, as well as theenigmatic beendocumented in thecranial remains from a numberof Neolithic "Eye Idols" of Tell Brak(e.g., Huot 1994:176; Weiss 1985: figs. andChalcolithic sites. These include Ganj Dareh, Bouqras, Byblos, 41-43).Thus, while the shape of theGilat Woman's head is possibly Kalavassosand Arpachiyah in Iran, Syria, Cyprus and Iraq, respectively theresult of artisticconvention, it mightalternately represent the con- (Anton1989;Arensburg and Hershkovitz 1988; Meiklejohn et al.1992; tinuityof cultictraditions from the Neolithicto the Chalcolithic. Mollesonand Campbell 1995; Ozbek 1975). This latter practice is sig- Thispossibility suggests more earthly origins for the Gilat Woman.

NEAR EASTERNARCHAEOLOGY 64/1-2 (2001) 11 FARLEFT: Figurine representationsin NearEastern art been analyzed extensively. In the from YarimTepe II originalpublication of the objects,Alon suggestedthat the decora- dating to the Halaf. tion depictedtattooing. Fox also usefullysuggests that the bodyof After Yoffe and the Gilat Woman may be painted (1995). She and Weippert Clark (1993: fig. (1998) citeparallels from the 'Ain Ghazalstatuary and from Neolithic 8.13). Anatolia,notably "face-pots" or "effigyvases" from Hacilar and wall paintingsfrom (4atal Hoyiik (David etal. Rollefson Ubaid period 1988; 1983;1986; Schmandt-Besserat see alsoAmiran figurine from Ur 1998; 1962;Margalit 1983). with surface Other examples of figurines may reflect tattooing. Halaf treatment periodfemale figurines from Tell Halaf have horizontal stripes on suggestive of the legs and chest that maybe bodypainting or tattooing,as does scarification. After the exceptional example from YarimTepe II (von Oppenheim Amiet (1980: fig. 1943:fig. 551,12; Yoffee and Clark1993: figs. 8.13:1-33).Numerous i. 193). Ubaidperiod male and femalefigurines depict body modification, includinghorizontal stripes (as in an examplefrom Tello [Parrot 1960: fig.66]), stripesand dots on the torsoand shoulders (as in an examplefrom Ur [Woolley1955: pl. 20]), andpossible circular scars (as on examplesfrom Ur and Oueili [Huot 1983: pl.A, 5; Parrot 1960:

The Roleand Significanceof BodyMarkings: EthnographicEvidence

Ethnographic literaturegives some indicationof the variedstyles and meanings of body marking.Much of the relevantinformation on the earlymodern Mid- dle East was collected by the underappreciatedphysical anthropologist and ethnographerHenry Field in the first half of this century(Field 1958; see also Hambly1925; Rubin 1988). Tattooingand body paintingin the earlytwentieth century served a wide variedof functions in Bedouin,Arab, Yezidi, Solubba, Jewish,and other communities from Egyptto Iran.Among the most common reasonsfor tattooingwere ornamentation, while therapeutictattooing for med- icalpurposes such as relieffrom pain, was also widespread.Tattooingwas also a magicalpractice, for example to combat spells, to wardoff the Evil Eye,or to strengthenan extremity,joint, limb or muscle.Other reasons were to increasesex- ual attractionand as tribalmarkings. More complex totemic identificationsare also attested,such as those of Arabsin the HillaLiwa, including the venerationof particularanimals whose tattoos were borne by individuals(Field 1958:31). evidence of in the Near East has been The similaritiesbetween tattoo motifs and both camelbrands and tribalwasm Ethnographic tatooing documented by Field (1958). In these illustrations from his study of should also be mentioned(Field 1952).' the tradition in Iraq, the locations of tatooing on the female body On females,tattooing was doneprimarily in pubertyor later,in preparationfor are indicated. marriage,but limitedtattooing was also done on infantsand in childhood(Field 1958:37). The locationsand designs of tattoosare numerous and complex. Most frequentare patternsof dots and geometricdesigns, but stylized animalsand cussed in the anthropologicalliterature. None of the manyexamples presented by otherdevices are also common.Among other placestattooing was done on the Fieldresembles the patternfound on the GilatWoman with herhorizontal lines face,chest, abdomen,hands, legs and feet. Fieldreasonably suggests that most of redpaint.2 Henna or some otherform of paintingseems morelikely. tattooersof women in southwestAsia werewomen, and that the role might be hereditaryand regulated.The positionwas also heldby groupsof outsiders,such Notes as gypsies and Jews.In the Levantit was apparentlya practicefor a hadjito be A connectionis also indicatedby the similarityof theArabic terms for tribal mark, tattooedas an indicationof his havingmade the pilgrimage.Interestingly, the prac- wasm,and tattooing, washm. tice was also found among Christianpilgrims to the Holy Land(Field 1958:37, 2Severalof Field'sexamples, however, strongly resemble patterns found on secondmil- 52-53,77 see also Grant19o07 11). lenniumSyrian female figurines, especially of a bandof inciseddots encirding the waist. Tojudge from Field, cicatrization and branding appear to havebeen less com- Sagona(1996) alsonotes the strongassociation in boththe archaeological and ethno- mon in the earlymodern Middle East than tattooing.Henna, however, prepared graphicrecords of thecolor red with hunter-gatherers and village level societies, and the fromthe leafand seeds of the shrubLawsonia alba and relatedsubspecies, was and colorblue with complex societies. She interprets this as a shiftfrom conceptual or spiri- is extremelycommon throughthe Middle East,Africa, and South Asia. Its use tualconnections with the ubiquitous color of bloodand the earth, to therare blue of traded as a cosmeticby women and men is well-known,as is its associationwith mar- lapislazuli and turquoise. In thiscontext note the use of redochre to colortextiles from riage.The practiceof paintingthe hands and facesof women beforemarriage is theChalcolithic remarkable burial in the "Cave of theWarrior" (Schick 1998). Also of note attested in many Middle Easterncommunities (Dobert 1985;Grant 1907:57; arethe pebbles painted with red cruciform designs from underground dwellings at Tell Abu Searight1984). Whetherother parts of the bodywere, or are,painted, is not dis- Matarand Safadi(Perrot 1955:167-71, figs. 17-19, pi. 21).

12 NEAR EASTERNARCHAEOLOGY 64:1-2 (2001) Chalcolithicivory statuette, unknownprovenience. The figs. 74-77]). Earlyand MiddleCypriot "red-polished-fig- treatment of the breasts contrastswith that of the Gilat urines"are elaborately decorated with zigzag lines, horizontal ------Woman.From Israeli and-.-- Tadmor(1986:- fia.--,7- 14).-1- bands, chevrons and lozenges, as are the infants they sometimeshold (e.g., Karageorghis1991: figs. 82-83). Sec- ond millenniumSyrian female figurines with incised decoration Public and Domestic in Chalcolithic Cult on thechest and waist may also representbody markings (e.g., The crude execution, disproportionality,and decorative Woolley1955: pls. 54-55). horrorvacui of the GilatWoman and its companion, Tattooing,body marking and scarification are cus- _HH|^ Atheram with comets, contrast sharply with other Chal- toms typically associated with humans. No later colithicobjects, including ceramics. This qualitative traditionsfrom the NearEast describe difference indicatethat the arenot mythological ' ' B may objects prod- marksof these on deities,nor are there X uctsof a as in the caseof ritual types anyrep- ' [/yS^ specializedworkshop, resentationsof figuresthat areclearly deities where *X*^if ivoryand copperartifacts, but rathera lowerproduc- suchdecorations are apparent. Therefore, we mustcon- BX tion level.The unrefined artistic character-compared cludethat the GilatWoman represents a humanfemale. l with otherChalcolithic art-and the distinctimagery It has also been noted that the GilatWoman has only E of the GilatWoman and rammay suggest that these diminutive breasts, but a highly prominent vulva. 15EU objects were produced at the household level and This may indicate that the figuredepicts an adoles- - ,_/^ were perhaps intended as elaborate and specific cent ratherthan an adult. The lack of large breasts votivegifts. The Gilat Woman, representative of birthing contrastssharply with otherChalcolithic figurines (e.g., or other fertility concerns, may reflect a range of Amiranand Tadmor1980), and with prehistoricfemale domesticactivities and communityconcerns. figurinesfrom the ancientNear East generally (e.g., Morales Ratherthan the focalpoint of an entirecult, the Gilat 1990). Womanand the itemsfound with hermay have been gifts The juxtaposition of small breasts and prominent offeredat thecult site. Similarly, the structurein whichthe genitaliaare inconsistent with a readingof the artifactas cult was housed may be regardednot as a "temple,"but a "fertilitygoddess," and at least puts the term "fertility" ratheras a shrinewith specific associations. The Gilat Woman under scrutiny.A variety of interpretations of "fertility" therefore provides access to much larger questions are One that the regardingthe of possible. mayspeculate figurinerepresents · organization Chalcolithicsociety, about a decorated adolescent female holding ritual vessels and whichthere is considerabledisagreement, in particular,reli- sitting on a stand, possibly a birthingstool (Amiran1986).s ' giousand social ideologies and their relationship with organs 1 The emphasis on her sexual characteristicsand the birthing of authority(Gilead 1988; Levy and Holl 1988). Herewe sug- stool maybe relatedto fertilityprior to marriage.Alternatively, gest thatthe concernsand manifestationsof Chalcolithiccult the juxtaposition of small breasts and prominent navel and , variedaccording to the prioritiesof variousgroups fromthe genitalia,the latterperhaps suggestive of a post-partumstate, householdlevel (as representedat Gilat)to religio-politicalelites. alongwith the other ritualitems, mayindicate an apotropaiccon- cernwith lactation.6These suggestionsfocus the amorphousidea Contrasts of fertilityon concreteconcerns. A reviewof the featuresconnected with Chalcolithiccult practices Other possibilitiesare that the figurineis connectedwith the elsewherehighlights contrasts with Gilat.For example, elite objects practiceof femalecircumcision (see Meinardus1967; Paigeand arefrequently made from copper and ivory,a farcry from the simple Paige1981), or thatthe figurine depicts a womanin a post-menopausal terracottaof the Gilat woman. Elite objects also employ more state.This lattersuggestion focuses on the ideaof womens' soci- complex iconography. For example, Fox has pointed out the etal rolesat the end of theirfertile years, when primarilydomestic importanceof masks,especially those representing birds, in Neolithic activities,such as biologicalreproduction, may yield to community andChalcolithic rituals, such as those representedby wall paintings activities,such as culturalreproduction through teaching and lead- at Ghassul(see Cameron1981: figs. 7, 8,14). Paintedstone masks ership. Finally,we may speculate that the figurine representsa havebeen found in PPNBcontexts, such as in the NahalHemar cave, decorated,mature female holding ritualvessels and sitting on a therein associationwith a detachedskull treated with bitumen(Bar- stand,possibly a birthingstool. This particularemphasis on only Yosefand Alon 1988). The prehistoricsignificance of animalmasks certainsexual attributes and the birthingstool may moreappro- maybe theirfusion of specificimagery with the factthat theycov- priatelyrelate to the activitiesassociated with childbirth,such as eredthe ritually most important part of thebody. During the Chalcolithic, midwifery. maskswere used in ritualsundertaken primarily by elites. Thedifficulty in arrivingat a singlepersuasive interpretation of The significanceof vulturesand other predatorybirds in pre- ancient symbolism is clear.And indeed,the recombinantnature historic belief systems throughoutthe Near East is particularly of particularattributes suggests that the Gilat Womanmay have importantfor contextualizing elite aspectsof southernLevantine symbolizeddifferent things to differentpeople. But all of thesesug- Chalcolithiccult. The burial of predatorybirds at Zawi Chemi Shanidar gestions refinethe notionof "fertility,"removing the figurinefrom may date to the ZarzianEpipaleolithic phase, and carvedstone the divinerealm and resituatingher in the materialworld.7 birdheads have been foundat NatufianNahal Oren, PPNA Gilgal,

NEAR EASTERNARCHAEOLOGY 64/1-2 (2001) 13 QermezDere, Nemrik 9, while at PPNBNevali (ori, twocarved lime- jordan.Goren points out thatthese findings reverse the impression stonebirds were found. The famous "vulture shrine" at (atal H6yiuk aboutthe relativeimportance of sites gainedfrom study of archi- is alsoclearly associated with mortuarypractices (Hauptmann 1993; tecturealone (Goren 1995). Thesedifferences are important since Kozlowski1990:155-61, figs. 64-68; Noy 1989; 1991;Mellaart En Gedi, like Gilat, is considereda type site for Chalcolithicreli- 1967:figs. 45-49; Solecki1977). gion and culture. LevantineChalcolithic examples include the birds on the famous Furthercontrasts are found in the typesof objectsfound at Gilat NahalMishmar "crown" number 7, and "eaglestandard," and the and En Gedi.At Gilat a wide varietyof non-ceramicitems were bird-shapedvessels from Palmachim(Bar-Adon 1980:24-28; found,including violin shaped figurines, stone palettes,fenestrated Gophnaand Lifshitz1980; Tadmoret al. 1995). A moreimproba- stands,and numerousmassevot or standingstones (Alon and Levy bleconnection between the Nahal Mishmar symbolism and Egyptian 1989: table i, fig. 12). At En Gedi there were few non-ceramic nomeheraldry has alsobeen proposed (Gates 1992), butthe impor- findsbeyond the baseof an alabastervessel, some beads(Ussishkin tance of predatorybirds in Egypt is too well-known to warrant 1980:19-21), and a ceramicbull bearingtwo churns,the closest review.The birdmasks on the Ghassulwall paintingsderive from parallelto the GilatWoman's zoomorphic companion (Ussishkin this ancientcultic-and socio-political-tradition. The contrast 1980: fig.11).8 The Gilat ceramic assemblage has beendescribed as with the wholly domestic imageryof the Gilat Woman and the havingan exceptionalvariability of forms,which may suggest a vari- objectsthat accompanyher, is striking.Review of the architecture ety of productioncontexts (Levyand Alon 1993:516). The same and finds associatedwith Chalcolithiccult sites furtherdemon- cannotbe said forthe En Gedi assemblage. stratesspectra of publicto privatedomains, and elite to domestic Yetanother contrast between Gilat and otherChalcolithic cult concernsand ideologies. sites is foundin the locationof the structures.The En Gedi build- The excavatorsof Gilat,David Alon andThomas Levy, regard ing sits on an isolatedcliff above the DeadSea oasis whilethe Gilat the site as an interregionalreligious center whose elites received buildingis situatedwithin a largesettlement. The other Chalcol- offeringsfrom many parts of the southernLevant (Alon and Levy ithic shrines of importance are the two Ghassul temples 1990). Recently,however, Goren's reanalysis of the petrographic excavatedin the 1970s. Thesewere located in an apparentlywalled evidencehas shown that ceramicsat Gilatoriginated primarily in precinctapproximately 1oo m fromthe centerof a settlement.Other the northernNegev, with only a limitedquantity of materialcom- templesat Ghassulexcavated earlier in this centurywere located in ing fromthe JudeanHills. In contrast,the templeexcavated at the the northwestof the site. The stratigraphicconnection and conti- shrinesite of En Gedi on the shoreof the Dead Seawas shown to nuityof these structuresand the coreof the settlementis unclear haveceramics originating in the JudeanHills, while some of the (see Bourke1997; Bourke etal. 1995), however, the presenceof mul- materialfrom the hoardof artifactsfound in thecave at nearbyNahal tiplecult installationsat Ghassulindicates extensive infrastructure Mishmaroriginated in the northernNegev, Judean Hills, and Trans- andcomplexity of practices.

14 NEAR EASTERN ARCHAEOLOGY 64:1-2 (2001) Who Did the Cult Structures Serve? scene,indicating also a performanceelement to the rituals(see Turner All these factorssuggest that the variousChalcolithic cultic struc- 1974). At the same time,violin-shaped figurines were also found turesserved different clientele and purposes.The En Gedi temple in the Tell3 structuresat Ghassul,suggesting the possibilityof more mayhave been the focalpoint for mobile groups traversing the Judean directaccess to cult facilitiesby non-specialists(Mallon etal. 1934: Hills,southern Jordan Valley, and Transjordan, and perhaps long dis- 83,fig. 34). Thesefeatures suggest a carefulblending of ideological tance pilgrimages.The Gilat structureprimarily served a more featuresand practices designed to appearsimultaneously accessible immediatecommunity of the site andthe northernNegev, the region andelevated. Thus, Gilat represents an installation dedicated to a domes- in which it was situated(Goren 1995: 297). Ghassul,the largestof tic cultaccessible to all,and En Gedia specializedinstallation with a allChalcolithic sites, undoubtedly had more complex relations with "professional"elite. But the installationsat Ghassul representan localand adjacentpopulations than either En Gedi or Gilat. entirelydifferent adaptation, one in which the elite raisesmystifi- Additionalattributes of the varioussites give some indication cation and abstractionto new levels,and that also may at least in regardingtheir socio-politicalorganization. The En Gedi temple partcoopt the domesticsphere and its iconographicvocabulary. probablyserved an organizedcult, with a differentset of cultic Additionalexamples of the differentChalcolithic cult practices concernsthan that of Gilat.These concernsincluded a more for- could be cited, such as the placementof basaltpillar figurines in mal spatial relationshipbetween "worshipers"and the various housesin the Golan,the exceptionalfinds related to mortuaryactiv- architecturalinstallations, such as an enclosedcourtyard, broadroom ities fromthe NahalQanah cave (Gopher and Tsuk 1996), andthe andan altar,which implies an emphasison the burningand disposal recentfinds at Peqi'in. Theseobservations point out the underly- of offerings,most likely presented in the tremendousnumber of ves- ingvariability in Chalcolithiccult. The sources of variability,however, sels found in the main structure.The stone altar in the broadroommay have supported a cultstatue, or evenrepre- sented the deity,in the mannerof a massevahor standing stone. Gilaton theother hand has a largenumber of non-ceramic artifactsthat could haveoriginated in a varietyof different , '9v~~. . . ^.4i1 productioncontexts. The stone palettes, for example, are not ,I 4 standardized,nor arethe violin figurines(Alon and Levy 1989: tables 6, 7). This suggests that objectswere indeed 4 being broughtand contributedto the cult site, but on an t'^A adhoc basis. This eclectic collection of itemsat Gilatsuggests a less organizedcult, with less restrictedspatial and organi- zationaldynamics. The manysmall artifacts found at Gilat maybe gifts to the cult,perhaps on the householdlevel, as Ni. ro" we haveseen above.

Organization and Ideology Thenature of the offeringsat thevarious cult sites indicates I underlyingpractices and beliefs related to cultorganization. tar" mosaic at Ghassul. The image is part of a ritual complex that Thatso manyofferings at Gilat are non-perishablessug- The St sts strongly with both the situation at Gilat and Ein Gedi. From Mallon et gests a differentrelationships between cult and individual. cl (193t4: frontispiece). Ratherthan offeringstransformed into intangibility,like burntsacrifices, the smallitems placed in thecult room have an obvious permanence.The lackof transformativepractices may are not to be found in regionalvariations in beliefor practice,but also suggest moredirect participation or fewerintermediaries. In ratherin the differentloci of cultwithin Chalcolithic communities. contrast,the manyburnt offerings and ceramicvessels at En Gedi Thevarious strategies in whichreligious iconography is employed suggest moreabstract associations or connotations.The transfor- at the differentcult sites is relateddirectly to the organizationallevel mationsinvolved, along with the spatiallyrestricted context, indicate and politicalideology of localelites. The iconographicvocabulary moreelaborate practices and formalizedintermediaries. of the Chalcolithicwas richand generally shared across regions. But Too little is knownabout the spatialand artifactualaspects of differentsymbols clustered at thevarious hierarchical levels of Chal- the variousGhassul temples to comparethem with otherChalcol- colithic society.The predatorybird symbolismfound at Ghassul ithic cult sites. More attention has been paid to the famouswall temples and on several Nahal Mishmar objects is centered on paintings(Cameron 1981). These combine highly abstract and styl- eliteartifacts, manufactured in an industrydistinct from that employed ized featureswith distinctlyhuman ones, suchas the juxtaposition for utilitarianobjects (Levy and Shalev1989; Shalev1994; Shalev of maskedhumans alongside the "star" mosaic, representing the delib- et al. 1992; Shalevand Northover1993; Tadmor et al. 1995). Other erateinterjection of the corporealinto the intangible.The presence NahalMishmar artifacts, such as maceheads,are weapons and sym- of formalintermediaries at Ghassul is clearfrom the procession bols of authoritythat have pan-Near Eastern resonance (Cialowicz

NEAR EASTERNARCHAEOLOGY 64/1-2 (2001) 15 1989). Cranialdeformation may also havebeen an ascribedelite tionthat is addressedbelow. There is littleevidence that reflects directly symbol with pan-Near Eastern significance. The Beersheva on Chalcolithicgender and sex structures, outside of thefew figurines, ivoriesrepresent a similarlevel of elite controlof exotic materials and moredetailed analyses of householdorganization, production, andproduction, but with symbolismmore conventionally attuned and ideologyhave yet to be undertaken(e.g., Tringham1991). The to the fertilityof femalepregnancy. Other symbols relatedto the questionhere is determininghow to mapthe ideologicalcontent of domestic sphereinclude the churn,certain body decoration,and a handfulof artifactsonto society,how seriously to takethese stylized perhapssmall animal figurines. These symbols are concerned with projectionsas representativeof the whole without unconsciously the body and its variousstates, and with earthlyfertility and sub- adoptingtheir viewpoints (cf. Hamiltonet al. 1996). If we employ sistence.The Gilatshrine is well-equippedwith these items. ethnographicand historic materials from much later periods as guides, Chalcolithic elites at southern sites such as Ghassul and thengender inequalities are present in earlyvillage-levelsocieties. But Beershevaposed as the mediatorsbetween the supernaturaland the the internalpower dynamics of such societies arecomplex, which corporealworlds. The creation of elaboratesymbols in exoticmate- destabilizean absolutepartitioning of womenwith the domestic and rialsreinforced elite prerogatives of religiousauthority and hierarchical menwith the public(see Blanton1994; 1995; Hendon 1996). politicaleconomic relationships. These arecommon strategiesin Furthermore,while the Gilatwoman is clearlya female,the other "middlerange" societies (e.g., Grove and Gillespie 1992). The ancient items in the shrine,such as altarsand violin figurines,cannot easily predatoryanimal symbolism is amongthe firstfound in highlyspe- be engendered.It seemslikely that the domesticsphere represented cializedarchitectural contexts, quintessentially in the "shrines"at at Gilatincluded both "male"and "female"concerns, with only the (atal Hoyukin Anatolia.9Chalcolithic elites in the southernLev- archaeologistsgiving overemphasis to one objectof many.Thus while ant were among the last inheritorsof this long animal-oriented archaeologistsmust integratewomen into theirperceptions of the tradition.At (atal Hoyukthere is an associationbetween female public,men must be broughtback into the domestic.But the criti- fertilityand predatory imagery, and this is discerniblein the south- cal issue is not simply,or evenparticularly, gender, but ratherlarger ern LevantineChalcolithic as well (Hodder 1987;Mellaart 1967; issues of the evolutionof power,ideology, and representation. 1984). The Nahal Mishmar"crowns", for example,combine the image of the birthing stool and predatory bird symbolism, TheChalcolithic and LevantinePrehistory therebysubsuming domestic concerns into largerreligio-political This returnsus to the issue of the placeof the Chalcolithicwithin iconography.The Gilat Woman, however, shows noneof this,rather theoverall structure of Levantineprehistory. Beck's insight that much the opposite;her companion,the ram,is fullydomesticated. She of Chalcolithicart should be regardedas the "dyinggasp of the is producedat the domesticlevel, is repletewith domesticiconog- prehistoricage" is strengthenedby contextualstudy (Beck 1989: raphy,and is depositedin a communityshrine. 46).10The artistic and ritual emphasis on the headis the expression The broadcontrast between "temple" and householdworship of an ancient tradition,among the first to clearlyemerge in the has been madein manycases, for examplewith regardto Israelite LateNatufian and Early Neolithic. This tradition was initiallydomes- cult and other "official"religions (e.g., Dever1990). Nothing so tic, with the keyelement of the ancestorcontinuing to residewith grandioseis suggestedhere for the Chalcolithic. But the notion of dif- the familyand lineage.By the end of the EarlyNeolithic, however, ferentlevels of culticorganization addressing different concerns, and andthe emergenceof morespecialized religious activities, loci, and the politicaleconomy of religion,is informativeboth in termsof elites, greateremphasis was placedon animalimagery, especially the specificperiod, and also of a cycleof structuralcontradictions of predators. Whether this expressed human fear and awe of thatwould be playedout repeatedly. natureis unclear,but the centralityof power,both in termsof the imageryand the social constructionof cult, is inescapable(Hod- Comparativeand EvolutionaryContexts der1987). In a sense theseanimal images reflect the transformation Feministarchaeologists have noted in recentdecades that discus- of an even longer tradition,going back to the Upper Paleolithic sionsof power,production, symbolism, and other aspects of prehistoric (see Uckoand Rosenfeld 1967). Huntingprowess was undoubtedly societies havetended to presumesharp dichotomies between the a sourceof prestigeand authority throughout prehistory, and endured publicand privatesphere, which essentialize male and femaleroles the adventof agriculture.Fear and mastery of thewild, both literally (see the reviewin Conkeyand Gero 1997). The evidence cited above andmetaphorically, are of courserecurrent themes for historic period does suggest a rangeof physicalloci acrosswhich differentritual elitesand their art as well.The theoretical and symbolic challenge for activitiestook place; from restricted areas of the religio-politicalelites earlyelites was how to extendthe metaphorwhile simultaneously to the open localshrine. It shouldbe noted,however, that we know extendingother forms of power. nothing aboutwho the variouselites were.Whether women were Duringthe Pottery Neolithic period in thesouthern Levant, inter- membersof the religio-politicalelites is simplyunknown. Indeed, penetrationof maleand femalesymbolism is seen in the extensive it remainsextremely difficult to isolateindividuals with notablerank repertoireof incisedpebble and seated ceramic figurines, from sixth or status in Chalcolithicmortuary remains (cf. Joffe in press;Levy millenniumYarmukian culture sites such as Munhataand Sha' ar and Alon 1982). Hagolan(Garfinkel 1995). This has been interpretedas the male appropriationof femalerituals and symbols, in thecontext of reestab- Power, Gender and Elites lishing agricultural society following the collapse of the Thisleads to thequestion of "howelite" the elites reallywere, a ques- Pre-PotteryNeolithic (Gopher and Orelle1996). By the late fifth

16 NEAR EASTERN ARCHAEOLOGY 64:1-2 (2001) millenniumand the developedChalcolithic period, the processesof of the geographicniches occupied by Naqada"chiefdoms" far out- reorganizationand appropriationare complete, as is some formal strippedthose of the southernLevant. separationof elite and domestic spheres,creating a rangeof loci Similarly,the localized "chiefdoms" of Ubaid southern Mesopotamia forrituals.," Where were they to go fromthere? could producefar greater surpluses through irrigation agriculture It is clearthat the elitesat the majorChalcolithic sites fusedreli- than the simple rainfalland gravityirrigation of the southernLev- giousand social power. But how much power was there? Whether these ant.Their pursuit of ritualand political strategies was complemented eliteswere organized around real or fictivekinship or institutedtrib- by increasingcontrol over craftproduction, social storage,and utaryeconomic relations, both ethnographic indicators of a "chiefdom," possiblysome formof staplefinance. Institutional development in is unknown.Furthermore there is no evidenceof administration,stor- Mesopotamiais also farmore easily discerned than in the south- age or staplefinance, warfare or conflict,sumptuary restrictions, or ernLevant (Stein 1994).Additionally,in Ubaidperiod northern and significantmortuary variability (Joffe in press),and their concepts of southernMesopotamia administrative technologies in the formof territorialorganization are unknown. Finally, there is no evidenceof sealingwere highly developed (e.g., Rothman 1994). In contrastonly a levelof specializationor individuationthat led to anyparticular chief a barehandful of crudeseals are known from the Chalcolithicsouth- beingidentifiable in the archaeologicalrecord (e.g., Renfrew 1973). ern Levantand no sealings. At best we may suggest that each majorChalcolithic site was The combinationof economicand ideologicalfeatures, as well presidedover by a groupof religio-politicalspecialists. These spe- as agriculturalpotential, allowed Mesopotamian and Egyptian elites cialists are moreapparent in the largersites such as Ghassuland to developinto morecomplex societies. Among the recurringfea- some sites of the Beershevabasin, while at smallersites, which make tures of complexity in both Mesopotamia and Egypt was the up the vast majorityof Chalcolithicsettlement, their presenceis reorganizationof femaleand unfree labor to serveinstitutional needs unknown.These specialists,however, had only limitedpower and (Joffe1998; McCorriston 1996; Zagarell 1986). SouthernLevantine authorities.The elites at the majorcenters of Chalcolithicsettlement, Chalcolithicelites were simply too small,poorly organized, and hier- the Beershevabasin and Ghassul, and perhaps the central Jordan val- archicallyvariedto evolvepast the village level. The archaic ideologies ley,elaborated on preexistingfeatures of agro-pastoralorganization andelite structures were insufficiently adaptable to the newclimatic and belief,but theirinnovations were very limited. andsocio-political realities that emerged in thecenturies after 4000 Thatorganizational features in general,and hierarchical ones in BCE.Aridity, Egyptian commercial and colonial interest, and new eco- particular,are so opaquesuggests how andwhy southernLevantine nomic relationshipsall strainedand finallyshattered Chalcolithic Chalcolithicideology and regional village level society failed to develop society,and with it most of the existingiconographic vocabulary. into urbanism,and indeed,ultimately failed completely. Based as Chalcolithicelites did participatein an attenuatedfashion in theywere on what mightbe regardedas the Neolithicelaborations pan-NearEastern elite iconographic networks, indicated by the pos- or extensionsof Paleolithicreligio-social concepts, such as accessto sible continuationof cranialdeformation and more clearlywith the supernatural,Chalcolithic elites wereessentially shamans and authoritysymbols such as the macehead.But the "meaning"of these not chiefs.While the iconographyand ideologycertainly had polit- deviceswas necessarilydifferent in the deeplyperipheral southern ical and economic features,elites nevermanaged to attain more Levantthan in Syro-Mesopotamia.The rapid renegotiation of iconog- broadlybased sources of economicpower, such as the management raphyand organization that accompanied the Halaf to Ubaidtransition of agriculturalproduction, storage and redistributionof staples,or in Mesopotamia,for example, almost completely passed by the south- politicalpower derived from conflict. And with theexistence of alter- ern Levant (Akkermanns and Verhoeven 1995; Breniquet 1989).13 nativepower bases even within the religioussphere, such as shrines Possessingsome basicsymbols, Chalcolithic elites could not apply like Gilat,not to mentionhousehold and mortuarycults elsewhere them in ways that generatedsufficient social inequalityto either in the southern Levant,elite powerwas severelyrestricted. Cou- ensuretheir own continuedexistence or to makethe jumpto urban- pledwith relativelylow settlementand population densities, beyond ism.These ancient symbols became impediments to breakingout of religionthere was littlepower to be had in the system.12 religio-socialsources of power,rather than tools for reformulating socio-economicpower. It is not surprisingthat while elite symbols NearEastern Contrasts disappeared,certain household symbols, such as the churn,the cor- The Chalcolithicsouthern Levant forms especially profound con- net,v-shaped bowls, and animal figurines, appear to havecontinued trastswith contemporary"chiefdom" level societies of WesternAsia fora time into the EarlyBronze Age. andNortheast Africa. In Egypt,Naqada II andIII elites successfully The non-divinereinterpretation of the GilatWoman, a private fusedreligio-political ideology and the generationof new symbols, gift associatedwith householdor domesticactivity, serves as a key economicpower, especially over craft production, and the pursuitof forunderstanding this dualitywithin Chalcolithic society. The ten- criticalraw materials and technologies,such as coppermetallurgy, sion and competitionbetween the householdor domesticsphere to createterritorially expansive "chiefdoms" and ultimately a unified andthe publicor elitesphere that characterizes subsequent periods, state (Hassan1997; Seeher 1991). Hassan has pointedout that the beganin the EarlyNeolithic and was alreadywell-developed in the emergenceof religio-politicalelites in Egyptinvolved the integra- Chalcolithic.The collapse of the Chalcolithicculture caused the pub- tionof femaleiconography and ideology into a malecontrolled system lic sphereto brieflyrecede from view. In the EarlyBronze Age this of religiousauthority and craft production (Hassan 1992). Not least cyclicaltension reappeared with the regenerationof villageand then of their advantageswas the factthat the agriculturalproductivity urbansociety, and theirconstitutive elites. The old elite symbolism

NEAR EASTERN ARCHAEOLOGY 64/1-2 (2001) 17 towards the Beersheva-Ghassulculture, more includes did not survivethe transitionto urbanism,which was basedon the solely Epstein usefully in her discussion the entire rangeof Chalcolithicmedia, symbols and regional accumulationof newtypes of socialand economic power. Many ele- cultures. Furthermore,the strict once thought a feature of the ments of householdsymbolism also did not survivethe stressful regionalism Chalcolithic is also being overturnedby new discoveries, which demonstrate dynamicsof urbanism,but were replaced by parallelseries of house- similaritiesand interactionacross largerareas, such as those at in (Gal et holdbeliefs, practices, and images, many of whichare concerned with Peqi' al. 1996; 1997). "fertility."But in the new EarlyBronze Age matrixof socialand eco- 8 The that the Nahal Mishmar hoard originated at En Gedi nomic relations"fertility" had an entirelynew meaning,defined strong possibility of course changes this somewhat austere picture (Moorey 1988; Ussishkin by the politicaleconomies of cities,hinterlands, and trade.Though 1980: Since the bulk of the Gilat ceramics have not yet been small-scale comparisonwith Egypt,Syria or Mesopotamia,the 38-41). by we cannot make with the En Gedi which new southernLevantine social and economicrelations of produc- published, comparisons assemblage, is extensive, and has a particularlylarge number of bowls and cornets (Gilead tion, accumulation,exchange and consumptionbrought an end to the last vestiges of the hunter-gatherer"moral economy" of shar- 1995:202-6). 9 The 1960 excavationsof Ghassul uncovereda series of wall paintings on the ing.14With the advent of proto-historythe social and moral landscape west of Tell i. The "leaping tiger" fresco, though highly stylized, is becomesincreasingly, and depressingly, familiar. edge significant in that it depicts a large feline (see North 1961:32-36, pls. II, V, Conclusions frontispiece). Other depictions of large felines, specifically leopards, are known from mosaics found at sanctuaries in the southern Negev and TheGilat Woman need not be deifiedto havesignificance. As one of open eastern Sinai 1984). The enigmatic "orthostat-lined holes" found in thelast artifacts of deepprehistory, she standsat theend of a longand (Avner association with the frescos are reminiscent of the pits found in front of venerabletradition of apotropaicdevices. If the possibilitiesoutlined massevot at desert sites in the Negev and Sinai (Avner 1993). For the results hereare correct, she mayspeak to intimateconcerns of marriage,child- of the renewed fieldworkat C(atalHiiyiik see Hodder (1996) and the project bearing,and maturation with which many can identify. Furthermore, web site at catal.arch.cam.ac.uk/catal/. she shedswelcome light on thevarieties of Chalcolithicreligious and 10Beck indicates in a footnote (1989: n. 68) that the late EphratYeivin socio-politicalorganization in the southernLevant, along with their that this important idea should also be extended to our strengthsand limitations, at thevery end of prehistory. suggested understandingof the Ghassul wall paintings. Notes " For examples of Chalcolithic sites very different from population or cult centers,which have receivedthe bulk of scholarlyattention, and in which cult Digital image processing for this articlewas done by Mr.Kurt Lupinsky. organization would necessarily have been quite different, see Gilead (1989), 1Historic period representationsof Mesopotamianwater deities usually show Gilead and Goren (1986), Gophna and Tsuk (1987), and Govrin (1987). For water flowing from a vessel (e.g., Spycket1981: fig 155). On the topic of female another settlement with an apparently public, but not necessarily cultic, deities in the ancient Near East see Frymer-Kensky(1992). structure,see the reporton Fasa'el (Porath1985). 2 Levy and Golden suggest that the Shiqmim ivory figurine is a mnemonic 12 One unexplored set of parallels for Chalcolithic society are village-level device, along with the incised ivory "sickles"from Bir es-Safadi.A calendrical agriculturalistsresident in arid zones of the American Southwest. This is too function is more likely,possibly relating to the varying lengths of a woman's broad a topic to be explored here, but on the specific question of restricted monthly cycle. For a parallelfrom Byblos with a single drilled hole in the head ritual spaces or kivas, often decorated with murals, see the essays in Smith see Dunand (1973:pl. CLXII,no. 34966). (1990; cf. Adler 1993). Another useful comparison may be with Neolithic and 3 Workshop production patterns of "CreamWare" also suggest elite control Copper Age Italy,where underground installations, often with wall murals, over vessel raw material and manufacturing. See Dessel (1991: 122-27, form loci of what Whitehouse persuasively suggests are secret cults into 250-51). which males are slowly initiated and women excluded (Whitehouse 1991; 4 Jacob Kaplanwas the first to establish a connection between the vessel and 1992). dairyproduction (Kaplan1954; see also 1959; 196o).Amiran has also pointed 13For the slim ceramicevidence for fifth millennium connections between the out that the best parallelfor the Gilat Woman, admittedly not very close, is a southern Levant and Syro-Mesopotamia see Gophna and Sadeh (1988/89), small figurine from Bab edh-Dhra dating to earlyEB I, showing a woman with Kaplan(1960), and Leonard(1989). upraised arms whose head is a large two-handled vessel, perhaps a churn 14Similar transformationshave been proposed for the small-scale societies of (Amiran1989:57; Bienkowski1991: fig. 71). Cyprus(Bolger 1992; 1996). 5 Goring (1991:54) also suggests with regardto the figurines from Kissonerga that they may have been intended for rite of passage or initiation, such as References those relatedto puberty.See generallyOwens and Hayden (1997). Adler,M. 6 Compare,for example,the ostracon from Deir el-Medina depicting a mother 1993 Why is a Kiva?New Interpretationsof PrehistoricSocial Integrative nursing a newborn while sitting on a biconical stool (Robins 1993: fig. 22). Architecturein the northernRio GrandeRegion of New Mexico. See also an EighteenthDynasty anthropomorphicvessel of a lactatingwoman Journalof Anthropological Research 49:319-46. with small breasts holding a jar(Robins 1993:fig. 27; cf. Pinch 1983). Akkermans,P. M. M. G., and Verhoeven,M. 7 Some of the conclusions regardingthe "fertility"orientation of Chalcolithic 1995 An Image of Complexity:The BurntVillage at LateNeolithic Sabi cults were made previously by Claire Epstein, albeit with slightly different Abyad,Syria.American JournalofArchaeology 99: 995-32. emphases (Epstein 1978; 1982; see also Amiran 1981; Elliott 1977; 1978; Alon, D. Merhav1993; de Miroschedji 1993). Unlike scholars who have been oriented 1976 Two CultVessels from Gilat. (Atiqot11:116-18.

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