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HUNTER, Mary Jane, 1937- THEOLOGICAL POLITICS: AN ANALYSIS OF ENDS ADVOCATED BY CHURCH CROUPS TO CONGRESSIONAL HEARINGS RELATED TO POVERTY FROM 1964 THROUGH 1971.

The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1972 Religion

University Microfilms, A XEROX Company , Ann Arbor, Michigan

THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MICROFILMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED. THEOLOGICAL POLITICS: AN ANALYSIS OF ENDS ADVOCATED BY

CHURCH GROUPS TO CONGRESSIONAL HEARINGS RELATED

TO POVERTY FROM 196H THROUGH 1971

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University

By

Mary Jane Hunter, B.A., M.S., M.S.W.

* * * 4 ft

The Ohio State University 1972

Approved by

Adviser School of Social Work PLEASE NOTE:

Some pages may have

ind i st inet pr int.

Filmed as received.

University Microfilms, A Xerox Education Company PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This research was done for partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio

State University. The writer is a student in the School of Social Work.

The purpose of the research was to describe and classify the ends advocated by church groups to Congressional hearings related to poverty from 196i* through 1971. Categories of major ends advocated in regard to problems of suffering, such as poverty, were derived from an exploration of contemporary literature on theologies. These categories were used to describe and classify the ends advocated by church groups in the Congres­ sional hearings♦ Even though statements to Congress were primarily in secular terms, it was assumed that recommendations of the ends sought in regard to poverty would parallel recommendations made in regard to suffering in formal theological language.

With a feeling of joy because of the association in learning, the writer wishes to acknowledge the contributions to this research of Dr.

Leonard Schneideman (the major advisor), Dr. Milton S. Rosner, and

Dr. John H. Behling. VITA

September 3, 1937 Born— Dallas, Texas

1958...... B.A,, North Texas State University, Denton Texas

1960...... M.S., North Texas State University, Denton Texas

1960-1962 .... Staff Psychologist, Private Clinic, Dallas Texas

1962-1963 .... School Psychologist, Board of Education, Towson, Maryland

1963-1966 .... Probation Officer, Juvenile Department, Dallas, Texas

1968...... M.S.W., San Diego State College, San Diego California

1968-1969 .... Probation Officer, Juvenile Department, Dallas, Texas

1969-1971 .... Teaching Associate, School of Social Work, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

1 9 7 1 ...... Assistant Professor, School of Social Work The University of Texas at Arlington, Arlington, Texas

FIELDS OF STUDY

Major Field: Social Work

Studies in Social Welfare Policies and Programs. Professors Leonard Schneiderman and Milton S. Rosner

Studies in Social Work Practice. Professors Richard R, Medhurst and James 0. Billups

Studies in Social Functioning. Professor Ronald C. Bounous

Studies in Social Work Research. Professors Joseph T, Cryrnes and Merriss Cornell TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...... ii

VITA ...... iii

LIST OF T A B L E S ...... vi

Chapter

I. THE PROBLEM OF SUFFERING...... 1

The Problem Researched Theoretical Framework Regarding the Problem

II. RATIONALE FOR THE RESEARCH, ASSUMPTIONS AND DESCRIPTIVE QUESTIONS ...... 11

Rationale Assumptions Specific Questions Researched

III. METHODOLOGY ...... 18

Research Design Sources and Types of Data to be Collected Data Collection Instruments Definition of Terms Procedures of Analysis

IV. PRESENTATION OF FINDINGS— PART 1 ...... 37

Introduction Perceptions of Sufferers and Prescribed Ends in Religious Theologies Classificatory Framework of "Broad Theologies" of Sufferers

V. PRESENTATION OF FINDINGS— PART 2 ...... 72

Preliminary Questions Major Question Other Comparisons

iv Chapter Page

VI. SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, INTERPRETATION AND RECOMMENDATIONS...... l*+8

Summary Conclusions Interpretation Re consne nda t ions

APPENDIX ...... 166

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 188

v LIST or TABLES

Table Page

1. Characteristics of Six Broad Theologies of Suffering...... TO

2. Themes of Church Group Statements Submitted to Congressional Hearings Related to Poverty, 196U .... 73

3. Frequencies and Percentages of Themes in 196*t Hearings ...... 75

U . Themes of Church Group Statements Submitted to Congressional Hearings Related to Poverty, 1965 .... 81

5. Frequencies and Percentages of Themes in 1965 Hearings ...... 83

6. Themes of Church Group Statements Submitted to Congressional Hearings Related to Poverty, 1966 .... 90

7. Frequencies and Percentages of Themes in 1966 H e a r i n g s ...... 92

8. Themes of Church Group Statements Submitted to Congressional Hearings Related to Poverty, 1967 .... 95

9. Frequencies and Percentages of Themes in 1967 H e a r i n g s ...... 98

10. Themes of Church Group Statements Submitted to Congressional Hearings Related to Poverty, 196 8 .... 103

11. Frequencies and Percentages of Themes in 1968 H e a r i n g s ...... * ...... 105

12. Themes of Church Group Statements Submitted to Congressional Hearings Related to Poverty, 1969 .... 110

13. Frequencies and Percentages of Themes in 1969 He ar in gjs 113

1**. Themes of Church Group Statements Submitted to Congressional Hearings Related to Poverty, 1970 .... 118

vi Table Page

15. Frequencies and Percentages of Themes in 1970 Hearings ...... 120

16. Themes of Church Group Statements Submitted to Congressional Hearings Related toPoverty, 1971 .... 12*+

17. Frequencies and Percentages of Themes in 1971 Hearings ...... 126

18. Distribution of Theme Frequencies and Percentages, 1964-1971 ...... 130

19. Comparison of Themes in Response to Different Hearing Focuses, 1964-1971 133

20. Comparison of Total Frequencies and Percentages of Themes, 1964-1971, by Church Bodies ...... 136

21. Comparison of Total Frequencies and Percentages of Themes, 1964-1971, by National Church Groups .... 139

vn# * CHAPTER I

THE PROBLEM OF SUFFERING

The problem researched

In a contemporary poem, Pierce stated: "... 'why' is a truly dreadful word." She continued:

Why is there meat and fruit And liquor and ice for you? Why is there nothing but greasy grits And flour and beans for me? ^

These questions reflect a major problem of suffering in our nation— the social inequality of poverty. How is this problem of suffering explained?

What ends in its regard are sought through national policy?

Religion has always been a major source for explaining why oneself or others suffer as well as prescribing what to do about it. In recent years, church groups have also increasingly submitted statements to

United States Congressional hearings related to poverty. These state­ ments have often advocated ends to be sought through national policy in regard to the sufferers of poverty.

In this research, the problem was to establish a framework of major theological explanations or perceptions of sufferers, and ends

Edith Lovejoy Pierce, "Revolution," The Christian Century, May 29, 1968, p. 712, quoted in Gabriel Fackre, The Rainbow SignT Christian Futurity (Grand Rapids, Mich.: William B. Eerdmans Pub­ lishing Co., 1§69) , p . 139.

1 linked with them. Part of this framework, the categories of ends, was then used to describe and classify the ends advocated by church groups in Congressional hearings related to poverty from 1964 through 1971,

Theoretical framework regarding the problem

Suffering is a conmon experience of every person. It is experi­ enced in situations where there is pain or harm of direct psychological significance to a person.

What is experienced as painful or harmful by one person may not 2 be experienced similarly by another person. The range of possible situations of suffering is extensive. However, some situations are so severely life-threatening— physically, psychologically, and/or socially— 3 that they seem to be experienced as suffering by nearly everyone.

Suffering is more predictable in those situations than in others.

Five kinds of situations appear to be predictable as major forms of suffering. They will be briefly described. Some situations of suf­ fering cannot be traced to human decision nor do the situations them­ selves involve relationships with others, e.g., natural disasters.

Other situations of suffering are inherent in man’s being and cannot be traced to human decision or relationships with others. One's whole life, for example, is in the face of natural death. Somehow man must

o U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Perspectives on Human Deprivation (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1968), p. 4; Richard S. Lazarus, Psychological Stress and the Coping Process (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1966).

3 Lazarus, Psychological Stress. 3 make sense of these kinds of suffering for which he does not appear to be accountable.

Other inherent vulnerabilities and attributes account for some suffering but relationships with others are also involved. Human de­ cision, however, does not appear to be involved. Man has vulnerability to psychological harm or grief, for example, in the loss of a loved person through natural death. The person who died was not accountable for the loss in the sense of choosing to die, thereby causing harm to others through human decision.

There are needs, too, which all men have in common— for food, shelter, clothing, medical care, meaningful relationships, dignity, and self-esteem. While the needs are common to all men, lack of their fulfillment and consequent suffering are not. Here, what men do or, more appropriately, withhold from other men is accountable for much of the suffering. Human decision is distinctly involved. This kind of suffering is man's inhumanity to man and basically takes the form of social inequalities. It is social suffering which is not equally distributed among men.

As defined by Schneiderman, Miller and Riessman, Miller and Roby, and Glock and Stark, social inequalities, In broad form, include:

1. Insufficient distribution of income and assets.

2. Racial, sexual, age, economic, and health separations, discrimination and stigmatization. Differential dis­ tribution of meaningful relationships with others that promote dignity and self-esteem.

3. Insufficient distribution of opportunities needed for optimal development and social mobility such as educa­ tion, employment, housing, health care, and other basic services. 4

4. Insufficient distribution of decision-making powers, political membership and participation in the larger society, and bureaucratic protection. Psychologically, differential measure of control over one's destiny.

These are some of the broadest issues of social inequality, and essen­ tially reflect social, economic, political and psychological exclusions if from the possibilities for well-being in our society.

Other situations which involve man's own decisions and actions converge as a corporate form of suffering. Reich, for example, defines suffering in terms of what is present and absent in the structure of our society or the corporate state, e.g., uncontrolled technology and de­ struction of the environment; life activities such as work which are false to our genuine needs; loneliness, alienation and absence of 5 community; and loss of self.

Winter has referred to this form of suffering as a "crisis of soul." "Soul" is the way in which man is related to his world. Accord­ ing to Winter:

•Soul' refers, then, to the wholeness or integrity of man, his embodied feelings and sensibility, his struggle for an authentic existence and in general to the quality of his subjectivity. When we speak of a 'struggle for soul' or a 'crisis of soul,' we are speaking of a man's struggle for

4 Leonard Schneiderman, "Alcoholism: Crime, Illness or Social Problem" (paper presented at the Institute on Alcoholism and its Treat­ ment, Columbus, Ohio, Nov. 20, 1968), p. 9; S. M. Miller and Frank Riessman, Social Class and Social Policy (New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1968), pp. 3-24; S. M. Miller and Pamela A. Roby, The Future of In­ equality (New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1970); Charles V, dlock and Rodney Stark, Religion and Society in Tension (Chicago: Rand McNally & Company, 1965), pp. 246-^50. C Charles Reich, The Greening of America, Bantam Books (New York: Bantam Books, Inc., 1970), pp. 4-8. 5

a style of life appropriate to him as man.^

The basic forms of suffering identified can be summarized as:

(1) Suffering not inherent in one's being and that cannot be traced to human decision or to relationships with others. (2) Suffering that is inherent in one's being but does not involve human deoision. (3) suf­ fering that derives from man's vulnerabilities to physical and emotional harm, involving relationships with others but not human decision. (U)

Suffering of social inequalities, involving relationships with others and human decision. ($) suffering in a "crisis of soul," involving human decision and relationships with others.

All of the Issues of social inequalities and the corporate form of suffering identified as "crisis of soul" are major domestic problems in our nation. If they involve man's own decisions and actions, it would seem that through alternative decisions and actions they could be changed. There is ever-increasing capacity for change in social forms of suffering in our nation. However, as indicated in the assess­ ment of our social well-being in a report issued by HEW in 1969, none 7 of these problems are solved. What is it that prevents their solution?

Problems of suffering are part of the world of everyday reality.

However, as explained by Bell ah: "The world of everyday reality is a socially and personally constructed world." He has pointed out that the

^Gibson Winter, Being Free: Reflections on America's Cultural Revolution (Hew Tork: The Macmillan Company, 1970), p. Bl*." 7 U.S., Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Toward a Social Report (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 196$). idea of Multiple realities was developed by the Austrian-American social philosopher Alfred Schutz. Basic to this view Is the notion that:

. . . reality is never simply given, it is constructed. The apprehension of reality is always an active process involving subject and object. Multiple realities arise because of the variety of nodes of consciousness and schemas of interpretation that link the two.®

Bell ah has explained that reality ”... is seen to reside not just in the object but in the subject, and particularly in the relation 9 between subject and object.” As noted earlier, this idea is basic to how people perceive the suffering of others. In this regard, Bell ah has quoted the philosopher of science Michael Polanyi: ” ... into every act of knowing there enters a passionate contribution of the person knowing .... This coefficient is no mere imperfection but a vital component of his knowledge.

"Since for human beings,11 stated Bellah, "reality is never sinply

■out there,1 but always also involves an 'in here1 and some way in which the two are related, it is almost certain that anything 'out there1 will have many meanings. ” The Interior life not only refers to the individual

”... there is a collective interior that contains vast forces."^*

^Robert N. Bellah, Beyond Belief (New Tork: Harper & Row, Pub­ lishers, 1970), pp. 21*2, 21*1*. Quotation with permission of the publisher

^Ibld., p. 252.

^Michael Polanyi, Personal Knowledge (New Tork: Harper & Bow, Publishers, 1961*), p« xiv, quoted in Beliak, Beyond Belief, p. 252.

11Bellah, Beyond Belief, p. 253* 7

Bellah also explained that:

The canons of empirical science apply primarily to symbols that attempt to express the nature of objects, but there are non-objective symbols that express the feelings, values, and hopes of subjects, or that organize and regulate the flow of interaction between subjects and objects, or that attempt to sum up the whole subject-object complex or even point to the context or ground of that whole. These symbols, too, express reality and are not reducible to empirical pro­ positions

The reality of suffering, then, resides in the relation between the objective facts of suffering and the experiencer or observer of those facts— his feelings, hopes and values. Also, facts of suffering, alone, will never prescribe ends to seek in regard to the suffering. Knowing can be prescriptive only when combined with feelings, hopes and values.

No form of suffering becomes a moral issue except in terms of discrepancies between what exists— and what is felt about it, what is possible (hopes) and valuable. Problems of suffering are defined in the context of these discrepancies. The definitions prescribe ends to seek.

The ends will be multiple in accordance with multiple definitions.

The schemas of interpretation which link the "out there" and "in here" of reality involve conceptualizations of the meaning of life.

Questions of the meaning of life— questions of ultimate meaning--" . . . 13 arise inevitably out of the human situation."

12Ibid., p. 252.

13Florence Kluckhohn, "Dominant and Variant Value Orientations," in Personality in Nature, Society, and Culture, ed. by Clyde Kluckhohn, Henry A. Murray, and David A. Scnneider (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc.), pp. 342-57. 8

Ultimate meaning is located in a rationale for existence, in­ cluding the suffering of that existence, and a view of the world. A schema interpreting ultimate meaning would likely provide answers to m questions about man's origin, his purpose in the world, and his fate.

Values are closely related to the solution of questions of ultimate meaning. According to Smelser: "Values state in general terms the desirable end states which act as a guide to human endeavor.

Values and solutions to questions of ultimate meaning are major concerns of religion. "Religion," stated Gilkey, "is no passing phase of human experience because religion seeks to provide a framework of meaning for 16 a life that inevitably searches for meaning."

Bellah has described religion as always being "... concerned with the link between subject and object, with the whole that contains 17 them and forms their ground," Religion provides statements about the totality of hunan existence. All religious theologies, as noted by

Glock and Stark, are "... organized around some statements concerning

1*+ Glock and Stark, Religion and Society, pp. 4-5; Clyde Kluckhohn, "Values and Value-Orientations in the Theory of Action: An Exploration of Definition and Classification," in Toward a General Theory of Action, ed. by Talcott Parsons and Edward Shils, Harper Torchbooks (New York: Harper 6 Row Publishers, 1962), p. 411, cited in Glock and Stark, Religion and Society, p p . 8-9.

15 Neil J. Smelser, Theory of Collective Behavior (New York: The Free Press, 1963), p. 25, quoted in Glock and Stark, Religion and Society, p . 8.

Langdon Gilkey, Maker of Heaven and Earth, Anchor Books (Garden City, New York: Doubleday 6 Company, Inc., 19&9), p. 179.

^7Bellah, Beyond Belief, pp. 254-55. 9 ultimate Meaning, that is, each provides a set of principles by which nen l8 understand and perceive their experience in general•" These statements are based on assusptions of the existence of a sacred being, world, or force.

In regard to the problem of suffering, all men are commonly con­ cerned with why they suffer. What can be the meaning of an existence in which so nuch suffering is found? Berger has suggested that "... the human condition, fraught as it is with suffering and with the finality of death, demands interpretations that not only satisfy theoretically but 19 give inner sustenance in Meeting the crisis of suffering and death."

There is also the crucial question of why suffering is not equitably distributed among men. How, for exaiqple, are socially prevailing in­ equities explained?

Religious theologies take account of and respond to the coanon experience of suffering as well as to suffering which is inequitably distributed. Host give promise of redemption and explain what is to be done to attain it. They are an ordering of experience in which an

Individual's life can be located whether by one's self or by others. 20 They bestow sense on life, even its nost painful aspects.

A religious theology, then, is a vital schema of interpretation or ultimate perspective on human life. There are a range of religious

T. fi Clock and Stark, Religion and Society, pp. $-7, 10.

"^Feter Berger, A Rumor of Angels, Anchor Books (Garden City, New Tork: Doubleday & do^iany, Inc.7 1$70), p. 2J>.

Peter Berger, The Sacred Canopy, Anchor Books (Garden City, New Tork: Doubleday & Conpany, Inc. ,1^67), pp. 23, Wi, 5U. 10 theologies and, thereby, a range of schemas of interpretation in the world of religion with which to construct reality. There is also a range of the broader sense of theology which can be discerned from re­ ligious theology and which underlies all actions to cope with suffering.

In "broad theology," human existence is conceptualized and ex­ plained, but in secular rather than religious language. Whatever the language, explanations of the suffering of human existence prescribe what to do about it. Theology, therefore, in broad terms, is of vital importance to all attempts to solve problems of suffering, at the level of the individual person as well as at the level of society. In terms of society, how sufferers of poverty, for example, are perceived pre­ scribes what the nation should do about poverty.

Prescriptions for what the nation should do about some of the major forms of suffering are often recommended by various groups in

Congressional hearings related to a particular form of suffering. As indicated in the statement of the problem for research, description and classification of ends advocated to Congress by church groups in hearings related to poverty from 196U through 1971 was the focus of

concern in this research. The rationale for the research, including

its significance to social work, is presented in the following chapter.

The basic assumptions underlying the research and specific questions are

also presented. CHAPTER II

RATIONALE FCR THE RESEARCH, ASSUMPTIONS

AND DESCRIPTIVE QUESTIONS

Rationale

Problem of suffering are basic concerns of social welfare. As defined by schneiderman, social welfare is concerned ” ... with the creation and maintenance of a dynamic equilibrium between individual needs, problems and vulnerabilities on one hand and the level and ade­ quacy of institutional provision on the other.”1

Many persons intervene in the social welfare system, including social workers. Definition of and responses to social welfare concerns such as poverty can be analysed in a model reflecting the interaction of:

(1) problem definition, (2) policy, (3) programs, and (U) services.

Through articulation of their own interests, or the interests of others in the society, various groups such as churches, labor and busi­ ness influence national definitions or conceptualisations of problems

Leonard Schneiderman, "College Programming in the International Field— A Social Work Perspective," The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio, 1968. (Mimeographed.) 2 Leonard Schneiderman, "Social Welfare, Social Functioning and Social Work: An Effort at Integration,” The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio, 1969* (Mimeographed.)

11 12 and policy goals.^ What emerge as national policy goals reflect a mix­ ture of social welfare ideologies* Three major objectives of these

ideologies for the social welfare system are: (1) social maintenance,

(2) social control; and (3) social change. One of these objectives will usually be predominant over the others. Following the emergence of policy goals, designs of action or programs are then developed to

achieve then, and translated into services.

Most of social work intervention into the social welfare system

is in the translation of programs into direct services. Social work is

accountable not only for services, however, but for documenting the ade­

quacy and ix^jlicatlons of existing problem definitions, and the adequacy

of and functional relationships between articulated policy goals and h program design.

Targets of social work practice, therefore, Include a range of

the individual, family, group, organisation, community and society.

The target of concern in this research is the larger society and the

continuation of poverty within it. Poverty was selected as a foous for

this research because it is a major unsolved national problem and a

basic concern of social welfare.

At the societal level as at aqy of the other levels of interven­

tion, practice itself necessarily presumes a definitional system. Ota-

less the situation is defined, there would be no reasonable context for

^Charles £. Lindblom, The Policy-Hiking Process (Englewood Cliffs, Hew Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 106b), p. 62.

^ Schneiderman, "Effort at Integration," pp. 12-lU. 13 determining purposes and outcomes for practice. Knowledge is required, for example, not only of what definition of poverty and policy goals are predominant at the national level— but the definitions and/or ends advocated by groups which attempt to influence national definitions of problems and policy goals. The concern of this research was the ends in regard to poverty which have been advocated by church groups in

Congressional hearings.

What church groups have advocated for national policy on poverty was selected for research because of assumptions of the crucial role of the church in moral leadership. Some critics of the church have claimed that whenever the values of peace, brotherhood, human dignity, compassion and equality are violated, the first protest should come from a vigorous and morally concerned church.-* Younger has stated that: "The crucial task of the church is to raise questions of values.The church can, for example, make changeable conditions of suffering, such as poverty, questions of morality and, thereby, chal­

lenge men to change the conditions as a matter of justice.

Is the church a voice for social justice in a consistent way for

the sufferers of poverty? Since 1964, when the national war on poverty began, is a consistent, corporate message advocating social justice in

^Charles Y. Glock, Benjamine Ringer, and Earl R. Babbie, To Comfort and to Challenge (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967), p. 3.

^George D. Younger, The Church and Urban Renewal (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott Company, 1965), p. 157. 14 regard to poverty being articulated in related Congressional hearings?

Or are there contradictory messages, perhaps cancelling out the effec­ tiveness of the corporate church in advocacy for social justice? In other terms, are there multiple ends advocated, or does there appear to be a strong common goal of social justice advocated by the church in regard to sufferers of poverty?

The assumptions taken as given for this research are summarized below. They were derived from the theoretical framework presented in

Chapter I.

1. All men commonly experience suffering and are concerned with its meaning. There is also the crucial question of why suffering is not equitably distributed. How are these inequalities explained?

2. Some situations are identifiable as major forms of suffering because they seem to be experienced as suffering by nearly everyone.

Several of these major forms, including the one of concern in this re­ search, social inequalities, are major domestic problems of the nation.

They seem accessible to change because they involve man's own decisions and actions. Also, there is ever-increasing capacity for change in terns of resources, e.g., knowledge, technology. These major problems of social suffering, however, are not solved.

3. Problems of suffering are part of the world of everyday reality which is socially and personally constructed. The reality of suffering resides in the relation between the objective facts of suf­ fering and the experiencer or observer of those facts--his feelings, 15 hopes and values. Problems of suffering are defined in the context of the discrepancies between what exists— and what is felt about it, what is possible (hopes, resources) and valuable.

4. Whether at the level of the individual person or society, all problem-solving efforts begin with definition of the problem. The defi­ nitions prescribe what ends to seek. Conceptualizations of definitions of social suffering which prevail at the national level are the basis

from which national policy goals emerge.

5. Schemas of interpretation of the totality of human existence

link the facts of suffering (what exists)— and feelings, hopes and values.

They involve conceptualizations of the meaning of life— or questions of

ultimate meaning. Ultimate meaning is located in a rationale for exis­

tence (including the suffering of that existence) and a view of the world. Values are closely related to the solution of questions of

ultimate meaning.

6. Values and solutions to questions of ultimate meaning are major concerns of religion. Religious theologies are widely held to

provide ultimate meaning for human existence. They are statements

about the totality of human existence. Thus, they take account of the

common experience of suffering as well as of socially prevailing in­

equalities. Most advocate responses to the suffering.

7. There is also the broader sense of theology which can be

discerned from religious theology and which underlies actions to cope with all forms of suffering. Theology, therefore, is of vital importance

to all attempts to solve problems of suffering. 16

8* Because there are a variety of theological schemas of Inter­ pretation or definition of suffering, the prescribed ends to seek in regard to suffering are as equally varied. If Institutions, such as the church, which attempt to influence national policy on problems of suffer* ing ck> not have substantial c n w n a agreement on ends to seek, the incon­ sistencies and contradictions nay cancel out the corporate effectiveness of the institution.

Specific questions researched

In view of the theoretical framework explicated, the questions for this research to answer were as follows:

Major question

Has there been consistent, corporate advocacy of social Justice fay the church in Congressional hearings related to poverty from 1961* through 1971?

Preliminary questions

(1) ttoat major perceptions of sufferers appear in conteagiorary religious theologies evident in this country and what ends are linked with then? (2) What broad theologies (perceptions of sufferers and ends) can be discerned from religious theologies? (3) What Congres­ sional hearings have been held from 1961* through 1971 in which the major focus was related to poverty? (1*) At which of these hearings have church groups submitted statements which advocate identifiable ends for sufferers of poverty? (5) What were the ends advocated? 17

Answers to the preliminary questions provided the framework from which the iwjor question was answered. The aethods used to answer the questions are presented in the following chapter. CHAPTER III

METHODQLOQT

Research design

The research daaign is a condbination of sons aspects of explora­ tory and descriptive designs. In accordance with the preliminary ques­ tions presented in Chapter II, the research had two major parts, the first exploratory and the second descriptive*

The purposes of the first part of the research were: (1) To identify and describe a range of perceptions of sufferers and ends linked with them in contemporary religious theologies evident in this country. (2) To develop a classificatory framework of broad theologies— discerned from the religious theologies*

The purposes of the second part of the research were: (l) To identify what Congressional hearings have been held from 196U through

1971 in which the major focus was related to poverty. (2) To identify which hearings had statements submitted by church groups which advocated identifiable ends for sufferers of poverty. (3) To classify the ends advocated by church groups* Comparisons were also made of the ends ad­ vocated over time, from 196i* through 1971; in response to different focuses of Congressional hearings; by different church groups; and by different larger church bodies.

18 19

Sources and types of data to be collected

The type of data collected in the first part of the research was qualitative. The sources of data were published literature or library materials.

A range of religious theologies was searched for in library ma­ terials published from 1960 to 1971. This time period was selected be­ cause of the popularization and increased publication of theological work and controversy characteristic of the period.^" According to Bellah, religion began again to move "... into the center of our cultural 2 preoccupations."

Within the time bounds noted, data was drawn from an arbitrary selection of materials found to be useful in revealing theological views.

The objective was to generate a group of theologies which would provide a range of optional theologies of suffering. Selection was not for rep­ resentativeness of all contemporary theologies which exist but for the development of broad categories of major views of suffering. Theologies were not explored in depth but to the point only of collection of enough data for sufficient description of particular views of suffering. There was no attempt to interpret, critique or otherwise analyze the material.

An attempt was made to identify at least one real-world group manifesting a particular theology, but there was no analysis in terms, for example, of social class, age, geography or race.

^Lonnie D. Kliever and John H. Hayes, Radical Christianity (Anderson, South Carolina: Droke House, Publishers, I960), pp. 17-18.

2 Bellah, Beyond Belief, p. 2M-6. 20

The type of data collected in the second part of the research was both qualitative and quantitative. The unit of analysis was the state­ ments submitted by church groups to Congressional hearings related to poverty from 1964 through 1971. These hearings had to focus on an as­ pect of poverty as a national problem such as income, hunger, housing, health care, education, occupational training, employment, and political participation. Hearings on sectional legislation or limited areas of the country such as Washington D.C. and Appalachia were excluded. Appro­ priations hearings were excluded. Also, even though the problems are often inseparable, hearings with a central focus on civil rights and desegregation were excluded.

Statements by church groups had to be substantial enough in con­ tent for a judgement to be made of the predominant end advocated. Some statements were thought to be too ambiguous for analysis such as those which accepted or rejected r*the legislation." Other reasons for ex­ cluding statements from analysis included: (1) The focus of the state­ ment was on something other than advocating ends for sufferers of poverty, e.g., administrative aspects of a program. (2) Churchmen appeared on behalf of something other than a church group, e.g., a state commission on housing. (3) Churchmen advocated something for their own specific church group, e.g., request for exemption from medi­ cal treatment for Christian Scientists.

The universe of analyzable statements did not seem to be un­ manageable in volume. Consequently, it was decided to analyze the entire universe rather than to sample it. 21

Data collection Instruments

In the first part of the research, some concepts taken from several frameworks of ideas were used to guide the exploration of lit­ erature on religious theologies. They are identified below.

As already emphasized, definition or explanation of problems is the basis for action or doing anything to change the problems. Stated in another way, explanations imply valued ends or what is to be sought.

A theological position on "the sufferer," then, combines a perception of the sufferer (explanation of why he suffers) with a prescription for what is sought in regard to the suffering. Differences in answers to these essential questions, then, would seem to distinguish alternate theological positions. These two dimensions are examined more closely below.

With regard to how the sufferer is perceived, there would seem to be two basic elements: (1) where the source of his suffering is located and (2) how he is defined or labeled.

Some suggestions of differences in perceptions of sufferers ap­ peared in the work of Rein. He identified four definitions of recipients of social services: (1) customer, (2) client (or patient), (3) victim and (H) deviant. He explained that "... individuals with similar problems encounter different fates not so much in accordance with their own problems as with the service dispenserTs definition of them as cus­ tomer, clients, victims or deviants." Different definitions imply dif­ ferent kinds of treatment. Are welfare recipients, for example, "... seen as victims in need of social justice, deviants in need of punishment 22 3 or clients in need of rehabilitation,"

Sufferers defined as clients or patients are viewed as suffering from some personal malfunctioning and in need, therefore, of assistance in self-actualization— to be offered. Self-actualization is defined in terms of rehabilitation or, for example, providing a client support or insight in counseling services so as to reverse his malfunctioning.

Problems of victims are viewed as largely environmental. They are in need of social justice, therefore, to be provided as a right.

Problems of deviants are also seen in terms of personal mal­ functioning but with the additional element of having broken moral and legal codes of behavior. The deviant is in need, therefore, of rehabi­ litation as well as control. What is wanted is for him to adopt more 5 conforming behavior. As explained by Rein, conformity can be imposed 6 by kindness or pressure. It can be kindly encouraged, or coerced.

Any services sold are viewed as being for customers. Services 7 purchased may be preventive or remedial.

For the purposes of this research, it appeared that the defini­ tions or labels of deviant and victim were pertinent. A modified form

3 Martin Rein, "The Social Service Crisis," in Social Policy: Issues of Choice and Change, ed. by Martin Rein (New York: Random House, Inc., 1970), pp. ^5-53.

4Ibid., pp. 50, 52-54 . 5Ibid. , pp. 50-53.

£ Martin Rein, "Poverty, Policy and Purpose: The Dilemmas of Choice," in Social Policy, ed. by Rein, p. 2 m .

^Rein, "Social Service Crisis," pp. 50-53. 23 of the client-patient label, distinguishing it more clearly from the deviant label, also seemed useful.

As indicated in the preceding discussion, location of the source of suffering, whether malfunctioning within the person or within the so­ cial structure, is linked with particular labels. The identified source and consequent label are also linked with prescriptions of what to do about the suffering.

Basically, there appear to be two broad categories of prescrip­ tions: (1) change individuals and (2) change social conditions. In

Max Weber's study of religion, he also suggested two radical responses to suffering— redemption within one's self and redemption through change g of social conditions.

The first category of prescriptions can be broken down into two subcategories in accordance with whether or not the sufferer is defined as client or deviant. If client, the prescription is for self-actualiza­ tion. As noted before, however, self-actualization was defined as im­ plying the need for rehabilitation. The same need is seen for deviants— to be coerced. It appeared that client-patient and deviant are often

interchangeable labels given to the same person depending on whether or not his personal malfunctioning is viewed in moral terms. Stated in another way, personal malfunctioning could be seen as deliberate or not.

g Max Weber, The Sociology of Religion, trans. by Ephraim Fischoff (Boston: Beacon Press, 1963). 2k

For guidelines in this research* it was decided that a label other

than client-patient would offer wore distinction from the label of do- riant--when the source of suffering is located within the person* A prescription of self-actualization— without the notion of rehabilita­

tion— would seen to imply learning one's potential for acceptable be­

havior prior to violating moral or legal standards. If standards have

been violated* the unacceptable behavior is not thought of as being de­

liberate. The sufferer* therefore* could be defined as a learner in need

of self-actualisation as just defined— or "normal growth." Another term

would be socialization.

Based largely on Rein's material* then* three categories Unking

definitions of sufferers with prescribed ends were identified as useful

for this research. The prescriptions of socialization, rehabilitation-

control* and social justice appeared to have close links* also* with

ends of the three major social welfare Ideologies: social maintenance*

social control and social justice.

For example* in terms of social welfare ideology* the goal for the

learner is social maintenance or, as described by Schneiderman* the " . . . preservation and perpetuation of existing societal norms and arrange- o meats." Bredeoteier and Stephenson have defined this goal as follows:

In order for human social existence to take place* peo­ ple must learn to cognize the statuses in which they act and be motivated to conform to them. By means of so­ cialization* they learn to define conformity as intrin­ sically or instrurnmtally gratifying* as necessary for

o Leonard Schneiderman* "Effort at Integration," pp. 2-3. 25 the favorable response of others, or as a Means of self- approval.

In another way, the saae authors described socialisation as " . . . ar­

ranging things so that people define fun, Morality, utility, and going-

along-with-the crowd only in prescribed ways . . . . "1 0 Wheeler used

the tern developmental socialization for this goal."^

Again, in the category in which the sufferer is defined as de­

viant, the prescription is for rehabilitation-control. The synonymous

goal in terns of social welfare ideology is social control or, as de­

fined by Schneiderman, "... to bring behavior which is out of con­

formity with, and seen as threatening to, existing societal norms, under 12 effective control.” As explained by Wheeler, in contrast to develop­

mental socialization, the goal is resocialization or to nake up for or

correct sone deficiency in earlier socialization. The person to be re­

socialized is the deviant rather than a conventional person for whom 13 socialization is encouraged.

In the third category, the prescription for the victim of unjust

social conditions is to change the conditions. Likewise, the goal of

social change in terms of social welfare ideology is change in social

Harry C. Bredemeier and Richard M. Stephenson, pie Analysis of Social Systems (Hew York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 19t>2), pp. 80, ol.

^Stanton Wheeler, "The Structure of Formally Organized Socialisa­ tion Settings,” in Socialization After Childhood, by Orville O. Brin, Jr. and Stanton Wheeler (New Tork: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1966), p. 68.

12 Schneiderman, "Effort at Integration," pp. 2-3*

^Wheeler, "Socialization Settings,” p. 68. arrangements— in some valued direction such, as redistribution of re­ sources, opportunities and power.^ The change is for the purpose of social justice. This jjqplies that the quality of the lives of people is the end, regardless of whether they are productive or in other ways 1? "useful."

The prescription for social change can be divided, somewhat, in accordance with the scope of the proposed change: social reform or so­ cial revolution. Whitaker distinguished social reform as institutional renewal from social revolution as institutional replacement. In the former, "... the basic nature of the present society is preserved and improved upon." Present institutions are modified "... in terms of a vision of a more desirable state of affairs that does not, how­ ever, differ radically from what is to be changed." The arrangements of social power are challenged but not the legitimacy of societal authority.

Whitaker noted that: "Institutional replacement is the objective of radical or revolutionary politics." He stated further that:

Action is directed toward basic institutional changes and is shaped in terms of a vision of a radically different world. The fundamental values according to which society is organized as well as societal structure and functioning are challenged.

"^Schneiderman, "Effort at Integration," pp. 2-3.

^Schneiderman, "Can a War on Poverty be Wbn?," p. U, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio, 1969. (Mimeographed.)

"^William H. Whitaker, "The Determinants of Social Movement Success: A Study of the National Welfare Rights Organization" (un­ published Ph.D. dissertation, Brandeis University, 1970), p. 59* 27

The existing arrangements of social power as well as the legitimacy of 17 societal authority are challenged.

Institutional renewal and institutional replacement represent two polar positions on a continuum of social change objectives. In the real world, however, Whitaker pointed out that there are "... many grada­ tions between these ideal types that are not neatly categoriaable as one 1 fl or the other." Both seek social change but of varying degrees. King

agreed that the dichotoiqy "... should not obscure the reality of a 19 continuum between the two ideal types."

In sum, the following categories of prescriptions for change in

suffering— linked with perceptions of sufferers— have been suggested:

Source of suffer­ Definition of Prescribed Functionality in ing sufferer social welfare ~

Within the person

no moral or legal codes broken with deliberate intent learner normal social maintenance growth, deliberate socialisa­ violation tion of moral or legal codes deviant rehabilita- social control tion-control Injustice in social condi­ tions victim social social change reform, social revolution

17Ibid. l6Ibid., p. 60.

19C. Wendell King, social Movements in the United states (New York: Random House, Inc., p- §tJ* 28

These categories were used as an initial guide in exploring religious theologies, with the view of their being open to modification in re­ sponse to the theological material.

In the second part of the research, Congressional hearings related to poverty (meeting the criteria previously discussed) and held from 1964 through 1971 were identified by surveying descriptions of all hearings published in the Monthly Catalogue of United States Government Publica­ tions , dated January, 1964 through January, 1972. Hearings which had titles suggesting a focus on some aspect of poverty as a national prob­ lem were noted. Then, the summary content of bills under consideration and the introductory remarks of each of these hearings were read in order to confirm or disconfirm that the focus was related to poverty.

In hearings identified as having a central focus related to poverty, the table of contents was surveyed in order to note whether or not church groups had submitted statements, These statements were then read in order to determine whether or not they were substantial enough in con­ tent for analysis. Those statements which met the criteria for analysis were then analyzed with the instrument described below.

Content analysis was used to classify the predominant ends advo­ cated by church groups in the hearings. For this analysis, theme cate­ gories of ends were derived from the exploration of religious theologies done in the first part of the research. The full results of this explora­ tion are presented in Chapter IV. The categories used for coding the ends are as follows: (1) socialization, (2) rehabilitation-control,

(3) rehabilitation-social refono, (4) social justice-social reform, and

(5) social justice-social revolution. 29

Only five of the six categories of ends Identified in Chapter 17 were used for coding categories* The category left out was; rehabili- tation-control/symbolic social revolution. The symbolic revolution takes the form of physical withdrawal from "worldly" social activity.

Also, poverty is re-defined as valuable and to be sought. Since in­ volvement in political activity would be viewed as "worldly," it seemed very unlikely that church groups representing this theology would sub- 20 mit statements to Congressional hearings.

As suggested by Holati, each statement was given a summary score representing the category which most closely characterised its major 21 theme. The numbers of the coding categories listed above were the scores. A single qualitative judgement was made about the entire document without tabulating the frequency with which any content attribute appeared. The content unit, therefore,was the whole state­ ment.

Indicators of a dominant theme were looked for. What were the church groups after? What ends did they favor? Indicators could directly state or imply the dominant theme. The indicators, derived

20 As anticipated, in the analysis of the statements none could be classified in this category.

21 Ole Holsti, Content Analysis for the Social Sciences and Humanities (Reading, Massachusetts: Addison-Wesley Publishing Com­ pany, IncT, 1969), p. 7. 30 22 from a combination of sources, are presented below.

Socialisation

1. Poverty is associated mainly with Ignorance*

2. The sufferer of poverty has the potential to learn the accep­ table standards of morals and behavior of our society which prevent suffering such as poverty. He is responsible for learning what to do and acting on that knowledge*

3* The predominant functionality in social welfare is social maintenance. Activities include: To increase accessibility to existing resources and opportunities through education, information, guidance and advice. To compensate, on a residual basis, for deficiencies in existing social arrange­ ments, including compensatory fiscal policy to maintain the economy (e.g., to increase purchasing power of people)*

Rehabilitation-control

1. Poverty is associated mainly with the personal deviance of the person. He has violated legal or moral norms such as being economically dependent on public welfare funds rather than being self-reliant and self-supporting. It is deviant to get money without working for it. Those who are not economically productive are inferior*

22 Schneiderman, "Effort at Integration,'1 pp. 2-3; Schneiderman, "War on Poverty," Schneiderman, "Project Head start: Aprons to Cover their Dirty Clothes,11 Mental Hygiene, 52 (January, 1968), pp. 3k-kl; Richard J. Neuhaus, "The Thorough Revolutionary," in Movement and Revolution, by Peter L. Berger and Richard J. Neuhaus, Anchor Books (Garden City, New Tork; Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1970), pp. 67-236; Henry Clark, The Christian Case Against Poverty (New Tork; Association Press, 1965); Sumati N. Dubey, "Comnunity Action Programs and Citizen Participation; Issues and Confusions," Social Work, 15 (January, 1970), pp. 76-81*; Martin Rein, Social Policy; 5* M. Miller and Rein, "The War on Poverty: Perspectives and Prospects," in Poverty as a Public Issue, ed. by Ben B. Seligman (New Tork: Free Press, 1965), pp. 272-3*10; Miller and Roby, The Future of Inequality; Miller and Riessnan, Social Policy, pp. 52-56, 202; Miller, "Poverty Research in the Seventies," Journal of Social Issues 26 (Spring, 1970), p. 172. 31

2 • Various other social problems of deviance are viewed as associated with dependency, such as crime and delinquency* There is concern with reducing these problens as well as their "breeding grounds" such as slum housing.

3* The sufferer Must acknowledge his deviance and have the desire and Motivation to change it. He must be willing to be rehabilitated fron the sin of dependency* His attitudes such as resistance toward work Must change. The source for change is the person himself. His per* sonal deviance must be changed; he Must be rehabilitated and conform to acceptable standards.

i*. It nay be necessary to make up for or correct deficiencies in earlier socialisation which have resulted in violation of noral or legal norms. The deficiencies have left the sufferer unprepared to use available opportunities. It is necessary, therefore, that he prepare himself for exist­ ing opportunities or for changes in opportunities such as jobs. He needs adequate work skills, for example, and proper work attitudes.

$. The predominant functionality in social welfare is social control. Activities include: To intensify re-socialisa­ tion, accessibility and condensation in order to promote self-control.

Rehabilitation-social reform

1. Poverty is associated both with the deviance of the person and reformable, unjust social conditions.

2. Change must begin with the person but will lead to change in social conditions.

3* The predominant functionality in social welfare is social change with the scope of social reform. (Indicators of social reform are listed as numbers 2 and 3 below.)

Social justice-social reform

1. Poverty is associated mainly with reformable, unjust social conditions. The sufferer is a victim of these conditions. Inequality in income, for example, arises from the basic structure of society, not from deficiencies of the person.

2. Unjust social conditions should be changed— because they are unjust. People are valued as ends in themselves, with rights to fulfillment of basic needs for food, clothing, housing and medical care. They have rights to fulfill their potentials without reference to established stand­ ards such as being productive taxpayers. These standards 32

themselves are challenged. Redistribution of opportunities, for example, is for the purpose of equity. The primary pur­ pose is not self-sufficiency. Opportunities are redistri­ buted because it is right that all people have equal access to them. Opportunity and self-sufficiency may be related, but they are different goals.

3. The predominant functionality in social welfare is social change with the scope of social reform. Activities in­ clude: To redistribute resources, access to opportunities, and fuller and more equitable participation in decision­ making or power.

Social justice-social revolution

1, Poverty is associated mainly with unreformable, unjust social conditions.

2, Social conditions are to be replaced. There are visions of a radically different society instead of an improved one. The values of the existing society are challenged.

3, Further indicators of the scope of revolutionary social change are: To replace existing arrangements of social power. To totally transform the society’s structure of economic control, involving a fundamental redistribution of wealth. To fundamentally redistribute food, medical care and housing.

Definition of terms

Suffering

Suffering is pain or harm experienced by one or more persons.

Poverty

Poverty is defined as being a major manifestation of the form of suffering identified as social inequalities in Chapter I.

Religious theology 23 Theology in its formal, narrow sense is God talk. It is thought

23 Barry Wood, The Magnificent Frolic (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1970), p. 89. 24 or speech about God, Theology, according to Streiker, " . . . is the

attempt to see all things in relation to God and God in terms of all 25 things," Gilkey has stated that: "The method of religion is to see 26 all things in the light of its special knowledge of God; ..."

Religious theology, then, is the talk or statements explaining human experience in the context of the knowledge of God, In this re­

search, religious theologies were restricted to those which use Biblical scriptures as a basis for their views of suffering. The definition is

meant to be fairly exclusive. Strictly secular ideologies such as

Marxism and humanism were not considered forms of religion even though they may provide explanation for much human experience. Even though

statements by "theologians," theologies which appeared to be basically

secular were also excluded.

Broad theology

Broad theology is the explanation of and meaning given to human existence, discerned from religious theology, but with no explicit re­

ligious referent. As suggested by Keen, "... theological language 27 need not be limited to God-talk."

24 Langdon Gilkey, Heaven and Earth, p . 33.

7 5 Lowell D. Streiker, The Gospel of Irreligious Religion (New York: Sheed and Ward, Inc., 1969), p. xii . '

26 Gilkey, Heaven and Earth, p , 36.

27 Sam Keen, To a Dancing God (New York: Harper £ Row, Publishers, 1970), p. 103, Beach has suggested that a social theory, for example, has a theology in the sense that it provides answers to questions of r e d a c ­ tion. Though in secular terms, its prescription for a better life pro­ claims a "saving faith." It has " . . . an illicit or explicit faith system about man in the total nature of things, .... a diagnosis of the dysfunctional ailments of contemporary culture . . . , and a gospel of salvation in its faith that there is a better order than this present 28 one . . . ."

Reuther has suggested that:

. . . secular ideologies * . . construct patterns of social redemption that fall into patterns parallel to those of the theological tradition. Of ten the social ideology will even revert unwittingly to the theological terminology without realising it or being fully aware of the tradition from which this language comes.^9

Beach explained that social theory has a theology not in the sense of

God-talk but In the looser sense that assumptions that stand as the ground for the prescriptions are "... assumptions about the nature 30 of man, history, and the character of the universe, . . ."

Bellah has stated that it is impossible to assume that social science and theology are absolutely separated. They are parts of the same intellectual universe. He explained that:

o Q Waldo Beach, Christian Community and American Society (Phila­ delphia: Westminster Press, 19&9), pp. Vi-lV

^Rosemary Radford Reuther, The Radical Kingdom (New Tork: Harper & Row, Publishers 1970), p. 1*.

^Beach, Christian Community, p. 75. 35 Every theology implies a sociology (and a psychology, and so on) and every sociology implies a theology. Or at least any definite theological position limits the variety of ^ sociological positions compatible with it and vice versa.

Prescription

A prescription is the direction for actions indicated in defini­ tions. All actions presume definition. Definitions are prescriptive or prescribe what actions to take or ends to seek.

Congressional hearings

Congressional hearings are the public hearings held by the United

States House and Senate.

Churchmen

Churchmen are lay or professional persons who represent a body or organization which has a religious focus, e.g., National Conference of

Catholic Charities, Southern Christian Leadership Conference.

Church groups

Church groups are individual groups, professional or lay, which have a religious focus. They are viewed as being broadly diverse, in­ cluding not only formal churches but other groups such as youth organi­ zations (e.g., YWCA), religious presses, and welfare agencies (e.g.,

Federation of Protestant Welfare Agencies).

Church

The church is the corporate institution of professional and lay church groups.

^Bellah, Beyond Belief, pp. 206-07. 36

Procedures of analysis

To coup are the ends advocated over time, from 1961* through 1971, frequencies of the ends classified in the various categories were tabu­ lated for each year. Percentages were also counted for this purpose*

To compare the ends advocated by different church groups and dif­ ferent church bodies, frequencies were tabulated and percentages com­ puted of the ends classified in various categories for the time period of 1 9 6 I1 through 1971 as a whole.

To compare the ends advocated in response to different focuses of

Congressional hearings, frequencies were tabulated and percentages com­ puted of the ends classified in various categories in single or groups of hearings with a particular focus.

In the following two chapters, findings for both parts of the research are presented. In the chapter to imnediately follow, descrip­ tions are presented of the theological positions identified in the ex­ ploration of literature on religious theologies. The framework of broad theologies of suffering, part of which was used for content analysis of the statements of church groups, is also presented. CHAPTER IT

PRESENTATION OF FINDINGS— PART 1

Introduction

Aa indicated in Chapter III, the objectives of the first part of this research were: (1) To identify and describe a range of perceptions of sufferers and ends linked with them in contemporary religious theo­ logies evident in this country. (2) To develop a claasificatory frame­ work of broad theologies of sufferers discerned from the religious theologies. The findings related to these objectives are presented in this chapter.

In the exploration of religious theologies, six major theological positions were identified which appeared to have: (1) distinguishable perceptions of sufferers and (2) prescribed ends linked with the per­ ceptions* The essential themes in regard to these two dimensions are described below for each theological position. The descriptions include some direct quotes from the theological sources which seemed to best suggest the themes identified. In accordance with the second objective cited above, the translations of the theological positions into broad theology or more secular terms are presented following the descriptions of each position and in the form of a framework of categories at the end of this chapter.

37 38

The perceptions of sufferers and ends linked with them identified in the theological sources were similar to the guidelines used for the exploration. Positions were identified in which the target for change— individuals or social conditions--was linked, respectively, with per­ ceptions of sufferers in terms of unrealized potential for growth or personal malfunctioning or, on the other hand, in terms of victims of unjust social conditions. From the exploration of religious theologies, however, several other distinguishable positions were identified. Also, an additional emphasis appearing in the religious theologies was the time when suffering would be redeemed or the time between present suffering and change in the suffering. In one source on religious theology, it was suggested that terms which can be used to describe this time dimen­ sion are: discontinuous, overlapping, or simultaneous.1 Descriptions of the six theological positions identified and the classificatory framework of broad theologies of sufferers are presented in the re­ mainder of this chapter.

Perceptions of sufferers and pre­ scribed ends in religious theologies

Theology of unrealized potential for normal growth

Perception of the sufferer.— The stifferer defined as learner in the guidelines used appeared synonymously defined as learner in religious theology. A person defined as learner suffers because his inner poten­ tial for "normal11 growth or socialization is unrealized.

1Kliever and Hayes, Radical Christianity, p. 153. A major contemporary religious writer who perceives sufferers as learners who have not fully actualized inner potentials for normal growth is Norman Vincent Peale. In a best selling 1961 book, The Tough

Minded Optimist, he emphasized that the sufferer has possibilities to live ''successfully*11 He has a God-given sense of creativity to be 2 developed.

"With God's help," claimed Peale, "you can handle any problem."

"... you have what it takes to deal with anything that may ever face you." America is the land of opportunity for "... the man who has within him the capacity for opportunity and every man has that if he only knows it." The sufferer has within him "... all the qualities, abilities, thoughts and impulses necessary to successful and satisfying life." After quoting Luke 17:21 (" . . . the kingdom of God is within you.1'), Peale explained;

. . . all the riches of God's kingdom; His power, peace, joy, health are in essence built into me as His child, who He Himself created. He put it all into me, and into you, for our use.3

In essenoe, then, the sufferer does not suffer primarily because of " . . . other people or by conditions or by situations, or even by society or government." He suffers, instead, because the creative ten­ dency put into every person is not yet fulfilled.*4

Prescribed end.— It will be recalled that the prescribed end linked with the perception of the sufferer as learner in the guideline

2 Norman Vincent Peale, pie Tough-Minded Optimist (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, Inc., l5bl), p. 16 j. Quotation with permission of the publisher. Uo material was normal growth or socialisation. This is essentially the same end linked with the theological perception of the sufferer just de­ scribed. According to Peale f for exanple, first you have to recognise the potential Cod-given strengths for growth within yourself. Then, in order to be happy and successful, you have to develop or actualize that strength.

Peale urged: "See the possibilities . . . , for they are always there." "TO live in this world you just have to be strong--or else."

You can be strong if you think you can. "... think right and the

Lord will, for a fact, provide." Thoughts of plenty help create plenty."^

Another contemporary religious writer whose perception of the sufferer as learner is implied in hi3 prescription for the problens of suffering is J. Sig Paulson. A leader of the Christian Unity movement,

Paulson has stressed that man has the power to know himself and through that knowledge to know God. In the forward to his book, The Power TO

Be, he stated: "I am convinced that we are entering the time long fore­ told when God, the spirit of Truth within, will be the teacher of every man." Han must surrender "... to his own potential as the offspring of the Almighty." The path to overcome suffering (which is mainly 7 ignorance and limitation) is individual self-realization.

There is no other savior for the sufferer than himself. He must

^Ibid., p. 26. ^Ibid., pp. 26 , 89.

^J. Sig Paulson, The Power To Be (Garden City, M.Y.: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1969), p . 9. 41 realize that he is power. He is the power to be constructive or destruc­ tive in thought, feeling and action. Paulson explained that: 11 . . . all anyone else can do is echo the revelation of Jesus: 'the Kingdom of God 0 is within you,' and urge you to seek, find and express it . . . ."

According to Paulson:

When worry, fear in action, occupies your mind, it is dif­ ficult to be healthy, happy, prosperous .... As your faith makes the light within real and substantial and act­ ive in you, daily miracles will flow into expression through you.9

. . . your human relations will sparkle with interest and vitality, your work or business will throb with new life, and your mental and emotional energy field will be stimu­ lated to new heights of performance. You will be living in the light .i°

Although life is a constant state of growth, redemption from some suffer­

ing is simultaneous with each step of actualizing one's potentials for normal growth.

As indicated in Chapter III, there will be no analysis of charac­ teristics of groups for which particular theologies may have appeal. It

can be briefly noted here, however, that social class may influence what

theology is appealing to a person. Yinger has suggested that Peale’s

theology, for example, is primarily appealing to groups which are urban

and middle to upper class

The "broad theology11 of unrealized potential for normal growth.—

As suggested in the guideline material, this theological position locates

the source of one's suffering within himself— unactualized potentials for

0 Q 10 Ibid., pp. 31-33. Ibid., p. 63. Ibid., p. 91,

11J. Milton Yinger, The Scientific Study of Religion (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1970), pp. 159-160. H2 normal growth. There is no suggestion of broken moral or legal codes.

The prescribed end is to learn one's potential for normal growth and realize it— or socialization. In other terms, the end is to conform to acceptable standards. Simultaneously, then, suffering will be changed.

This position seems to be ideologically functional in maintaining social arrangements. It is functional in "keeping the system going" through "normal" developmental socialization or "kindly" encouraging conformity with acceptable social norms and arrangements. Social ar­ rangements are not criticized. They are protected and perpetuated.

In summary, characteristics of the "broad theology" of unrealized potential for normal growth are:

Source of suffering ...... Unactualized potentials within the person for normal growth

Definition of s u f f e r e r ...... Learner

Prescribed end * ...... Normal growth or socialization

Actions to achieve the end .... Learn, actualize potentials for normal growth

Relation between present suf­ fering and change ...... Simultaneous

Predominant functionality in social welfare ...... Social maintenance

Theology of deviance

Perception of the sufferer.— A person suffers because he deviates from acceptable standards of behavior. In the guideline material, de­ viance was called personal malfunctioning. In theological terms, it is sin. U3

Billy Graham, a well known Christian evangelist, has explained that it is personal sin which causes suffering. Sin is the trans­ gression of God's law or rebellion against norms acceptable to God. A choice is made to rebell against God instead of serving Him. This re­ bellion is self-willed. The source is in the individual's heart and ... 12 will.

Christ faced temptations to sin but over came them. It is pos- 13 sible, therefore, for the sufferer to have resisted sin. Consequently, the sufferer is perceived as deviating from God’s standards because of his heart and will. The sufferer, therefore, is defined as deviant— as is the violator of moral or legal codes in the guideline material.

Prescribed end.— According to Graham, God has provided the way for m a n 's salvation from sin through reconciliation with Him. By a free act of his own will, he must choose to serve God, to accept and abide by

His standards. "It is up to you," stated Graham. "You must will to be saved."1**

Changes necessary to be saved are repentance and conversion.

Graham explained that: "Repentance carries with it a recognition of sin involving personal guilt and defilement before God." It is recog­ nition of one's self as a sinner. It also means a change of feeling, a genuine sorrow for the sin coimnitted.

Billy Graham, World Aflame (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday 6 Company, 1965), pp. 70-7^ Copyright (c) 1965 by Billy Graham. Quo­ tation with permission of the publisher.

^ Ibid., p. 68, citing Matt. 1-11.

il+Ibid., pp. 193, 156. uu

Repentance also tallies a change of purpose or a turning from sin through will. Conversion means turning. According to Graham, conversion means radical and permanent change. The sinner-sufferer can become a completely new person. There is a spiritual rebirth "... of soul, and mind, and character.11 This means new standards, new motivation, new di­ rection and new growth. This radical personal change is of absolute necessity for reconciliation with God. Reconciliation, however, is not easy* IS

Graham quoted Heb. 9: 22: "Without the shedding of blood there is no forgiveness of sin.Salvation from sin comes through suffer­ ing. When Christ, though innocent of sin himself, bore the sin of others, he had to suffer through his death. This suffering was neces­ sary for the sufferer to be saved from the eternal consequences of his sin. Redenption from his present suffering, however, will not occur 17 simultaneously with salvation*

As stated by Paul, continual suffering is a way of helping to complete "... the full tale of Christ's afflictions still to be en- l8 dured . . . .n Paul explained:

Hy brothers, whenever you have to face trials of many kinds, count yourselves supremely happy, in the knowledge that such testing of your faith breeds fortitude, and if you give fortitude full play you will go on to complete a balanced character that will fall short in nothing .... Happy the man who remains steadfast under trial, for having

lgIbid., pp. 11*0-1*1, 150, 168-171.

l6Ibid., p. 78, quoting Heb. 9: 22 (R.S.V.). 17Ihid., p. 78. i O John Bowker, Problems of Suffering in Religions of the World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), p. 7b, quoting Col. 1: 21*. us passed that test he will receive for his prize the gift of life promised to those who loved God.

Several groups which manifest the theological position being de­ scribed here are Caiqpus Crusade for Christ and the Christian "street people" movement. In a publication representing the street people move­ ment , called The street People,, it was stated:

This is what our lower nature does: 'It showsitself in immoral, filthy, and indecent actions; . . . . 1

So 'let the spirit direct your lives, and do not satisfy the desires of your lower nature* For what our human na­ ture wants is opposed to what the Spirit wants, . . . the two are Enemies, and this means that you cannot do what you want to do.'

These are the fruits which the Spirit produces in our lives: 'The spirit produces love, joy, peace, patience, kindness, goodness, faithfulness, humility, and self-con­ trol. There is no law against things like these. ' 2 0

In a panphlet distributed by Canpus Crusade for Christ called

"Have You Made the Wonderful Discovery of the Spirit-Filled Life?" the essential elements of the "Spirit-filled, Christ-controlled life" are 21 stated as faith and obedience to Cod's Word. In the material of both groups cited, the prescription for the deviant sufferer is obedience to

God's laws and standards, and self-control.

As indicated earlier, the present time of suffering and change in the suffering are not simultaneous. Instead, they are discontinuous

^ Ibid., p. 79, quoting Jas. 1: 2-U, 12.

20 "Manual for Life," in The Street People (Talley Forge, Fa.: Judson Press, 1971), p. 33, quoting Gal. 5*

^ 11 Have You Made the Wonderful Discovery of the Spirit-Filled Life?" Campus Crusade for Christ pamphlet (San Bernadino, Calif.: Campus Cru­ sade for Christ, 1966)* 46 periods. History is viewed as lineal, traced from man's creation and

fall to final redemption. Redemption from all suffering will not come about until the life to come. Salvation and redemption are separated by a revolutionary period. However, in order to be assured of redemption

after the revolution, the sufferer has to be saved from sin now.

The revolutionary epoch will bring the ultimate and total solution to suffering. This is the world to come— the Kingdom of God. It will be brought about only through God's intervention— Christ's coming. Prepara- 22 tion is urged.

As suggested in the statements of Paul quoted earlier, suffering which remains even after the sufferer repents and converts may have

some divine purpose. Faith and trust are required, therefore, that through the continuing suffering, good is being achieved. Also, with

"right attitudes" the suffering can be transcended. The sufferer can

rise above consideration of his suffering. Graham cited the views of

Paul as an example of this transcendence:

The Apostle Paul said: 'I have learned how to be content wherever I am' (Phil. 11, Moffatt). . . . What did he mean? He meant that he had mastered the secret of being perfectly satisfied with any condition of life in which it pleased God to place him. He was not dependent upon cir­ cumstances for happiness. He did not cherish a grievance against life when he was short of money, or deprived of comfort or exposed to unfair criticism.23

Graham stated further that Jesus would say: "Beware of covetousness,

because of the spirit of perpetual discontent with what life offers,

22Graham, World Aflame, pp. 191, 207, 254.

23Ibid., pp. 185-86. U7 forever wanting more, forever looking at other people's condition in 2h life and never being content."

The important thing is for the heart and will of the sufferer to be changed rather than conditions outside of himself. some go as far as explicitly enphasizing that economic inequalities in current social ar­ rangements, for example, are divinely inspired. Because of the stress on the individual's responsibility for his salvation, "individualism" is viewed as being right in the social order of the society. A system of free-enterprise and competition is thereby sanctioned. According to the founder of the Christian Freedom Foundation, Howard E. Kershner, movement away from laissez-faire capitalism would be rebellion against

God.2 5

Another aspect of this perspective is the belief that there is unlimited opportunity in this country for economic success for anyone who tries hard enough to achieve it. If, then, one suffers from low income, he is viewed as not trying hard enough to support himself on a higher level. Consequently, he does not deserve to be economically successful.

Even if one is starving, if he does not work he does not deserve to eat. In economics, there is no such thing as an unpaid debt. Thus:

"There isn't any free lunch."2^ Also, taking the fruits of someone

2^ I b l d . , p. 18U-

2< Howard E. Kershner, cited in Richard V. Pierard, The U n e q u a l Yoke (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippineott Company, 1970), p. 57"!

26 I . E. Howard, "Love, Justice and Economics," Christian Economics, XV (September, 1963), p* U» quoted by Henry Clark, The dhrlatian Case Poverty (New York: Association Press, 1965), p. 57. 48 else’s labor and giving them to someone who has not labored is violating 27 the commandment that we should not steal.

Social welfare programs are opposed unless their purpose is limited to social control. Kershner, for example, has stated that the goal of federal programs such as Aid to Dependent Children should be to force low-income people to conform to acceptable standards of sexual behavior.

He explained that:

Judeo-Christian standards call for repentance as the basis of pardon and re-acceptance into the community. . . . If there is to be no disadvantage in connection with unsatis­ factory conduct and no premium for upright living in ac­ cordance with accepted practices, what restraint will there be upon moral delinquency.^8

Poverty will not be "cured" until the character of individuals is improved. Again, according to Kershner:

We can't get people out of the slums until we get the slums out of the people. . . . Moving people with unregenerated hearts into a good, new, clean apartment doesn’t change character and they will soon make a slum of it. But if the church would . . . make new creatures of these slum dwel­ lers . . . , the slums would disappear.

The point is that if the power of the Gospel enters the hu­ man heart, most people will become self-reliant and self- supporting. They will be thrifty, honest, truthful and will refrain from coveting and stealing.29

27 Earling Jorstad, The Politics of Doomsday, {Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1970), p. 95.

28 Howard Kershner, "Unmarried Parents and U.S. Welfare Policy," Christian Economics, XV (April, 1963), p. 3, quoted in Clark, Christian Case Against Poverty, pp. 61-62.

29 Howard E. Kershner, "What Should the Churches Do About Social Problems?," in Moral Issues and Christian Response, ed. by Paul T. Jersild and Dale A. Johnson (tiew York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1971), pp. 31-32. U9

The 1 broad theology11 of deviance.--This theological position ap­ pears synonymous with the second position in the guideline materials.

The source of suffering is located in deviance within the person which is evidenced in his violation of noral or legal codes. He is defined as deviant. The end prescribed is rehabilitation and control, to be

coerced* The end is to be achieved through the actions of repentance, conversion, transcending continued suffering, learning one's potentials and actualizing them in preparation for opportunities for change when they come. One's suffering will not necessarily end with rehabilitation and control. Present suffering and change are discontinuous states.

Continued suffering is explained as purposeful. Ideologically, this position is functional in social welfare with social control.

In summary, characteristics of the "broad theology" of deviance are:

Source of suffering...... Deviance within the person evi­ denced in broken moral or legal codes

Definition of sufferer ...... Deviant

Prescribed e n d ...... Rehabilitation, control

Actions to achieve the end .... Repent, convert, transcend suffer­ ing, self-actualization

Relation between present suf­ fering and change ...... Discontinuous, separated by a pre­ paratory period of change in the person

Predominant functionality in social welfare ...... Social control Theology of deviance and victimization by unreformable unjust social conditions

Perception of the sufferer.--As in the preceding theology, this theological position locates the source of suffering as ultimately being deviance within the sufferer. If a person sins or breaks God's laws, he suffers. Not just the sufferer, however, is sinful. Reuther does not represent this position but has described it as viewing social in­ equalities and injustices as existing not in accordance with a divine plan but as evil and contributing to suffering. Moreover, social ar- rangements are viewed as so thoroughly evil that they are unreformable.

The sufferer, therefore, is defined as deviant/victim. He is a sinner but also a victim of an unreformable evil world.

Prescribed end.--Because of his sin, the sufferer must repent, and convert with emphasis on self-control. Conversion in this theology takes the person much further out of "the world" than in the theology of deviance previously described. The world— being totally corrupt and ir- reformable— must be rejected. Bowker quoted the Bible in this regard: 31 " . . . be not conformed to this world." "... put to death those 32 parts of you which belong to the earth. ..."

Because current social arrangements are viewed as hopelessly evil and oppressive, radical change is required before one's suffering can

30 Rosemary Radford Reuther, The Radical Kingdom (New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, 1970), p. 10.

31 Bowker, Problems of Suffering, p. 72, quoting Rom. 12: 2,

^2Ibid., p. 74, quoting Col. 3: 5. 51 end. The necessary change, however, will not come about from actions of the sufferer but of God. It would do no good, therefore, to rebel di­ rectly against the society. Also, any attempts to strike out against the society would result in greater suffering from the attempts of others to control dissident behavior. In the need for law and order, the society would seek to control such behavior.

The sufferer must control his desires to revolt against the so­ ciety himself, at the present time. He must wait and prepare to take part in the great final revolution of the world. The bearing of current suffering is encouraged.

Direct action against social evils is restrained through self- control, Indirectly, however, protest is expressed— through withdrawal.

Rather than overt overthrow and reconstitution of the world, the suffer- 33 er removes himself from the world, thereby negating its power over him.

Ways of life and practice which are conducive to communion with

God are sought. According to Reuther: ’’One reconstructs one's life so as to keep . . . commingling of the eternal with the day-to-day life as close as possible." Along with inner removal there is some sort of phys­ ical removal from the present system. "Since this evil world is asso­ ciated with political and economic structures, one withdraws from involve- 34 ment in the forum and in the marketplace."

There is often a move from the city, the center of worldly acti­ vity, to the country. Provisional social arrangements which offer an

33 34 Reuther, Radical Kingdom, p. 10. Ibid., p. 11. 52

alternative to those in the surrounding evil world are set up. The in­

ternal life of these arrangements are made to reflect something of the 35 envisioned Kingdom of God. The opposing, ordinary worldly values are

symbolically destroyed. Shawver has stated that: "... appearances

to the contrary notwithstanding it is not the master who has it made but

the slave, not the proud man but the bumble, not the strong man but the 36 weak,"

The Children of God is a contemporary movement which has "with­

drawn" from the world. It has established colonies in various parts of

the country. In some of its distributed material, the puxpose and acti­

vities of the colonies were explained:

In the Old Testament, God called Hoses to lead his people out of Egypt, the established system of that day, and into the wilderness where they would be utterly dependent upon him for their provisions. Throughout the Bible, God's command to his children is to 'come out from the world and be separate, and I will receive you.' Knowing that the only true happiness is obedience to God's Word, (Jn. 13: 17), each of us at one time made this decision: to 'serve God* instead of "mamon" (Matt. 6: 2U). This meant that everyone of us had to abandon our ideas and plans for our personal lives, and live according to God's plan in Acts 2: 1th-U5- Only after asking Jesus into our hearts (Rev. 3: 20) and becoming 'new creatures' (2 Cor. $: 17), did we receive the power and desire to do this; to obey God (Phil. 2: 13).3?

The disciple is not above his master. Willingness to suffer like

Jesus Christ is necessary. Self-sacrifice is necessary. "This means

~^Ibid., p. 11; Fackre, The Rainbow Sign, p. $1.

^ E . F. Shawver, Jr., "Space City," New Nation Hews, 1971, pp. U-5*

^Children of God, "Revolutionary Discipleship for Jesus with the Children of God," Mingus, Texas, 1971. (Mimeographed.) 53 denying ourselves DAILY to follow him (Lk. 9: 23-2*0; to further his work." "And anything short of 100% dedication is a compromise with the world."88

This way of life brings joy, but redemption from suffering is not complete. Redemption will not occur until a revolutionary epoch. The world is so corrupt that it will soon fall on its own accord. Inevitably, suffering will become worse before the end. The Children of God have proclaimed that they are preparing for the destruction of America by 39 getting ready to live without the things of the system.

The "broad theology" of deviance and victimization by unreform­ able unjust social conditions.— This theological position is very simi­ lar to much of the last position described. There is a significant difference, however, in thiB position’s view of unjust social arrange­ ments being part of the source of suffering and, in fact, as so evil as to be unrefomable. The source of suffering is deviance within the suf­ ferer as well as the evil in social conditions. The sufferer is defined as deviant/and victim of unreforroable unjust social conditions. The pre­ scribed goal is essentially rehab ilitation-control/symbolic overthrow of social conditions. The goal is to be achieved through such actions as repentance, conversion, withdrawal, bearing and transcending suffering, symbolic overthrow of unjust social conditions (through re-definition of suffering as desirable), and preparation for opportunities for change

39 "A Sample: And Not Just a Sermon," The Acts, 1971, p. 5. 54 when they come. Present suffering and change are discontinuous states.

The goal is ideologically functional with social control.

In summary, characteristics of the "broad theology" of deviance

and victimization of unreformable unjust social conditions are:

Source of suffering ...... Deviance within the person and un­ reformable unjust social conditions

Definition of sufferer ...... Deviant/victim of unreformable unjust social conditions

Prescribed end ...... Rehabilitation-control/symbolic overthrow of social conditions

Actions to achieve the end .... Repent, convert, withdraw, bear and transcend suffering, re­ define suffering as desirable, prepare for future change

Relation between present suffering and change ...... Discontinuous, separated by a preparatory period of change in the person

Predominant functionality in social welfare . Social control

Theology of deviance and victimization by reforroable unjust social conditions

Perception of the sufferer.— In this theological position, the

source of suffering is also located in a transaction between the suffer­

er and social arrangements. The social arrangements, however, are not

viewed as totally evil and unreformable. Father Daniel Berrigan, for

example, has written of the view of American society held by the

"Catonsville Nine" who burned draft files in Catonsville, Maryland in

May, 1968:

. . . for all of us, the American scene was no longer a good scene. It was, in fact, an immoral scene, . . . Catonsville, rightly understood, was a profound 'No* 55

aimed .... at every major presumption underlying Ameri­ can life today .... we had agreed together to attack the working assumptions of American life.

Berrigan explained further:

We were not asking for an apocalyptic, overnight change .... We were demanding, believe it or not, no more than a minimal observance of the laws that stood upon the books.1*0

Social conditions are evil, but they can be attacked and reformed.

The sufferer is sinful and deviant, and the ultimate source of suffering is personal sin. The sufferer, however, may not be respon­ sible for the particular form of his suffering. Mbberg has stated:

" . . . it is not always the sin of the victims which directly brings 41 about their plight." Social evils exist because of the universal sin of roan. The sufferer, by being a sinner contributes to universal suffer­ ing. He is also a victim, however, of the sins of others, as manifested in unjust social conditions. The sufferer, therefore, is defined as de­ viant/and victim of reformable unjust social conditions.

Prescribed end.— Because the ultimate source of suffering is uni­ versal sin, the sufferer as well as others must change. Skinner stated: 42 "Ultimately, if you want to change society you must change people."

HO Daniel Berrigan, S. J., No Bars to Manhood, Anchor Books (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday 6 Company, Inc., 1970), pp. 40-41.

HI David Moberg, Inasmuch: Christian Social Responsibility in the Twentieth Century (Grand kapids: William B. feerdmans Publishing Co., 1965), p. 66.

42 Tom Skinner, Words of Revolution (Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, 1970), p. Us. 56

According to Blessitt: "Many of us that are trying to get the world to­

gether have come to realize that we have not gotten our own selves to­

gether."43

The author of a recent popular book. Quotations from Chairman

Jesus, explained that the book: "... has come from the attempt of

one group, Emmaus House in New York City, to answer the question always before us: what is the meaning of Jesus for our lives now, for men in

general?" The work of Emmaus House involves both human transformation

and social transformation, with the former being a prerequisite to the

latter.

Because of the sufferer's own sin and deviance, repentance is necessary, and conversion. Conversion, however, is viewed as an

"awakening" leading not to withdrawal but to action to change unjust

conditions. One must come to a deepened consciousness. His sense of existence and human issues must be sharpened to the point where he would 1*5 do a good thing.

Moberg stated that you become a new person in Christ "... for

the very purpose of engaging in good works (Eph. 2: 8-10)." Good works

in Moberg's view are actions to reform social conditions--for example,

Arthur Blessitt, Life's Greatest Trip (Waco, Texas: Word Books, 1970), p. 30.

44David Kirk, Quotations from Chairman Jesus (Springfield, Illinois: Templegate Ihiblishers , 19&9), pp. ll-li, 117.

4-5 Berrigan, No Bars to Manhood, p. **7. 57 through political processes.^* "The Spirit of Christ,11 stated Kirk,

"sets us against a view of life which tolerates oppression as a neces- J n sary evil." Riga has stated:

There can he no . . . authentic < . . faith in Qod without 'works of faith,' and among these there is first of all that of caring for others 'without distinction of persons': 'thou shalt love the Lord thy God . . . thou sbalt love thy neighbor as thyself (Matt. 22: 3 6 ). To love one's neighbor as oneself is not confined to satisfying, by means of . . . charities, the most urgent necessities of our neighbor. It means also and above all to desire effectively for him what we desire for ourselves: civil rights, health, education, development, civilisation, and culture. It means to wage an effective war for him against the evils which we fight for our own advantage; to do our best to eliminate the great economic and social inequalities and the oppression by man of man.**8

The injustice in society must be dealt with directly. In his book,

Quotations from Chairman Jesus, Kirk cited Matt. 21: 1-12 in this re­ gard. Jesus entered Jerusalem on a donkey. He went into the tenple and chased away those who bought and sold there. Kirk explained that:

The entrance into Jerusalem has all the elements of the theater of the absurd: the poor king, truth come3 riding on a donkey, symbolic actions— even parading without a permit? Also, when Jesus 'set his face to go to Jerusa­ lem’ , what was involved was direct action, an open con­ frontation and public demonstration of the incompatibility of evil with the Kingdom of God.

Kirk stated further: "We must be changed radically; we must work for radical change. And the change we must work for is the true liberation

^Moberg, Inasmuch, pp. 39, 2)*.

) *7 Kirk, Chairman Jesus, p. 173-

**®Peter J. Riga, The Church of the Poor: A Coiaaentary on Paul Vi's Encyclical on the bevelopment of Peoples (Techny, Illinois: Divine Word Publications, pp. 5l-52• 50 k9 of every human being."

Another contemporary group representing these views is the New

Berkeley Liberation Program. In some of its literature, it was stated:

Berkeley can become a revolutionary example throughout the world. We are now under severe attack by the demons of despair, hedonism, and chauvinism. We are being strangled by disruptive and reactionary powers from here to hell.

Our survival depends on our ability to overcome past in­ adequacies and introduce people to the revolutionary pro­ gram. . . . Jesus Christ will then build a movement which is both personally humane and politically sound.

He wilt enable the people of Berkeley to achieve personal fulfillment; develop conpatibility and understanding among groups; and transcend their stifling, ego-centered life styles. With Him as our leader and liberator we shall re­ sist the devil and his demons, establishing a liberated conminity in which together we find that He abundantly fills our material and spiritual needs. Under His guidance we will be enabled to develop new forms of democratic par­ ticipation and new, more godly styles of work and play.50

Suffering which is located in evil social conditions can be changed some now. These changes will reflect the kingdom to come and

will merge with it. Kirk stated: "Life in the Spirit is a pledge, a

1 down-payment1, on the final kingdom of shalom. In the meantime we are

to be signs of the kingdom which is, and is coming."'*^ Present suffer­

ing and the future time of redemption, thus, are overlapping states.

Man and society will evolve together. The process is not distinctly

ii9 Kirk, Chairman Jesus, pp. 80, 17U.

^"New Berkeley Liberation Program," in The Street People (Valley Forge, Pa.: Judson Press, 1971), pp. 6-7.

5lKirk, Chairman Jesus, p. 89. 59 52 separated from the goal. Change is created by living it.

The "broad theology” of deviance and victimization by re form able unjust social conditions.— This position locates the source of suffering in deviance within the person (as well as in others) and in unjust social conditions. The social conditions, however, are reformable. The suffer­ er, therefore, is defined as deviant/victim of reformable unjust social conditions. The end prescribed is rehabilitation and social reform.

Personal change of deviance is a necessary prerequisite to changing social conditions but social reform is emphasized as the manifestation of per­ sonal change. This position, therefore, is viewed as ideologically func­ tional with social change— with the scope of change being gradual social reform. Actions to achieve the end are repentance, conversion, and re­ form of unjust social conditions. Present suffering and change are over­ lapping states, separated by an evolutionary period in which man and society will evolve together.

In summary, characteristics of the ’’broad theology" of deviance and victimization from unjust but reformable social conditions are:

Source of suffering...... Deviance within the person and re­ formable, unjust social con­ ditions

Definition of sufferer ...... Deviant/victim of reformable un­ just social conditions

Prescribed end ...... Rehabilitation, social reform

Actions to achieve end ...... Repent, convert, reform social conditions

^Reuther, Radical Kingdom, pp. 252-53. 60

Relation between present suffering and c h a n g e ...... Overlapping, separated by an evolutionary period; man and society will evolve together

Predominant functionality in social welfare ...... Social change

The two following theological positions appear synonymous with the last position formulated in the guideline material. They are sepa­ rated here in accordance with the scope of change advocated because a fairly distinct difference appeared in the literature on religious theo­ logy. The scope of change prescribed in the position described first is social reform; in the other, it is social revolution.

Theology of victimization by reformable unjust social conditions

Perception of the sufferer.— The sufferer's life conditions are unjust. He is defined as a victim of these conditions. Heschel has asked: "In the face of so much evil and suffering, . . . who can fail 53 to see the discrepancy between the world and the will of God?" Simi­ larly, Braaten has pointed to the existing discrepancies between 54 righteousness and sin, joy and suffering, good and evil.

The sufferer's life conditions which are unjust and evil can be reformed. The hope for reform lies in a view of man as having as much innate potential to do good as to do evil. Man's evil is responsible

53 Abraham J . Heschel, The Insecurity of Freedom: Essays on HiBDan Existence (Hew York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1466), p. 133.

54 Carl E. Braaten, "Toward a Theology of Hope," in New Theology No. 5, ed. by Martin E. Marty and Dean G. Peeiman (London1 tollier- Macmillan, Ltd., 1969), p. 101. 61 for evil social conditions but in his goodness lies the hope for chang- 55 ing those conditions.

Prescribed end.— Conditions which cause many to suffer unjustly

and inequitably must be transformed. Gittlesohn emphasized that Judaism teaches that injustice and evil must be resisted.56 Heschel stated that 57 justice is a fighting challenge. ,fWhat ought to be, shall be!"

According to Fackre: "Men have a right to dream and to pray '*your

Kingdom come on earth,1 ..." "The prayer, . . . means what it says

. . . . Hope is earthed." The Mew Testament story of Christ's challenge of the powers of evil is the assurance of things hoped for. We can fol- 5 8 low with the same challenge in our time and our history.

Aware of radical social evil, we are drawn by the vision of a fu­ ture which stands in judgement on the givens, one that can be hastened by our own effort to close the gap. "Hope," stated Fackre, "is the soil of act," Further, the belief that what we do right now can make a dif- 59 ference in how things come out in the end spurs action.

Koltmann stated that the hoped-for future must be brought into practical contact with the misery of the present. Also, through

55 Roland S. Gittlesohn, The Meaning of Judaism (New York: World Publishing Co., 1970), pp. 12-TT.

56Ibid., p. 94. ^^Heschel, Insecurity of Freedom, pp. 99-100.

58 Fackre, The Rainbow Sign, pp. 52, 62, 54-55.

59 Ibid., pp. 57, 42, 94. 62 industrialization, it is now more possible than ever to achieve success in struggles against suffering such as poverty, hunger and illness.

Moltmann urged that:

This is necessary not only on the basis of the modern his­ torical world; it is also a demand of Jesus himself. He not merely announced the Kingdom of God, but practiced it in his love of sinners and publicans*

Also, the struggle must be universal and without distinction or it has not even begun. Suffering will cease for no man unless it has ceased

A contemporary group which appears to manifest the views described here is the Delta Ministry— " . . . a long-term effort to end the low economic, health, and social conditions of Mississippi's poor." Its work began in September, 196^, as an arm of the National Council of 61 Churches,

Hilton, who has studied the Delta Ministry, has described the ways in which the DM staff has worked with local people:

1. Helped register at least seventy thousand of the state's new Black voters.

2. Operated a summer-long series of workshops to train Black candidates to run against whites for county office.

3. Provided housing and support for Delta cotton-field workers who staged the first plantation strike in thirty years.

4. Organized sixty community Head Start committees, and found a way to get the Head Start program into Mississippi past the governor's veto.

Jurgen Moltmann, Religion, Revolution and the Future, trens. by M. Douglas Meeks (New Yorici Charles Scribner's Sons, 1969), pp. 122, 139, 123.

61Bruce Hilton, The Delta Ministry (Toronto, Ontario: The Macmillan Company, 1969), p. 13. 63

5. Bluffed welfare officials into making free surplus foods available to more than two hundred thousand people who had not been getting them regularly.

6. Encouraged the picketing of factories and stores that dis­ criminated in hiring and of school boards that refused to desegregate.

7* Founded a new village for evicted plantation workers where black people can have full political, economic, and social self-determination.

8. Brought government and foundation funds into the state in such a way that they can be administered by the poor people themselves and not by those whose overriding interest is the status quo.

Hilton concluded that: "The Delta Ministry has let them see one arm of the Church clearly comnitted to social change."

The scope of the change is reform. According to Reuther, the

Kingdom comes not as an apocalyptic stage of sharp conflict and rever­ sal. There will not be a sudden overcoming of evil but continuous con- flict with it. Kliever and Hayes explained: "... the drive toward the good world will progress gradually. . . . Heschel has stated:

"Redenption is not an event that will take place all at once at 'the end of days' but a process that goes on all the time. Man's good deeds are 65 single acts in the long drama of redemption, and every deed counts."

According to Moltmann, the future is in the process of coming.

We must understand ourselves to be "co-workers" of the promised kingdom

^2Ibid., pp. li*, 17* ^Reuther, Radical Kingdom, pp. 13-H*> 81*.

^Kliever and Hayes, Radical Christianity, p. 227.

^Heschel, Insecurity of Freedom, p. li*6. 6k 66 of God. Gittlesohn explained:

Man's high estate in Jewish thought, as well as his ines­ capable ethical responsibility, derives especially from his partnership with God. Our rabbis were bold in proclaiming that God intentionally left His creation inconplete so that man could improve it.«7

The present time of suffering and redenption are overlapping states.

Some think that the Kingdom of God will be achieved in history. For

others, it will have no final consummation within history.

The "broad theology" of victimization by reformable unjust social

conditions. — As suggested earlier, this theological position appears to

be synonymous with the last position in the guideline material--with the

scope of change being gradual social reform. Many unjust social condi­

tions contribute to suffering. The sufferer is defined as victim of these

conditions. The conditions are reformable; thus, social reform is advo­

cated. The present time of suffering and change are overlapping states,

separated by an evolutionary period. Ideologically, this position is

functional in social welfare with social change.

In summary, characteristics of the "broad theology" of victimiza­

tion of reformable social conditions are:

Source of suffering ...... Reformable unjust social conditions

Definition of sufferer ...... Victim of reformable, unjust social conditions

Prescribed e n d ...... Social reform

66 Moltmann, "Theology as Eschatology," in The Future of Hope: Theology as Eschatology, ed. by Frederick Herzog (New Tork: Herder and Herder, 190)), pp. U5-d6.

67 Gittlesohn, The Meaning of Judaism, p. 4U* 65

Actions to achieve the end Reform social conditions

Relation between present suffering and change Overlapping, separated by an evolutionary period; society will gradually change Predominant functionality in social welfare . . Social change

As suggested, the theological position just described does not see all things new in a single, sudden Tomorrow. Heavy Biblical empha- sis on "the new," however, is sometimes viewed as leading to thoughts of a theology of social revolution. Shaull, for example, has stated:

The biblical symbols and images stress discontinuity, judg­ ment, the end of the world and the emergence of the radi­ cally new. Time and again, in the Old Testament, the move­ ment toward the fulfillment of the messianic hope was blocked by human egotism and power, and the prophets proclaimed that God would have to tear down in order to build up. In the Mew Testament, the escatological and the apocalyptic are closely intermingled. . . . we await the end of the world which comes again and again in the midst of historical existence.68

In the theology described next, this enqphasis is further developed in terms of its implications for a more extensive scope of change than gradual social reform. This is the final theological position to be described*

Theology of victimisation by unreformable unjust social conditions

Perception of the sufferer.— The sufferer is defined as a victim of radically unjust social conditions. These conditions are not just

"to some degree" out of line with the main effort of human goodness.

Richard Shaull, "Christian Faith as Scandal in a Technocratic World," in Mew Theology Mo. 6 ., ed. by Martin E. Marty and Dean Q. Peerman (London: (filler-Macmillan, Ltd., 1969) pp. 130-131* 66 ^ 69 They are evil beyond cure.

Prescribed end.— The radically negative attitude towards the pres­ ent social order in this theological position is translated into direct action against it— by those who suffer from it, and now. Reuther ex­ plained that redemption " , . . can only come when the present situation is totally overthrown and a new order founded on opposite principles of life. The only solution is . . . reconstitution of the world on a new 70 basis of social justice."

Berrigan referred to the Biblical prophet as being ordered to speak in times so evil that:

. . . the first and indeed the only genuinely prophetic func­ tion is to cast down the images of injustice and death that claim man as victim. . . . It was not a time to build, to im­ prove, to ameliorate conditions .... Only a new beginning would suffice.71

Cone has enphasized that God "... is active in human history, taking sides with the oppressed of the land." This was revealed for ex­ ample, when He delivered the people of Israel from Egyptian bondage.

According to Cone:

The consistent theme in Israelite prophecy is Yahweh *s concern for the lack of social, economic, and political justice for those who are poor and unwanted in the society. Yahweh, ac- ^ cording to Hebrew prophecy, will not tolerate injustice ....

Referring to the New Testament, Cone stated:

69Berrigan, No Bars to Manhood, p. 97.

70 Reuther, Radical Kingdom, p . 9 .

71 Berrigan, No Bars to Manhood, p. 97.

72James H. Cone, A Black Theology of Liberation (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott Company, 1970), p. 14. Quotation with permission of the pub­ lisher. 67

. . . the Old Testament theme of liberation is reaffirmed by Jesus himself. The conflict with Satan and the powers, the condemnation of the rich, the insistence that the Kingdom is for the poor, and locating of his ministry among the poor--these and other features of the career of Jesus show that his work was directed to the oppressed for the purpose of their liberation.

These features started with the conditions of the birth of Jesus:

He was b o m in a stable and cradled in a manger (the equiv­ alent of a beer case in a ghetto alley), ’because there was no room in the inn* Luke 2:7. The baptism also reveals Jesus' identification with the oppressed. . . . baptism was for repentant sinners .... By being baptized, Jesus de­ fines his existence as one with sinners and thus conveys the meaning of his coming kingdom. The kingdom is for the poor and not the rich; and it comes as an expression of God’s love and not judgment. In baptism Jesus embraces the condi­ tion of sinners, affirming their existence as his own. He is one of them!

The same theme was continued in the temptation:

Jesus' refusal to turn the stone into bread, or to worship the Tempter, or to throw himself from the pinnacle of the temple (Luke k: 3-12) may be interpreted as his refusal to identify himself with any of the available modes of oppres­ sive or self-glorifying power.73

Cone declared further that: "To repent is to affirm the reality of the kingdom by refusing to live on the basis of any definition ex­ cept according to the kingdom. Nothing else matters!" This means that economic, political, and social institutions "... no longer can have ultimate claim on man's life; he is . . . free to rebel against all 7 4 powers that threaten man’s life in the Kingdom."

Ellul has acknowledged that some theologians proclaim that Jesus 75 is an advocate of violence— and revolution in the current sense.

7 ^ lu Ibid., pp. 19-20, 20h-06. 7 Ibid., pp. 209, 20.

75 Jacques Ellul, Violence, Reflections from a Christian Perspec­ tive, (New York: The Seabuxy t^ress, 1969), p. ’**7. 68

According to Cone, the Kingdom will never be established by the gradual victory of justice over injustice, but only by revolution. He has de­ fined "Black Theology" as seeking "... to analyze the satanic nature of whiteness and by doing so as to prepare all non-whites for revolu­ tionary action." " . , . , if black people are to have freedom, we must 76 take it, with guns if need be,"

Revolution is the work of God himself. The salvation of God is seen when:

. . . people rise up against their oppressors, demanding that justice become a reality now and not tomorrow. It is the oppressed serving warning that they 'ain't gonna take no more of this bullshit, but a new day is coming and it ain’t going to be like today.’77

The "broad theology" of victimization by un re form able unjust so­ cial conditions.— The source of suffering in this theology is oppressive, unreformable social conditions. The sufferer is a victim of these condi­ tions. He is called to overthrow them and now. The action advocated is to revolt. Present suffering and change are discontinuous states sep­ arated by a revolutionary epoch— within history. This theological po­ sition, then, is ideologically functional with social change— with the scope of the change being social revolution.

In summary, characteristics of the "broad theology" of victimiza­ tion by unreformable unjust social conditions are:

Source of suffering ...... Unreformable unjust social conditions

76Cone, Black Theology, p. 29, 77Ibid., p. 227. 69

Definition of sufferer Victim of un reform able unjust so­ cial conditions

Prescribed end Social revolution

Actions to achieve the end .... Revolt, radically change social conditions

Relation between present suffering and change Discontinuous, separated by a revolutionary epoch

Predominant functionality in social welfare ...... Social change

Class if icatory framework of lfbroad theologies11 of sufferers

The classificatory framework to follow, Table 1, includes the characteristics identified for each ,Tbroad theology" of the sufferer pre­ sented in the preceding section of this chapter. As indicated in Chap­ ter III, only the categories of ends (excluding the one for the theology of deviance and victimization by unreformable unjust social conditions) were used for analyzing the statements of church groups in the second part of the research. They are presented here, however, within the full context from which they were taken. TABLE 1

CHARACTERISTICS OF SIX BROAD THEQLOQIES OF SUFFER DO

Perception of the Sufferer Characteristics of Ends

Prescribed Actions Relation be­ Predominant Source of Definition End to Achieve tween Present Functionality Suffering of Sufferer the End Suffering and in Social Change Welfare

Unactualised Learner Noraal growth Learn, actua- Simultaneous Social potentials or socialisa­ lise poten­ Maintenance within the tion tials for person for noraal growth noreal growth

Deviance with­ Deviant Rehabilita- Repent, con­ Discontinuous, Social in the person tion-control vert, trans­ separated by control evidenced in cend suffer­ a preparatory broken aoral ing, self- period of or legal actualisation change in the codes person

Deviance with­ Deviant/ Rehabilita- Repent, con­ Discontinuous, Social in the person victin of tion-control/ vert, with­ separated by control and unrefom- unrefors- symbolic over­ draw, bear a preparatory able unjust able unjust throw of and transcend period of social condi­ social social condi­ suffering, change in the tions conditions tions redefine suf­ person fering as de­ sirable, pre­ pare for future change TABLE 1— Continued

Perception of the Sufferer Characteristics of Ends

Prescribed Actions Relation be­ Predominant Source of Definition End to Achieve tween Present Functionality Suffering of Sufferer the End Suffering and in Social Change Welfare

Deviance with­ Deviant/ Rehabilita­ Repent, con­ Overlapping, Social change in the person victim of tion/ social vert, gradu­ separated by (reform) and reformable reformable reform ally reform an evolutionary unjust social unjust so­ social con­ period; man conditions cial con­ ditions and society ditions will evolve together

Reformable Victim of Social reform Reform Overlapping, Social change unjust social reformable social con­ separated by (reform) conditions unjust so­ ditions an evolution­ cial con­ ary period; ditions society will gradually change

Unreformable Victim of Social Revolt, Discontinuous, Social change unjust social unreformable revolution radically change separated by (revolution) conditions unjust social social condi­ a revolu­ conditions tions tionary epoch CHAPTER V

PRESENTATION OF FINDINGS--PART 2

Preliminary questions

As a basis for formulating an answer to the major question of this

research, answers were first sought to three preliminary questions . The population for this part of the research is described in the answers to

these questions.

Findings for the first two questions are combined. These ques­

tions were: (1) What Congressional hearings have been held from 1964

through 1971 in which the major focus was related to poverty? (2) At

which of these hearings have church groups submitted statements which

advocate identifiable ends for sufferers of poverty? The hearings are

listed in the Appendix, with indication of the ones in which statements

by church groups were submitted.

One hundred and eighty-nine Congressional hearings, held from 196U

throu^i 1971, were identified as having a major focus related to a poverty

as a national problem. Church groups submitted statements which advo­

cated identifiable ends in regard to the sufferers of poverty at ninety

of these hearings.

The third question was: (3) What is the major theme (the end

given major emphasis) of the statements submitted by church groups? The

72 73 findings for this question are presented in Tables 2-17. The themes are represented by numbers as follow:

1. Socialization

2. Rehabilitation-control

3. Rehabilitation-social reform

4. Social justice-social reform

5. Social justice-social revolution

Two tables of data are presented for each year from 1964 through

1971. The first table (Tables 2, 4, 6, 8, 10, 12, 14, and 16) presents the predominant ends advocated by church groups at hearings which began during the particular year. In the second table (Tables 3, 5, 7, 9, 11,

13, 15, and 17), frequencies and percentages of the ends advocated for the particular year are presented. In order to increase reliability in the classification of the statements, examples of the kinds of assertions considered to indicate a theme are given in discussions of the findings for each year.

TABLE 2

THEMES OF CHURCH GROUP STATEMENTS SUBMITTED TO CONGRESSIONAL HEARINGS RELATED TO POVERTY, 1964

Item No. Church Group Theme

Housing Problems of the Elderly (S)a

1. Califomia-Nevada Council of Churches 4 2. Church of the Advent of Christ the King, San Francisco (Episcopal) 4 3. United Church Board for Home and Ministries 4 4. American Baptist Home Mission Society 4 7U

TABLE 2— Continued

Item No. Church Oroup Theme

Increasing linployment Opportunities for the Elderly (S)

$ . San Francisco Council of Churches 1

Social Security, Medical Care for the Aged (S)

6. First Church of Christ Scientist, Boston 1 7. Council of Jewish Federations and Welfare Funds, Inc. k 8. National Council of Churches 1

Economic Opportunity Act of 1961; (H and S)

9. National Catholic Welfare Conference 2 10. National Catholic Rural Life Conference k 11. National Conference of Catholic Charities 2 12. National Council of Churches 2 13- The Methodist Church 2 1U. The United Church of Christ 2 1?. National Council of Jewish Women 2 1 6 . Union of American Hebrew Congregations 2

Housing and Comnunity Development Legislation (H); Housing Legislation of 1961; (s)

17. National Conference of Catholic Charities 2 18. National Catholic Rural Life Conference 2 19. Bishop's Committee for Migrant Workers 2 20. Bishop's Committee for the Spanish Speaking 2

Minimum Wage Hour Legislation

21. National Council of Churches U

Public Employment Service

22. B'nai B'rith Youth Organization 2 23. New York City YWCA h

aThe designation (S) means the hearing was held in the Senate; (H), in the fouse; (H and S), in the House and the Senate; (JEC), by the Joint Economic Committee. 75

TABLE 3

FREQUENCIES AND PERCENTAGES OF THEMES IN 1964 HEARINGS

Theme Number Percentage

1 3 13.0 2 12 52.2 3 * * • • 4 8 34.8 5 • a * •

Total 23 100.00

As indicated in Tables 2 and 3, there was no consistency in the ends advocated by church groups in the 1964 statements* Over half of the themes, however, were rehabili tat ion-control. A common view ex­ pressed in these statements was that economic dependence on public wel­ fare programs is deviant. People who are able but do not work are par­ ticularly unacceptable. They must be changed, with the goal of becoming more productive— which means being economically self-reliant.

In the 0E0 hearings, the Methodist Church emphasized: "The goal to foster greater self-sufficiency and reduce reliance on public welfare is highly desirable."^ A quotation from one of the rabbis of the Talmud was cited by Rabbi Richard Hirsch, representing the Uhion of American

Hebrew Congregations: M ’Whoever does not teach his son an occupation, teaches him to become a robber.*" Title I was seen as having the

U.S. Congress, House, Committee on Education and Labor, Economic Opportunity Act of 1964, Hearings before the Subcommittee on the War on Poverty of the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H,R. 10440, 88th Cong., 2d sess., 1964, p t . 3, p. 1666, statement of Rev. Richard P. Edgar, The Methodist Church. 76 desirable purpose of enabling "... our society to provide its sons with the skills necessary to become productive citizens." The National

Catholic Welfare Conference advocated: "If we are to help the poor to help themselves, we must above all be concerned about work." It is vi­ tal that the poor be educated and trained to do useful work. They should be enabled to become productive members of our economic society. Further:

. . . citizens must realize that urban blight and decay; the myriads of evils surrounding our slums; the effects of delinquency, vice, and crime; and the results of hu­ man demoralization constitute financial losses to our so­ ciety, as well as poignant personal tragedies. They de­ mand heavy financial outlays from tax funds and lead to losses in deteriorating property, as well as the loss of goods and services that could have been produced by the unemployed.

In many statements, special concern was expressed for young per­ sons, The National Conference of Catholic Charities, for example, spoke of the Economic Opportunity Act as offering the very young and the un­ settled youth "the promise of better days." It:

. . . strikes a solid blow at the present inability of children to make maximum use of existing educational op­ portunities . It is the expressed intent of many of these proposals to prepare the future student to enrich his edu­ cational product by reason of greater interest, a keener appetite for knowledge and a perseverance in study to the end.1*

2 Ibid., p. 1128, statement of Rabbi Richard G. Hirsch, Union of American Hebrew Congregations.

3 U.S. Congress, Senate, Consnittee on Labor and Public Welfare, Economic Opportunity Act of 1964, Hearings before the Select Cocmittee on Poverty of the Committee on Labor ana Public Welfare, Senate, on S. 2642, 88th Cong., 2d sess., 1964, pp. 262, 264, statement of the Na­ tional Catholic Welfare Conference.

if. Ibid., pp. 256-59, statement of Rt. Reverend Msgr. Ramond J. Gallagher-,"TTational Conference of Catholic Charities. 77

According to the National Council of Jewish Women: ’’The foundation pro­ vided by a Federal program in which they will be taught to read and write as well as the disciplines and motivations of regularly assigned work are essential."5

In the hearings on Public Employment Service, Dr. Max F. Baer, rep­ resenting the B'nai B'rith Youth Organization, warned that we are " . , . . jeopardized by mobs of uneducated, untrained, and frustrated youths roam­ ing the streets of America." "We cannot afford the high and rising costs of juvenile delinquency, which is exacerbated by young people being idle,

. . Baer explained that:

. . . even if by some magic we suddenly found ourselves with a surplus of jobs and adequate free or low-cost training facilities, we would still have a hard core of several hundred thousand young people not in school and not at work. These youths would be blocked from self- fulfillment and social usefulness because of barriers within themselves .... We are referring to a variety of psychological problems which stand in the way of em­ ployability .6

Better housing, too, was viewed by the National Conference of

Catholic Charities as contributing to one's becoming a "responsible citi­ zen" instead of the "immorality, delinquency and personal disorganiza­ tion" associated with inadequate housing. Poor housing affects the family's capability in providing "character building experiences" for

5 Economic Opportunity Act of 196jf, House, pt. 3, p. 1507, state ment of the National Council of Jewish Women.

6 U.S. Congress, House, Committee on Education and Labor, Public Employment Service, Hearings before the General Subcommittee on Labor or the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 11976, H.R. 85h7, H.J. Res. 607, B8th Cong., 2d sess., 196H, pp. 592, 595, statement of Dr. Max F. Baer, B'nai B'rith Youth Organiza­ tion. 78 children with consequences of indifference, lack of initiative, irrespon- 7 sibility and defeatism.

Eight statements were classified as having themes of social jus­ tice. This classification, however, was essentially made by default.

Changes in social conditions, for example, were advocated, but with no mention of the purpose of the changes. Because purposes other than so­ cial justice were not suggested, an assumption was made that the end of social justice was implied. For example, in the Economic Opportunity

Act hearings, the National Catholic Rural Life Conference advocated "far reaching changes" in school curriculums, creation of new jobs, increase in agricultural income, laws to protect the rights of migrants, better g housing, and medicare. In the Social Security hearings, the Council of Jewish Federations and Welfare Funds, Inc. supported better health benefits for the aged under the social security system and for those not 9 covered by social security.

In the hearing on Minimum Wage-Hour Legislation, the National

Council of Churches supported a floor under basic wage income, below which persons should not be required to work. This floor should be

7 U.S. Congress, House, Committee on Banking and Currency, Housing and Community Development Legislation, Hearings before the Subcommittee on kousing of the Committee on banking and Currency, House of Represen­ tatives, on H.R. 9751, 88th Cong., 2d sess., 196»t, p. 826, statement of Msgr. Raymond J. Gallagher, National Conference of Catholic Charities.

p Economic Opportunity Act of 1964, Senate, pp. 256-57, statement of the National Catholic Rural Li£e Conference.

q U,S, Congress, Senate, Committee on Finance, Social Security, Medical Care for the Aged, Hearings before the Committee on Finance, Senate, on H.R. li865, 88th Cong., 2d sess., 196»v, pp. 597-98, statement of Louis Stern, Council of Jewish Federations and Welfare Funds, Inc. 79 assured for all workers In hearings on Public Employment Service, the New York City YWCA reconmended changes in state employment services discriminatory practices with women, especially minority women.11

As indicated in Table 2, all analyzed statements of church groups submitted at the hearing on Housing Problems of the Elderly had themes of social justice. Again, however, they were by no means strong state­ ments explicitly advocating social justice. All did recommend lower in­ terest rates for loans for church sponsored housing. Consequently, rents for tenants could be lowered. The tenants of concern, however, seemed to 12 be those with "limited" income and not the very poorest old persons.

Only three statements submitted in 1964 directly and centrally ad­ vocated the theme of socialization. In the Social Security hearings,

Dr. J. Buroughs Stokes, appearing for the Christian Science Committee on

Publication, the First Church of Christ in Boston, recommended that a way of life reflecting proper socialization should be perpetuated:

The great majority of citizens, by their own individual ability and initiative, are already planning, meeting,

U.S. Congress, House, Coimittee on Education and Labor, Minimum Wage Hour Legislation, Hearings before the Coiwnittee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 9824, 88th Cong., 2d sess., 1964, pt . 2, pp. 1062, statement of the National Council of Churches.

11Public Employment Service, pp. 760-61, statement of Ethlyn Christensen, New York City YWCA.

12 U.S. Congress, Senate, Special Coimiittee on Aging, Housing Prob­ lems of the Elderly, Hearings before the Subcommittee on HoUsing ror tTie Elderly of the Special Committee on Aging, Senate, 88th Cong., 2d sess., 1964, p t . 3, pp. 143-48, statement of the Califomia-Nevada Council of Churches; pp. 157-58, statement of the Church of the Advent of Christ the King; pp. 160-168, statement of the United Church Board for Home and Ministries; pp. 16 8-174, statement of the American Baptist Home Missions Society. 80

and solving the problems of adequate health care. They are doing so by m e a n s of private savings, cooperative family action or individual and group health insurance plans, . . . and the like.

There are some people with insufficient income and resources who need government help, but such help is not necessary or desirable for most people.

Likewise, the National Council of Churches emphasized that private and prepaid social insurance "... safeguard the financial independence, self-reliance, and dignity of our older citizens. The moral and ethical basis for this preference is quite compelling.1’ A 1956 pronouncement of the General Board was quoted:

The National Council of Churches affirms that the use of social insurance as exerrplified by old-age, survivors, and disability insurance is to be preferred to economic dependence upon the public assistance programs

In hearings on Increasing EJrcployinent Opportunities for the Elderly, the

San Francisco Council of Churches recommended that the economically and socially deprived aged be kept productive through vocational training.

They still have the potential! Almost everyone can be placed in a job.

^ Social Security, 19&U, pp. 356-59, statement of Dr. J. Buroughs Stokes, The First Church of Christ, Boston.

^ Social security, 196U, pp. 373, 373, statement of Arthur S. Flemming, National”Council of Churches.

15 U.S. Congress, Senate, Special Committee on Aging, Increasing Employment Opportunity for the Elderly, Hearings before the Subcommittee on Employment and Retirement Income of the Special Committee on Aging, Senate, 88th Cong., 2d sess., 196k, pt. 3, pp. 129-130, statement of Mrs. Milton Schiffman, San Francisco Council of Churches. 81

TABLE 8

THEMES OF CHURCH GROUP STATEMENTS SUBMITTED TO CONGRESSIONAL hearings related to pOVER IT, 1 9 6 5

Item No- Church Group Theme

To Amend the Manpower Development and Training Act of 1962, as Amended (H)

1. YMGA, Chicago 2

Aid to Elementary and Secondary Education (H); Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965 (S)

2 . Unitarian-Universalist Association 2 3- Baptist Joint Committee on Public Affairs 1 8 . National Council of Churches 2 5* Union of American Hebrew Congregations 1 6 . National Catholic Welfare Conference 2 7. National Lutheran Council 8 8. The Methodist Church 8 9. Agudath Israel of America 2 10. United Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. U 11. Executive Council of the Episcopal Church 2 12. The American Jewish Congress 1 13* Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith 1 m . National Council of Jewish Women 2 i 5. The American Jewish Committee 1 16. Union of Orthodox Jewish Congresses of America 1 17. Council of Orthodox Synagogues of Greater Washington 1 16. Jewish War Veterans of the U.S. 1

Social Security Amendments of 1965 (S)

19- National Council of Jewish Women 1 20. The Methodist Church 1 i Housing and Urban Development Act of 1965 (H); Housing Legislation of 1965 (S)

21. Tabernacle Presbyterian Church, Philadelphia 8 22. First Congregational Church, Boise, Idaho 8 23- Friends Neighborhood Guild, Philadelphia 8 28. Consultant, Church-related housing, Orlando, Florida l 25. National Conference of Catholic Charities j 2 02

TABLE U— Continued

Item No. Church Group Theme

26. The Methodist Church k 27. Memorial Episcopal Church, Baltimore, Maryland b

Examination of the War on Poverty Program (H); Expand the War on Poverty (s)

28. Protestant Ministry to the Poverty Office h 29. National Council of Jewish Women 2 3 0 . National Council of Catholic Women 2 31- United Church Women 2

The War on Poverty as it Affects Older Americans (S)

32. Catholic Charities of Detroit, Michigan h 33- National Conference of Catholic Charities 1 3U. The Camden Episcopal Community Center h 35. ffcunt Carmel Guild, Newark, New Jersey 2 36. New Jersey Council of Churches 1 37- New Jersey Catholic Conference 1 38. YMCA’s and YwCA's of Newark and vicinity 1

Higher Education Act of 1965 (S)

39. B'nai B'rith Vocational Service 1 ZiO. Uhion of Rabbis of Latin America 1

Minimum Wage Hour Amendments, 1965 (H)

la- United Church of Christ h U 2. National Council of Churches b U3. Unitarian Universalist Association h hh- National Council of Jewish Women h as. American Friends Service Committee b

Unemployment Compensation (H)

U6 . The Methodist Church 1 U7. National Council of Churches b

Amending Migratory Labor Laws (S)

1*8 . Bishop's Committee for the Spanish Speaking b U9. National Council for the Danish Speaking (Catholic) b 50. American Friends Service Committee b 83

TABLE Continued

Item No. Church Group Theme

51. National Council of Churches 4 52. The Kings-Tulare Migrant Ministry, California 4 53. The Catholic Bishops of California 4 54. California Migrant Ministry 4 55. St. Paul's Baptist Church, Delano, California 1 56. Texas Council of Churches 4 57. The Archdiocese of San Antonio 4 58. Board of Rabbis of Northern California 4 59. Western Association of Reform Judaism 4 60. The Methodist Church 4 61. Delano Ministerial Association, California 3 62. The United Presbyterian Church in the North Coastal Area, San Francisco 4 63. The Northern Califomia-Nevada Council of Churches 4 64. Unitarian Universalist Association 4

TABLE 5

FREQUENCIES AND PERCENTAGES OF THEMES IN 1965 HEARINGS

Theme Number Percentage

1 19 29 .7 2 12 18.8 3 1 1.5 4 32 50 .0 5 * * ♦ B

Total 64 100.00

No consistency in themes appeared in the 1965 hearings. The theme of social justice was predominant, however, in contrast with rehabilita- tion-control in 1964.

In advocating housing to serve the needs of older people, in hear­ ings on Housing Legislation of 1965, The Methodist Church stated that we Bk are morally bound to care for the elderly of this wealthy nation. Ade­ quate housing should be provided because it is the just and right re­ sponse to their needs.In a statement to hearings on The War on

Poverty as it Affects Older Americans, the Camden Episcopal Community

Center of Camden, New Jersey viewed the older poor as persons to be asked what they want and need rather than enabling them to achieve some 17 standards established by others.

In the hearings on the Elementary and Secondary Education Act,

every statement by a church group was focused on the church-state issue of federal aid being provided to private religious schools. This issue, however, was separated from the focus of this analysis and no considera­ tion was given to it. All church groups approved the proposed bill in regard to public schools. Their purposes for this approval, when indi­ cated, was analyzed for this research.

Statements of three church groups were assigned to the social justice category, but again by default. They did not explicitly advo­ cate equalizing educational opportunities as a matter of justice, but no other purpose was given either. An example of this kind of statement was a position of the General Assembly of the United Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. quoted in the statement submitted by the United Presbyterian

U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Banking and Currency, Housing Legislation of 1965, Hearings before a subcommittee of the Committee on Banking and Currency, Senate, on S. 135k, 89th Cong., 1st sess., 1965, pp. 297, 299-300, statement of Rev. Howard W. Washburn, the Board of Hospitals and Homes, The Methodist Church. 17 U.S. Congress, Senate, Special Committee on Aging, The War on Poverty as it Affects Older Americans, Hearings before the Special Commit­ tee on Aging, Senate, 89th Cong., 1st sess., 1965, pt. 2, pp. 503-06, statement of Rev. Donald A. Griesmann, the Camden Episcopal Community Center, Camden, New Jersey. 8b

Church: "We firmly believe in adequate public educational opportunity 18 for all children in our country . . .

Sometimes, church groups talked at length about social change to achieve justice but ended with an assertion of rehabilitation-control or the social maintenance aspect of socialization. This illustrates only one form, however, of a mixture of themes common to most of the statements. The predominant theme, therefore, had to often be selected among other themes given more minor emphasis.

An example of the kind of mixture mentioned above was evident in the statement of the United Church of Christ at the hearings on Minimum

Wage Hour Amendments, 1965. A low wage, it was stated, is "... a disgrace to the most affluent society of all time." "Shockingly low pay" is injustice as is the exclusion of large numbers of workers from minimum wage protection. A 1962 United Church of Christ statement was quoted: "We believe that to discriminate between God's children, to say that some merit minimal protection and some do not is a travesty on

justice and sin." These kinds of statements were then followed with a somewhat different perspective:

Not only is the economy the poorer because the underpaid cannot make their full contribution. The community in effect is required to subsidize the substandard employer in public welfare payments, extra social services, and

18 U.S. Congress, House, Committee on Education and Labor, Aid to Elementary and Secondary Education, Hearings before the General SuEcom- mittee on Education of the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R, 2361, H.R. 2362, 89th Cong., 1st sess., 1965, pt. 2, p. 781, statement of H. B. Sissel, United Presbyterian Church. 86 19 the other costs of poverty.

A few statements were thoroughly consistent in advocacy of a sin­

gle theme. At the same hearing on minimum wage legislation, The American

Friends Service Committee, for example, consistently recommended inclu­

sion of agricultural workers in the proposed legislation for purposes of

justice. It is "morally right." "Morally there can be no first and

second class citizens, no special privileges for industrial workers as

opposed to agricultural or other workers." "... we hope that this

Congress will . . . take steps to insure that all American workers re- 20 ceive equal benefits and protection."

In the hearings on Amending Migratory Labor Laws, 14 of 16 state­

ments analyzed had predominant themes of social justice. Rev. John

Wagner, for example, cited Archbishop Robert E. Lucey, chairman of the

Bishop's Committee for the Spanish Speaking, as demanding social justice

for farm workers. The inhuman condition of economic serfdom and slavery

cannot be ignored anymore. There is no place in the United States for

second class citizenship, unequal protection under the law, or disinheri­

tance of any group. "These bills are a step in the right direction for

19 U.S. Congress, House, Committee on Education and Labor, Minimum Wage Hour Amendments, 1965, Hearings before the General Subcommittee on Labor of the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 8259, 89th Cong., 1st sess., 1965, pt. **, pp. 2206, 2208, state­ ment of the Council for Christian Social Action of the United Church of Christ.

2Q Ibid., pp. 2285, 2288, statement of Scott Nielsen, American Friends Service Committee. 87 21 farmworkers to obtain equal opportunity as American citizens."

In a strong statement advocating social justice, the California

Migrant Ministry declared: "We are convinced now, as we should have been convinced many years before, that alleviation of . . . suffering depends primarily upon basic social justice." "Despite the brutal clar­ ity of this suffering, we, the people, have allowed the present labor system to continue without substantive change." The root of injustice is the radical power difference between farmworkers and their employers.

Farmworkers have rights, historically denied, to achieve political and 22 economic influence through strong organization.

An example of a socialization theme was indicated in the statement of the National Conference of Catholic Charities at hearings on The War on Poverty as it Affects Older Americans. The aged were described as having years of potential to offer our society. They can be trained to perform needed tasks to help maintain our cities and housing facilities.

They should not be denied equity of opportunity and increases in social 2 3 security, because they have useful potentials still to be actualized.

A statement of the YMCA's and YWCA's of Newark, New Jersey, and vicinity,

21u .s. Congress, Senate, Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Amending Migratory Labor Laws, Hearings before the Subcommittee on Migra- tory Labor of the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S. 166U and related bills, 89th Cong., 1st and 2d sess., 1965-1966, pp. 767, 773, statement of Rev. John A. Wagner, Bishop's Committee for the Spanish Speaking, and National Council for the Spanish Speaking.

22 Ibid., pp. 669, 6?6, 679, statement of Wayne C. Hartmire, Jr., California' Migrant Ministry.

^^The War on Poverty as it Affects Older Americans, pp. 107-08, 111, statement oJ? Ht. ftev. Msgr. Raymond J. Gallagher, National Conference of Catholic Charities. 68 likewise suggested the need lor programs to help older people continue 2li to be useful and responsible.

In the House hearings on Aid to Elementary and Secondary Education, the Baptist Joint Committee on Public Affairs favored the proposed legis­ lation especially for public schools because society is impoverished if it fails to provide opportunity for the development of "natural gifts" given to all social classes. The American Jewish Committee also sup­ ported the bill because public schools serve as training grounds for 26 constructive and healthful comsunity living.

Some statements were classified as having a socialisation theme because they advocated maintenance of national economic growth. For ex­ ample, in the hearings on Unemployment Compensation, The Methodist Church supported the legislation as assurance for the involuntarily unenployed to meet basic needs until re-employed— as a safeguard against serious economic depression. Further: "Such replacement of lost wages and salaries has also assured the Nation that its econo ny would have sue- 27 tained purchasing power."

2^Ibid., p. 5l8, statement of Joseph E. Pactenhermet, UCA's and YWCA's of Newark, New Jersey and vicinity.

^ Aid to Elementary and Secondary Education, Ifcuse, 196$, p. 766, statement of Dr. C. Emanual Carlson, Baptist Joint Co emittee on Public Affairs.

2 6 Ibid., pp. 793-95, statement of Morris B. Abram, the American Jewish Coanittee. 27 U.S. Congress, House, Committee on Mays and Means, Unemployment Compensation, Hearings before the Committee on Ways and Means, House Representatives, on H.R. 8282, 89th Cong., 1st sess., 1965, pp. I6 0 U-0 5 , statement of W. Astor Kirk, Methodist Board of Social Concerns, The United Methodist Church. 89

A rehabilitation-control theme was reflected in the statement of the Chicago YMCA at hearings on amendment of the Manpower Development and Training Act of 1962* Referring to a jobs program for youth, it was emphasized that working on behavioral and attitudinal problems is per- 28 haps the most important part of the program.

Many of the other statements with rehabilitation-control themes sought to provide various services for people in order to move them from dependency to self-sufficiency* In the hearings on Housing Legislation of 1965, for example, the National Conference of Catholic Charities in­ dicated that it was impressed with "... the great potential which ade­ quate housing has for increasing the advancement of our marginal families 29 to a condition of self-sufficiency and economic stability . . .

In the hearings on the Elementary and Secondary Education Act,

Dr. Arthur Flemming, speaking on behalf of the National Council of

Churches, stated:

. . . we believe that it is by improving our educational resources and by putting our young people in a position where they can become productive members of society that we can come to grips with this problem of poverty , . . and in the long run cut down on the number of people that are on our public assistance rolls.

28 U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Amending the Manpower Development and Training Act of 1962, as Amended, Hearings before the Subcommittee on Employment, Manpower and Poverty of the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S. 97*+, 89th Cong., 1st sess., 1965, pp. 251-52, statement of Bruce M. Cole, Chicago YWCA.

29 Housing Legislation of 1965, p. 559, statement of Msgr. Raymond J . Gallagher, National Conference of Catholic Charities. 90

"... the way to deal with the problem is to get in and initiate pro- 30 grams of rehabilitation." According to the statement of the Executive

Council of the Episcopal Church: "... serious moral problems, in­ cluding the problems of poverty and crime, are not going to be licked until educational deficiencies are corrected and educational opportuni­ ties aiade much more available."^-

In 1965, there was one statement with the theme of rehabilitation- social reform. At the hearings on Amending Migratory Labor Laws, the

Delano Ministerial Association of California urged ministers to instill initiative in strikers "to inprove their lot." Some of the suggested ways of improvement were changes in social conditions such as subsidised 32 low-rent housing and national minimum wage.

TABLE 6

THEMES OF CHURCH CROUP STATEMENTS SUBMITTED TO CONGRESSIONAL HEARINGS RELATED TO POVERTT, 1966

Item No. Church Group Theme

Housing Legislation for 1966 (s)

1. St. Mary's episcopal Church k 2. Ufoited Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. k

30 U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Ele­ mentary and Secondary Education Act of 196$t Hearings before the Subcom­ mittee on Education of the Sommittee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S. 370, 69th Cong., 1st sess., 1965, pt. 6, pp. 3010-3011, statement of Dr. Arthur Flemming, National Council of Churches. 31 Aid to Elementary and Secondary Education, House, p. 783, state­ ment of kev. Richard Salih, the Executive Council of the Episcopal Church. 32 Amending Migratory Labor Laws, p. 707, statement of the Delano Ministerial Association of California. 91

TABLE 6 --Continued

Item No* Church Group Theme

1966 Amendments to the Economic Opportunity Act of 196U (H)> Amendments to the Economic Opportunity Act of I96J4 (S)

3. National Council of Jewish Women 2 U* National Council of Catholic Women 2 5. United Church Women 2 6 . The Interreligious Committee Against Poverty 1 7. National Council of Churches 2 a. African-Methodist Episcopal Church 2

Establishing a Special Summer Lunch Program (H)

9* Federation of Jewish Philanthropies 2

Elementary and Secondary Education Amendments of 1966 (H); Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1966 (S)

10. American Jewish Congress 1 11. National Council of Jewish Women 1 12. Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith 2 13. United Church of Christ k

Higher Education Amendments of 1966 (H)

m . The Methodist Church k

Federal Role in Urban Affairs (s)

1 5 . First English Lutheran Church, Columbus, Ohio 3 1 6 . Lutheran Church of America 3 1 7 . Southern Christian Leadership Conference k it. Roman Catholic Diocese of Bridgeport, Conn. 1 1 9 . Rev. Leon H. Sullivan, Philadelphia 2 92

TABLE 7

FREQUENCIES AND PERCENTAGES OF THEMES IN 1966 HEARINGS

Theme Number Percentage

1 4 21.1 2 8 42.1 3 2 10.5 4 5 26.3 5 ■ e * *

Total 19 100 .00

In 1966, the rehabilitation-control theme was again predominant.

It was indicated, for example, in the statement of the Federation of

Jewish Philanthropies at hearings on Establishing a Summer Lunch Pro­

gram. Lunches were viewed as "bait1' to take children off ’’dangerous"

streets and bring them into institutions where they will be under the 33 guidance of group workers .

In the hearings on amending the Economic Opportunity Act, the Na­

tional Council of Jewish Uomen, the National Council of Catholic Women, and United Church Women all viewed the Jobs Corps program for girls as a

"redemption process." Through personal rehabilitation and "transforma­ tion," girls became "... effective and productive members of our so­ ciety, . . . able not only to have careers but to raise successful families." Poor people have:

. . . a multitude of serious problems and handicaps that prevent them from coping with m o d e m life. At this point,

33 U.S. Congress, House, Committee on Education and Labor, Estab­ lishing a Special Summer Lunch Program, Hearings before the Select Sub­ committee on Education of the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 9339, 89th Cong., 2d sess., 1966, pp. 47-50, statement of Hon. Philip Sokol, Federation of Jewish Philanthropies. 93

most, even with a decent income, would not be able to per­ form in the way society expects them to.3d

The National Council of Churches saw the task of the Job Corps as 39 to train people for work society needs. The African-Methodist Episco- pal Church saw its need for boys who are "roaming the streets."

At the hearings on The Federal Role in Urban Affairs, Rev. Leon

H. Sullivan, chairman of the Board of Directors, Opportunities Indus­

trialization Center— and speaking as a minister— advocated a strong re­ habilitation-control theme. He made remarks such as: "An idle mind is

the Devil's workshop." "Unoccupation" is one of the real problems of

crime and delinquency. QIC provides job training to winos, people out

of jails and off the streets. Self-help is stressed. To insure that people are motivated to want to help themselves, manpower program sti­ pends are not accepted. People who might train just so they can get $1*0 37 a week are not wanted.

^ 1 U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Amendments to the Economic Opportunity Act of 196U, Hearings before the Subcommittee oh Employment, Manpower, and Poverty of the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, 89th Cong., 2d sess., 1966, pp. UUl, UU8, statement of Mrs. Joseph Willen, on behalf of the National Council of Jewish Wbmen, the National Council of Catholic Women, and United Church Women.

^U.S. Congress, House, Committee on Education and Labor, 1966 Amendments to the Economic Cpportunity Act of 196U, Hearings before the Subcommittee on War on Poverty Programs of the Committee onEducation and Labor, House of Representatives, 89th Cong., 2d sess., 1966, p. 659, statement of Rev. David G. Colwell, National Council of Churches,

Ibid., p. 667, statement of Bishop George W. Baker, African- Methodist Episcopal Church.

q7 U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Government Operations. Fed­ eral Role in Urban Affairs, Hearings before the Subcommittee on Executive Reorganization of the Committee on Government Operations, Senate, 69th Cong., 2d sess., 1966, pt. 12, pp. 2587, 2588, 2599, statement of Rev. Leon H. Sullivan. 94

A rehabilitation-control theme was also indicated in the statement of the Anti-Defamation League of B ’nai B'rith at hearings on the Elemen­ tary and Secondary Education Act of 1966, It was suggested that until many school districts alter segregation and inequalities, dropouts, de- 3 8 linquency, and dependency will continue.

A group which consistently advocated a theme of social justice was the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. In the hearings on the

Federal Role in Urban Affairs, for example, Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. emphasized that the solution to poverty is to abolish it directly through

programs such as guaranteed annual income. He also stated: "Our goal is not to bring the discriminated up to a limited, particular level, but to 39 reduce the gap between them and the rest of American society,"

Socialization was reflected in the statement of the Interreligious

Committee Against Poverty at hearings on Amendments to the Economic Op­

portunity Act of 196*+. Here, the emphasis was on changing social condi­

tions which obstruct personal growth--the latter seeming to be the pri­

mary end desired. People "... must be free from the total absorption 40 of material anxieties to be able to be concerned with spiritual matters."

3 8 U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1966, Hearings before the Sub­ committee on Education of the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S. 3046 and related bills, 89th Cong., 2d sess., 1966, p t . 5, p. 2074, statement of Oscar Cohen, Anti-Defamation League of B *nai B 'rith.

Federal Role in Urban Affairs, pt. 14, pp. 2969, 2973, statement of Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr., Southern Christian Leadership Conference.

40 Amendments to the Economic Opportunity Act of 1964, Senate, p. 87, statement of the Interreligious Committee Against Poverty. 9$

A sound family environment, with implications for proper sociali­

zation of children, seemed to be the end sought by the Roman Catholic

Diocese of Bridgeport, Connecticut, in the urban affairs hearings. Urg­

ing better housing, it was explained that: "Even . . . QEO . . * pro­

grams . . . are of dubious long-term value when they are not founded on

a solid family environment, essential to which is decent housing."^

A statement on behalf of the First English Lutheran Church of

Columbus, Ohio, and the Lutheran Church of America suggested the theme

of rehabilitation-social Justice at the urban affairs hearings. It was

remarked that: "If people of the inner city can be enabled to act much

can be accomplished . . . ." The acconplishments desired were inproved

social conditions.^

TABLE 8

THEMES OF CHURCH GROUP STATEMENTS SUBMITTED TO CONGRESSIONAL HEARINGS RELATED TO POVERTY, 196?

Item No. Church Group Theme

Economic Opportunity Act Amendments of 1967 (H); Examination of the War on Poverty (S)

1. National Council of Jewish Women T 2 ~ 2. National Council of Catholic Women 1 2

^ ^ederal Role in Urban Affairs, pt. 12, p. 2517, statement of Rev. Louis A. De&rofio, Roman Catholic Diocese of Bridgeport, Connecti­ cut.

Ibid., pt. 9j P* 2078, statement of Pastor Leopold W. Bernhard, First English Lutheran Church, Columbus, Ohio, and the Lutheran Church in America. 96

TABLE 8— Continued

Item No. Church Group Theme

3. Church Women United 2 4. National Council of Churches 4 5. The Interreligious Committee Against Poverty 4 6. Newark Council of Church Women 2 7. St. John’s Lutheran Church, Kokono, Indiana h 8. Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith 4 9. Diocese of Georgia 10. East Harlem Protestant Parish 4 11. Protestant Episcopal Church 4 12. YWCA of the U.S.A. 1 13. Council of Jewish Federations and Welfare Funds, Inc. 1 14. Church Women, United Philadelphia Council of Churches 2 15. National Conference of Catholic Charities 2 16. U.S. Catholic Conference 2 17. Presentation Church (Catholic), Lawndale, Illinois 2 18. YMCA of Metropolitan Chicago 2

Elementary and Secondary Education Amendments of 1967 (H)

19. U.S. Catholic Conference 2

Extend the Food Stamp Act of 1964 and Amend the Child Nutrition Act of 1966 (H); Food Stamp Appropriations Authorization (S)

20. National Council of Churches 4 21. Commission on the Delta Ministry, National Council of Churches 4

Rent Supplement Assistance to the Elderly (S)

22. The American Baptist Convention 4

Costs and Delivery of Health Services to Older Americans (S)

23. Most Holy Trinity Rectory, Detroit 2 97 TABLE 8— Continued

Item No. Church Croup 1 Theme

Housing Legislation of 1967 (S)

2l*. Professor of Church and Society, Virginia Theological Seminary 2 25. Interfaith Interracial Council of the Clergy, Philadelphia 2 26. Blue Hill Christian Center, Roxbury, Massachusetts u 27. National Conference of Catholic Charities 2

Consumer Problems of the Poor: Supermarket Operations in Low-Income Areas and the Federal Response (H)

28. St. Bridget of Brin Church, St. Louis h

Effect of Federal Programa on Rural America (H)

29. American Friends Service Committee h 30. National Council of Churches 2 31. Lutheran Council in the United States of America 3

President's Proposal for Revision in the Social Security System (H); Social Security Amendments of 196?(S)

32. National Conference of Catholic Charities 1 33. U.S. Catholic Conference 1 3U. Federation of Jewish Philanthropies of New York 1* 35. The Council of Jewish Federation Welfare Funds i* 36. TWCA of the U.S.A. k 37. National Council of Churches 2 38. The Methodist Church 2 39. The Uhited Church of Christ u 1*0. Executive Council of the Episcopal Church 2 la . The United Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. 1 U2. The Salvation Army 1 1*3. St. Aloysius Church, Washington, D.C. i* 1*1*. Federation of Protestant Welfare Agencies 1*

Migratory Labor Legislation (S)

1*5. National Council of Catholic Women 1* 1*6. National Council of Jewish Women 1* 1*7. Church Women United 1* 1*8. YWCA of the U.S.A. 1* 98

TABLE 8— • Continued

Item No. Church Qroup Theme

U9. U.S. Catholic Conference k 50. Bishop's Committee for the Spanish Speaking k 51. National Catholic Rural Life Conference k $2. National Council of Churches k 53. The Central Conference of American Rabbis h Sk. Union of American Hebrew Congregations h 55- Catholic Poverty Commission, Dayton, Ohio k 56. Iowa Council of Churches k 57. Iowa Catholic Conference k 58. National Council of Churches, Dept, of Social Justice h 59. Ohio Migrant Ministry of the Ohio Council of Churches k 60 . Church Women United in Ohio k 61. Migrant Ministry, Oregon Council of Churches k 62 . Washington-Northern Idaho Council of Churches k 63. Unitarian-Universalist Association h 61*. First Methodist Church, Reston, Washington h 65. The Florida Christian Migrant Ministry 2 66. Illinois Council of Churches U 67. California Migrant Ministry k 60. La Crosse Diocese Commission on Social Action k 69. Texas Catholic Conference 2 70. Archbishop, San Antonio k 71. Rev. James Navarro, Texas h 72. New Jersey Council of Churches h

TABLE 9

FREQUENCIES AND PERCENTAGES OF THEMES IN 1967 HEARINGS

Theme Number Percentage

1 6 8.3 2 20 27.8 3 1 l.U h h$ 62.5 5 « • « e

Total 72 100.0 99

Social justice themes were again predominant in the 1967 hearings.

In the House hearings on the Economic Opportunity Act Amendments , the

National Council of Churches made a strong plea for social justice.

Stating that there is a moral demand to abolish poverty, Arthur Flemming

explained that:

. . . the predominant and overwhelming mass of contempo­ rary poverty results from socio-economic defects, disloca­ tions, and maladjustments. Most obvious among these are: inadequate economic growth; lack of adequate education and training opportunities . . . , inadequate wage and income levels for many partially and fully employed persons; dis­ crimination on the basis of race, religion, ethnic back­ ground, sex; social conditions which seem to lock some people into perpetual poverty; and inadequate income main­ tenance provisions for the non-earning segments of the population such as the very young, the aged, the incompe­ tent and incapacitated, and the unemployed.

In addition to these more obvious factors . . . , we recog­ nize and acknowledge the influence of unrestricted economic individualism, developed during the era of scarcity, which hampers the creation of adequate mechanisms for income dis­ tribution and income maintenance in an affluent society.

Flemning stated further that the poor must have countervailing power in

our society. Their self-organization must be supported. He explained that: "The history of the human struggle for justice and equity reveals

few instances in which the establishments of this world have voluntarily

transferred power to the powerless or of their own free will granted re- t*3 dress of grievances to the exploited and the dispossessed."

In hearings on the Social Security Amendments of 1967, the Council of Jewish Federations and Welfare Funds and the Federation of Jewish

U.S. Congress, House, Committee on Education and Labor, Economic Opportunity Act Amendments of 1967, Hearings before the Comnittee on Edu- cation and Labor, Mouse of Representatives on H.R. 8311, 90th Cong., 1st sess., pt. 4, 2892-93, statement of Arthur S. Flemming, National Council of Churches. 100

Philanthropies of New York accused the government of injustice which should be rectified. Because public welfare payments are so low and un- 4.11 even, the Government is a major source of poverty itself. In the same hearings, the National Board of the YWCA urged Congress to replace puni­ tive and coercive measures ” ... with those which more nearly reflect the enlightened and compassionate resources we are fully able to bring to bear as a nation,” Coercive aspects of AFDC were strongly opposed— such as recipients having to prove worthiness by work, regulation of behavior, and too much concern with getting mothers off relief rolls. "The YWCA believes,” it was stated, ”it is wrong to use services intended to help make peoples' lives better as an instrument for controlling their be- havior, . . . ."

Of 2h statements analyzed from hearings on Migratory Labor Legis­ lation, all but 2 had social justice themes. Conmon views in many of the statements centered on the right of migrant workers to justice and equal­ ity in the American economic system. They have the right to organize for their own protection and economic betterment. A strong statement made by Rev. William Killian, representing Archbishop Robert E. Lucey of

San Antonio, claimed that migrant workers are "... the victims of con­ scious and largely successful efforts to exclude them from much of the

|A U. U.S. Congress, Senate, Coumittee on Finance, Social Security Amendments of 1967, Hearings before the Committee on Finance, Senate, on H.fe. 12080, 90th Cong., 1st sess., pt. 3, p. 1612, statement of Myron L. Mayer and others, Council of Jewish Federations and Welfare Funds, and the Federation of Jewish Philanthropies of New York.

45Ibid., pp. 1632, 1635, statement of Dr. Dorothy Ferebee, National Board, YWCA. 101 social legislation enacted during the 1930's and since." Justice is de­ manded for them as what is due, not as a charitable gift.^

Rehabilitation-control themes were reflected again in statements of the national Council of Jewish Women, the National Council of Catholic

Women, and Church Women United, at hearings on the Economic Opportunity

Act Amendments. The poor were viewed as having "handicapping attitudes and habits" which are in need of transformation. Focusing on Job Corps for girls, Betty Fleischaker of the National Council of Jewish Women, explained that such transformation is the goal sought. Describing a girl who had achieved this goal, she stated: "... she is a changed person. She got the will and the desire to move herself ahead. . * . the whole focus and the whole direction of this young woman’s life is completely changed from her experience in the Job Corps." Job Corps

"... makes it possible for many unproductive young women to develop healthy attitudes, learn study skills and work habits."^

In his testimony at the hearings on amendments to the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, Hsgr. James C. Donohue of the U.S. Catholic

Conference stated that reaching the four year old with a compensatory education program and following through at least to fourth grade "... fairly well guarantees that the boy or girl will not be a school dropout.

U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Mi­ gratory Labor Legislation, Hearings before the Subcommittee on Migratory Labor of the Coanit-bee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S. 8 and other bills, 90th Cong., 1st sess., 196?, pt. 2, pp. 5h0, 5U3, statement of Rev. William Killian, representing Robert E. Lucey, Archbishop of San Antonio*

^ Economic Opportunity Act Amendments of 1967, House, pt. 2, pp. 1962, 1995, statement of Betty Fleischaker, National Council of Jewish Women. 102

Not being a high school dropout will give the youngster an opportunity, ) ft then, to move into employment . . . ."

In hearings on Housing Legislation of 1967, Professor John C.

Fletcher of Virginia Theological Seminary supported the Neighborhood De­ velopment Corporation Assistance Act designed to develop local citizen participation in 0E0 programs. He pointed out the importance of reiden- tifying people with their neighborhoods through having a voice and vote in programs for the neighborhoods* He explained: "Ctaly with this re­ identification can the desire to destroy the neighborhoods be trans- U9 formed into the desire to improve the neighborhoods.”

Several statements with rehabilitation-control themes could be said to have advocated "humane" social control, depending on one's ca­ pacity to fill needed social functions. In the Social Security hearings, for exanple, the National Council of Churches, the Methodist Church, and the Executive Council of the Episcopal Church saw the goal of moving adults from public assistance roles into productive enployment as de­ sirable. Welfare mothers, however, should not be coerced into a com­ pulsory work program. It may be more important not to deprive children of their mother's care. The consequence of such deprivation would

) ft U.S. Congress, House, Committee on Education and Labor, Elemen­ tary and Secondary Education Amendments of 1967, Hearings before the Com­ mittee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives7 on H.R. 6230, 90th Cong., 1st sess., 1967, pt. 2, p. 1279, statement of Msgr. James C. Donohue, U.S. Catholic Conference.

Ii9 U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Banking and Currency, Housing Legislation of 1967, Hearings before the Subcommittee on Housing and Ur­ ban Affairs of the Conmiitee on Banking and Currency, Senate, 90th Cong., 1st sess., 1967, pt. 1, pp. £12, $lht statement of John C. Fletcher, Virginia Theological Seminary. 103

likely be a disproportionate share of delinquents, mentally ill, and so*

cially and economically unproductive citizens of the next generation.

Mothers, therefore, should continue to receive public assistance without 5o working in order to prevent social deviance.

One statement, made by the Lutheran Council of the United States

of America at hearings on The Effect of Federal Programs on Rural Areas,

reflected a rehabilitation-social reform theme. Rural people must

" . . . repent of their past sins.” These sins include self-centeredness

and irresponsible individualism. A new outlook is needed— concern for 51 achieving political, economic and social Justice for all.

TABLE 10

THEMES OF CHURCH GROUP STATEMENTS SUBMITTED TO CONGRESSIONAL HEARINGS RELATED TO POVERTY, 1966

Item No. Church Group Theme

Housing and Urban Development Legislation and Urban Insurance (H); Housing and Urban Development Legislation of 1968 (S)

Camden Episcopal Community Center lr National Conference of Catholic Charities 1 u 2* *

Social Security Amendments of 1967, Senate, pt. 3, pp* 1727-1736, statements ot William Robinson, National douncil of Churches] Bishop James S. Thomas, The Methodist Church; Dr. Inabel B . Lindsay, Episcopal Action Group on Poverty, Executive Council of the Episcopal Church.

51U.S . Congress, House, Committee on Agriculture, Effect of Federal Programs on Rural America, Hearings before the Subcommittee on Rural De­ velopment of the Committee on Agriculture, House of Representatives, 90th Cong*, 1st sess., 1967, pp* 666-69, statement of E. W. Mueller, Lutheran Council in the Uhited States of America. TABLE 10— Continued

Item No. Church Group Theme

3- National Council of Churches k u. Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith 2 5. Executive Council of the Episcopal Church 2

To Extend Certain Expiring Provisions Under the Manpower Development and Training Act of 1962 (H)

6. Southern Christian Leadership Conference h

Malnutrition and Federal Food Service Programs (H)

7. National Council of Jewish Women h 8. National Council of Catholic Women k 9. Church Women United h 10. YWCA of the U.S.A. h 11. Catholic priest, San Antonio h 12. Texas Conference of Catholic Charities k 13. Diocese of Brownsville, Texas i 1U. Catholic Archdiocese of Denver 2

Income Maintenance Programs (JEC)

15. National Council of Churches 1 16. National Conference of Catholic Charities u 17. National Catholic Rural Life Conference u 18. American Jewish Congress k 19. Friends Committee on National Legislation 1

Employment and Training Legislation, 1966

20. Southern Christian Leadership Conference k

Usefulness of the Model Cities Program to the Elderly (S)

21. National Conference of Catholic Charities h

Public Service ESiployment (H)

22. Synagogue Council of America 2 23. National Conference of Catholic Charities 1 2U. Amerioan Jewish Congress 2 105

TABLE 10— Continued

Item No. Church Group Theme

Hunger and Malnutrition in the United States (S)

25. Southern Christian Leadership Conference 4

TABLE 11

FREQUENCIES AND PERCENTAGES OF THEMES IN 1968 HEARINGS

Theme Number Percentage

1 4 16.0 2 5 20.0

3 • • * * 4 16 64.0

5 • * * •

Total 25 100.0

Social justice themes were predominant again in the 1968 hear­ ings. Even in some statements which referred to riots and violence in the country, those events were explained primarily in terms of de­ mands for social justice. Although control of riots and violence was desired, social justice seemed to be the predominant end sought.

An example of the situation cited above occurred in the statement by the National Council of Churches presented in the hearings on Housing and Urban Development Legislation and Urban Insurance. It was declared that the nation must provide decent housing for all of its people. "Too 106 long already we have averted our eyes from the demands of justice.11 The riots are divine retribution for the pain and deprivation inflicted on others. It is for those who inflict this suffering to repent and reform 52 social structures so that they will be just and equitable for all men.

In hearings on manpower training, Rev. Ralph Abernathy of the

Southern Christian Leadership Conference stated:

We ask you to eliminate programs that try to fit poor peo­ ple into a system that has systematically excluded them from sharing in American plenty. We say that the system must change and adjust to the needs of millions who are unemployed or under-employed* This is the right of people who want to work but cannot find jobs.53

It was also sometimes difficult to identify the predominant theme of a statement when social justice was tied in with the notion of guar­ anteeing work because people who are able should work. In hearings on

Income Maintenance, the National Conference of Catholic Charities sug­ gested, for example, that a guaranteed income program be harmonized with a guaranteed employment program. People are entitled to sufficient in­ come. The means of obtaining the income should vary, however, according

52 U.S. Congress, House, Committee on Banking and Currency, Housing and Urban Development Legislation and Urban Insurance, Hearings before the Subcommittee on Housing of the Comittee on Banking and Currency, House of Representatives, on H.R. 15624, H.R. 15625, and other bills, 90th Cong., 2d sess., I960, pt. 2, pp. 1364, 1366, statement of James A. Hamilton, National Council of Churches.

53 U.S. Congress, House, Committee on Education and Labor, To Extend Certain Expiring Provisions Under the Manpower Development and Training Act of 1962, Hearings before the Select Subcommittee on Labor of the Com­ mittee oh Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 15045, 90th Cong., 2d sess., 1968, p. 27, statement of Rev. Ralph David Abernathy, Southern Christian Leadership Conference. 107 to whether one can work. The general public would probably not accept a guaranteed income apart from any consideration of work. Those who can but are not presently working, however, are not viewed as deviant people in need of change. Instead, they are viewed as victims of inequitable social conditions. Though often able and trilling to work, they cannot find jobs to provide them a decent living. Through no fault of their own, then, they are hungry and impoverished* In this context, the goal to provide guaranteed opportunity to work with a decent wage seemed to be a matter basically of social justice rather than rehabilitation- 5k control.

One of the strongest statements consistently advocating social

justice was that of Bev. Ralph Abernathy, of the Southern Christian

Leadership Conference, at hearings on Employment and Training Legisla­ tion. Many specific social welfare programs were recommended in this context:

We come because poor fathers and mothers want a house to live in that will protect their children against the bit­ ter winter cold, the searing heat of summer and the rain that now too often comes in through the cracks in our roofs and walls.

We have come here to say that we don't think it's too much to ask for a decent place to live in at reasonable prices in a country with a Gross National Product of 800 billion dollars.

Congress, Joint Economic Committee, Income Maintenance Pro­ grams, Hearings before the Subcommittee on Fiscal Policy of the Joint Economic ComraTb’tee, 90th Cong., 2d sess., 1968, vol. I, pp, 392, 395, 398, kOl, statement of Ronald C. Hayes, National Conference of Catholic Charities. 108

Can it really be believed that we really don't care that our children are bitten by rats, that we are packed into cubbyholes, plagued by roaches, our health threatened by roaches and garbage?

. . . we must not, we cannot, we will not continue this way.

Does this country care so little for us? . . .

We do not believe that it should be too hard to know where the choice of a wise and just Government must lie.35

Rehabilitation-control themes were reflected in statements such as one by the Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith at hearings on

Housing and Urban Development Legislation and Urban Insurance. It was stated:

We want only to emphasize as did the President in his mes­ sage to Congress 'that if our cities are to be saved from the blight of violence and despair we must act now.1 De­ cent housing is urged for our Nation's needy.55

At hearings on Public Service Employment, Rabbi Richard Hirsch of the

Union of American Hebrew Congregations claimed that we cannot afford not to pass the proposed legislation because: "Our society has already paid the high price of unemployment in the toll of riots, racial tension, frustration and despair." "If permitted to persist unabated, unemploy­ ment will lead . . . to the ultimate destruction of the American

55 U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Em­ ployment and Training Legislation, 1968, Hearings before the Subcommittee on Employment, Manpower, and Poverty of the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S. 3063 and related bills, 90th Cong., 2d sess., 1968, pp. 283-85, statement of Dr. Ralph David Abernathy, Southern Christian Leadership Conference.

Housing and Urban Development Legislation and Urban Insurance, statement of £ugene t. Sugarman, Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith. 10? 57 dream,"

In hearings on Malnutrition and Federal Food Service Programs, re­ habilitation-control seemed more important than hunger in the testimony of the Catholic Archdiocese of Denver: "You are never going to get . . .

Rids to break eating habits of a minority group until you educate them how to eat.” Also, parents should not be given total give-aways of lunches for their kids because it does not educate them or give them a sense of responsibility. They should have to pay something, even if just . It was also emphasised that increased interest and seal in edu- 58 cation and the desire to work have resulted from school feeding programs.

Several statements at the hearings on Income Maintenance Programs evidenced socialisation themes. The National Council of Churches made quite explicit references to socialisation. It was stressed that "... transfer payments must be seen as an investment in personality develop­ ment and in household security." A secure household is needed in order to assure that its basic goal is fulfilled: "... to transmit cultural values through socialisation. ..." This involves generating motiva­ tion to work because the society needs workers in order to produce goods

57 U.S. Congress, House, Committee on Education and Labor, Public Service Enployment, Hearings before the Select Subcommittee on Labor of the 6oramittee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives on H.R. 12280, and related bills, 90th Cong., 2d sess., 1968, p. 115, statement of Rabbi Richard Hirsch, Union of American Hebrew Congregations.

^U.S. Congress, House, Committee on Education and Labor, Malnu­ trition and Federal Food Service Programs, Hearings before the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 17H*U, and re­ lated bills, 90th Cong., 2d sess., 1968, pt. 2, pp. 795 , 798 , 801-02, statement of Rev. C. B. Woodrich, Catholic Archdiocese of Denver, Colorado. 110 and services. The product of the household, therefore, is 11 . . . a necessary and a basic need of the economy.” The household must have re­ sources, therefore,to generate occupational motivation in its members.

One of the most important resources is income: ” ... millions of fam­ ilies . . . need special transfer payments in order to be able to de­ velop . , . facilities necessary to . . . socialize persons in family structures.” ’The output . . . is the motivated person, and this is what 59 we hope is achieved."

It was explained further by the National Council of Churches that:

” . . . if we strengthen the family at the point of . . . income flow whereby you are able, then, to socialize personality, then you are deal­ ing with the hard, basic causes of ingrained poverty, that persons under those circumstances will become creative working people. They will want to be."60

TABLE 12

THEMES OF CHURCH GROUP STATEMENTS SUBMITTED TO CONGRESSIONAL HEARINGS RELATED TO POVERTY, 1969

Item No. Church Group Theme

School Lunch and Child Nutrition Program (S)

1. National Council of Jewish Women 1

59 Income Maintenance Programs, pp. 316-18, statement of Luther Tyson, National Council of Churches.

60Ibid., p. 325. Ill

TABLE 12— Continued

Item No. Church Group Theme

Nutrition and Human Needs (S)

2. Southern Christian Leadership Conference k 3. Operation Breadbasket, Southern Christian Leadership Conference 5

Human Nutrition Act of 1969 (H)

i*. U.S. Catholic Conference k 5* National Council of Churches k

Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1969 (H and S)

6. Church Women United 2 7. National Council of Catholic Women 2 8. National Council of Jewish Women 2 9. National Conference of Catholic Charities k 10. U.S. Catholic Conference k 11. National Council of Churches 2 12. YWCA of the U.S.A. 2 13. American Jewish Congress 1 lit. Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith 1

General Farm and Food Stamp Program (H)j Food Stamp Program and Commodity Distribution (S)

15- Union of American Hebrew Congregations u 16. Friends Committee on National Legislation 1 17. National Catholic Rural Life Conference k 18. National Council of Churches k 19. The Synagogue Council of America 1 20. U.S. Catholic Conference k

Housing and Urban Development Legislation of 1969 (S)

21. B'nai B'rith 1 112

TABLE 12— Continued

Item No. Church Croup Theme

Elementary and Secondary Education Amendments of 1969 (S)j Needs of Elementary and Secondary Education for the 70's (H)

22. National Council of Churches, Delta Ministry u 23. Agudath Israel of America 2

Migrant Health Services (S)

21*. National Council of Churches k

Social Security and Welfare Proposals (H)

25. National Conference of Catholic Charities 2 2 6 . National Council of Churches 1 27. National Council of Jewish Women 2 20. National Council of Catholic Women 2 29. Church Women Ohited 2 30. YWCA of the U.S.A. 2 31. Lutheran Council in the Ohited States of America 1* 32. American Jewish Committee 2 33. U.S. Catholic Conference 1 31*. United Methodist Church (formerly called The Methodist Church) 1 35. Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith 1 36. Western Pennsylvania-West Virginia Synod, Lutheran Church in America 1

Grassroots Hearings on Economic Problems (H)

37. XMCA, Atlanta, Georgia k 30. Southern Christian Leadership Conference k Older Americans in Rural Areas (s)

39. St. Francis Roman Catholic Church, Greenwood, Mississippi h 113 TABLE 12— Continued

Item No. Church Group Theme

Tax Credits to Stimulate Job Opportunities in Rural Areas (S)

l*o. National Catholic Rural Life Conference 1

Migrant and Seasonal Farmworker Powerlessness (S)

1*1. St. Peter's Lutheran Church, Greenport, New York 0 02. United Church of Christ, Rio Grande Valley, Texas 0 03. Methodist minister, John's Island, South Carolina 0

Comprehensive Preschool Education and Child Day-Care Act of 1969 (H)

0 0 . National Council of Jewish Wbmen 1

TABLE 13

FREQUENCIES AND PERCENTAGES OP THEMES IN 1969 HEARINGS

Theme Number Percentage

1 13 29.5 2 12 27.3 3 • * • * 0 10 U0.9 5 1 2.3

Total 1*1* 100.0

Social justice themes were again predominant in 1 9 6 9 . The South­ ern Christian Leadership Conference was represented by four witnesses at hearings on Nutrition and Human Needs, all of whom strongly advocated feeding hungry people now— as a matter of justice. Rev. Abernathy stated: " . . . the least the Nation can do is to respond to the most elemental need of many millions of its citizens by feeding the most needy without further delay.

The statements of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference were given two classifications because one, by Rev. Jesse L. Jackson,

National Director of Operation Breadbasket, at least warned of social revolution. He stated, for example; " . . . either this Government is going to respond to us or we are going to get another one . . . ."

"... a government that will not take care of the needs of its people deserves revolution, ..." "I cannot . . . try to feed my people on a passive philosophy, when the fact is that they are being so violently de­ stroyed in their hearts, minds and souls every day . . . . "^2

In the House hearings on the Human Nutrition Act of 1969, the U.S.

Catholic Conference and the National Council of Churches did not go as far as Jesse Jackson in advocating social revolution. Their statements were classified as social reform. However, they did recommend radical changes in social arrangements in regard to distribution of food. If one has goods beyond what one needs for himself, they should be dis­ tributed to others. Father John McCarthy of the U.S. Catholic Con­ ference proclaimed that:

U.S. Congress, Senate, Select Committee on Nutrition and Human Needs, Nutrition and Human Needs, Hearings before the Select Committee on Nutrition and Human Needs, Senate, 9lst Cong., 1st sess., 1969, pt. 10, p. 3168, statement of Rev. Ralph David Abernathy, Southern Christian Leadership Conference.

62 Ibid., pp. 3301-02, statement of Rev. Jesse L. Jackson. 115

No one is justified in keeping for his own exclusive use what he does not need while others lack necessities. In a word, this nation is morally obligated to transfer to the hungry their rightful share of our resources.63

On behalf of the National Council of Churches, William Robinson

stated: "... the wealthy of any society must stand under the judg­

ment of the God of history when they permit gross inequities to exist

and persist in that society." He explained that the National Council

of Churches:

, . . believes that the existence of hunger and malnutri­ tion in a society that has resources to eliminate them is morally wrong. . . . society must transcend its past indif­ ference and callousness toward the sufferings of those who are in want, and develop a food distribution system that assures that all of our people are adequately nourished.

Robinson suggested that: "What is being tested is what sort of society

we are." "... failure to respond now would be an act of calculated

injustice." He also noted that nutrition education is secondary to food 64 getting to those who need it. In hearings on the General Farm and Food

Stamp Program, the National Catholic Rural Life Conference urged that

food is a basic human right and hunger should not be used as a club to 65 make anyone do anything, including work.

63 U.S. Congress, House, Committee on Agriculture, Human Nutrition Act of 1969, Hearings before the Committee on Agriculture, House of Rep- resentatives, on H.R. 9100, H.R. 9104, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969, p. 88, statement of Father John McCarthy, U.S. Catholic Conference.

Ibid., p. 95, statement of William H. Robinson, National Council of Churches.

c c U.S. Congress, House, Committee on Agriculture, General Farm and Food Starrp Program, Hearings before the Committee on Agriculture, House of Representatives, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969, statement of Rt. Rev. Msgr, Edward W. O ’Rourke, National Catholic Rural Life Conference. 116

At hearings on the Economic Opportunity Act of 1969, the U. S.

Catholic Conference and the National Conference of Catholic Charities emphasized the need for radical measures instead of bandaids and paci­ fiers to change political and economic conditions which keep people im­ poverished* Rev* McCarthy of the U.S. Catholic Conference stated:

Maybe we will do the right thing only because we see the danger in continued inaction. Maybe we will assume our responsibility only when we see that we cannot really af­ ford poverty ....

Is it too much to hope that as a nation we would do it simply because the.means are at our disposal— simple be­ cause it is right?®®

The frequent rehabilitation-control themes of Church Women United, the National Council of Catholic Women, and the National Council of

Jewish Women appeared again in the hearings on the Economic Opportunity

Amendments of 1969* This theme seemed to be stunned up in a statement of the National Council of Catholic Women in regard to the Job Corps program for girls: "We feel strongly that although job training is important, human renewal is even more inportant." In the House hearings, a letter,

also about the Jobs Corps program for girls, by the YWCA of the U.S.A. stated:

66 U-S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1969, Hearings before the Subcommit- tee on Employment, Manpower, and Poverty of the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S. 1809, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969, p. 695, statement of Rev. John McCarthy, U.S. Catholic Conference.

67 Ibid., p. 670, statement of Mrs. Maxwell H. Stokes, National Council of Catholic Women 117

This youth program was conceived to save lives; not dol­ lars. If hundreds of thousands of untrained, ill-educa­ ted young people drift into the stagnant pool of unem­ ployables we believe they will cost the nation much more in the long run in crime and welfare alone.60

In hearings on the Needs of Elementary and Secondary Education for the 70's, Rabbi Morris Sherer, Executive President of Agudath Israel of

America stated that the major cause of poverty is the lack of a good edu­ cation. A better education would also "... counteract the mood of permissiveness and self-indulgence that has engulfed the youth of our . . . 69 Nation, . . . " and is creating discontent.

The personal and social sides of the socialization theme were both evident in the statement of the Friends Committee on National Legislation at hearings on the General Farm and Food Stamp Program. It was explained that: "People simply cannot work to their fullest capacity when they are undernourished, nor can children l e a m to their best ability if they are hungry." If children learn better, chances go up that they will fulfill their potential to become self-sufficient, productive individuals— and economic dependence will be prevented. On the social side, social main­ tenance was suggested in the recomnendation that putting more money into

£ Q U.S. Congress, House, Conmittee on Education and Labor, Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1969, Hearings before the Ad Hoc Hearing Task Force on Poverty of the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Rep­ resentatives, on H.R. 513, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969, p t . 3, p. 1723, statement of Mrs. Fred J. Church, YWCA of the U.S.A.

69 U.S. Congress, House, Conmittee on Education and Labor, Needs of Elementary and Secondary Education for the 70 *s, Hearings before the General Subcommittee on Education of the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 517, and related bills, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969-1970, pt. 2, pp. 904, 909, statement of Rabbi Morris Sherer, Agudath Israel of America. 118

food stamps will help solve the Agriculture Department'a problem of keep- 70 ing consumption up with production.

In hearings on Social Security and Welfare Payments, the U. S*

Catholic Conference enphasized the contribution of the Family Assistance

Act to family stability. A pastoral letter from the National Conference

of Catholic Bishops of 1968 was quoted: "'The object of wise social policy is not only the physical well-being of persons but their emotional

stability and moral growth, not as individuals, but, whenever possible 71 with family units.'*' The United Methodist Church, also, pointed out

that whereas the present welfare program prevents economic independence,

the value of independence is enphasized in the Family Assistance Act.

People are not seen as deviant, however, in the sense of not being will­ ing to work. Most want to work and will if given opportunities to do so.72

TABLE lU

THEMES OF CHURCH CROUP STATEMENTS SUBMITTED TO CONGRESSIONAL HEARINGS RELATED TO POVERTY, 1970

Item No. Church Group Theme

Family Assistance Act of 1970 (s) “T American Jewish Committee

70 Qeneral Farm and Food Stamp Program, pp. 397-98, statement of Edward T* Anderson, friends (Committee on National Legislation.

71 U.S. Congress, House, Committee on Ways and Means, Social Se­ curity and Welfare Proposals, Hearings before the Committee on Ways and Means, House ot Representatives, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969, pt. 6, p. 2271, statement of John E. Cosgrove, U.S. Catholic Conference.

72 Ibid., pt. 7, p. 2593, statement of A. Dudley Ward and Grover C. Bagby, United Methodist Church. 119 TABLE lU— Continued

Item No. Church Group Theme

2 . St. Aloysius Church, Washington D.C. (Catholic) 2 3. Friends Committee on National Legislation u h- National Council of Jewish Women 1 5. National Council of Catholic Women 1 6 . Church Women United 1 7. National Conference of Catholic Charities 1 8 . U.S. Catholic Conference 1 9. National Council of Churches 1 10. Union of American Hebrew Congregations, for the Synagogue Council of America 1 11. Federation of Jewish Philanthropies 1 12. Federation of Protestant Welfare Agencies in New fork 1 13. Catholic Charities of the Archdiocese of New Xork and Brooklyn 1 111. American Friends Service Committee k 15. Washington Office Reference Group of the Mennonite Central Committee 1 16. Mennonite Board of Missions and Charities 1 17. Anti•Defamation League of B'nai B'rith 2 18. United Methodist Church 1 19. Women's Division, United Methodist Church 1 20. Lutheran Council in the United States of America 2 21. New York State Catholic Committee 2

Unemployment Compensation (S)

22. National Council of Churches u 23. U.S. Catholic Conference k 21*. National Conference of Catholic Charities k

Manpower Act of 1969 (H); Manpower and Training Legislation, 1970 (S)S

25. The National Council of Jewish Women 1 26. The National Council of Catholic Women 1 27. The National Board of the YWCA of the U.S.A. 1 28. Los Angeles Section, National Council of Jewish Women 1

Nutrition and Human Needs (S)

29. Southern Christian Leadership Conference 1* 120

TABLE XU— Continued

Item No. Church Group Theme

Housing and Urban Development Legislation — 1970 (H); Housing and Urban Development Legislation of 1970 (S)

30. Mennonite Central Conmittee, Atlanta, Georgia 2 31. Beth-El Mennonite Church, Milford, Nebraska k 32. Council of Churches of the City of New York h 33. Mennonite Central Committee, Washington, D.C. k 3U. Philadelphia Board of Rabbis k 35. United Methodist Church, Board of Missions k 36. Iowa Council of Churches k 37. The First Methodist Church, Saginaw, Michigan k 36. Society of Jesus, Detroit (Catholic) h 39. National Conference of Catholic Charities k Uo. Union of American Hebrew Congregations U la. United Methodist Church, Board of Social Concerns k

Credit in Low-Income Areas (S)

h2. Urban Rehabilitation Corporation, Archdiocese, Washington, D.C. h

aThe House hearings on the Manpower Act of 1969 were included with the 1970 hearings because the focus or the hearings seemed essentially the same as the focus of the Senate hearings on Manpower and Training Legis­ lation , 1970. The House hearings began late in 1969 (December loth) and extended through March, 1970. Several church groups presented the same testimony at both hearings.

TABLE 15

FREQUENCIES AND PERCENTAGES OF THEMES IN 1970 HEARINGS

Theme Number Percentage

1 19 U5.3 2 11.9 3 • • * a h 18 U2.8 5 » • • n

Total h2 100.0 121

In the 1970 hearings, socialization themes were slightly higher in number than social justice themes. Most of the statements with so­ cialization themes favored conformity with standards of economic self- sufficiency . They were classified as socialization rather than rehabilitation-control, however, because most "able-bodied" poor per­ sons receiving public welfare assistance were not viewed as in need of changes within themselves. Instead, they were 3een as having proper attitudes about work. They want to work and to be economically inde­ pendent. Consequently, in the Family Assistance Act of 1970, it is not necessary that work requirements be mandatory. Most people do not have to be coerced to work.

For those who refuse to take jobs which pay "reasonable" wages, benefits should be denied. Because most people are willing to work, however, the major focus seemed to be on providing jobs for them. The

Women's Division of the Uhited Methodist Church, for example, described welfare mothers as having as much ambition and energy, often more, as any other group in society. The poor are a huge reservoir of creative human beings lost to this nation. The lack of jobs paying decent wages obstructs 73 their becoming productive citizens.

Realizing one's potentials definitely includes being economically self-sufficient. There is concern with the condition of the economy.

73 U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Finance, Family Assistance Act of 1970, Hearings before the Committee on Finance, Senate, on H.R. 16311, 91st Cong., 2d sess., 1970, pt. 3, pp. 2298, 2300-01, statement of Mrs. Wayne W. Harrington, Women’s Division, United Methodist Church. 122

In hearings, for example, on the Manpower Act of 1969, a statement on behalf of the National Council of Jewish Women, the National Council of

Catholic Women, and the YWCA of the U.S.A. suggested that: "There is no better way to cut welfare costs than to help the jobless and underpaid become self sustaining members of society. And to do so is a very good, 7 I humane, and just way to increase tax revenues."

Of 22 analyzed statements submitted to the hearings on the Family

Assistance Act of 1970, only 2 represented social justice themes. A

strong social justice theme appeared in the testimony on behalf of the

Friends Committee on National Legislation. In fact, passage of the bill was opposed because of its emphasis on a socialization theme instead of

a theme of justice. This, and the other statement advocating social

justice, by the American Friends Service Conmittee, were the only in­

stances of opposition to passage of a total bill in all of the research

findings.

Both groups were critical of the Act because it "tinkers with

welfare" or proposes half-hearted measures instead of maxing fundamental

changes. The work requirement was strongly opposed. Even if a person

refuses to work, his need for food, shelter, and clothes should be met.

7) U.S. Congress, House, Committee on Education and Labor, Manpower Act of 1969, Hearings before the Select Subcommittee on Labor of the Com- mittee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 1090b, and related bills, 91st Cong., 2d sess., 1970, pt. 2, p. 1093, statement of Mrs. Mary Dublin Keyserling, on behalf of the National Council of Jewish Women, The National Council of Catholic Women, and the YWCA of the U.S.A. 123

According to the statement of the Friends Committee on National Legisla­ tion: "A federally assured income should be a matter of right for all persons.” Public assistance should deal frankly with the task of sus­ taining people whom the econo ny has by-passed. The proposed $1600 for a family is wholly inadequate; $5500 was recommended. Also, there is over­ emphasis on moving people from welfare rolls to payrolls. We must totally disregard the notion that public assistance is a purely temporary mea-

At hearings on Nutrition and Human Needs, Bev. Jesse Jackson, ap­ pearing again on behalf of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, made a strong plea for ending hunger as a matter of justice. He stated:

The goal of stopping all hunger and malnutrition and re­ moving the scourge of poverty and destitution from all people begins when we decide that subsidising persons as our greatest resource is a commitment to which we are ir­ reversibly bound. 76 Further: "Eating needs to be declared a civil right with moral meaning.”

Many statements submitted at the hearings on the Family Assistance

Act had rehabilitation-control themes. In a statement by the St. Aloysius

Church in Washington, D.C., for exa^jle, more than $1600 for a family of four was recommended— in order to produce happy people. If welfare

Family Assistance Act of 1970, pp. 2311, 139U, 1396, 1398, state wents of Barbara W. Moffett, American Friends Service Committee, and Edward T. Anderson, Friends Committee on National Legislation.

76 U.S. Congress, Senate, Select Committee on Nutrition and Human Needs, Nutrition and Human Needs, Hearings before the Select Committee on Nutrition and Human Needs, Senate, 91st Cong., 2d sess., 1970, pt. 1, p. 17, pt. 2, p. 592, statements of Rev. Jesse Jackson, Southern Christian Leadership Conference. 121* 77 payments are too low, violence and riots will be produced instead*

TABLE 16

THEMES OF CHURCH GROUP STATEMENTS SUBMITTED TO CONGRESSIONAL HEARINGS RELATED TO POVERTY, 1971

Item No. Church Group Theme

1. Jesus Savior Church, Newport, Rhode Island (Catholic) U 2. American Jewish Conmittee 1 3. U.S. Catholic Conference 1 1*. Greek Catholic Union of the United States 2

Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1971 (H and S)

National Catholic Rural Life Conference u 6. YWCA of the U.S.A. I* 7. Wbmen's Division, United Methodist Church 1 8. Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith 1 9. National Council of Churches 1 10. Baptist Joint Committee on Public Affairs 2 11. B'nai B’rith Women 1 12. Blessed Sacrament Church, Savannah, Georgia (Catholic) 2

Comprehensive Child Development Act of 1971 (H and S) r~ 1 - 13. First Church of Christ, Scientist 1 11*. National Council of Jewish Women 1

Child Care (S)

15. American Baptist Home Missions Society u 1 6 . National Council of Jewish Women 1

77 Family Assistance Act of 1970, p. 1392, statement of Rev. Horace B* McKenna, St. Aloysius dhurch, Washington, D.C. 125

TABLE 16— Continued

Item No. Church Group Theme

Nutrition and Human Needs, 1971 (S)

17. Church Women United k 18. United Presbyterian Women h 19. National Council of Jewish Women h 20. Omaha Presbyterian Association h 21. United Presbyterian Women's School Lunch Task Force, Omaha, Nebraska h

Cutbacks in Medicare and Medicaid Coverage (S)

22. Jewish Federation Council of Greater Los Angeles k

Adequacy of Federal Response to Housing Needs of Older Americans (s)

23. Catholic Charities, Mississippi k 2U. St. Paul United Methodist Church, Tanpa, Florida k

Rural Development and Farm Credit (H); Rural Development (s)

National Catholic Rural Life Conference 25. <* Unenployment Among Older Workers (S)

26. Lowel United Church of Christ, Roanoke, Alabama 1

Fair Labor Standards Amendments of 1971 (S) ■ ii 27. National Council of Churches k 28. Division for Rural Life, U.S. Catholic Conference (formerly called the National Catholic Rural Life Conference) k 126

TABLE 17

FREQUENCIES AND PERCENTAGES OF THEMES IN 1971 HEARINGS

Theme Number Percentage

1 10 35.7 2 3 10.7 3 * • 9 9 k 15 53.6 $ • * • ■

Total 28 100.0

Social justice themes were again predominant in 1971* An example

of this theme occurred in the hearings on Child Care* The American Bap*

tist Home Mission Society advocated child care services for the purpose 78 of improving the quality of life for any child and family.

In the hearings on Nutrition and Human Needs, all statements had

social justice themes in terms of hungry people having rights to food.

Social justice was also a standard of judgment on failures to implement

laws related, for exanqple, to free lunches for school children and food

stanps. This additional emphasis on the implementation of policies and programs did not begin to appear until the 1971 hearings. In this re­

gard and on behalf of Church Women United and United Presbyterian Wbmen,

Patricia Young stated: "I am angry and frustrated . . . .n Referring

to the White House Conference on Food held in 1969, she explained:

78 U.S. Congress, Senate, Cosnittee on Finance, Child Care,Hearings before the Committee on Finance, Senate, on S. 2003, 92c! Cong., list sess., 1971, p. 3lU, statement of Rev. Robert E. Holly, American Baptist Home Mission Society. 127

It is extremely difficult to fight the battle against hunger when you must operate in a climate in which the following things take place: The official follow-up document of the White House Conference responds to many requests of the conference participants for a White House level advocate for the hungry, saying: 'placing a unit in the Executive Office at a level immediately under the President may well raise its effectiveness in investing it with a claim on the President's time and attention. But that positioning must be at the expense of his atten­ tion to other activities and thus may result in a net loss of overall effectiveness.'

Since food for its people is basic to the health of a na­ tion, what other activities can possibly be more important to a President than seeing that hungry citizens are fed.

The same document admits that the distribution of commodi­ ties is for the benefit of the producers rather than hun­ gry people— something we have suspected for a long time, but didn't think we would see in print.79

Mrs. Young also questioned whether laws are not intended to be im­ plemented fully. The current food stamp and commodity programs, for ex­ ample, are not reaching all in need of them. Why? An uncomfortable amount of evidence suggests that we do not want these programs to really work. There is no mandatory compliance date to feed all needy school children, for example. Also:

Evidently, there are still people at all levels of govern­ ment and society who subscribe to the puritan moral ethic that says that those who are hungry and poor choose this path rather than work and that a handout destroys character and creates laziness. Personally, I find nyself wondering more about 'lazy' officials running programs, . . . they

79 U.S. Congress, Senate, Select Committee on Nutrition and Human Needs, Nutrition and Human Needs, 1971, Hearings before the Select Sub- committee on Nutrition and tfuman Needs, Senate, 92d Cong., 1st sess., 1971, pt. 1, p. statement of Patricia Young, United Presbyterian Women. 128

don't seem to work very hard to make the programs serve the people.

Citizen volunteers who have checked local schools to see if lunch pro­

grams are being implemented properly have been shocked when often

greeted by school officials with resentment and antagonism for raising 80 questions about the programs.

Similar examples of socialization themes appeared in statements

of the First Church of Christ, Scientist at House hearings on the Com­

prehensive Child Development Act of 1971 and of the National Council

for Jewish Women at the Senate hearings on the same Act. According to

the former: "... we support any program which promises to provide

the milieu within which our children can get a clear sense of their 81 possibilities for self-realization."

Children who suffer from cultural and economic deprivation are

of particular concern. Day care services were supported by the National

Council of Jewish Women for children "... denied opportunity to real­

ize their potentials because they lack the developmental opportunities which should be the birthright of every child." These services would

also allow many mothers who want to become self-sufficient to

80 Ibid., pt. 1, p. 59; pt. 2, p. 1175,

81u .s . Congress, House, Committee on Education and Labor, Compre­ hensive Child Development Act of 1971, Hearings before the Select Sub­ committee of the Coauittee on Education and Labor, House of Representa­ tives, on H.R. 67^8 and related bills, 92d Cong., 1st sess., 1971, p. 365, statement of C. Ross Cunningham, Christian Science Committee on Publication, First Church of Christ, Scientist. 129 work.82 In hearings on Child Care, the National Council of Jewish Women emphasized that these services need to be conducive to the sound develop 83 ment of children.

An example of a rehabilitation-control theme was reflected in the

statement of the Blessed Sacrament Church of Savannah, Georgia, at the

House hearings on the Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1971. It was suggested that depriving youths of opportunities to develop their po­

tential leads to unrest in the country. Increase In such opportunities, 8H therefore, was recomnended.

The findings in Tables 3, 5, 7, 9, 11, 13, 15, and 17 are sum­ marized in Table 18 below. They provide the basis for answering the major question of the research.

82 U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Comprehensive Child Development Act of 1971, Hearings before the Subcom­ mittee on Employment, Manpower, and Poverty, and theSubcommittee on Children and Youth of the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, 92d Cong., 1st sess., 1971, pt. 2, p. 6H2, statement of Mary Dublin Keyserling, supported by the National Council of Jewish Women.

83 Child Care, p. 33U, statement of Mrs. Bernard Koteen, National Council of Jewish Women.

84 U.S. Congress, House, Cofmnittee on Education and Labor, Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1971, Hearings before the Committee on Educa­ tion and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. *+0 and related bills, 92d Cong., 1st sess., 1971, pt. 3, p. 1767, statement of Msgr. Andrew J. McDonald, Blessed Sacrament Church, Savannah, Georgia. TABLE 18

DISTRIBUTION OF THEME FREQUENCIES AND PERCENTAGES, 1964-1971

Total 1964- Theme 1971 196*+ 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971

1 78(24.6%) 3(13.0%) 19(29.7%) 4(21,1%) 6(08.3%) 4(16.0%) 13(29.5%) 19(45.3%) 10(35.7%) 2 77(24.3%) 12(52.2%) 12(18.8%) 8(42.1%) 20(27.8%) 5(20.0%) 12(27.3%) 5(11.9%) 3(10.7%) 3 4(01.3%) 1(01.5%) 2(10.5%) 1(01.4%) 4 157(49.5%) 8(34.8%) 32(50.0%) 5(26.3%) 45(62.5%) 16(64.0%) 18(40.9%) 18(42.8%) 15(53.6%) 5 1(00.3%) 1(02.3%)

Total % 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100 .0 100.0 100.0 Total (317) (23) (64) (19) (72) (25) (44) (42) (28) N 131

Major question

The major question of the research was: Has there been consistent, corporate advocacy of social justice by the church in Congressional hear­ ings related to poverty from 1964 through 1971? The data presented in

Table 18 do not support: an affirmative answer to this question. However, for the time period of 1964-1971 as a whole, the theme of social justice was predominant in about half of the statements. Socialization and re­ hab ili tat ion -con tzx>l themes accounted for most of the other half.

In terms of the individual years, social justice themes were pre­ dominant in 1965, 1967, 1968, 1969, and 1971. The percentages in those years ranged from 43.2% in 1969 (including reform and revolution) to 64% in 1968. In the whole time period, 1964-1971, the lowest percentage of social justice themes (26.3%) occurred in 1966. In that same year, 2 rehabilitation-social reform themes also occurred (10.5%). There was variability in the strength of social justice themes from year to year rather than a trend of growing strength over time.

Rehabilitation-control themes ranged from 10.7% in 1971 to 52.2% in 1964. Another low year for these themes was 1970 with 11.9%. There was variability in the strength of these themes, too, from year to year.

They were predominant in 1964 and 1966.

Socialization themes ranged from 8.3% in 1967 to 45.3% in 1970,

They were slightly predominant in 1970. There was also variability in the strength of these themes from year to year. 132

Other comparisons

Because of the variability in the themes advocated over time as well as in the individual years, three other comparisons were made in order to identify some of the points of variability. These comparisons were: (1) responses to different hearing focuses over time, (2) re­ sponses by different church bodies over time, and (3) responses by dif­ ferent individual church groups over time.

Findings for the first comparison are presented in Table 19. As indicated, if this research had focused only on hearings on migratory labor, consumer and credit problems, and health, advocacy of social justice by church groups would have been strongly consistent. Of 49 statements in the hearings on migratory labor, *+5 or 91.9% had social justice themes; 1 or 2% had a rehabilitation-social reform theme. The hearings on consumer and credit problems, and health had 100% social justice themes. The numbers of statements, however, were very low.

Hearings with the next highest percentages of social justice themes were malnutrition and hunger (79.3%) and improving job condi­ tions and opportunities (72.2%). Housing and the aged poor followed with respective percentages of 62.9% and 57.9%, More than half of the themes in these hearings were social justice. Rural areas had 40% so­ cial justice themes. Hearings with the lowest group of social justice themes were: manpower and job training (28.6%) OEO (24.5%), income and assets (23.2%), education (22.2%), and federal role in urban affairs

(20%).

The hearing with the highest percentage of rehabilitation-control themes was OEO (58.5%). Among the lowest with these themes were: 133

TABLE 19

COMPARISON OF THEMES IN RESPONSE TO DIFFERENT HEARING FOCUSES, 1964-1971

Basic Services

Theme Income Housing Improv­ Malnutri­ Consumer, Health and ing Job tion 6 Credit Assets Oppts. Hunger Problems 6 Cond.

1 30 2 2 4 (53.6%) (05.7%) (11.1%) (13.8%) 2 13 11 3 2 (23.2%) (31.4%) (16.7%) (06.9%) 3

4 13 22 13 22 4 1 (23.2%) (62.9%) (72.2%) (75.9%) (100.0%) (100.0%) 5 1 (03,4%)

Total % 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Total N (56) (35) (18) (29) (4) (1) 134

TABLE 19— Continued

Ed. £ Job Training Special Groups General Hearings

Manpower Educa­ Aged Migra­ OEO Federal Rural £ Job tion Poor tory Role in Areas Training Labor Urb. Af.

4 18 6 1 9 1 1 (57.1%) (50.0%) (31.6%) (02.0%) (17.0%) (20.0%) (20.0%) 1 10 2 2 31 1 1 (14.3%) (27.8%) (10.5%) (04.1%) (58.5%) (20.0%) (20.0%) 1 2 1 (02.0%) (40,0%) (20.0%) 2 8 11 45 13 1 2 (28.6%) (22.2%) (57.9%) (91.9%) (24.5%) (20 .0%) (40.0%)

100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

(7) (36) (19) (49) (53) (5) (5) 135 consumer and credit problems (0%), health (0%), malnutrition and hunger

(6.9%), the aged poor (10.5%), and migratory labor (4.1%). Half or more or the percentages in three hearings had socialization themes: manpower and job training (57.1%), income and assets (53.6%), and education (50%).

Among the lowest with socialization themes were consumer and credit prob­

lems (0%), health (0%), housing (5.7%), and migratory labor (2%).

Only 4 statements with rehabilitation-social reform themes were

identified. They appeared in the hearings on the federal role in urban affairs (40%), migratory labor (2%), and rural areas (20%). The single

social justice-social revolution theme occurred in the hearings on mal­ nutrition and hunger (3.4%).

Findings for the comparison made between the themes of different

church bodies are presented in Table 20. All of the individual church

groups are represented but usually in larger bodies such as denomina­

tions, interchurch groups (e.g., the National Council of Churches), and

interfaith groups (e.g., the Interreligious Corranittee Against Poverty).

Any group which was unidentifiable by denomination or faith is repre­

sented in the category with that designation.

The data in Table 20 indicate that 4 out of the 19 church bodies

listed had social justice-social reform themes in 75% or more of their

statements, 6 between 50 and 74%, and 6 between 25 and 49%. Three had

no social justice themes. There was 1 social justice-social revolution

theme. The Congregational church submitted only one analyzable state­ ment, which had a social justice theme. Of the church bodies which sub­ mitted 2 or more analyzable statements, the Presbyterian church had the most social justice themes (87.5%). Those with the lowest number of 136

TABLE 20

COMPARISON OF TOTAL FREQUENCIES AND PERCENTAGES OF THEMES, 1964-1971, BY CHURCH BODIES

Total No. Church Bodies Themes

Roman Catholic 80 15 (18.7%) 26 (32.5%) Judaism 66 31 (46.9%) 18 (27.3%) Baptist 6 2 (33.3%) 1 (16.7%) Methodist 19 6 (31.6%) 3 (15.8%) Lutheran 9 1 (11.1%) 1 (11.1%)

Presbyterian 8 1 (12.5%) m * Unitarian-Universa-

list Assoc. 4 • • 1 (25.0%)

Episcopal 10 t ♦ 4 (40.0%) First Church of

Christ, Scientist 2 2(100.0%) ■ ♦ United Church of Christ 7 1 (14.3%) 1 (14.3%)

Friends 8 2 (25.0%) • * Mennonite 5 2 (40.0%) 1 (20.0%) YMCA’s/YWCA's 13 3 (23.0%) 4 (30.8%) Interfaith groups 3 1 (33.3%) 1 (33.3%) Interchurch groups 64 9 (14.0%) 13 (20.3%)

Salvation Army 1 1(100.0%) * • Greek Catholic Union

of the U.S. 1 * * 1(100.0%)

Congregational 1 * * » • Unidentifiable by faith or denomination 10 1 (10.0%) 2 (20.0%)

Note: This table: should be read as follows: The Roman Catholj church body advocated 80 identifiable themes in Congressional hearings related to poverty from 1964 through 1971. Fifteen (18.7%) of these themes were socialization; 26 (32.5%) rehabilitation-control; 39 (48.8%) social justice-social reform. The comparisons are between the ends ad­ vocated by the individual church body, not between ends advocated by all of the church bodies. 137

TABLE 20— Continued

Themes Total % Themes 3 4 5

e • 39 (46.8%) • « 100.0 e ♦ 17 (25.8%) ■ « 100.0 • ♦ 3 (50.0%) « • 100.0 • • 10 (52.6%) ■ * 100.0 3 (33.3%) 4 (44.5%) • • 100 .0 * ♦ 7 (87.5%) • * 100.0

• » 3 (75.0%) • • 100.0 * • 6 (60.0%) ♦ « 100.0

• • • t • • 100.0

• • 5 (71.4%) • » 100.0 • • 6 (75.0%) * • 100.0 • * 2 (40.0%) • * 100.0 • ♦ 6 (46.2%) • • 100.0 * • 1 (33.4%) ■ • 100.0 * • 41 (64.1%) 1 (01.6%) 100.0 e • * « * ■ 100.0

♦ • e * « ■ 100.0 * ♦ 1(100.0%) » * 100 .0

1 (10.0%) 6 (60.0%) • ♦ 100.0 138 social justice themes in 2 or more statements were the First Church of

Christ, Scientist (0%), and Judaism (25.8%). The Greek Catholic Union of the United States and the Salvation Army each presented only 1 state­ ment, which did not have a social justice theme.

Except for the Greek Catholic Union of the United States which submitted only 1 statement, with a rehabilitation-control theme, the highest percentage of these themes occurred in the statements of the

Episcopal Church (40%), the Interfaith groups (33.3%), and the Roman

Catholic Church (32.5%). Five church bodies advocated no rehabilitation- control themes.

The only theme in the analyzable statements submitted by the

First Church of Christ, Scientist and the Salvation Army was socializa­ tion. Of the church bodies submitting more than 2 statements, the one with the highest number of socialization themes was Judaism (46.9%).

The Mennonite Church was closest behind, with 40% socialization themes.

The lowest percentage (10%) was submitted by the unidentifiable groups.

Of identifiable groups, the lowest was Lutheran with 11.1%.

Using individual church groups rather than the larger church bodies, the same comparison made in Table 20 was made between national church groups which submitted one or more analyzable statements. The findings are presented in Table 21.

The Southern Christian Leadership Conference was the only group to advocate a social revolution theme. All of its 7 other statements had social reform themes. All of the 4 statements of the American

Friends Service Committee and the 2 statements of the American Baptist

Home Mission Society had social justice themes. I 139

TABLE 21

COMPARISON OF TOTAL FREQUENCIES AND PERCENTAGES OF THEMES, 1964-1971, BY NATIONAL CHURCH GROUPS

Total No. Church Groups Themes 1 2

U.S. Catholic Confer­ ence (called the Nat. Cath, Welfare Conf. until 1966) 13 4 (30.8%) 4 (30.8%) Nat. Conf. Catholic Charities 16 4 (25.0%) 6 (37.5%) Nat. Catholic Rural Life Conf. (called Div. of Rural Life, U. S. Cath. Conf, in 1971) 9 1 (11.1%) 1 (11.1%) Nat. Co. Catholic Women 9 2 (22.2%) 5 (55.6%) Bishop's Com. for Spanish Speaking 3 • » 1 (33.3%) National Co. of Churches 27 5 (18.5%) 6 (22.2%) Church Women Lh. 9 1 (11.1%) 5 (55 .6%) American Jewish Com. 2 2(100.0%) « » Nat. Co. Jewish Women 20 9 (45.0%) 7 (35.0%) Union of Am. Hebrew Congregations 5 1 (20.0%) 1 (20.0%) An t i-De f amat ion League, B'nai B'rith 9 4 (50.0%) 3 (37.5%) Other B'nai B'rith groups 4 3 (75.0%) 1 (25.0%) Federation of Jewish Phil. 3 1 (33.3%) 1 (33.3%) American Jewish Cong. 7 4 (57.1%) 2 (28.6%) Union of Orthodox Jewish Congresses of America 1 1(100.0%) • e 140

TABLE 21— Continued

Themes Total % Themes 3 4 5

« * 5 (38.4%) e • 100.0%

« • 6 (37.5%) * • 100.0%

7 (77.8%) 100 .0%

2 (22.2%) 100.0%

2 (66.7%) 100.0%

16 (59.3%) 100.0% 3 (33.3%) 100.0%

• • 100.0%

4 (20.0%) 100.0%

3 (60.0%) 100.0%

1 (12.5%) 100.0%

• « 100.0%

1 (33.4%) 100.0% 1 (14.3%) 100.0%

♦ • * • * • 100.0% TABLE 21— Continued

Total No. Church Groups Themes 1 2

Synagogue Co. of Am. 3 2 (66.7%) 1 (33.3%) Co. of Jewish Federa­ tions 6 Welfare

Funds, Inc. 3 1 (33.3%) • 9 Central Conf. of Am.

Rabbis 1 « • 9 9 Am. Friends Service

Committee 9 • ♦ • * Friends Com. on Nat.

Legislation 3 2 (66.7%) * • Ex. Co. of Episcopal Church 3 * • 3(100.0%) Lhited Presbyterian Church, U.S.A. 3 1 (33.3%) • * United Presbyterian Women 1 • * • * united Methodist Ch. (called The Metho­ dist C h . until 1968) 13 6 (96.2%) 2 (15.3%)

African-Methodist Ch. 1 • e 1(100.0%) United Church of

Christ 5 e • 1 (20.0%) YWCA, National Board 8 2 (25.0%) 2 (25.0%) Baptist Jt, Com. on Public Affairs 2 1 (50.0%) 1 (50.0%) Am. Baptist Home Mission Society 2 t •

American Baptist Conv. 1 • * • e Lutheran Co. in the U.S.A. 3 • • 1 (33.3%)

Lutheran Ch. in Am. 1 e « 9 • Uhitarian-Universalist Assoc. 9 * • 1 (25.0%) Southern Christian

Leadership Conf. 8 • 9 • • 142

TABLE 21— Continued

Themes Total % Themes 3 4 5

• * 100.0%

2 (66.7%) 100.0%

1(100,0%) 100.0%

4(100.0%) 100.0%

1 (33.3%) 100.0%

» 9 100.0%

2 (66.7%) 100 .0%

1(100.0%) 100.0%

5 (38.5%) 100.0%

e ■ 100.0%

4 (80.0%) 100.0% 4 (50.0%) 100.0%

e • 100 .0%

2(100.0%) 100.0% 1(100.0%) 100.0%

1 (33.3%) 1 (33.4%) 100.0%

1(100.0%) » e 100.0%

3 (75.0%) . . 100.0%

7 (87.5%) 1 (12.5%) 100.0% TABLE 21— Continued

Total No. Church Groups Themes 1 2

First Church of Christ, Scien­

tist 2 2(100.0%) e • Mennonite Central Committee 5 2 (40.0%) 1 (20.0%) Interreligious Com.

Against Poverty 2 1 (50.0%) * • Federation of Prot.

Welfare Agencies 2 1 (50.0%) • *

Salvation Army 1 1(100.0%) « •

Note: This table should be read as follows: The U.S. Catholic Conference submitted 13 statements with identifiable themes in Congres­ sional hearings related to poverty from 1964 through 1971. Four (30.8%) of these themes were socialization; 4 (30.8%) rehabilitation-control; 5 (38.4%) social justice-social reform. The comparisons are between the ends advocated by the individual church group, not between ends advocated by all of the church groups. 144

TABLE 21— Continued

Themes Total % Themes 3 4 5

• a 4 ■ • • 100.0%

4 • 2 (40.0%) • a 100.0%

a • 1 (50.0%) • 4 100.0%

• ♦ 1 (50.0%) 4 4 100.0%

* 4 • • 4 4 100.0% 145

Several groups submitted only 1 statement, with the theme of social justice: The Central Conference of American Rabbis, United

Presbyterian Women, and the American Baptist Convention. The 1 state­ ment submitted by the Lutheran Church in America had a rehabilitation-

social reform theme.

Ten groups presented no statements with social justice themes.

They were: the American Jewish Committee, B'nai B'rith groups other

than the Anti-Defamation League, the Union of Orthodox Jewish Congresses of America, the Synagogue Council of America, the Executive Council of

the Episcopal Church, the African-Methodist Episcopal Church, the Baptist

Joint Coranittee on Public Affairs, the Lutheran Church in America, the

First Church of Christ, Scientist, and the Salvation Array.

All of the statements submitted by the American Jewish Coranittee,

the Union of Orthodox Jewish Congresses of America, the First Church of

Christ, Scientist, and the Salvation A m y had socialization themes. Two

groups submitted statements with only rehabilitation-control themes:

the Executive Council of the Episcopal Church and the African-Methodist

Episcopal Church, Other groups with 50% or more statements advocating

rehabilitation-control were: the National Council of Catholic Women

(55.6%), Church Women United (55.6%), and the Baptist Joint Committee

on Public Affairs (50%).

Fifteen groups presented no statements with rehabilitation-

control themes. These groups included: the American Jewish Com­

mittee, the Council of Jewish Federations and Welfare Funds, Inc.,

the Central Conference of American Rabbis, the American Friends 1H6

Service Committee, the Friends Committee on National Legislation, the

United Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A., United Presbyterian Women,

American Baptist Home Mission Society, the Lutheran Church in America,

the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, the First Church of

Christ, Scientist, the American Baptist Convention, the Interreligious

Committee Against Poverty, the Federation of Protestant Welfare Agen­

cies, and the Salvation Army.

In summary, the three comparisons made in Tables 19, 20, and

21 indicate that social justice themes were most consistent in hear­

ings on sufferers of poverty who are working (e.g., migrant laborers)

or hungry. For church bodies submitting 2 or more statements, they

were most often predominant (75% or higher) if submitted by these

church bodies: Presbyterian, Unitarian-Universalist, and Friends.

In terms of individual, national church groups, statements with

social justice themes were most often predominant (75% or higher; 2

or more statements submitted) if submitted by these groups: National

Catholic Rural Life Conference, American Friends Service Committee,

United Church of Christ, American Baptist Home Missions Society,

Unitarian-Universalist, and Southern Christian Leadership Conference.

There were totally consistent themes of social justice in statements

(100%; 2 or more statements submitted) if submitted by the Southern

Christian Leadership Conference, American Baptist Home Missions Society, and the American Friends Service Committee.

A full summary of the research, conclusions and interpretation are presented in the following chapter. Recommendations for further 147 related research are also presented. CHAPTER VI

SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, INTERPRETATION

AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Summary

The problem

The major objective of this research was to answer the question:

Has there been consistent, corporate advocacy of social justice by the church in Congressional hearings related to poverty from 19&k through

1971?

The 19614. War on Poverty legislation reflected a reawakening to the existence of poverty as a major national problem. At the Congres­ sional hearings related to this and subsequent poverty legislation, various groups have submitted statements which prescribe what the na­ tion should do about the sufferers of poverty. One of these groups is the church. An assumption about the church is that it should be a lead­ er in challenging men to abolish changeable conditions of suffering such as poverty as just and right. However, has this been the message of the church to Congress? Has a strong common goal of social justice been ad­ vocated by various church groups?

Procedures

The research methodology included two parts. The first part in­ volved an exploration of contemporary literature on religious theology iue for the purpose of identifying a range of perceptions of sufferers and ends linked with them. A classificatory framework of broad theologies was then discerned from the religious theologies. Religious theology was explored because it is a major source of explanation of suffering, and prescriptions. Also, the broader sense of theology which can be discerned from religious theology seems to underly all actions to cope with suffering.

The second part of the methodology involved identifying Congres­ sional hearings related to poverty as a national problem, held from 1964 through 1971, and at which church groups submitted statements which ad­ vocated identifiable ends for sufferers of poverty. Content analysis was then used to classify the predominant end advocated by each church group. The coding categories were five of the six categories of ends established in the framework of broad theologies. These categories were

(1) socialization, (2) rehabilitation-control, (3) rehabilitation-social reform, (4) social justice-social reform, and (5) social justice-social revolution. The methods of analysis used were frequencies and percent­ ages.

Major findings

One hundred and eighty-nine Congressional hearings held from 1964 through 1971 were identified as having a major focus on poverty as a na­ tional problem. Church groups advocated identifiable ends for sufferers of poverty in statements to 90 of these hearings.

Four comparisons were made of the ends advocated: (1) over time,

1964-1971, (2) response to different focuses of Congressional hearings, 150

(3) responses by different church bodies, and (U) responses by different national church groups.

The answer to the major question of the research resulted from the first comparison. The advocacy of social justice ranged from 26.3$ in 1966 to 6ii$ in 1968."'' It was predominant in about half of all of the statements from 196U through 1971- The other half of the statements was about equally divided between advocacy of socialization and rehabilita­ tion-control. It was concluded that the advocacy of social justice was not consistent or high enough to give an affirmative answer to the major question.

In response to different focuses of Congressional hearings (at which 2 or more statements were submitted), social justice themes ranged from 20$ in hearings on the federal role in urban affairs and 22.2$ in hearings on education to 100$ in hearings on consumer and credit problems and 91.9$ in hearings on migratory workers.

In terms of different church bodies (submitting 2 or more state­ ments), social justice themes ranged from 0$ by Christian Scientists to

87.5$ by Presbyterians. Among national church groups (submitting 2 or more statements), three groups consistently advocated social justice themes: the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (100$), the

American Baptist Home Missions Society (100$), and the American Friends

Service Committee (100$). (These conparisons were based on the total number of themes advocated by an individual church body or group, not

^hese results are based on both social justice categories. Only one statement was categorized as advocating social revolution, in 1969. i5i

the total number of social justice themes advocated by all of the church bodies or groups.)

Conclusions

The essential finding in this research was that the corporate

church in America has not advocated social justice in Congressional hear­

ings related to poverty in a strong or consistent way from 1961* through

1971. As indicated, about half of the statements submitted to Congress

had social justice themes, but the other half was about equally divided

between socialization and rehabilitation-control themes. Therefore,

even though social justice themes were predominant, they conflict with

half of the other messages Congress has received from the church.

The advocacy of social justice seemed most consistent in hearings

related to sufferers of poverty who are working or who are hungry. The

strongest advocacy of social justice (70% or above) occurred, for example,

in hearings (in which 2 or more statements were submitted) on migrant

workers, improving job opportunities and job conditions, consumer and

credit problems, and malnutrition and hunger.

Sufferers of poverty who work (or are preparing for work) seemed

more "deserving" of social justice than others. Those not working seemed

to often be viewed as suffering because of their own personal deviance—

which usually meant they were "able but not willing to work.11 If they were very young or old, they were often viewed as needing to be so­

cialized in accordance with the nation’s work ethic or encouraged to

continue economic self-reliance until death. 152

The issue of work seemed to be strongly de-emphasized only when suffering was perceived to be at "shocking" levels of physical survival such as children who are hungry. Change in such conditions for the pur­ pose of justice was often demanded. In viewing the statements year by year, it was noticeable that the realization of people being hungry in this country was a "radicalizing" factor or one awakening people to the need for at least some aspects of poverty being changed as a right and for no other reason. Hunger just could not be tolerated.

In the discussion of the problem of suffering in Chapter I, it was suggested that some situations of suffering are so life-threatening— physically, psychologically, and/or socially— that they seem to be ex­ perienced as suffering by nearly everyone. It may be, however, that when a person views others he has greater difficulty in perceiving suf­ fering which is psychological or social than that which is physical such as hunger. The variables involved in aspects of well-being which are psychological (e.g., some sense of control over one's destiny) and social

(e.g., status, self-esteem) are less visible than those involved in phys­ ical survival. These variables may often not be perceived.

In narrow terms of physical survival, there appeared to be strong agreement that poverty should be eliminated because its existence is im­ moral and unjust. There was much less agreement, however, on what to do about other variables included in the broader definition of poverty used in this research: economic, psychological, social, and political inequal­ ities. Perhaps, suffering which is psychological and social, for exam­ ple, was often not even perceived. 153

Carmichael and Hamilton have differentiated institutional from personal racism. The same differentiation seems applicable to poverty.

According to Carmichael and Hamilton:

Racism is both overt and covert. It takes two closely re­ lated forms: individual whites acting against individual blacks, and acts by the total white community against the black community. We call these individual racism and in­ stitutional racism. The first consists of acts by indivi­ duals, which cause death, injury or the violent destruction of property. This type can be recorded by television camera; it can frequently be observed in the process of commission. The second type is less overt, far more subtle, less identi­ fiable in terms of specific individuals committing the acts. But it is no less destructive of human life. The second type originates in the operation of established and respected forces in the society, and thus receives far less public con­ demnation than the first type.2

Schneiderman has explained that: "Institutional racism is based on attitudes, judgments, customs, and traditions . . . deeply ingrained in a community’s social structure . . . . " "Defining it precisely is 3 difficult and recognizing it may require deliberate consideration."

It seems that the same observations could be made about "institutional poverty" or that which is psychological and social, for exairple, rather than physical.

Referring again to "radicalizing" factors, it can be added that beginning in about the 1968 hearings, the violence and riots in slum areas of some of our cities seemed to have itensified the position taken

2 Stokely S. Carmichael and Charles V. Hamilton, Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America (New York: Random House, Inc., 1966), quoted in Schneiderman, "Racism and Revenue-Sharing," Social Work, XVII (May, 1972), pp. J*7-i±8.

^Schneiderman, "Racism and Revenue-Sharing," p. U8. lSU by church groups— but in two directions. Statements, whether demanding changes in social conditions as a matter of justice or for the purpose of controlling the violence, became noticeably stronger in protests and demands. Previously, most statements "read" as if they were much milder, with softly-stated requests rather than strongly-voiced demands.

Another factor which may have contributed to certain groups of sufferers being viewed as victims of social injustice was closeness in daily living to them. Many of the churchmen who appeared on behalf of migrant workers, for example, commented that they lived and worked along side these workers. Consequently, they experienced some of the same hardships of their life.

As noted before, individual church groups and larger church bodies

(submitting 2 or more statements) rarely showed a consistent pattern of advocacy. Many of the individual statements not only advocated a mixture of ends but had contradictions in an even more subtle way. There were often introductions in the statements of a preamble nature indicating that sufferers of poverty should have opportunities and income, for ex­ ample, "as a right" or "as a matter of justice." Often, however, such declarations did not seem to be meant. The rest of the statement, sug­ gesting more specifically what to do about the suffering, was related to ends other than social justice as defined in this research. Certain standards of behavior had to be met. In the Senate hearings on the

Family Assistance Act of 1970, Senator Fred Harris made the following related observation:

It is strange, that most everybody, I think, starts off by saying we ought to have some kind of income maintenance sys- tem*-either because it is morally right that we should do so 155

. . . or that it is in our own self-interest for various reasons to do so, or both. But, then, I think that most people who would agree to that statement would probably still find repugnant the idea that we should follow it through . . . by going out to be sure that people receive what is rightfully theirs. Thereby, we reveal that we really did not believe all we were saying.d

It has to be stated that because of the interpretive nature of the analysis of the church statements, the findings of this research have to be considered with caution. A particular problem was the ambi­ guity of some of the data. The statements, as indicated, often advo­ cated a corrplex mixture of ends, and coding involved a judgmental pro­ cess to identify one predominant theme of an entire document.

The form of measurement of the predominant end advocated should probably have been more precise. The results of the research may have been different if, for example, the statements were coded according to frequencies of assertions related to all of the coding categories. The category asserted most could have then been more precisely determined rather than judging the predominant end advocated on the basis of an overall impression of the statement. The coding categories may not be precise enough either to produce highly reliable judgments. Repeated analysis of the data with these categories may not yield highly consis­ tent results.

The suffering of poverty is a national problem. National action, therefore, is needed to overcome it. National goals and priorities re­ lated to poverty must be brought to the attention of the national

^Family Assistance Act of 1970, p* 17&?. 156 decision makers— to form the basis for political choice. Almond and

Powell have explained that: "The process by which individuals and groups make demands upon the political decision makers we call interest articulation. It is the first functional step in the political conver­ sion process." They pointed out that; "Mere achievement of articulation and of access is no guarantee of successful influence, but to fail to gain articulation . . . is to forego any chance of shaping political de- 5 cisions."

Organization appears to be highly advantageous for successful interest articulation. Groups which have developed organized structures are: (1) institutional interest groups and (2) associational interest groups. Institutional interest groups may be particularly powerful be­ cause of their organizational base. They are found within such organi­ zations as political parties, legislatures, armies, bureaucracies, and churches. Associational interest groups are specialized structures for interest articulation such as trade unions, organizations of businessmen or industrialists, ethnic associations, civic groups, and associations organized by religious denominations.^ The church, then represented by both institutional and associational interest groups, occupies a special role as an interest articulator and, thereby, is in a position to possibly

c ^Gabriel A- Almond and G. Bingham Powell, Comparative Politics: A Developmental Approach (Boston: Little, Brown and Conpany, 1966), PP . 73, oF-

^Ibid., pp. 77-76. 157 influence the corporate or national definitional systems and the shaping of national policies.

In our pluralistic society, competing values and problem defini- 7 tions are often promoted by various interest groups. However, unless a strong supporting constituency or movement emerges demanding common goals, there will be no clear direction for national action. Miller and Rein have pointed out that such a movement was absent when the War on Poverty

legislation was formulated. The resulting ambiguity about goals was reflected in the legislation and in difficulties in administering pro­

grams. In an analysis of OEO, Miller and Roby referred to the consider­

able ambiguity of goals related, for example, to Job Corps: "Was the

Job Corps an effort to train 'hard core* youth in skills, a device for

social control over some youth, or an 'aging vat' to keep youngsters out

of the labor market?"9

If policy goals are ambiguous, the nation's capacities and re­

sources for reducing problems of suffering will likely be diffused on

variable and conflicting goals. If there is no clear common goal for

the War on Poverty, outcomes viewed by some as "victory" will not be

similarly viewed by others. Rein has explained that: "When purposes

7 Martin Rein and S. M. Miller, "Poverty Programs and Policy Priorities," Trans-action IV (September, 1967), p. 71.

Q S. M, Miller and Martin Rein, "The War on Poverty: Perspec­ tives and Prospects," in Poverty as a Public Issue, ed. by Ben B. Seligman (New York: Free Press, 1965), p. 277.

9 S. M. Miller and Pamela Roby, "The War on Poverty Reconsidered," in Poverty: Views from the Left, ed. by Jeremy L a m e r and Irving Howe, (New York: William Morrow £ Company, 1968), p. 71. 158 are unclear not only is direction and momentum lost, but outcomes are difficult to evaluate."10

For one corporate body--the church--this research has located con­ flicting goals within its own "walls." Lack of mutual commitment to out­ comes sought for the sufferers of poverty may exist, then, not only among various corporate bodies but among the smaller groups within these bodies.

Congress does not receive a consistent, corporate message from the Church.

Instead, it receives divergent views from various church groups on what to do about poverty. A fundamental reason, therefore, why the problem of poverty is not solved may be because there is no strong common agreement on the ends to seek— not only among various corporate bodies but among groups within these bodies. The goals within are in conflict. There is internal confusion about what the right goals are. At least for church groups, the external show of political "social action" does not mean that there is a cotmnon end sought from that action.

One of the ends sought— a productive self-supporting life style—

(or getting the poor to work) has a long history. Clark has noted:

As early as 16H9 England had a law requiring that vagrants should be arrested and offered a choice between work and whipping, and that all other poor persons, including child­ ren, without other means of maintenance should be set to compulsory labor.il

10 Rein, "The Demonstration as a Strategy of Change," in Social Policy, p. 150, “

11Clark, The Christian Case Against Poverty, p. uo. 159

In nineteenth-century America, the Rev. Charles Wood said: "Pauperism 12 and vagrancy are crimes, said should be prevented or punished." Bremner has noted that supporters of scientific philanthropy begun in the late nineteenth century regarded chronic dependency " . . . as a pernicious social disease; they operated on the theory that people ought to be self- supporting and those who are not must be led or driven into taking care of themselves," When a person ceased to be independent and became a 13 charge on society, he was considered to be "degenerated."

More than poverty, the problem to be eliminated has been depen­ dency. When the issue is not one of forcing people into a self-support­ ing life style, it is often one of socializing young persons into this

"right" way of life or perpetuating it for those already living it.

In part, the church speaks with a prophetic voice by protesting, in the name of ultimate standards, the unjust condition of poverty as an evil which must be abolished. Perhaps acting to cancel out this protest, however, is a near equal voice advocating socialization and social con­ trol. In part then, the views of the church seem hard to separate from the conventional views of the sufferers of poverty which are usually tied in with nineteenth-century concerns about pauperism or dependency— a con­ dition of the individual not of an unjust society.

12 Ibid., quoting Rev. Charles Wood as quoted in Charles F. May, Protestant Churches and Industrial America (New York: Harper & Row, fdblisliers , 1949), p . s k . ~

13 Robert H. Bremner, From the Depths (New York: New York Univer­ sity Press, 1966), pp. 123-24. 160

The existence of poverty In our nation— as a choice--was a basic assumption of this research. The choice depends on the assumption, also, that we have the resources to eliminate poverty. We have the economic capability and the goods and services to eliminate much of the exclusion lh of poor people from the possibilities for well-being in our nation.

Existing as a choice, poverty is a serious moral question, and as our resources increase its existence becomes more immoral every day. In nations where the capability to eliminate poverty is not present, ex­ planations of its existence other than injustice would be more under­ standable. In our nation, however, no other explanation seems moral or right.

If the crucial role of the church is moral leadership, it would seem that its predominant message should be spoken by its prophetic voice— as challenger for social justice. The church should be a leader

in defining the important values for our society. The division within, however, may cancel out the voice of prophecy. It would seem, then, that within the church, serious examination is needed of the conflicting goals advocated far the sufferers of poverty as well as the divergent perceptions of these sufferers implied in the conflict of goals.

14 Broadly defined as a manifestation of inequalities— social, eco­ nomic, political and psychological— some aspects of poverty may be much more difficult to eliminate than others. Hiller and Riessman have pointed out that changing patterns of social distance (increasing status and priv­ ilege, reducing stigma) may be the most difficult kind of change. This " . . . represents the final and deepest meaning of the elimination of poverty." "To some extent this requires change in the hearts of men." (Social Policy, pp. 19-20). 161

Before the church's mission of moral leadership can really be ef­ fective in regard to the sufferers of poverty, its theology related to these sufferers must be consistently one of social justice. Whether or not reductions of social inequalities contribute to control of crime, delinquency, and ghetto violence; family stability; or getting people to work--an end in itself is to enhance the well-being of any person as a just, human right. If people are valued as ends in themselves, that right is theirs.

What accounts for different theologies of poverty? In the first chapter, it was suggested that theologies are an ordering of experience by which one explains or rationalizes his life or the lives of others.

If life experiences vary, therefore, theologies will vary as well. A common theology may only be possible, then, in a society in which every­ one has substantially common life experiences and, thereby, some common identity and interests.

Recommendations

During the course of this research, various questions arose which suggested conparisons for further research related to what the church has advocated for sufferers of poverty. The comparisons follow, along with brief statements of related questions and thoughts.

1. Conpare the effects of the statements by church groups on Congressmens' views of ends to pursue.

Church groups submitted statements which advocated identi­ fiable ends in regard to sufferers of poverty in U&jl of the hearings related to poverty as a national problem from 1?6U through 1971. Do statements by the church have significant influence on the views of Congressmen? What kind of power do different church groups and the corporate church have as articulators of problems of suffering? 162

2. Compare the ends advocated by church groups with the ends evident in proposed bills related to poverty to determine to what extent the church affirms the bills or offers dif­ ferent positions.

As indicated in the findings, there were only two instances of total opposition to a proposed bill (because it empha­ sized rehabilitation-control instead of social justice). Even milder opposition to many bills seemed generally ab­ sent. Does the church offer thoughtful criticism of bills or generally accept them on ambiguous grounds?

3. Compare a proposed bill and the subsequent passed act in the context of ends advocated by all groups submitting statements at the related hearings to determine the extent of change made and which positions of which groups are re­ flected in the change.

This kind of conparison is suggested as one way to possibly determine what influence the church has, among other groups, in influencing changes in a bill.

U. Compare the effect of changed audiences on the ends advo­ cated by the church.

Do different audiences affect what ends the church advo­ cates? When there was conversation about statements, Con­ gressmen often seemed hostile to views of poor people not being personally responsible for their poverty and in need, therefore, of rehabilitation. Do churchmen who advocate rehabilitation-control state what they think Congressmen want to hear? Or, is their position on poverty consistent regardless of the audience?

$. Compare the ends advocated by church groups which have sub­ mitted statements to Congress since 1?6U with ends advocated by church groups which have not submitted statements.

In what ways do church groups which participate in political action differ from those which do not? What variables are associated with political participation on a national level? Are there church groups which advocate social justice for sufferers of poverty but express this position in ways other than statements to Congressional hearings? How do church groups which advocate rehabilitation-control in Congressional hearings differ from church groups which are not politically active but are likewise concerned with getting people to "re­ pent and convert"? 163

6. Compare the ends advocated to Congress by church group spokesmen with those of the other members of the church group.

When spokesmen of church groups advocate a predominant theme of social justice, is the predominant view of the other members of the groups the same? Is the finding of about 50% advocacy of social justice by church groups rep­ resentative of those groups or too optimistic about that half of the church? Where do the members stand?

7. Compare the structural organization of the various church groups with the ends advocated.

What is the process of selecting spokesmen to represent a church group? Is there any evidence of supporting activi­ ty of the members of the group, e.g., debates, resolutions? Is Biblical revelation the primary basis for policy posi­ tions?

8. Compare the ends advocated year to year with contemporary national events.

As indicated in the findings, by 1968, church groups were making frequent references to urban riots and violence as a reason for immediate passage of legislation to decrease poverty. Is there some consistent trend of advocating such legislation in years in which significant national events such as social unrest occur? What variables account for different ends advocated in response to social unrest? Is the response mainly to the external unrest or to unjust so­ cial conditions underlying the unrest?

9. Compare the predominant advocacy of social justice with the communicatorfs closeness to sufferers of poverty.

Does closeness to sufferers of poverty significantly affect one's perception of the sufferers as victims of social in­ justice? In the hearings on migrant workers, 91.9% of the statements (45 out of 49) had predominant themes of social justice. One variable associated with the strong advocacy of social justice may have been that the issue of whether or not this particular group of sufferers work did not have to be considered. Another variable may have been closeness to them. Frequent references by the communicators of the statements in these hearings were made to living and working closely with migrant workers, thereby, being aware of much of their suffering as well as locating its source in social structures. One way to measure closeness would be the num­ ber of citations to direct experience with sufferers of poverty. 16**

10, Compare the theologies of church groups with demographic variables such as predominant social class and race of the members and geographic location (e.g., rural, urban).

If theologies vary with different life experiences, are variables such as social class, race, or geographic loca­ tion associated with different theologies of the sufferers of poverty?

11. Compare the ends advocated in Congressional hearings related to poverty by church groups with the ends advocated by social workers.

For the writer, a member of the social work profession, this research involved a "stepping out" of social work to look at another group which intervenes in the social welfare system. Coming back to social work, the same questions must be asked of it as were asked of the church. Is there consistent cor­ porate advocacy of social justice by social work in regard to the sufferers of poverty? More generally, is there a strong conroon view in social work of what its mission in our society is? What is its purpose? Is it primarily the promo­ tion of social justice? Does social work act as a thoughtful social critic— assessing the standards and directions of our society and advocating what is just for man? The ultimate value of social work has been stated to be that "... it is good and desirable for man to fulfill his potential, to real­ ize himself and to balance this with equal effort to help others do the s a m e . "15 is one's potential, however, linked with certain "acceptable" standards to be met such as being a "productive tax-payer"? Are we really for increasing choices, diverse contributions, and different life styles — without stigma?

It is felt that the framework of broad theologies formulated in the first part of the research has many uses. Possible uses include the following: (1) An individual working in the social welfare system can use it to locate his personal theology of sufferers and contrast it with alternatives. (2) A profession in the social welfare system can use it to identify its corporate theology of sufferers, as well as points of

15William Gordon, "A Critique of the Working Definition," Social Work, VII (October, 1962). 165 divergence with other theologies and between various "tribes” within the profession. APPENDIX

CONGRESSIONAL HEARINGS RELATED TO POVERTY

AS A NATIONAL PROBLEM, 1964-1971

1964

*1. U.S. Congress. Senate. Special Committee on Aging. Housing Problems of the Elderly. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Housing for the Elderly of the Special Committee on Aging, Senate, 88th Cong., 2d sess., 1964.1

2, U.S. Congress. Senate. Special Committee on Aging. Ser­ vices for Senior Citizens. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Federal, State and Community Services of the Special Com­ mittee on Aging, Senate, 88th Cong., 2d sess., 1964.

*3. U.S. Congress. Senate. Finance Committee. Social Security, Medical Care for the Aged. Hearings before the Finance Com­ mittee, Senate, on H.r T 11865, 88th Cong., 2d sess., 1964.

*4. U.S. Congress. Senate. Special Committee on Aging. In­ creasing Employment Opportunities for the Elderly. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Employment and Retirement Incomes of the Special Committee on Aging, Senate, 88th Cong., 2d sess ,, 1964.

*5. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Education and Labor. Economic Opportunity Act of 1964. Hearings before the Sub- conmittee on the War on Poverty of the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 10440, 88th Cong., 2d sess., 1964.

*6. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare . Economic Opportunity Act of 1964. Hearings before the Select Comnittee on Poverty of the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S. 2642, 88th Cong., 2d sess., 1964.

An asterisk designates the hearings at which statements were sub­ mitted by church groups which met the criteria for analysis discussed in Chapter III.

166 167

7. U.S. Congress. House. Coranittee on Agriculture. Agricul­ tural Aspects of the Economic Opportunity Act of 1961;. Hearings before the doranlttee on Agriculture7"&ouse of Rep­ resentatives , on Title H.R. 1QU;0, 86th Cong., 2d sees., 1961;.

*8. U.S. Congress. House. Coranittee on Banking and Currency. Housing and CoHununlty Development Legislation. Hearings be­ fore tne Subcommittee on dousing of the flonrntTttee on Banking and Currency, House of Representatives, on H.R. 9751* 88th Cong., 2d sess., 1961*.

*9> U.S. Congress. Senate. Comnittee on Banking and Currency. Housing Legislation of 1961;. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Housing of the Comnittee on banking and Currency, Senate, on S. 2l;68, 88th Cong., 2d sess., 196U.

10* U.S. Congress. Senate. Comnittee on Agriculture and Forest­ ry. Food Staap Act of 1961;. Hearings before the Comnittee on Agriculture and Forestry, Senate, on H.R. 10222, 88th Cong., 2d sess., 1961;.

11. U.S. Congress. Senate. Comnittee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare. Nation’s Manpower Revolution. Hearings before the Subconmittee on Employment and Manpower of tne Coranittee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S.J. Res. 105, S. 2298, S. 2U27, S. 2623, 86th Cong., 2d sess., 1961;.

12. U.S. Congress. House. Comnittee on Education and Labor. Broadening School Assistance to Federally jtffected Areas. Hearings before the Subcowaittee on Education of the Com­ mittee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 10159, 88th Cong., 2d sess., 196I4.

*13. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Education and Labor. M-tniimn Wage Hour Legislation. Hearings before the General Subconmittee on Labor of the Coranittee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 982U, 88th Cong., 2d sess., 1961;.

*11;. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Education and Labor. Public Eng?loyment Service. Hearings before the Select Sub­ committee on Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 11976, H.R. 85U7, H.J. Res. 607, 88th Cong., 2d sess., 1961;.

1965

1. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare. Amending the Manpower Development and Training Act of 1962, as Amended" Hearings before uie Subcommittee on 168

Enployment, Manpower, and Poverty of the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S. 9 1 k , 89th Cong., 1st sess., 1965.

*2. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Education and Labor. To Amend the Manpower Development and Training Act of 1962, as Amended. Hearings before the Select Subcommittee on La­ bor of the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Repre­ sentatives, on H.R. U257, H.R. U271, 89th Cong., 1st sess., 196$.

3 . U.S. Congress. 1965 Manpower Report of the President. Joint hearings before the Subcommittee on Employment and Manpower of the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, and the Select Subcommittee on Labor of the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, 89th Cong., 1st sess., 1965.

*ii. U.S. Congress. House. Coranittee on Education and Labor. Aid to Elementary and Secondary Education. Hearings before the General Subcommittee on Education of the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 2361, H.R. 2362, 89th Cong., 1st sess., 1965.

*5. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare. Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965* Hearings before the Subcommittee on Education of ~bhe~Com­ mittee on Education and Labor, Senate, on S. 370, 89th Cong., 1st sess., 1965-

6. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Ways and Means. Medical Care for the Aged. Hearings before the Committee on Ways and Means, House or Representatives, on H.R. 1, 89th Cong., 1st sess., 1965-

7. U.S. Congress. Senate. Sjpecial Committee on Aging. Ex­ tending Private Pension Coverage. Hearings before the Sub­ committee on Employment and Retirement Income of the Special Coranittee on Aging, Senate, 89th Cong., 1st sess., 1965.

*8. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Finance. Social Se­ curity Amendments of 1965. Hearings before the Committee on Finance, Senate, on H.R. 66?5, 8£th Cong., 1st sess., 1965*

*9. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Banking and Currency. Housing and Urban Development Act of 1965. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Housing of the Committee on Banking and Currency, House of Representatives, on H.R. 581*0, 69th Cong., 1st sess., 1965* 169

*10. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Banking and Currency. Housing Legislation of 196$. Hearings before a Subcommittee of the Committee on Banking and Currency, Senate, on S. 13$U, 69th Cong., 1st sess., 196$,

*11. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Education and Labor. Examination of the War on Poverty Program. Hearings before the Subcommittee on War on Poverty Programs of the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, 69th Cong., 1st sess., 196$.

*12. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare. Expand the War on Poverty. Hearings before the Select Subcommittee on Poverty of the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S, 1759, 89th Cong., 1st sess., 196$.

*13* U.S. Congress. Senate. Special Committee on Aging. The War on Poverty as it Affects Older Americans. Hearings be­ fore the Special Committee on Aging, Senate7 89 th Cong., 1st sess., 196$.

ll*. U.S. Congress. House. Coranittee on Education and Labor. National Vocational Student Loan Insurance Act of 196$. Hearings before liheT Select Subconmittee on Education'of the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 61*68, 89th Cong., 1st sess., 196$.

1$. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Education and Labor. Higher Education Act of 196$. Hearings before the Special Subcommittee on Education of the Coranittee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 3220, 89th Cong., 1st sess., 196$.

*16. U.S. Congress. Senate. Coranittee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare. Higher Education Act of 196$ . Hearings before the Subcommittee on Education of the Committee on Labor and Pub­ lic Welfare, Senate, on S. 600, 89 th Cong., 1st sess., 196$.

*17. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Education and Labor. Minimum Wage Hour Amendments, 196$. Hearings before the General Subcommittee on Labor of the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 82$9, 89th Cong., 1st sess., 196$.

18. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare . Amendments of the Fair Labor Standards Act. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Labor of the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S. 763 , S. 17U1, S. 1770, S. 1986, S. 2210, 69th Cong., 1st sess., 196$. 170

*19. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Ways sod Means. Unem­ ployment CoBcensatlon. Hearings before the Conmittee on Ways w d Means, House of Representatives, on H.B* 8282, 89th Cong., 1st sess., 1965.

20. U.S. Congress. Senate. Special Committee on Aging. Extend­ ing Private Pension Coverage. Hearings before the Subcom­ mittee on Deployment and Retirement income of the Special Comnittee on Aging, Senate, 69th Cong., 1st sess., 1965.

*21. U.S. Congress. Senate. Comnittee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare. Amending Migratory Labor Laws. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Migratory labor of the Comnittee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S. 1861*, S. 1665, S. 1866, S. 1867, S. 1868, 89th Cong., 1st and 2d sess., 1965-1966.

22. U.S. Congress. Senate. Special Comnittee on Aging. Ser­ vices to the Elderly on Public Assistance. Hearings before the Subcommittee on federal, State and CommunTty Services of the Special Committee on Aging, Senate, 89th Cong., 1st sess., 1965.

2 3 . U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare. To Amend the Employment Act of 191*6. Hearings before the Subconmittee on &f>loymeni and Manpower of the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S. 1630, S. 2632, 89th Cong., 1st sess., 1965.

1966

1. U.S. Congress. House. Conmittee on Banking and Currency. Demonstration Cities, Housing and Urban Development, and Urban Mass Transit. Hearings before the Subcommittee on j&anking and Currency, House of Representatives, 89th Cong., 2d sess., 1966.

*2. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Banking and Currency. Housing Legislation for 1966. Hearings before a subcommittee of the Committee on banking and Currency, Senate, 89th Cong., 2d sess., 1966.

* 3 . U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Education and Labor. 1966 Amendments to the Economic Opportunity Act of 1961*. Hearings before the Subcommittee on War on Poverty Programs of the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Represen­ tatives, 89th Cong., 2d sess., 1966.

*1*. U.S. Congress. Senate. Conmittee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare. Amendments to the Economic Opportunity Act of 1961*. Hearings before ihe Subcomaitiee on Employment, kanpower, and Poverty of the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, 89th Cong., 2d sess., 1966. 171

$. U.S. Congress. ManpowerServices Act of ^ 6 6 and Employment Service Act of l£66* Joint Hearings before the Subcommittee on bg)loyaen£ and Manpower of the Comnittee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate , and the Select Subconmittee on Labor of the Comalttee on Education and Labor, Bouse of Representa­ tives, on S. 2974, S. 30321, H. 13037, H. 13362, 8 9 th Cong., 2d sess., 1?66.

6. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Education and Labor. Manpower Development and Training Act Amendments of 1966. Hearinga before ihe Select Subcommittee on Labor of the Com­ mittee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. li|60, 89th Cong., 2d sess., 1966.

7. U.S. Congress. House. Comnittee on Agriculture. Child nutrition Act and Special Milk Pro gram for Children^ Hear­ ings before ihe Comniitee on Agriculture, Bouse ofRepresen­ tatives, on H.R. 13361, 6 9 th Cong., 2d sess., 1966.

8. U.S. Congress. Senate. Comnittee on Agriculture and Forest­ ry. Special School Milk Program. Hearings before the Com­ mittee on Agriculture and forestry, Senate7 on S. 2021, 89th Cong., 2d sess., 1966.

*9• U.S. Congress. House. Comnittee on Education and Labor. Establishing a Special Sumner Lunch Program. Hearings be­ fore the Select Subcommittee on Education of the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 9339, 89th Cong., 2d sess., 1966.

*10. U.S. Congress. House. Comnittee on Education and Labor. Elementary and Secondary Education Amendments of 1966. Hear­ ings before ihe Qenerai Subcommittee on Education ofthe Com­ mittee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 13160, H.R. 13161, 8 9 th Cong., 2d sess., 1966.

*11. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare. Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1 9 6 6 . Hear­ ings before ihe Subcomittee on Education of the Cowlttee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S. 3046, S. 2778, S. 2926, S. 3012, 8 9 th Cong., 2d sess., 1966.

12. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Ways and Means. Unem­ ployment Con>ensation. Hearings before the Comnittee on Ways and Means, House of Representatives, on H.R. 6262, 8 9 th Cong., 2d sess., 1966.

13. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Finance. Uneyloyment Insurance Amendments of 1966. Hearings before the Committee on Finance, Senate, on ft.S. 15119, b9tn Cong., 2d sess., 1966. U.S. Congress. House. Comnittee on Education and Labor. Higher Education Amendments of 1966. Hearings before the Special Subcommittee on Education _of the Committee on Educa­ tion and Labor., House of Representatives, on H.R. 13174, H.R. 13237, 89th Cong., 2d sesa., 1966.

U.S. Congress. Senate. Comittee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare . Higher Education Amendments of 1 9 6 6 . Hearings before the Subcommittee on Education of the ConDnittee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S. 3047, H.R. 1461*1*, 8 9 th Cong., 2d sess., 1966.

U.S. Congress. House. Comeittee on Education and Labor. national School Lunch Act. Hearings before the Select Sub­ committee on Education o? the (Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, 6 9 th Cong., 2d sess., 1966.

U.S. Congress. Senate. Comnittee on Agriculture and Forest ry. School Milk and School Breakfast Programs. Hearings before the Committee on Agriculture and Forestry, Senate, on S. 3467, 8 9 th Cong., 2d sess., 1966.

U.S. Congress. Senate. Special Committee on Aging. Heeds for Services Revealed by Operation Medicare Alert. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Federal, State anti Community Ser- vices of the special Comnittee on Aging, Senate, 8 9 th Cong., 2d sess., 1966.

U.S. Congress. House. Conmittee on Education and Labor. Vocational Education Amendments. Hearings before the Com- mittee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 15444, H.R. 15445, 89th Cong., 2d sess., 1966.

U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Government Operations. Federal Role In Urban Affairs. Hearings before the Subcom­ mittee on Executive Reorganisation, Senate, 8 9 th Cong., 2d sess., 1966.

U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Education and Labor. Economic Opportunity Act Amendments of 196?. Hearings be- fore the Committee on Education and Labor~House oi Repre- sentatives, on H.R. 8311, 90th Cong., 1st sess., 1967.

U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare. ration of the War on Poverty. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Employment, Manpower, and Poverty of the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S. 1545, 90th Cong., 1st sess., 1967. U.S. Congress. House. Comnittee on Education and Labor. Elementary and Secondary Education Amendments of 1967. Hearings oefore the Committee on Education and Labor, House oi Representatives, on H.E. 6230, 90th Cong., 1st sess., 1967.

U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare. Education Legislation of 1967. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Education of the Committee on Labor and Pub­ lic Welfare, Senate, on S. 1125, S. 1126, 90th Cong., 1st sess., 1967.

U.S. Congress. House. Comnittee on Agriculture. Extend the Food Stamp Act of 196U and Amend the Child Nutrition Act of 1966. Hearings before the Committee on Agriculture, House of Representatives, on H.R. 1268, H.R. 1318, H.R. 3817, H.R. 7105, 90th Cong., 1st sess., 1967.

U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Agriculture and Forest­ ry. Food Stamp Appropriations Authorisation. Hearings be­ fore a Subconmittee ox the Committee on Agriculture and Forestry, Senate, on S. 953, 90th Cong., 1st sess., 1967-

U.S. Congress. Senate. Special Committee on Aging. Rent Supplement Assistance to the Elderly. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Housing for the Elderly of the Special Com­ mittee on Aging, Senate, 90th Cong., 1st sess., 1967*

U.S. Congress. Senate. Special Committee on Aging. Costs and Delivery of Health Services to Older Americans. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Health of the Elderly of the Spe­ cial Committee on Aging, Senate, 90th Cong., 1st sess., 1967.

U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Banking and Currency. To Amend and Extend Laws Relating to Housing and Urban De­ velopment Hearings before the Subcommittee on Housing "and Urban Development of the Committee on Banking and Currency, House of Representatives, on H.R. 8068, 90th Cong., 1st sess., 1967.

U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Banking and Currency. Housing Legislation of 1 9 6 7 . Hearings before the Subcommittee on housing and Urban Affairs of the Committee on Banking and Currency, Senate, 90th Cong., 1st sess., 1967.

U.S. Congress. House. Conmittee on Education and Labor. Higher Education Act of 1967. Hearings before the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 6232, H.R. 6265, 90th Cong., 1st 3633., 1967. 17h

12. U.S. Congress. House, Committee on Education and Labor. Vocational Education Improvements Act Amendments of 1967. Hearings before the General Subcommittee on Education of the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 852^, 90th Cong., 1st sess., 1967-1968.

13* U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare. Hunger and Malnutrition in America. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Qnployment, Manpower, and Poverty of the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, 90th Cong., 1st sess., 1967.

1L. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Agriculture. Provide Food and Medical Services on an Emergency Basis. Hearings before the Committee on Agriculture, House of Representa- tives, on S. 2138, 90th Cong., 1st sess., 1967.

*15. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Government Operations. Consumer Problems of the Poor: Supermarket Operations in Low-Income Areas and the Federal Response. Hearings before a Subcommittee of the Committee on Government Operations, House of Representatives, 90th Cong., 1st sess., 1967*

*16. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Agriculture. Effect of Federal Programs on Rural America. Hearings before the Sub­ committee on Rural Development of the Committee on Agricul­ ture, House of Representatives, 90th Cong., 1st sess., 1967.

17. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Finance. Tax Incen­ tives to Encourage Housing in Urban Poverty Areas. Hearings before the Committee on Finance, Senate, on S. 2lOO, 96th Cong., 1st sess., 1967*

18. U.S. Congress. Joint Economic Committee. Urban America; Goals and Problems. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Urban Affairs of the Joint Economic Committee, 90th Cong., 1st sess., 1967.

*19. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Ways and Means. Presi­ dent’s Proposal for Revision in the Social Security System. Hearings before the Committee on Ways and Means, House of Representatives, on H.R. 5710, 90th Cong., 1st sess., 1967.

*20. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Finance. Social Se­ curity Amendments of 1967. Hearings before the Committeeon Finance, Senate, on H.ft. 120B0, 90th Cong., 1st sess., 1967*

*21. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare. Migratory Labor Legislation. Hearings before the Sub­ commit teeon-FSgratorj^Tabor~oTthe Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S. 8, S. 195, S. 197, S. 198, 90th Cong., 1st sess., 1967* 175

22. U.S. Congress. Senate. Comnittee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare* Migratory Health Services♦ Hearings before the Sub- conmitteeon Migratory Labor of the ContLvtee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S. 2686, 90th Cong., 1st sess., 1967-

1968

1. U.S. Congress. House. Comnittee on Education and Labor. To the Rational School Lunch Act, to Strengthen and j f a o p a n d Food Service Programs. Hearings before tne General Suoconmiitee on Ednoation of the CoanoTEtee on Education and Labor, Bouse of Representatives, on H.B. 13293 , 90th Cong., 2d sess., 1968.

2. U.S. Congress. Bouse. Conmittee on Agriculture. Extend the food and Agriculture Act of 1965. Hearings before the (jonmittee on Agriculture, douse of Representatives, 90th Cong., 2d sess., 1968.

*3. U.S. Congress. House. Comnittee on Banking and Currency. Housing

on H.R. 1562U, H.R. 15625, and other bills, 90th Cong., 2d sees., 1966.

U.S. Congress. Senate. Comnittee on Banking and Currency. Housing and Urban Development Legislation of 1968. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Housing and drban Affairs of the ' Committee on Banking and Currency, Senate, 90th Cong., 2d sess., 1968.

5* U.S. Congress. House. Conmittee on Education and Labor. Higher Education Amendments of 1968. Hearings before the General Sob comities on Education of the ComTttee on Educa­ tion and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 15067, 90th Cong., 2d sess., 1968.

6. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Education and Labor. Partnership for Learning and Earning Act of 1966. Hearings before the General Subconmittee on Education of the Comnit- tee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on 15066, 90th Cong., 2d sess., 1968.

7. U.S. Congress. House. Conmittee on Agriculture. Amend The Food Stamp Act of 196b. Hearings before the Committee on Agriculture, House of Representatives, on H.R. 15098, 90th Cong., 2d sees., 1968. 176

*6. U.S. Congress. House. Conmittee on Education and Labor. To Extend Certain Expiring Provisions Under the Manpower Development and Training Act of 1^62. Hearings before the Select Subconmittee on Labor of theConaitteeon Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R* 90th Cong., 2d sess*, 1968*

#9. U.S. Congress. House. Conmittee on Education and Labor. Malnutrition and Federal Food Service Programs. Hearings before the Conmittee on Education and Labor, House of Rep- resentatives, on H.R. 171UU, H.R* 171U5, H.R. 171U6, H.R. 17872, H.R. 17873, 90th Cong., 2d sess., 1968.

10. U.S. Congress. Joint Economic Committee. Byloyment and Maqpower Problems in Cities: Indications ox the Report of Ihe Rational Advisory Conmlssion on Civil Disorders. Hear­ ings 'before the Joint Economic Conmittee, 95th (Song., 2d sess., 1968.

*11. U.S. Congress. Joint Economic Committee. Income Maintenance Programs. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Fiscal Policy of the Joint Economic Committee, 90th Cong., 2d sess., 1968.

12. U.S. Congress. House. Conmittee on Education and Labor. Proposed Welfare and Pension Plan Protection Act. Hearings before the Committee on Eckucation anl Labor, House of Repre- sentatives, on H.R. 571*1, 90th Cong., 2d sess., 1968.

13. U.S. Congress. Senate. Coral ttee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare. Pension and Welfare Plans. Hearings before the Sub- committee on Labor of Ihe Committee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare, Senate, on S. 3U21, S. 102U, S. 1103, s. 1255, 90th Cong., 2d sess., 1968.

*ll*. U.S. Congress. House. Comnittee on Education and Labor. Public Service Employment. Hearings before the Select Sub- committee on Labor of the Committeeon Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 12260, H.R. 11*1*93, H.R. 16623, 90th Cong., 2d sess., 1968.

l5> U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Education and Labor. Seasonal Uheraloyment in the Construction Industry. Hear­ ings before tne Select Subcommittee on Labor of the Com­ mittee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 15990, 90th Cong., 2d seas., 1968.

16. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare. Education Legislation of 1 9 6 8 . Hearings before SUb- committee on Education of the Committee on tabor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S. 3098, S. 3099, 90th Cong., 2d sess., 1968. 177

*17. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare. Employment and Training Legislation, 196b. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Employment, Manpower, and Poverty of the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S- 3063, S. 321*9, S. 293B, 90th Cong., 2d sess., 1968.

lfc. U.S. Congress. Senate. Coranittee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare. Rural Poverty and Hunger. Hearings before the Sub­ committee on Employment, Manpower, and Poverty of the Com­ mittee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, 90th Cong., 2d sess., I960.

19. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Education and Labor. Preschool Centers Supplementary Education Act. Hearings be- f^ore the Select Subcommittee on Education o£ the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 10972, 90th Cong., 2d sess., 1968.

20. U.S. Congress. Senate. Special Committee on Aging. Ade­ quacy of Services for Older Workers. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Employment and Retirement Incomes of the Special Committee and Aging, Senate, 90th Cong., 2d sess., 1968.

*21. U.S. Congress. Senate. Special Committee on Aging. Use­ fulness of the Model Cities Program to the Elderly. Hearings before the Special Committee on Aging,-Senate",' 90th Cong., 2d sess., 1968.

22. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Banking and Currency. Consumer Credit and the Poor. Hearings before the Subcom­ mittee on Financial Institutions of the Committee on Banking and Currency, Senate, 90th Cong., 2d sess., I960.

2 3 . U.S. Congress. Senate. Select Committee on Small Business. Federal Procurement Activities and Hard Core Unemployment. Hearings before trie Subcommittee on Government Procurement of the Select Committee on Small Business, Senate, 90th Cong., 2d sess., I960.

*21*. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare. Hunger and Malnutrition in the United States. Hear­ ings before the Subcommittee on”Employment, Manpower, and Poverty of the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S. 281, 90th Cong., 2d sess., 1968.

2$, U.S. Congress. House, Committee on Education and Labor. Vocational Education Amendments of 1968. Hearings before the General Subcommittee on Education of the dommi ttee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. l6l*6o , 90th Cong., 2d sess., 1968. 178

26. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Government Operations. Health Care in America. Hearings before the Committee on Government Operations, Senate, 90th Cong., 2d sess., 1968.

1969

1. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Education and Labor. Extension of Elementary and Secondary Education Programs. Hearings before the Coranittee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 514, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969.

2. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Education and Labor. National School Lunch Program. Hearings before the Committee on Education and Labor, House' of Representatives on H.R. 515, H.R. 516, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969.

*3. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Agriculture and Forest­ ry. School Lunch and Child Nutrition Program. Hearings be­ fore the Committee on Agriculture and Forestry, Senate,on S. 2152, S. 2548, H.R. 515, H.R. 11651, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969.

*4. U.S. Congress. Senate. Select Committee on Nutrition and Human Needs. Nutrition and Human Needs. Hearings before the Select Committee on Nutrition and Hunan Needs,' Senate, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969.

*5. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Agriculture. Human Nu­ trition Act of 1969. Hearings before the Committee on Agri­ culture, House of Representatives, on H.R. 7919, H.R. 9100, H.R. 9104, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969.

6. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Agriculture. Special Milk Program for Children. Hearings before the Committee on Agriculture, House of Representatives, on H.R. 5554, 91st Cong., 1st session, 1969.

7. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare. Closing of Job Corp Centers. Hearings before the Sub­ committee on Employment, Manpower, and Poverty of the Com­ mittee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969.

*8. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Education and Labor, Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1969. Hearings before the Ad Hoc Hearing Task Force on Poverty of the Conmittee on Edu­ cation and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 513, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969. 179

*9, U.S. Congress. Senate. Comnittee on Labor and Public Wel- fare. Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1969♦ Hearings be­ fore the Subcommittee on Employment, Manpower, and Poverty of the Conmittee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S. 1809, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969.

#10. U.S. Congress. Senate. Comnittee on Agriculture and forest­ ry. Food Stam? Program and Conmodity Distribution. Hear­ ings before the Committee on Agriculture and Forestry, Senate, on S. 6, S. 339, S. 1608, S. 1861*, S. 20lii, ?lst Cong., 1st sess., 1969 <

11. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Banking and Currency. Progress of Model Cities Program. Hearings before the Sub­ committee on Housing and Urban Affairs of the Committee on Banking and Currency, Senate, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969*

12. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Banking and Currency. national Housing Goals, including Model Cities. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Housing of1 the Committee on Bank­ ing and Currency, House of Representatives, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969-

13. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Banking and Currency. Housing and Urban Development Legislation of 1969. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Housing of the Conmittee on Bank- ing and Currency, House of Representatives, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969.

#lU. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Banking and Currency. Housing and Urban Development Legislation of 1969* Hearings before the Subcommittee on Housing and Urban Affairs of the Committee on Banking and Currency, Senate, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969.

l£. U.S. Congress. Senate. Special Committee on Aging. Econom­ ics of Aging: Toward a Full Share in Abundance. Hearings before the Special Committee on Aging, Senate,91st dongT, 1st sess., 1969.

16. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Finance. Medicare and Medicaid. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Medicare- Medieaid of the Committee on Finance, Senate, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969.

#17. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare. Elementary and Secondary Education Amendments of 1969. Hearings before the Subcomaliiee on Education of ihe Commit­ tee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S. 2218, H.R. 5lii, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969* U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce. Health Services for Migratory and Seasonal Work­ ers . Hearings before the Subcommittee on Public Health and Welfare of the Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce, House of Representatives, on H.R. 13U32, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969.

U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare. Migrant Health Services. Hearings before the Subcom­ mittee on Health o? the-dommittee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare, Senate, on S. 2660, 91st Cong,, 1st sess., 1969.

U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Ways and Means. Unem­ ployment Compensation. Hearings before the Committee o7 Ways and Means, House of Representatives, on H.R. 1262$, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969.

U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Education and Labor. Higher Education Amendments of 1969. Hearings before the Special Subcommittee on Education of the Committee on Edu­ cation and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 16098, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969-1970.

U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Education and Labor. Vocational Education Amendments of 1969. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Education of the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 13630, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969*

U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Agriculture. General Farm and Food Stamp Program. Hearings before the Conmittee on Agriculture, House of Representatives, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969.

U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Education and Labor. To Establish Youth Conservation Corps. Hearings before the Select Subcommittee on Labor of the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. lllli$, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969-

U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Ways and Means. Social Security and Welfare Proposals. Hearings before the Com- mittee on Ways and Means, House oi1 Representatives, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969.

U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Education and Labor. Needs of Elementary and Secondary Education for the 70's. Hearings before the General Subconmittee on Education o £ the Committee of Education and Labor, House of Representa­ tives, on H.R. $17, H.R. 776, H.R. 9366, H.R. 10333, H.R. ll$i+6, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969-1970. lai

*27. U-S- Congress. House. Committee on Banicing and Currency. Grassroots Hearings on Economic Problems . Hearings before the Subcommittee on Domestic Finance a I the Committee on Banking and Currency, House of Representatives, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969.

*28. U.S. Congress. Senate. Special Committee on Aging. Older Americans in Rural Areas. Hearings before the Special Com­ mittee on Aging, Senate, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969-1970.

29. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Banking and Currency. Financing of Inner-City Housing. Hearings before the Ad Hoc Subcommittee on Home FinancingPractices and Procedures of the Committee on Banking and Currency, House of Representa­ tives, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969.

30. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Banking and Currency. Federal Minority Enterprise Program. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Small Business of the Committee on Banking and Currency, Senate, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969.

31. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Education and Labor. Irgiacted Areas— Public Housing. Hearings before the Subcom­ mittee on Education of the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 1285, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969.

*32. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Finance. Tax Credits to Stimulate Job Opportunities in Rural Areas. Hearings be­ fore the Committee on Finance,' Senabe, on S. 15, 91st Cong., I3 t sess., 1969.

33. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare. Headstart Child Development Act. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Employment, Manpower, and Education of the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S. 2060, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969-1970.

*3U. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare. Migrant and Seasonal Farmworker Powerlessness. Hear­ ings before the Subcommittee on Migratory Labor of the Com­ mittee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969-1970.

*35, U.S. Congress. House. Conmittee on Education and Labor. Conprehensive Preschool Education and Child Day-Care Act of 1969. Hearings before the Select Subcommittee on Education of the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Represen­ tatives, on H.R. 13520, 91st Cong., 1st and 2d sess., 1969- 1970. 162

36. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Education and Labor. Private Welfare and Pension Plan Legislation. Hearings be­ fore the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Repre­ sentatives, on H.R. 10l*5>, H.R. 10l*6, H.R. 161*62, 91st Cong., 1st and 2d sess.

37. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare. Legal Services Program of 0E0. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Employment, Manpower and Poverty of the Com­ mittee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969-1970.

1970

1. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Finance. Medicare and Medicaid. Hearings before the Committee on Finance, Senate, 91st Cong., 2d sess., 1970.

*2. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Finance. Family Assis­ tance Act of 1970. Hearings before the Coranittee on Finance, Senate, on H.R. I63H , 91st Cong., 2d sess., 1970.

#■3 . U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Finance. Unemployment Compensation. Hearings before the Committee on Finance, Seriate, on H.R. 1R7657 91st Cong., 2d sess., 1970.

*1*. U.S. Congress. House- Committee on Education and Labor. Manpower Act of 1969. Hearings before the Select Subcommittee on Labor of the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 10908, H.R. 11620, H.R. 13U72, 91st Cong., 1st and 2d sess., 1969-1970.

#5* U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare. Manpower and Training Legislation, 1970. Hearings be­ fore the Subcommittee on Employment Manpower, and Employment, Senate, on S. 3867, S. 2838, S. 3678, 91st Cong., 1st and 2d sess., 1969-1970.

■«6 . U.S. Congress. Senate. Select Committee o n Nutrition and Human Needs. Nutrition and Human Needs. Hearings before the Select Committee on Nutrition and Human Needs, Senate, 91st Cong., 2d sess., 1970.

7. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Banking and Currency, To Amend Title VII of the Housing and Urban Development Act of 196£^ Hearings before the Commi ttee on Banking and Cur- rency, House of Representatives, on H.R. 17795, 91st Cong., 2d sess., 1970. 183

*8. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Banking and Currency. Housing and Urban Development Legislation— 1970. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Housing of the Committee on Bank­ ing and Currency, House of Representatives, 91st Cong., 2d sess., 1970.

*9. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Banking and Currency. Housing and Urban Development Legislation of 1970. Hearings Before the Subcommittee on Housing and Urban Affairs of the Committee on Banking and Currency, Senate, 91st Cong., 2d sess., 1970.

10. U.S. Congress. Senate. Select Committee on Equal Educa­ tional Opportunity. Equal Educational Opportunity, Pt. 7- Hearings before the Select Committee on Equal Educational Opportunity, Senate, 91st Cong-, 2d sess., 1970.

11. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Finance. Social Se­ curity Amendments of 1970. Hearings before the Committee on Finance, Senate, on H.R. 17000, 91st Cong., 2d sess-, 1970.

*12. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Banking and Currency. Credit in Low-income Areas. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Financial Institutions-of the Committee on Banking and Currency, Senate, on S. 211*6, S. 2209, 91st Cong., 2d sess., 1970.

13- U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare. National Health Service Corps Act of 1970. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Health of the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S. 1*106, 91st Cong., 2d sess., 1970.

ll*. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare. National Health Insurance. Hearings before the Com­ mittee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S. 1*3, S. 3830, 91st Cong., 2d sess., 1970.

10. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Education and Labor. Older Americans Act Amendments for Nutritional Services. Hearings before the Committee on~ Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 17763, 91st Cong., 2d sess., 1970.

16. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Banking and Currency. Emergency Home Financing. Hearings before the Committee on Banking and Currency, House of Representatives, on H.R. 1369U, H.R. 11*639, H.R. 101*02, 91st Cong., 2d sess., 1970.

17. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Education and Labor. To Amend the Fair Labor Standards Act. Hearings before the General. Subcommittee on Labor of the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 109U8, H.R. 17596, 91st Cong., 2d sess., 1970.

U.S. Congress, Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare. Higher Education Amendments of 1970. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Education of the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S. 3 k 7 k } 91st Cong., 2d sess., 1970.

U.S. Congress, House. Committee on Education and Labor. Higher Education Amendments of 1971. Hearings before the Special Subcommittee on Education of the Committee on Educa­ tion and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 32, H.R. $191, H.R. 5192, H.R. 5193, H.R. 72i+6, 92d Cong., 1st sess., 1971.

U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Education and Labor. Emergency Qnployment Act cf 1971. Hearings before the Select Subcommittee on Labor of the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 17, H.R. 29, H.R. 3613, 92d Cong., 1st sess., 1971.

U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare. Emergency Enployment Act of 1971. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Employment, Manpower, and Poverty of the Com­ mittee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S. 31> 9 2d Cong., 1st sess., 1971.

U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Banking and Currency. Interim Report of HUD Investigation of Low and Moderate In­ come Housing Programs. ' Hearings before the Committee on Banking and Currency, House of Representatives, 92d Cong., 1st sess., 1971*

U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Education and Labor. To Amend the National School Lunch Act. Hearings before the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, 92d Cong., 1st sess., 1971.

U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare. Education Amendments of 1971. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Education of the Committee on Labor and Pub­ lic Welfare, Senate, 92dCong., 1st sess., 1971.

U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Education and Labor. Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1971. Hearings before the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representa­ tives, on H.R. UO, 92d Cong., 1st sess., 1971- 185

#8. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Education and Labor. Comprehensive Child Development -\ct of 1971. Hearings be- fore the Select Subcommittee of the” Committee on Education and Labor,, House of Representatives, on H.R. 6?i+8 and re­ lated bills, 92d Cong., 1st sess., 1971.

*9. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare. Comprehensive Child Development Act of 1971. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Employment, Manpower, and Poverty and the Subcommittee on Children and Youth of the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S. 1512, 92d Cong., 1st sess., 1971•

-s-10. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare. Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1971. Hearings be­ fore the Subcommittee "on Einployment, Manpower, and Poverty of the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S. 1290, S. 397, S. 1305, S. 2007, 92d Cong., 1st sess., 1971.

11. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Banking and Currency. Housing and Urban Development Legislation. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Housing of the Committee on Banking and Currency, House of Representatives, on H.R. 9688, H.R. 9331, H.R. 6853, 92d Cong., 1st sess., 1971.

12. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs. 1971 Housing and Urban Development Legisla­ tion. Hearings before the Committee on Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs7 Senate, 92d Cong., 1st sess., 1971*

13. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Finance. Social Se­ curity Amendments of 1971. Hearings before the Committee on Finance, Senate, $ 2 d Cong., 1st sess., 1971.

111. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare. Children's Dental Health Act of 1971. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Health of the” Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S. 1871, 92d Cong., 1st sess., 1971.

8-15* U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Finance. Child Care. Hearings before the Committee on Finance, Senate, on S. 2003, 92d Cong., 1st sess., 1971.

16. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Finance. National Health Insurance. Hearings before the Coranittee on Finance, Senate, on S. 3_and other related bills, 92d Cong., 1st sess., 1971.

*17. U.S. Congress. Senate. Select Committee on Nutrition and Human Needs. Nutrition and Human Needs, 1971. Hearings 186

before the Select Conmittee on Nutrition and Honan Needs, Senate, 92d Cong., 1st seas., 1971.

*18. U.S. Congress. Senate. Special Conmittee on Aging. Cut­ backs in Medicare and Medicaid Coverage. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Health"of the Elderly of the Special Conmittee on Aging, Senate, 92d Cong., 1st sess., 1971.

19* U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare. Private Welfare and Pension Plan Study. 1971. Hear­ ings before the Subcommittee on Labor of the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, 92d Cong*, let sess., 1971.

20. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Agriculture and Forest- 1 7 . Child Nutrition Programs. Hearings before the Subcora­ mi ttee on Agricultural Research and General Legislation of the Comnittee on Agriculture and Forestry, Senate, on S. 1900, S. 1919, H.R. 5257, 92d Cong., 1st sess., 1971.

*21. U.S. Congress. Senate. Special Committee on Aging. Ade­ quacy of Federal Response to Housing Needs of Older Americana. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Housing for'ihe Elderly o£ the Special Conmittee on Aging, Senate, 92d Cong., 1st sess., 1971*

*22. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Agriculture and Forest­ ry. Rural Development. Hearings before the Subcomittee on Rural Development of the Conmittee on Agriculture and Forestry, Senate, on S. 1612, 92d Cong., 1st sess., 1971*

*23. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Agriculture. Rural De­ velopment and Farm Credit. Hearings before the Conmittee on Agriculture, douse of Representatives, 92d Cong., 1st sess., 1971.

24. U.S. Congress. House. Conmittee on Agriculture. Seminar on Farm Labor Problems. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Agricultural Labor of the Conmittee on Agriculture, House of Representatives, on H.R. $010 and related bills, 92d Cong., 1 st sess., 1971.

2$. U.S. Congress. House, Committee on Education and Labor. Needs of Elementary and Secondary Education for the Seven­ ties— 1971. Hearings before the General Subcommittee on Education of the Comnittee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 2266 and related bills, 92d Cong., 1 st sess., 1971.

*26. U.S. Congress. Senate. Special Committee on Aging. Unem­ ployment Among Older Workers♦ Hearings before the Subcom­ mittee on Eng>lojment and Retirement Incomes of the Special Committee on Aging, Senate, 92d Cong., 1st sess., 1971. U.S. Congress, Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare. Fair Labor Standards Amendments of 1971. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Labor of the dommittee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S. 1861, S. 2259, 92d Cong., 1st sess., 1971 -

U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Education and Labor. Amendments to Expedite the Remedies of the National Fair Labor Relations Act. Hearings"before the Special Subcom­ mittee on Labor of the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 7152, 92d Cong., 1st sess., 1971.

U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare. Equal Educational Opportunity— 1971, Parts 12, 15, 16a , 16B, 1?, Hearings before the Select Committee on Equal Educational Opportunity, Senate, 92d Cong., 1st sess., 1971. BIBLIOGRAPHY

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______. To a Dancing God. New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, 1970.

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Merton, Thomas. Faith and Violence: Christian Teaching and Christian Practice. Notre Dame, Indiana: University a t Notre Dame Press,

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______, and Roby, Pamela A. "The War on Poverty Reconsidered." Poverty: Views from the Left. Edited by Jeremy Larner and Irving Howe. New York: William Morrow Sc Company, Inc., 1968.

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______. "Theology as Eschatology." The Future of Hope: Theology as Eschatology. Edited by Frederick Herzog. New Y*ork: Herder and Herder, 1970.

Novack, Michael. "The New Relativism in American Theology." The Reli­ gious Situation: 1966. Edited by Donald R. Cutler. Boston: Beacon Press, l^t>Bl 192

O'Dea, Thomas. The Sociology of Religion. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1966.

Parsons, Talcott, and Shills, Edward. Editors. Toward a General Theory of Action. Harper Torchbooks. New York: Harper & Row, Publish- ers7~T^5?.

Paulson, J. Sig. The Power to Be . Garden City, N.Y.: I>oubleday & Com­ pany, Inc., 1969•

Peale, Norman Vincent. The Tough-Minded Optimist. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1961. "

Pierard, Richard V. The Unequal Yoke. Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott Company, 1970. ""

Reich, Charles. The Greening of America. Bantam Books. New York: Bantam Books, Inc., 1970^

Rein, Martin. "Poverty, Policy and Purpose: The Dilemmas o f Choice." Social Policy. Edited by Martin Rein. New York: Random House, Inc., 1970.

______. "The Demonstration as a Strategy of Change." Social Policy. Edited by Martin Rein. New York: Ranlom House, Inc.j 197(3.

. "The Social Service Crisis.M Social Policy. Edited by Martin Rein. New York: Random House, Inc., 1^70.

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Riga, Peter J. The Church of the Poor: A Commentary on Paul Vi's En­ cyclical on the Development of Peoples'. Techny, 111.: Divine Word Publications, "l$6 o.

Schwarzschild, Steven S. "A Little Bit of Revolution." The Secular City Debate. Edited by Daniel Callahan. New York"* The Mac­ millan Company, 1967.

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Talmon, Yonina. "Pursuit of the Millennium: The Relation Between Reli­ gious and Social Change." Studies in Social Movements. Edited by Barry McLaughlin, New York: The Free Press,' 19657

The Street People. Valley Forge, Pa." Judson Press, 1971.

Weber, Max. The Sociology of Religion. Translated by Ephraim Fischoff. Boston! BeaconFress, l^bjl.

Wheeler, Stanton. "The Structure of Formally Organized Socialization Settings." Socialization After Childhood. Stanton Wheeler and Orville B. Brim, Jr. New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1966.

White, William Luther. The Image.of Man in C.5. Lewis. Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1969•

Winter, Gibson. Being Free; Reflections on America’s Cultural Revolu­ tion. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1976.

______. The New Creation as Metropolis■ New YorK: The Macmillan Company, ”1963.

Wood, Barry. The Magnificent Frolic. Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1976.

Yinger, Milton J. The Scientific Study of Religion. New YorK: The Macmillan Company, 19?0.

Younger, George D. The Church and Urban Renewal. Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott Coiqpany, 1965*

Journals and magazines

Dubey, Sumati N. "Community Action Programs and Citizen Participation." Social Work. XV (January, 1970), pp. 76-61.

Gordon, William. "A Critique of the Wording Definition." Social Work. VII (October, 1962), pp. 3-13-

Kluckhohn, Florence. "Dominant and Substitute Profiles of Cultural Orientations: Their Significance for the Analysis of Social Stratification." Social Forces. XXVIII (May, 1990), PP- 376- 393-

Kneen, Brewster. "The Vocation to Theology." Cross Currents. XXI (Spring, 1971), pp. 169-172.

Miller, S.M. "Poverty Research in the Seventies." Journal of Social Issues. XXVI (Spring, 1970), pp. 169-173* 19k Rein, Martin. "In Search of a Radical Profession.n Social Work. IV (ipril, 1970), pp. 13-28.

, and Miller, S.M. "Poverty Program and Policy Priorities." Trans-action. IV (September, 1967), pp • 60-71.

Sandeen, Ernest R. "Fundamentalism and American Identity." The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. (Tannary, l$70J,"pp.'3 6 ^ r . ------

Schneiderman, Leonard. "Project Head Start: Aprons to Cover their Dirty Clothes." Mental Hygiene. LII (January, 1968), pp. 3i*-kl*

______. "Racism and Revenue-Sharing." Social Work. IVII (May, 1972), pp. UU-U9*

"Street Christians: Jesus as the Ultimate Crip." Tine, (ingust 3, 1970), pp. 31-32.

"The Groovy Christians of Rye, M.Y." Life. LIT (May 111, 1971), pp* 78- 86.

Miscellaneous published materials

"A sanple: And Hot JUst a Semon." The Acts. 1971.

Anderson, John. "Caagms Crisis: Cause/Cure." Pa^hlet. Madison, Wis­ consin: Inter-Varsity Christian Fellowship, 1969*

"Have Tou Made the Wonderful Discovery of the Spirit-Filled Life?" Pa^hlet. San Bemadino, California: Ca^ms Crusade for Christ, 1966.

Sauwver, Jr., E.F. "Space City." Hew Hation Hews. 1971.

Unpublished materials

Schneiderman, Leonard. "Alcoholism: Crime, Illness or Social Problem." 1968. (Mimeographed.)

. "Can a War on Poverty be Won?" 1969. (Mimeographed.)

. "College Programming in the international Field— A Social Dork Perspective." 1968. (Mimeographed.)

. "Social Welfare, Social Functioning and Social Work: An Ef­ fort at Integration." 1969* (Mimeographed.) 1 9 $

. "The Political Functions of Social Work Practice.11 19&9> (Mimeographed.)

______. "The Value Commitment of Social Work: Some Underlying As- sunptions." 1965. (Mimeographed.)

The Children of God. Revolutionary Discipleahip for Jesus with the Children of God." Mingus, Texas, 1971. (Mimeographed.)

Whitaker, William H. "The Determinants of Social Movement Success: A Study of the National Welfare Rights Organization.11 Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Brandeis University, 1970.

Public documents

U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Agriculture. Effect of Federal Programs on Rural America. Hearings before the Subcommittee-on Rural Development of the Committee on Agriculture, House of Rep­ resentatives, 90th Cong., 1st sess., 1967.

. House. Committee on Agriculture. General Farm and Food Stamp Program. Hearings before the Committee on Agriculture, House of Representatives, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969.

. House. Conmittee on Agriculture. Human Nutrition Act of 1969. Hearings before the Conmittee on Agriculture, House o? Representatives, on H.R. 7919, and related bills, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969.

. House. Committee on Banking and Currency. Housing and Com­ munity Development Legislation. Hearings before the Subconmittee on Housing of the Committee on Banking and Currency, House of Rep­ resentatives, on H.R. 9751, 88th Cong., 2d sess., 196ii.

. House. Committee on Banking and Currency. Housing and Urban Development Legislation and Urban Insurance. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Housing of the Committee on Banking and Currency, House of Representatives, on H.R. l$62k, and related bills, 90th Cong., 2d sess., 1968.

. House. Committee on Education and Labor.Aid to Elementary and Secondary Education. Hearings before the General Subcommittee on Education of the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Rep­ resentatives, on H.R. 2361, H.R. 2362, 89th Cong., 1st sess., 1965.

. House. Committee on Education and Labor. 1966 Amendments to the Economic Opportunity Act of 1961|. Hearings before the Subcom­ mittee on War on Poverty Programs of the Coranittee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, 89th Cong., 2d sess., 1966. 196

House. Committee on Education and Labor. Comprehensive Child “Sevelopmenb Act of J971. Hearings before the Select Subcommittee of the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 67U8, and related bills, 92d Cong., 1st sess., 1971.

House. Committee on Education and Labor. Economic Opportunity *Ac t of 196L. Hearings before the Subcommittee on the War on Poverty of the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Repre­ sentatives, on H.R. IOI4I4O, 88th Cong., 2d sess., 19614-

House. Committee on Education and Labor. Economic Opportunity Act Amendments of 1967. Hearings before the Committee on Educa- tion and Labor, House” of Representatives, on H.R. 83II, 90th Cong., 1st sess., 1967.

House. Committee on Education and Labor, Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1969. Hearings before the Ad Hoc Task Force on Poverty o £ the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Repre­ sentatives, on H.R. ?13) 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969-

_. House. Committee on Education and Labor. Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1971. Hearings before the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. I4O, 92d Cong., 1st sess., 1971.

House. Committee on Education and Labor. Elementary and Secondary Education Amendments of 1967. Hearings before theCom- mittee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 6230, 90th Cong., 1st sess., 1967.

House. Committee on Education and Labor. Establishing a Special Summer Lunch Program. Hearings before the Select Subcom­ mittee on Education of the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 9339, 89th Cong., 2d Sess., 1966,

House. Committee on Education and Labor. Malnutrition and Federal Food Service Programs. Hearings before the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 17lUl4, and related bills, 90th Cong., 2d sess,, i960 .

House. Committee on Education and Labor. Manpower Act of T 969. Hearings before the Select Subcommittee on Labor of the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 13U72, yiat Cong., 1st and 2d sess., 1969-1970.

House. Committee on Education and Labor. Minimum Wage Hour Amendments, 196$. Hearings before the General Subcommittee on Labor o:£ the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Represen­ tatives, on H.R. &25>9, 89th Cong,, 1st sess., 1965* 197

_ . House. Committee on Education and Labor. Meeds of Elementary and Secondary Education for the 70*s . Hearings before the General Subcommittee on Education of the Committee of Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. $ 17, and related bills, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969-1970.

_ . House. Committee on Education and Labor. Public Employment Service. Hearings before the Select Subcommittee on Labor, House 0/ “Representatives, on H.R. 11976, and related bills, 8bth Cong., 2d sess., 1961±.

______. House. Committee on Education and Labor. Public Service Em­ ployment. Hearings before the Select Subcommittee on"Labor oT the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, on H.R. 12280, and related bills, 90th Cong., 2d sess., 1968.

______. House. Committee on Education and Labor. To Extend Certain Expiring Provisions Under the Manpower Development and Training Act o l 19t>i. Hearings before “the Select Subcommittee on Labor of the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representa­ tives, on H.R. 1 $ Q U 5 , 90 th Cong., 2d sess., 1968.

______. House. Committee on Ways and Means. Social Security and Welfare Proposals. Hearings before the Committee on Ways and Means”, House of Representatives, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969*

______. House. Committee on Ways and Means. Unemployment Compensa­ tion. Hearings before the Committee on Ways and Means, House of Representatives, on H.R. 8282, 89th Cong., 1st sess., 1965.

U.S. Congress. Joint Economic Comnittee. Income Maintenance Programs. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Fiscal Policy of the Joint Economic Committee, 90th Cong., 2d sess., 1968,

U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Banking and Currency. Housing Legislation of 1965- Hearings before a subcommittee of the Com­ mittee on Banking and Currency, Senate, on S. 13!?U, 89th Cong., Is t sess ., 1965 *

_ . Senate. Committee on Banking and Currency. Housing Legisla­ tion of 1967. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Housing and Urban Affairs of the Committee on Banking and Currency, Senate, 90th Cong., 1st sess., 1967.

_ . Senate. Committee on Finance. Child Care. Hearings before the Committee on Finance, Senate, on S. 2003, 92d Cong., 1st sess., 1971.

Senate. Committee on Finance. Family Assistance Act of i970. Hearings before the Committee on Finance, Senate, on H.R. l631i > 91st Cong., 2d sess., 1970. 198

. Senate. Committee on Finance. Social Security, Medical Care Tor the Aged. Hearings before the Finance Committee, Senate, on fit.ft. 1106?, 88th CongT, 2d sess., 1961*.

. Senate* Committee on Finance. Social Security Amendments of T 967♦ Hearlngp before the Conaeittee on Finance, Senate, on H.R. I2O80, 90th Cong., 1st sess., 1967*

Senate. Committee on Government Operations. Federal Role in Tjrban Affairs* Hearings before the Subcommittee on Executive Re­ organisation 7 Senate, 80 th Cong., 2d sess., 1966.

. Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Welfare. Amending Ml- ‘gratory Labor Laws. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Migratory Labor of the Committee on tii>or and Public Welfare, Senate, on S. l86b, and related bills, 89th Cong., 1st and 2d sess., 1965-1966.

. Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Welfare. Amending the Manpower Development and Training Act of 1962, as Amended. Hear­ ings before the Subcommittee on B^Ioyment, Manpower, and Poverty of the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S. 971*, 89th Cong., 1st sess., 1965.

. Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Welfare. Amendments To the Economic Opportunity Act of 1961+. Hearings before the Subconuittee on Employment, Manpower, and Poverty of the Com­ mittee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, 69th Cong., 2d sess., 1966.

Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Welfare. Comprehen­ sive Child Development Act of 1971. Hearings before the Subcom­ mittee on fi^loyment, Majp>ower, and Poverty and the Subcommittee on Children and Touth of the Comittee on Labor and Public Wel­ fare, Senate, on S. 1512, 92d Cong*, 1st sess., 1971*

. Senate. Coonittee on Labor and Public Welfare. Economic portunity Act of 1961*. Hearings before the Select Committee on Poverty of the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S. 261*2, 86th Cong., 2d sess., 1961*.

Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Welfare. Economic Qp- ~portunity Amendments of 1969• Hearings before the Subcommittee on Employment, Manpower, and Poverty of the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S. 1809, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969.

. Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Welfare. Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965. Hearings before the Subcom­ mittee on Education of the 6onmd.ttee on Education and Labor, Senate, on S. 370, 89th Cong., 1st sess., 1965. 199

♦ Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Welfare. Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1966. Hearings before the Subcom­ mittee on Education of the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S. 301*6, and related bills, 69th Cong., 2d sess., 1966.

Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Welfare. E m p l o y m e n t a n d Training Legislation, 1968. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Employment, Manpower, and Poverty of the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S. 3063, and related bills, 90th Cong., 2d sess., 1968.

Senate. Committee on Labor and Public Welfare. Migratory Labor Legislation. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Migratory Labor of the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S. 8, and related bills, 90th Cong., 1st sess., 1967.

Senate. Select Committee on Nutrition and Human Needs. Nu- trition and Human Needs. Hearings before the Select Committee on Nutrition and Human Needs, Senate, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969*

Senate. Select Committee on Nutrition and Human Needs. Nu- trition and Human Needs. Hearings before the Select Committee on Nutrition and Human Needs, Senate, 91st Cong., 2d sess., 1970.

Senate. Select Committee on Nutrition and Human Needs. Nu- trition and Human Needs, 1971. Hearings before the Select Com- mittee on Nutrition and Human Needs, Senate, 92d Cong., 1st sess., 1971.

Senate. Special Committee on Aging. Housing Problems of the Elderly. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Housing for the Elderly of the Special Committee on Aging, Senate, 68th Cong., 2d sess ., 196U.

Senate. Special Committee on Aging. The War on Poverty as it Affects Older Americans. Hearings before the Special Committee on Aging, Senate, 69th Cong., 1st sess., 1965.

U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. Perspectives on Hu- man Deprivation. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1968. Toward a Social Report. Washington, D.C.: Government Print­ ing Office, 196^.