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Second-Wave Feminism and the Politics of Relationships

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Second-Wave Feminism and the Politics of Relationships Women’s Studies International Forum, Vol. 23, No. 2, pp. 235–246, 2000 Copyright © 2000 Elsevier Science Ltd Pergamon Printed in the USA. All rights reserved 0277-5395/00/$–see front matter PII S0277-5395(00)00072-8 SECOND-WAVE FEMINISM AND THE POLITICS OF RELATIONSHIPS Mary Holmes Department of Sociology, University of Aberdeen, AB24 3QY, Aberdeen, Scotland, UK Synopsis — Second-wave feminists challenged liberal democratic conceptions of the political. Part of this challenge involved politicising relationships. Relationships between women and men were the ma- jor target and connected to debates about in what ways sexuality was political. Focussing on examples from New Zealand feminist writings between 1970 and 1984, I argue that interrogating relationships led to an understanding of sexuality as both producing and produced by social relations of power. This in- sight was limited by a feminist view of power as ‘power over’, which prevented a constructive analysis of differences between women and could produce personalised conflict between feminists. But it is through the political exploration of relationships and sexuality that diversity could be recognised and that feminists could begin to consider how to represent themselves and their interests in more complex ways. © 2000 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved. Two of the most common stereotypes of femi- women, and literature were fairly quickly nists are that they hate men and that they are transported to the Pacific, and the extent of all lesbians. These stereotypes are a reaction to this overseas influence will become apparent. the way feminists challenged naturalised ex- Once underway in New Zealand, feminism planations of relationships. Such challenges rapidly became a vibrant and varied move- emerged as part of second-wave feminist criti- ment (see Cahill & Dann, 1991; Dann, 1985). I cism of liberal democratic conceptions of the have always been sorry that I was too young to political. Feminists asserted that male–female have been involved. My research has some- relations were political, not ‘natural’ and they what substituted for that absence, allowing me politically interrogated sexuality (cf. Jackson & to get to know many of the women involved Scott, 1996a, p. 6–12). I examine feminist de- through what they wrote at the time. Feminists bates about relationships and how they related produced many magazines, newsletters, and to feminist practices. submissions to government committees be- The New Zealand feminists I write about tween 1970 and 1984, but New Zealand is a include a broad range of women who were small country (the population was around 2 struggling to represent women in new and bet- million in 1970) and I was able to read almost ter ways. Many identified as Women’s Libera- all of them. The small population also meant tionists, a more radical label than ‘feminist’ that many feminists knew each other, or got to (Curthoys, 1997), but one I avoid because it know each other as the movement progressed. may exclude some of those important in the Feminist political action was also varied be- political struggles. The struggles constituting cause in New Zealand political power was dif- second-wave1 feminism are usually seen as fuse (see Gelb, 1990, p. 146). This diffusion of gaining force around 1968 (Whelehan, 1995, power2 emerged from factors such as the resi- p. 4). In New Zealand 1970 is more commonly due of regional government and the long-term the date given (Dann, 1985, p. v; Poulter cited interest of women in local(ised) politics (Ait- in Ranstead, 1977, p. 11). The slightly later ken, 1980). New Zealand feminists of the date in New Zealand may have been due to its 1970s and early 1980s therefore made use of a distance from the American and European po- variety of models of political action found else- litical uprisings of 1968. However, ideas, where, employing interest group feminism 235 236 Mary Holmes (United States), Ideological/left-wing femi- and complained about media stereotyping of nism (Britain) and State equality (Sweden) women, campaigned for child care, and gener- (Gelb, 1990). The emphasis (before 1984) was ally acted around issues familiar to feminists in on interest group and ideological styles. I focus other western liberal democracies. on ‘Ideological’ feminism, which emphasised As elsewhere in the democratic west New the purity of ideas and was decentralised and Zealand feminists politicised relationships, but locally based (Gelb, 1990, p. 138). State equal- the impact was perhaps amplified by the small- ity arguably became the dominant model of ness of their feminist community. Although feminism after 1984 when a Ministry of they emphasised the political nature of rela- Women’s Affairs was established in New tionships with men, relations with other Zealand (see Holmes, 1998). Prior to this, the women became increasingly scrutinised. I ex- compactness and yet variety of the movement plore the effects of this politicisation of rela- can make it difficult to discuss New Zealand tionships on New Zealand feminist debates feminism in terms of the groups referred to and practices by interpreting changes in how elsewhere. Yes there were ‘black’ feminists, they represented themselves through their socialist feminists, Marxist feminists, liberal feminist writings. feminists, and lesbian feminists, but in New My conclusions about the politicisation of Zealand they were notable for the extent to relationships are broadly applicable to second- which they interacted. wave feminism in western liberal democracies. Some of the major publications reflect the These conclusions are comparable with Stevi interaction between diverse types of feminists Jackson’s (1993, pp. 39–42) brief description of in New Zealand. The Auckland-based Broad- second-wave feminist criticisms of love as they sheet magazine (which ran from 1972 to the emerged from a wider consideration of sexual- 1990s) was aimed at a general feminist audi- ity; and with Jackson and Scott’s (1996a) dis- ence, published a fairly wide range of views, cussion of feminist debates about sexuality, and was produced by diverse collectives, usu- which introduces many classic pieces (Jackson ally including lesbian feminists3 and feminists & Scott, 1996b). Other more general accounts of colour. Bitches, Witches, and Dykes was a of second-wave theory (e.g., Beasley, 1999; more radical, if more short lived, newspaper Evans, 1995) and of feminist political action put out by a mixture of marxists and lesbians (e.g., Rowe, 1982; Tanner, 1970) also indicate and with an affiliated ‘Black Forum’ section that the New Zealand examples are fairly rep- produced by Maori feminists. The Dunedin resentative. Collective for Woman was a broad umbrella New Zealand feminist debates on relation- organisation under which the eclectic maga- ships were recorded in reports of gatherings, in zine Woman was published. However, more submissions to parliamentary select commit- specific groups existed, for example, specific tees (particularly the Select Committee on lesbian organisation obviously took place early Women’s Rights 1975 (Papers on the Select on, as the lesbian feminist magazine Circle be- Committee on Women’s Rights, 1975), and in gan appearing in 1972. The Socialist Action feminist magazines and newsletters. It is these League (1973) also quickly showed involve- writings that have been my major sources and ment with feminist ideas by producing a pro- they are analysed as texts (see Holmes, 1998). gramme for women’s liberation. A black women’s movement, also emerged, but largely REPRESENTATION AND THE operated within an oral, rather than a written, FEMINIST POLITICISATION tradition. OF RELATIONSHIPS On four exciting occasions (1973, 1975, 1977, 1979), large numbers of feminists of all I have interpreted feminist texts as representa- varieties gathered to discuss issues and share tions because what feminists wrote gives only a information in the United Women’s Conven- partial idea of how feminists lived, thought, tions. Each was attended by around 1,500 to and acted. These texts do not transparently tell 2,000 women, and in between were many the ‘Truth’ about feminism or feminists’ lives. smaller, but often equally diverse gatherings. Those who wrote them were representatives Feminists also organised against attempts to striving to give a better picture, not just of restrict abortion, discussed racism, resisted themselves, but of women as a group and their The Politics of Relationships 237 needs. In order to interpret feminist texts, I de- terpreted as critical of men as individuals (cf. veloped an understanding of representation as Spender, 1994, pp. 1–6). Many feminists were a process of communicating and contesting unapologetic in criticising men and accepted both meanings and needs/interests. This focus the unpopularity this brought. Others thought on all feminist writings as both cultural repre- it politically necessary to try and emphasise sentations of women and political representa- the faults of a patriarchal system rather than tions for women means that I make little dis- individual men. The latter strategy sought to tinction between primary and secondary avoid suggesting individual change as the solu- sources. Feminists challenged stereotypical tion to women’s oppression. Similarly, sex-role meanings (representations) associated with stereotypes could be blamed for relations of women and also challenged political processes subordination. This explanation was related to by which the interests of individuals or groups ideas about liberation voiced by a variety of are represented (Pollock, 1992, p. 166). It has new social movements in the 1960s and ‘70s been argued that this dual aim has caused diffi- (Laclau & Mouffe, 1985; Melucci, 1989; culties for feminism because it not only seeks Seidman, 1994). These ideas could imply that to dispute, but relies upon notions of ‘woman’ everyone needed to be liberated from repres- (Alcoff, 1988; Riley, 1988). Feminists struggled sive roles. For instance, one New Zealand fem- to contradict sexist portrayals of women, pick- inist suggested that women no longer wanted ing apart facile generalisations.
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