Frank Nunan and the Guelph Bookbindery: a Documentary Investigation

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Frank Nunan and the Guelph Bookbindery: A Documentary Investigation

Greta Petronella Golick

A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Faculty of Information University of Toronto

Frank Nunan and the Guelph Bookbindery: A Documentary Investigation

Greta Petronella Golick

Doctor of Philosophy

Collaborative Program in Book History and Print Culture

Faculty of Information University of Toronto

2010 Abstract The History of the Book in Canada / Histoire du livre et de l’imprimé au Canada and other national book history projects have been a catalyst for research into the local production of print and have highlighted the need for more study of the print trades in smaller centres. In Ontario during the nineteenth century independent weekly newspapers were printed in most villages, while larger towns boasted more than one print shop and often one or more booksellers and stationers. Bookbinders were active members of the book trades selling books and stationery, ruling paper, binding local pamphlets, periodicals, and books, and manufacturing blankbooks for a variety of purposes. Since much local printing was ephemeral in nature, the only evidence of its existence is found in the record books kept by printers and binders. Partial business records and other surviving artifacts of the Guelph Bookbindery, which operated from 1855 to 1978, are both a rich source of evidence of the day-to-day operations of the bookbindery and a key to the intersection of print trades in Guelph, Ontario, and the surrounding counties. This study uses local imprints, blankbooks, authors’ papers, newspapers, directories, maps, assessment records, photographs, museum artifacts, and oral history accounts to reconstruct a history of the bookbindery and its place in the print culture of nineteenth-century Guelph. It documents the

transformation of a business selling books, stationery, and wallpaper into a commercial bindery, which along with local printers produced large numbers of pamphlets, ubiquitous then but increasingly rare today. It is a view into the microcosm of a dynamic community where print was a vital medium for communication reflecting the cultural, commercial, and entrepreneurial discourse in nineteenth-century Canadian society that reached far beyond its borders.

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Acknowledgments

This dissertation journey would not have happened without the support of many people. First, I must thank my thesis supervisor, Patricia Fleming, who initially put me on the trail of the Guelph

Bookbindery. Her timely guidance throughout this process, and her expertise in Canadian book history and print culture were immeasurable assets. I thank my committee members, Alan Galey,

Heather Murray, and Heather MacNeil, who provided important feedback which shaped the final product. I thank Fiona Black for serving as external examiner and I value her contributions to this thesis.

In the course of my research, I met many librarians, archivists, and curators who consistently went the extra mile and who responded with enthusiasm to my requests and discoveries: Richard Landon, Anne Dondertman, Sandra Alston, and Philip Oldfield, Thomas

Fisher Rare Book Library, University of Toronto; Marie Korey and P. J. MacDougall, Robertson

Davies Library, Massey College; John Jacobson, Canadiana Collection, North York Central

Library; Allan Walker, Baldwin Room, Toronto Reference Library; Darcy Hiltz, Guelph Public

Library Archives; Kathleen Wall, Guelph Civic Museum; Karen Wagner, Wellington County

Museum and Archives; Linda Amichand and Darlene Wiltsie, Archival and Special Collections,

University of Guelph Library; John Lutman and Teresa Regnier, Archives and Research

Collections Centre, University of Western Ontario; Carl Spadoni, McMaster University; Bryan

Dewalt, Helen Graves-Smith, and Anna Adamek, Canada Science and Technology Museum;

David L. Witt, who reminded me that of eight billion people in the world, I am the expert of my subject.

I am very grateful to Joan Rentoul and Michael Nunan for agreeing to participate in this research. Their insights and descriptions of the shop, as well as hand tools and equipment still in their possession left an indelible impression. Marika Pirie generously provided transcriptions of iv

letters written by her great-great-grandfather, George Pirie.

Betsy Palmer Eldridge, Brian Maloney, Dan Mezza, and Don Taylor, bookbinders and instructors at the Canadian Bookbinders & Book Artists Guild, provided me with a tactile understanding of the processes of bookbinding.

My colleagues at the Faculty of Information were important to maintaining my morale and marking milestones along the way: Mary Cavanagh, Keren Dali, Luanne Freund, Leslie

McGrath, Scott McLaren, Von Totanes, and Andrea Trevor.

I have been blessed with many angels in my life who have gently encouraged me forward: Catherine Adam, Judy Donnelly, Jane Fair, Maria Ferreira, Ricki Golick, Abraham

Kloosterman, Gillian Licht, Linda Morse, Dale Paas, Grace Paas, Miriane Taylor, and Evelyn

Van Schepen. John Kloosterman taught me true patience and perseverance. Robert Golick has questioned my intentions at every stage, and Danyse Golick has understood my need to do this from the beginning. To my husband and my hero, Steven Golick, I owe the biggest debt of gratitude for this gift of time and the emotional and financial support to finish what I have started.

Table of Contents

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...... IV TABLE OF CONTENTS...... VI LIST OF FIGURES...... VIII LIST OF APPENDICES ...... IX CHRONOLOGY OF THE GUELPH BOOKBINDERY ...... X CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION...... 1 OVERVIEW ...... 1 PURPOSE OF THE STUDY ...... 1 RESEARCH QUESTIONS ...... 2 RESEARCH OVERVIEW ...... 4 STUDY DESIGN ...... 14 SIGNIFICANCE OF RESEARCH ...... 16 CHAPTER 2. SELECTED LITERATURE REVIEW...... 21 INTRODUCTION ...... 21 BOOKBINDING LITERATURE ...... 21 HISTORY OF BOOKBINDING ...... 25 BOOKBINDING EQUIPMENT ...... 36 HISTORIES OF THE BOOK TRADES USING BUSINESS RECORDS ...... 37 GUELPH SOURCES ...... 40 CONCLUSION ...... 42 CHAPTER 3. A HISTORY OF OWNERSHIP AND BUSINESS PRACTICES OF THE GUELPH BOOKBINDERY...... 45 INTRODUCTION ...... 45 BOOKBINDING SERVICES IN GUELPH PRIOR TO 1872 ...... 46 THE GUELPH BOOKBINDERY AFTER 1872 ...... 65 CONCLUSION ...... 80 CHAPTER 4. THE BOOKBINDING SHOP...... 82 INTRODUCTION ...... 82 LOCATION AND PHYSICAL SIZE OF THE SHOP ...... 83 BINDERY EQUIPMENT ...... 87 EMPLOYEES ...... 97 CONCLUSION ...... 104 CHAPTER 5. BOOKBINDING PRACTICES AT THE GUELPH BOOKBINDERY...... 107 INTRODUCTION ...... 107 STATIONERY BINDING AND BLANKBOOK PRODUCTION ...... 108 LETTERPRESS BINDING ...... 112 CONCLUSION ...... 120 CHAPTER 6. THE GUELPH BOOKBINDERY AND ITS CUSTOMERS ...... 123 INTRODUCTION ...... 123 PROFILES OF INDIVIDUAL BINDERY CUSTOMERS ...... 123 THE GUELPH BOOKBINDERY AND GUELPH PRINTING OFFICES ...... 156 THE GUELPH BOOKBINDERY AND COMMUNAL CUSTOMERS ...... 168 CUSTOMERS FROM A DISTANCE ...... 175 CONCLUSION ...... 182 CHAPTER 7. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION ...... 185 vi

SUMMARY ...... 185 LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY ...... 191 SUGGESTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH ...... 192 CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS ...... 194 WORKS CITED ...... 198 I. ARCHIVAL SOURCES ...... 198 II. PUBLISHED AND UNPUBLISHED SOURCES ...... 198 APPENDIX A. CODES FOR BOOKBINDERY DATABASE...... 215 APPENDIX B. TELEPHONE SCRIPT ...... 220 APPENDIX C. COVER LETTERS / INFORMED CONSENT ...... 221 APPENDIX D. CONSENT FORM FOR AN INTERVIEW AS DESCRIBED IN COVER LETTER ...... 223 APPENDIX E. INTERVIEW QUESTIONS FOR PARTICIPANTS IN “FRANK NUNAN AND THE GUELPH BOOKBINDERY: A DOCUMENTARY INVESTIGATION” ...... 224 APPENDIX F. BOOKBINDERY INVENTORIES ...... 225 APPENDIX G. GUELPH IMPRINTS, 1864-1891...... 230 APPENDIX H. MAPS ...... 260 APPENDIX I. MIRROR MODEL...... 263

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List of Figures

FIGURE 1: ST. GEORGE ’S SQUARE , GUELPH , ON, WITH LOCATIONS OF BOOKBINDERS ’ SHOPS INDICATED ...... 260 FIGURE 2: MAP OF THE COUNTY OF WELLINGTON , 188- ...... 261 FIGURE 3: MAP OF WELLINGTON COUNTY AND ITS SURROUNDING COUNTIES ...... 262 FIGURE 4: THE MIRROR MODEL ...... 263

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List of Appendices

APPENDIX A. CODES FOR BOOKBINDERY DATABASE ...... 215 APPENDIX B. TELEPHONE SCRIPT ...... 220 APPENDIX C. COVER LETTERS / INFORMED CONSENT ...... 221 APPENDIX D. CONSENT FORM FOR AN INTERVIEW AS DESCRIBED IN COVER LETTER ...... 223 APPENDIX E. INTERVIEW QUESTIONS FOR PARTICIPANTS IN “F RANK NUNAN AND THE GUELPH BOOKBINDERY : A DOCUMENTARY INVESTIGATION ” ...... 224 APPENDIX F. BOOKBINDERY INVENTORIES ...... 225 APPENDIX G. GUELPH IMPRINTS , 1864-1891...... 230 APPENDIX H. MAPS ...... 260 APPENDIX I. MIRROR MODEL ...... 263

Chronology of the Guelph Bookbindery

1847 First reference to bookbinding services in extant print sources. Bookbinding outsourced from newspaper office to unnamed Hamilton establishment. 1852 Reference to local bookbinding services in the Annual Report of the Guelph Farmers’ and Mechanics’ Institute. 1855 P. C. Allan opens his shop, selling books and stationery and offers bookbinding services and paper ruling. 1859 P. C. Allan leaves Guelph before May 1859. Magnus Shewan opens a Guelph shop. 1868 May: W. J. McCurry takes over Shewan’s business. He is the first to use “Guelph Bookbindery” in his advertisements. 1868 Fall: J. B. Thornton opens his business in “Shewan’s old stand.” 1870 March: R. H. Collins and Nathaniel Stovel open a bindery on Quebec Street. It closes after a few months. 1872 P. C. Allan returns to Guelph and liquidates the businesses of Thornton and McIlroy & Mitchell. Robert Easton begins his business at St. George’s Square. He concentrates on bookbinding, box making, and hoop skirt manufacture. Francis Noonan [Nunan] is employed as a bookbinder, probably as an apprentice in Easton’s shop. 1875 Frederick T. Chapman, bookbinder from London, ON, takes over Easton’s business. 1880 Frank Nunan buys the business from Chapman. It becomes known as “Nunan’s Bindery.” 1890s Nunan’s shop is designated by the “Sign of the Big Book.” 1937 Death of Frank Nunan. His son, Harry Nunan, continues the business. 1968 Death of Harry Nunan. His widow, Isabel Nunan, continues the business. 1978 Fire in the restaurant below the bindery. The Frank Nunan Bindery is closed. 1979 Several pieces of bindery equipment and ephemeral textual material transferred to Canada Museum of Science and Technology. Surviving bindery business records transferred to Library and Archives Canada. 1996 Joan Rentoul, former employee at the Frank Nunan Bindery, opens The Bindery in the former premises on Wyndham Street. 2005 Rentoul transfers The Bindery to her home.

Chapter 1. Introduction

Overview Most studies of bookbinding have focused on bibliographical evidence of bindings, and on histories of certain binding and material styles, often within a geographical, temporal, or national framework. Few studies of bookbinding, from a historical perspective, consider the quotidian realities of the business of bookbinding or the social and cultural contexts of bookbinderies, perhaps because the scarcity of extant records limits the breadth and depth of scholarly research that is possible. The Frank Nunan Bindery fonds at Library and Archives Canada offer a unique source of data about the day-to-day business transactions of a bookbindery in Guelph, Ontario, over almost a century (1864-1956). This single series includes the records of at least seven bookbinders in an incomplete series of seven Bindery Workbooks. 1 This study enables a view of local print culture through the perspective of the transactions of a provincial bookbindery and answers questions about its history, its artifacts, and its dealings, thus bringing into focus community print practices and contributing to a cultural history of Ontario. The bookbindery operated there from 1855 until 1978, although bookbinding services were available in Guelph a few years earlier at the Wellington Mercury office. Frank Nunan, who probably apprenticed at the bindery as a teenager, bought the business in 1880. 2 His son, Harry, continued the business which was carried on by his widow, Isabel Nunan, until 1978. That year, Mrs. Nunan retired after a fire in the restaurant below the bindery caused water and smoke damage to the premises. Mrs. Nunan’s employee, Joan Rentoul, purchased some of the bindery equipment and other items remained with the Nunan family. Several machines were acquired by the Canada Science and Technology Museum and the business records were deposited at Library and Archives Canada.

Purpose of the Study

The purpose of this study is to reconstruct, as accurately as possible, the daily transactions of the bindery to gain an understanding of its practices and its relationships with local printers, and to

1. The fonds consist of Bindery Workbooks from the following years: 1864-1871, 1876-1881, 1881-1887, 1887-1895, 1907-1931, 1938-1944, and 1946-1956. Archival reference no.: MG28-III84. Hereafter referenced as BW, [years]. The Workbooks contain consecutive, chronological records and some include the transactions of more than one binder.

2. The change in ownership occurred over a period of time during 1880-81. See Chapter 3. 1 assemble a view of print culture in Guelph during the late nineteenth century. In addition to the historical record reflected in the Bindery Workbooks, primary sources include surviving examples of printed materials and blankbooks bound there, the equipment used in the shop, and two oral history accounts. The resulting analysis highlights transactions between local newspaper publishers, job printers, booksellers, and the bookbinder in the production and provision of printed items and stationery. Individuals, merchants, bureaucrats, manufacturers, professionals, and socio-cultural groups identified through entries in the Bindery Workbooks will in turn be linked to the print culture that was part of their larger community. The business operated against the backdrop of a commercial town which served an agricultural hinterland, but which was rapidly industrializing during the first quarter-century of the Dominion of Canada when economic and cultural ties to England, Scotland, and Ireland remained strong and similar connections with the United States were well established. 3 The Bindery Workbook entries form the core of this study. The sample entries selected to reflect annual activity and capture decennial changes are supported by evidence from other contemporary documents, such as census records, property assessment data, newspaper accounts, directories, maps, photographs, and local histories. Material evidence derived from the books, pamphlets, catalogues, and blankbooks that were bound at the Guelph Bookbindery strengthens interpretation of the evidence of binding practices drawn from the Bindery Workbooks. Examination of shop signs and equipment and tools used in the shop lends credence to the data obtained from written documents and the printed items and blankbooks bound there. The narrative accounts of two people closely connected to the bindery at the end of its business life add a personal dimension to this research.

Research Questions

The research questions for this study relate to three areas of focus: the business and binding practices of the Guelph Bookbindery, material and print culture reflected through its artifacts, and the interconnections between the bindery and its customers, which ultimately shed light on the utilization of print media and its survival.

3. Guelph became a city in 1879. Its population at that time was 10,072. In 1881, the population is recorded as 9,890, and in 1891, 10,537. See Leo A. Johnson “Guelph Becomes a City,” in History of Guelph, 1827-1977 (Guelph, ON: Guelph Historical Society, 1977), 254. For the purposes of this study, I will refer to Guelph as a town. 2

The Guelph Bookbindery as a business 1. What business practices are evident from the historical traces of its proprietors? What factors contributed to their successes and failures? 2. Did the nature of bindery jobs change over time? 3. What mechanical equipment was in use? Was there capital investment in equipment? 4. Where was the business located? Who was employed at the bindery? What is known of their working conditions? The unique survival of the bindery’s records allows a comprehensive analysis of the day-today realities of a bookbindery in a nineteenth-century Ontario town. These questions will yield a composite view of the business over time and allow interpretations of factors that contributed to the successes and failures of its proprietors. This study will also examine a topic that is often neglected: the physical shop, its location, its workers and their working conditions through evidence from newspapers, directories, census data, assessment data, and other ephemera. Finally, oral history accounts provide a bridge to understanding the final days of the Guelph Bookbindery. Material and print culture 5. What evidence of binding practices at the Guelph Bookbindery can be gathered by bibliographical analysis of surviving blankbooks and local imprints? 6. How does evidence of local imprints reflect the social and commercial world of nineteenth-century Guelph and its place in the wider world? The practices of bookbinders that are documented in bound books provide another approach to understanding the business. Bibliographical analysis of blankbooks and printed items from the shop will reveal changes in binding techniques, such as methods of sewing or wire stitching a pamphlet, reflecting transformations in the binding trade that occurred during the nineteenth century. Evidence of changes in technique will highlight how innovations were adopted or adapted by smaller binderies. The enumeration of local imprints listed in the Bindery Workbooks, including the size of print runs, imposition, and authors and /or publishers, will reflect the social and commercial contexts of print production in nineteenth-century Guelph. Interconnections between the bindery and its customers 7. Who were the bindery’s customers and what was their geographical range? 8. What was the relationship between the bookbindery and the book trades in Guelph and beyond? How is this relationship suggestive of the broader sphere of print culture in nineteenth-century Ontario?

In America, before 1880, small and medium enterprises (SMEs) proliferated in “merchandising, farming, manufacturing, and service industries.” 4 Canada too, depended on colonial and foreign trade, and access to small domestic markets with limited distribution due to the expense and frequent delay in communication and transportation; however, improvements in railroad connections and postal and express services made it possible to do business over a wide territory. 5 Identification of distant customers in the Bindery Workbooks will determine its geographical reach. Relationships between the bindery and other print producers, in Guelph and in other locations, will indicate the importance of these customers for binding jobs and will reveal specializations of those within the print trades. Tracing the links between the bindery and its customers expands the conclusions of this study that may be generalized to other regional nineteenth-century Ontario towns with bookbinding shops such as Peterborough and St. Catharines. Two analytical perspectives, business history and the materiality of texts, are combined in this study to interpret documents located by the historical method (described in the next section). The framework of business history focusing on small and medium enterprises will address the business practices and activities, capital investment, and labour aspects of this research. Connections between the bindery and its customers, both individuals and corporate, will be followed to understand their competitive and complementary relationships. 6 Analytical bibliography methods will be used to examine its products: blankbooks, bound printed pamphlets, and books. This combined approach creates a richer interpretation than a single perspective.

Research Overview

Historical Method Using the historical method this research locates, evaluates, and interprets primary source material for an investigation of the business and binding practices of the Guelph Bookbindery

4. Mansel G. Blackford, A History of Small Business in America , 2nd ed. (Chapel Hill and London: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 11.

5. Blackford, 12-14.

6. According to B. E. Supple, the history of a business includes an analysis of the structure, “internal arrangements,” and the activities of the enterprise and those of its “competitors and contemporaries.” See “The Uses of Business History,” Business History 4, no. 2 (1962): 84, 86. See also Maurice Duke and Edward N. Coffman, “Writing an Accounting or Business History: Notes toward a Methodology,” The Accounting Historians Journal 20, no. 2 (1993): http://proquest.umi.com. 4 and a reconstruction of connections between the bindery and its customers in the context of nineteenth-century Guelph during the early days of the Dominion of Canada. 7 Traditionally, the historical method rests on document-based evidence. Marc Bloch, in The Historian’s Craft , distinguishes between “intentional documents,” created to inform future historians, and “unintentional documents,” such as business records and commercial correspondence, which were never intended to “influence the opinions either of contemporaries or of future historians” and therefore were not “especially designed to deceive posterity.” 8 Bloch reminds historians that all documents exist and survive due to human agency and even those that appear uncomplicated must be cross-examined. As an example of interpretive challenges, Bloch points to prices in documents which may have been “listed inaccurately, either through inadvertence or bad faith; others may be exceptional—prices for friends or, conversely, prices for fools.” 9 Michael Stanford advises researchers to ascertain the truth of historical documents and to go further by questioning what the documents “meant in the cultural context in which they have been written”; he says that historians must reflect that meaning to themselves when fully aware of what they meant for their creators. 10 Stanford goes on to describe historical knowledge as a “web of mutually limiting statements or beliefs, few if any of which are absolutely certain. Yet, taken together, they form a consistent and very probable whole.” 11 In expanding on Bloch’s concept of unintentional evidence, Stanford states that it “presents problems of understanding” because “it does not come out to meet” the researcher who is compared to an “eavesdropper overhearing important or fascinating conversations” when using unintentional evidence. However, he also concedes that historians prefer this type of evidence because it was created and

7. Scholars with a social science perspective refer to this as the “documentary method.” Payne and Payne describe documentary methods as “techniques used to categorise, investigate, interpret and identify the limitations of physical sources, most commonly written documents, whether in the private or public domain.” Four main questions must be applied to documents to address authenticity, credibility, representativeness, and meaning. Payne and Payne caution that the meaning of documents is complex and much “depends on the cultural context both of the authors and the researchers.” See Geoff Payne and Judy Payne, Key Concepts in Social Research (London: Sage Publications, 2004), 60-63.

8. Marc Bloch, The Historian’s Craft , introduction by Joseph R. Strayer, trans. Peter Putnam (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1963), 60-62.

9. Bloch, 119.

10. Michael Stanford, A Companion to the Study of History (Oxford, UK and Cambridge, MA: Blackwell, 1994), 32, 156.

11. Stanford, 129. 5 intended for few recipients and not to influence future historians. 12 Book historian Sydney J. Shep succinctly outlines the four phases of historical investigation as identification, evaluation, interpretation of evidence found in primary sources, and written communication of findings. 13 Shep provides guidelines for critiquing sources and recommends using as many as possible, offering two practical suggestions in recording data: maintaining a chronology of significant events and keeping a journal during the research process. Michael Hill adds to these organizational tips by recommending that the “spatiotemporal” chronology be linked to geographical locations, that networks be mapped, and “backstage perspectives and processes” that may provide clues to emotional ties be recorded and updated throughout the research process. 14 Methodological problems with historical data include insufficient quantity of data, aggregated data that cannot be broken down, biased data, and lack of specification due to data that cannot be tested for “spurious relations.” 15 Both Bloch and Stanford echo these sentiments in their discussions of the chance survival of most evidence, and suggest that it will always be inadequate even if it is plentiful, because it will never be as rich as the “original reality.” 16 Paul Thompson emphasizes the traditional rules for considering evidence: internal consistency, verification in other sources, and awareness of “potential bias.” 17 He cites the lack of caution historians show when accepting evidence from old newspapers at face value even though they

12. Stanford, 147, 151, 161.

13. Sydney J. Shep, “Historical Investigation,” in Qualitative Research for the Information Professional: A Practical Handbook , 2nd ed., G. E. Gorman and Peter Clayton with Sydney J. Shep and Adela Clayton, [160]-181 (London: Facet Publishing, 2005). Shep defines primary sources as “sources which are in direct or close temporal and spatial proximity to the events or people in which the historian is interested” and secondary sources as “critical accounts, filtered by an intermediary, drawing on and interpreting primary sources.” However, not all sources are easily distinguished as primary or secondary. Similar to Bloch’s concept of intentional and unintentional document, Shep distinguishes between witting and unwitting testimony. Witting testimony is evidence from sources that “contain a message deliberately recorded, or information or impressions that the creator of the source intended to convey” and unwitting testimony are sources that “contain completely unintentional messages or provide insights which the originator was not conscious of conveying.” See page 164.

14. Michael Hill, Archival Strategies and Techniques (Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications, 1993), 59-62. An example of a backstage perspective is an unlikely partnership that forms when a marriage occurs between members of two families.

15. Jerome M. Clubb and Erwin K. Scheuch, eds. Historical Social Research: The Use of Historical and Process-Related Data (Stuttgart: Ernst Klett, 1980), 21.

16. Stanford, 152.

17. Paul Thompson, The Voice of the Past: Oral History , 3rd ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 119. 6 recognize contemporary newspapers as “selected, shaped, and filtered” accounts. 18 He is also cautious of more trusted sources such as census, registrations of births, marriages, and deaths, and Royal Commissions because they reflect social attitudes of the time in their construction and in methods by which information was obtained. He warns that all documents and records “do not come to be available to the historian by accident. There was a social purpose behind both their original creations and their subsequent preservation.” 19 In interpreting historical information, Shep argues that the historical method is an exploration to understand the causes and consequences of events rather than the collection of facts. Stanford characterizes this task as horizontal (contextual) and vertical (chronological) integration of evidence. 20 In the final written report, descriptive writing conveys a temporal or chronological progression whereas analytical writing attempts to explain connections, identify themes or trends, and to unite these into a cohesive narrative. 21 Stanford cautions that at best historians achieve a “balance of probabilities” because they can never be sure they have all the evidence and the possibility of varying interpretations of that evidence remains.22

Oral History Oral history is unique primary material obtained by planned, recorded interviews of people who possess information considered worth preserving. 23 William Moss differentiates between the “simple recollections of facts” and “reflections” which include the subjective filters and emotional impressions which an individual applies to past experience and brings to the present situation. He considers oral history accounts less reliable than transactional or selective records because the evidence has been “refracted several times.” 24 Bloch considers witness statements as

18. Thompson, 120.

19. Thompson, 124. Italics in original.

20. Stanford, 153.

21. Shep, 173-5.

22. Stanford, 112.

23. Louis Starr, “Oral History,” in Oral History: An Interdisciplinary Anthology , 2nd ed., ed. David K. Dunaway and Willa K. Baum, 39-61 (Lanham, MD: AltaMira Press, 1996).

24. William Moss, “Oral History: An Appreciation,” in Oral History: An Interdisciplinary Anthology , 2nd ed., ed. David K. Dunaway and Willa K. Baum, 107-120 (Lanham, MD: AltaMira Press, 1996). Moss defines transactional records as “any document that embodies in its text the substance of the action it represents . . . [such as] constitutions, laws, contracts, deeds, wills, . . . instructions, advertisements,” and selective records as “attempts to preserve and to communicate to others descriptions of what is happening at a given time . . . [such as] audio, 7 not absolute but rather “more or less reliable testimony” from observers with much depending on the observer’s condition and attention at the time of an event. 25 Such accounts rely on memory, which can be faulty and distorted by ego, problems not dissimilar to other primary sources such as letters and diaries. Another disadvantage is that oral history can rarely “reach further back than one lifetime.” 26 As with other primary sources, oral history evidence must be tested for “internal consistency” and by corroboration with other sources. 27 Addressing the persistent problem of reliability and validity in oral history interviews, Alice Hoffman defines reliability as the congruity of a story told by an individual about the same incidents at different times and validity as the compliance between reports of an episode and other reports of the same incident in other documents such as newspapers and photographs. 28 Since an informant can be reliable, but the story may not be validated as a true representation of events when compared with other sources, the onus is on the interviewer to obtain the best record possible. Oral history accounts strengthen the interpretation of other evidence, and may provide access to letters, photographs, and artifacts in private collections. All of this evidence can be interpreted under the broad concept of the document.

Concept of Document This research relies on the interpretation of a variety of documentary evidence: written documents, artifacts, and oral history accounts. Recent studies of document-based research by Lindsay Prior and Gary McCulloch suggest that the document is not a static entity, but part of a web of actions and actors that must be examined within its social context and conclude that the study of document production, use, and consumption is as important as the content it contains. 29

video, or cinematic recordings of actions as they unfold, stenographic notes of conversations as they are taking place, [and] still photographs.” See pages 109, 112.

25. Bloch, 101.

26. Stanford, 164.

27. Starr, “Oral History,” 56.

28. Alice Hoffman, “Reliability and Validity in Oral History,” in Oral History: An Interdisciplinary Anthology , 2nd ed., ed. David K. Dunaway and Willa K. Baum, 87-93 (Lanham, MD: AltaMira Press, 1996).

29. Lindsay Prior, Using Documents in Social Research (London: Sage Publications, 2003), 16. Gary McCullough, Documentary Research in Education, History and the Social Sciences (London: RoutledgeFalmer, 2001), 1, 4. 8

Echoing Prior’s and McCulloch’s views of documents, Paul Atkinson and Amanda Coffey recommend documentary analysis as part of wider ethnographic studies of daily life by examining documents within their organizational and cultural contexts and noting their unique material forms. 30 Reflecting the views of social historians, Piergiorgio Corbetta suggests that while documents may be insufficient for “ explaining social phenomena, they can nevertheless make a valuable contribution to our interpretation of these phenomena.” 31 His broad definition of the document as “any material that provides information on a given social phenomenon and which exists independently of the researcher’s actions” supports the inclusion of artifacts and oral history accounts in the realm of documents for this research. 32 Returning to Bloch’s notion of documents, the Bindery Workbooks fall into the category of unintentional documents, whereas some of the other primary sources such as newspapers and directories are considered intentional documents. All must be evaluated for verisimilitude.

Book History The interdisciplinary nature of book history has brought together researchers who previously were isolated from one another and has “made book historians more methodologically sophisticated and creative.” 33 Scholars engaged in book history share a belief that print culture provides a mediated insight into the past and that societies create meaning through the interventions or mediations of book producers, distributors, and readers. 34 David Hall states that “the better we understand the production and consumption of books, the closer we come to a social history of culture.” 35 Two well-known models for book history are the communications circuit drafted by

30. Paul Atkinson and Amanda Coffey, “Analysing Documentary Realities,” in Qualitative Research Theory, Method and Practice , 2nd ed., ed. David Silverman, [56]-75 (London: Sage Publications, 2004), 58, 73.

31. Piergiorgio Corbetta, Social Research: Theory, Methods and Techniques , trans. Bernard Patrick (London: Sage Publications, 2003), 295, 305. Italics in original.

32. Corbetta, 287. Moss situates oral history accounts within the purview of documents although he provides important distinctions between transactional records which have no “interpretive element” between the document and the observer other than the personal biases and perceptions of the observer, and selective records where there is an “interpretive process between the reality and the record.” See Moss, “Oral History: An Appreciation,” 109.

33. Ronald J. Zboray and Mary Saracino Zboray, A Handbook for the Study of Book History in the United States (Washington, DC: Center for the Book, Library of Congress, 2000), 77-78.

34. Zboray and Zboray, 4-5.

35. David D. Hall, Cultures of Print: Essays in the History of the Book (Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press, 1996), 1. 9 historian Robert Darnton and the bio-bibliographical model proposed in response by bibliographers Thomas Adams and Nicolas Barker. 36 Darnton acknowledged the overwhelming variety of methods and competing academic traditions engaged with book history questions in the 1980s and offered his model as a framework for following textual production through its cycle of interactions with authors, publishers, printers, distributors, booksellers, and readers within the context of the prevailing social, economic, and political milieu, based on his study of the book trade in eighteenth-century France. In Darnton’s “Communications Circuit” the binder is located in two positions, as part of the booksellers’ domain and in its own sector next to readers, reflecting the relationships between bookbinders and booksellers who ordered books bound for their shops, and between bookbinders and readers who chose their own bindings. Darnton’s model does not effectively express the changing dynamics of the book trade in the nineteenth century when publishers assumed a greater role in book production and binding became part of the publishing process completed in-house, or outsourced to independent binderies. In revisiting his model in 2007, Darnton acknowledges its limited eighteenth-century focus but contends that it represents the “complexities” and the interconnections between those involved in the trade. 37 British bibliographers Adams and Barker were critical of Darnton’s model because it emphasized the human agency of book production and was less book-centric. The model they proposed focused on the life cycle of the book, simultaneously influenced by the socio-economic factors of social behaviour and taste, intellectual influences, political, legal, and religious influences, and commercial pressures. In their model, bookbinding is part of the manufacturing function which can be further categorized according to the binding’s structure and material which in turn affect reception, use, and preservation. Anticipating the ideas of Mirjam Foot and David Pearson, Adams and Barker suggest that a book’s binding or “frame” expresses “the social value of the time.” 38 They situate trade bindings (bindings applied prior to sale) under the function of distribution, noting that books can be distributed in sheets, folded, or bound, and

36. Robert Darnton, “What is the History of Books?” Daedalus 111, no. 3 (1982): 65-83. Thomas R. Adams and Nicolas Barker, “A New Model for the Study of the Book,” in A Potencie of Life: Books in Society , ed. Nicolas Barker, 5-43 (London: British Library, 1993), 13-38. The term “bio-bibliographical communication circuit” is applied to Adams and Barker’s model by David Finkelstein and Alistair McCleery, eds., in An Introduction to Book History (New York: Routledge, 2005), 13-14.

37. Robert Darnton, “‘What is the History of Books?’ Revisited,” Modern Intellectual History 4, no. 3 (2007): 495-508.

38. Adams and Barker, 21. Mirjam Foot, The History of Bookbinding as a Mirror of Society (London: The British Library, 1998). David Pearson, English Bookbinding Styles, 1450-1800: A Handbook (London: The British Library; New Castle, DE: Oak Knoll Press, 2005). 10 factor in the time and space required for the process. Adams and Barker also include the role of labour and capital as important components in the manufacture of books. 39 Neither Darnton’s nor Adams and Barker’s model captures the essence of this study completely. Stationery binding and blankbook manufacture at the Guelph Bookbindery, accounting for roughly half of its business, does not fit easily into either model. Darnton’s model could represent the relationships between the bookbinder and his individual customers in Guelph, but does not illustrate the relationship between the job printers and the bookbinder in producing the business stationery and printed items for local community groups. In nineteenth- century Guelph, interactions between the bookbinder, viewed alternately as a co-producer or a distributor, and the larger community were often mediated through job printers, newspaper offices, and local booksellers. The Guelph Bookbindery participated in production and distribution by folding, sewing, trimming, and binding local imprints, which fits with the Adams and Barker model. Reception of books and periodicals can be inferred from the Bindery Workbooks by analyzing which items were brought to the bindery for binding or repair. Survival of pamphlets bound there is exiguous because much of the production was ephemeral items such as catalogues, programmes, and published lists for various community groups. In this context, the present study conforms to the ideas expressed by Foot, who suggests that the process of binding, with its integral aspects of production, distribution, reception, and survival, be situated within its social framework and that the binding itself is a mirror of society. 40 Another approach pioneered by D. F. McKenzie promotes the study of the sociology of texts by considering what “their production, dissemination, and reception reveal about past human life and thought.” 41 Building on McKenzie’s work and tracing the social history of knowledge from 1750 to 2000, Peter Burke suggests that several trends or processes be considered: “secularization, specialization, commercialization, industrialization, nationalization, globalization, bureaucratization and democratization.” 42 Several of these trends affected

39. Darnton was critical of the lack of human agency in Adams and Barker’s model, but praised its inclusion of ephemera and of texts through “new editions, translations, and the changing contexts both of reading and of literature in general.” Darnton, “‘What is the History of Book?’ Revisited,” 504.

40. Foot, The History of Bookbinding , 1-2.

41. “History of the Book,” in The Book Encompassed: Studies in Twentieth-century Bibliography , ed. Peter Davison, 290-301 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 298.

42. Peter Burke, “ A Social History of Knowledge Revisited,” Modern Intellectual History 4, no. 3 (2007): 526. 11 everyday life in nineteenth-century Guelph and must be factored into the interpretation of findings. During the 1870s Guelph was rapidly industrializing as factories were established to produce pianos, organs, sewing machines, carriages, farm equipment, and woollen goods. By the 1890s, in the larger factories, workers were divided into specialized job categories, with job titles such as “key maker,” “action maker,” and “wood turner,” at the Bell piano and organ factory and jobs classifications such as “japanner,” “polisher,” and “varnisher,” for workers at the Raymond sewing machine factory.43 Improved communication and transportation networks, utilizing the telegraph and postal systems, and the movement of goods and people by railway, steamship, and new roads, helped to expand mercantile networks as commercial travellers from Montreal and Toronto promoted their products in regional towns. Refined marketing strategies and new record-keeping systems reflected the changes in commercial and bureaucratic practices. For example, thousands of illustrated catalogues and circulars were printed to promote new consumer goods such as sewing machines, pianos, and organs and sales agents were required to submit regular reports on special forms printed and ruled for that purpose. During the political changes that forged the Dominion, the government of Canada supported the establishment of domestic manufacture and promoted Canadian products at world fairs in London (1851) and Philadelphia (1876). Nevertheless, the owner-operated, small firm was the dominant Canadian business model in the nineteenth century.44 Not all business enterprises operated within the limited domestic market, however. The Canadian market was too narrow for several entrepreneurial Guelph manufacturers who looked beyond the domestic marketplace and exported their goods to international markets in Australia, Great Britain, India, Mexico, and South America. As the century progressed, the demographic characteristics of Guelph changed, as immigration from England, Ireland, and Scotland slowed and a new generation, born in Ontario, became dominant. 45 New forms of recreational activity, such as cycling, challenged the strict Sabbath observance that was practiced a few decades earlier and created an opening toward a

43. Union Publishing Co. Union Publishing Co’s (of Ingersoll) Guelph City Directory for 1891 (Ingersoll, ON: Union Publishing Co., [1891]).

44. Douglas McCalla, “An Introduction to the Nineteenth-Century Business World,” in Essays in Canadian Business History , ed. Tom Traves, 13-23 (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1984).

45. In 1881, the “country of origin” for Guelph citizens is recorded as England (3,866), Ireland (2,810), Scotland (2,434), and Other (780) for a total population of 9,890. Johnson, “Table XXVIII, Population in Guelph by Country of Origin, 1881-1921,” History of Guelph , 274. 12 more secular society by the end of the century. Nineteenth-century Guelph imprints reflect a vibrant community that used print to communicate and to preserve the records of social and recreational organizations, such as fraternal lodges, benevolent societies, groups organized according to ethnic and religious affiliations, literary societies, social libraries, and sporting clubs. Traditional print genres such as newspapers, political pamphlets, sermons, and public lectures also contributed to the democratization of the public sphere in nineteenth-century Guelph. Awareness of the social, cultural, intellectual, political, and economic contexts influencing Guelph citizens situates this study more precisely within book history studies. In untangling the nexus of book history scholarship, Leslie Howsam traces the interdisciplinarity of book history to three academic disciplines: history, with its primary focus on “agency, power, and experience,” literature, with its attention on texts and literary criticism, and bibliography, which lists and examines physical documents and objects. 46 Howsam situates the three disciplines in a triangle and maps studies which can be classified as falling between two disciplines or as a combination of two disciplinary approaches. She cites publishing histories such as those by Robert Darnton, Michael Winship, David Finkelstein, and Robin Myers and Michael Harris, and imprint bibliographies such as The English Novel, 1770-1829: A Bibliographical Survey of Prose Fiction Published in the British Isles and Tremaine’s A Bibliography of Canadian Imprints, 1751-1800 as exemplars of a combined bibliographical /historical approach. The present study fits neatly into the interdisciplinary space between history and bibliography since the survey of the business of the Guelph Bookbindery documents the experience of its owners and the connections between the bindery and the producers and consumers of print in nineteenth-century Guelph. Surviving physical artifacts are representative of the tools and equipment of that particular time and place and probably other small, provincial binderies as well. Recognition of workers contributes to a social history of the bindery, connecting names and biographical details of people who often remain anonymous in historical accounts. Bibliographical analysis of a sample of items that passed through the bindery strengthens the material dimension of this research while the enumeration of imprints that were bound there (based on Bindery Workbook entries), points to the enormous quantity of locally printed items reflecting the ubiquity of everyday print in nineteenth-century Guelph and its distribution locally, nationally, and even internationally.

46. Leslie Howsam, Old Books & New Histories: An Orientation to Studies in Book and Print Culture (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2006), 10. 13

Study Design

Sources of Information The primary sources of information for this study are: 1. Frank Nunan Bindery Workbooks with transcription of data into a database with designated fields following the Bindery Workbook headings. 47 The Bindery Workbooks include the transactions of at least seven Guelph bookbinders. • The following records were transcribed as a representative sample: i. the first 12 months of records: 1 April 1864 to 30 March 1865 (530 records); ii. 1 August 1870 to 29 August 1871 (623 records), 3 January to 30 December 1881 (665 records), and 2 January to 31 December 1891 (718 records) to capture seasonal variations, changes over time and ownership, and to coincide with the decennial census years; iii. the last 12 months of records 1 April 1955 to 31 March 1956 (585 records). • The following records were reviewed and selected records transcribed to capture local imprints, record transactions for certain customers, and note introduction of new equipment. Entries that caught the researcher’s attention because of unusual titles, bindings, or customer name or place were also transcribed: i. 8 April 1865 to 23 July 1870 (1257 records); ii. 18 November 1876 to 31 December 1880 (307 records); and iii. 2 January 1882 to 31 October 1890 (554 records). 2. Other primary sources: • Manuscript census data for Guelph for 1861, 1871, 1881, and 1891 • Property tax assessment records for Guelph for 1852-1891 • Nineteenth-century Guelph newspapers, directories, maps, and photographs • Trade periodicals and booksellers’ catalogues • Items ruled or bound at the bindery: invoices, pamphlets, printed books, and blankbooks • Bindery equipment located in museum collections and in the care of Joan Rentoul and

47. In 2004, a preliminary study using BW, 1876-1881 was completed as a requirement for the Practicum course in the Book History and Print Culture Collaborative Program. Greta Golick, “Intersections in the Business of Print: The Frank Nunan Bindery Workbook, 1876-1881,” (BKS 2001H, Faculty of Information Studies, University of Toronto, 2005). Bindery Workbook entries were transcribed into a Microsoft Access database using the terms of the column headings in the Workbooks to designate database fields. Coding the database (see Appendix A) enabled records to be filtered in a variety of ways, for example, to filter out local imprints. 14

Michael Nunan. 3. Oral history sources: • Interviews with a former employee, Joan Rentoul, and with the grandson of Frank Nunan, Michael Nunan. The name indexes for both personal and corporate names established by the Guelph Regional Project were used for name authority. 48 A coding structure was developed in order to analyze the data according to type of material (book, periodical, music, stationery, and local imprint), processes and techniques of binding, and binding materials and embellishments (See Appendix A). 49 Bindery Workbooks are referenced according to the inclusive dates of use. Interviews were conducted according to the protocol of the University of Toronto, Office of Research Ethics. Joan Rentoul was contacted by telephone followed by a letter describing the project, interview questions, and consent form sent prior to the interview. Rentoul verified that Michael Nunan was connected to the Nunan Bindery, and contact was initiated after appropriate amendments were obtained from the Office of Research Ethics at the University of Toronto (See Appendices B, C, D, and E). Both Rentoul and Nunan agreed to participate in this study using their correct names and both agreed to have the interview taped and transcribed. In this study, triangulation is achieved through examination of a number of sources: the Bindery Workbooks, artifacts, other primary sources, and recorded interviews. Personal experience in bookbinding, combined with consultation of nineteenth-century manuals for terms and abbreviations, enhanced interpretation of the findings. Examination of books bound at the Guelph Bookbindery in comparison with entries in the Bindery Workbooks provides the best evidence of bookbinding practices. Supporting data from newspapers, census and assessment records, and references to the bindery in other sources such as the Guelph Farmers’ and Mechanics’ Institute minutes increase the validity of the conclusions. Two interviews conducted in Guelph in 2008 provided valuable insight into the final decades of the business and verified the location of the bindery and its equipment, some of which remains with Joan Rentoul and Michael Nunan.

48. Elizabeth Bloomfield and Gilbert Stelter, Guelph and Wellington County: A Bibliography of Settlement and Development since 1800 ([Guelph, ON]: Guelph Regional Project, University of Guelph, 1988) and Elizabeth Bloomfield and others, Inventory of Primary and Archival Sources: Guelph and Wellington County to 1940 (Guelph, ON: Guelph Regional Project, University of Guelph, 1989).

49. Bookbinding terms and definitions are found in Bookbinding and the Conservation of Books: A Dictionary of Descriptive Terminology by Matt T. Roberts and Don Etherington, drawings by Margaret R. Brown, (Washington, DC: Library of Congress, 1982). Hereafter cited as Roberts and Etherington, Bookbinding . Available online at http://cool.conservation-us.org/don/toc/toc1.html. 15

Conclusions regarding a complete understanding of the business are limited to an interpretation of activity based on these sources. The Bindery Workbooks were used as an aide mémoire for employees to keep track of work and customers. It is evident that some entries for work were created only when the customer came to retrieve the bound items. As well, abbreviations used to record details of binding jobs may be misinterpreted. For example, “r goat” could be rough goat or red goat; “r b” could be raised bands or Russia bands. Familiarity with binding standards of the period and the opportunity to match entries in the Bindery Workbooks with physical artifacts that survive in archives and libraries decrease the probability of error. Two oral history accounts obtained thirty years after the close of the bindery must be interpreted in light of other documents.

Significance of Research

According to Maxwell, “the value of a qualitative study may depend on its lack of generalizability in the sense of being representative of a larger population; it may provide an account of a setting or population that is illuminating as an extreme case of ‘ideal type.’” 50 This research is unusual in its detailed description of the daily binding and business practices of a regional bookbindery; it provides rich data for the time period examined, and offers an important contribution to Canadian book history scholarship. Although the Guelph Bookbindery was remarkable in its longevity, its continuity as a small family enterprise, and in its surviving documents, both written and artifact, its business and bookbinding practices are not comparable to larger wholesale and retail firms, such as Brown Brothers and Warwick and Rutter operating contemporaneously in Toronto. However, future research may show that it operated and conducted business much like other small binderies scattered throughout Ontario during the late- nineteenth century. The narrative of the Guelph Bookbindery is probably similar for binderies in other Ontario towns such as Brantford and Stratford. 51 In uncovering its business history, a view emerges of a small business independently owned and operated whose owners were principally

50. Joseph A. Maxwell, “Designing a Qualitative Study,” in Handbook of Applied Social Research Methods , ed. Leonard Bickman and Debra J. Rog, 69-100 (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 1998), 95. Italics in original.

51. Tickets for bookbinders from these towns have been located. J. Sutherland, bookseller, stationer, bookbinder, and blankbook manufacturer had a shop on Colborne Street in Brantford. His ticket was placed in a City of Brantford and County of Brant Gazetteer and Directory for the Year 1880-81 (CIHM no. A00258). A ticket for W. Stone, bookbinder in Stratford, was found in A Clinical Atlas of Venereal and Skin Diseases Including Diagnosis, Prognosis and Treatment published in Philadelphia in 1889 (OTUTF ff 00034). 16 concerned with making a living with minimal effort directed to marketing or “innovative practices.” 52 The characteristics of small businesses and their owners in nineteenth-century Canada and those who operate similar enterprises today, probably share several parallels. This study is distinct in that it approaches book history from the perspective of bookbinders who were part of the production and distribution of local print, and who manufactured the blankbooks that ultimately recorded their own and many of the records of the town of Guelph, its businesses, and its socio-cultural organizations. Initially, bookbinding was an extension of services available at a Guelph newspaper office. After several years, bookbinding services were offered by a succession of booksellers and stationers, eventually becoming established as an independent service business, ruling paper, manufacturing blankbooks, and participating in the cycle of print production by binding local imprints. Because this study uses a variety of documents, artifacts, and oral history narratives, a more reliable picture of the bindery can emerge. A trefoil hand tool, manufactured in London (UK) and used for stamping the binding of The Cromaboo Mail Carrier by binder F. T. Chapman, remained in Guelph after he left, and is now in the possession of Michael Nunan. This sequence is documented in a Bindery Workbook, and an invoice in author Mary Leslie’s papers, as an impression on two bound copies of the novel, and as an original artifact in a private collection. Perhaps other bindings using the same tool may be associated with the Guelph Bookbindery in the future. Nunan’s shop sign, in the form of a large ledger, clearly identifies him as a blankbook manufacturer. The changing typographic letterhead fonts of Nunan’s invoices suggest a progressive design aesthetic in the Guelph print shops. The longevity of the business allows the crude workbench with its guillotine cutting blade attached to one end and the unique type cases to coexist with the Perfect Binder in Joan Rentoul’s current studio in her home. With the transformation of Guelph from a commercial town to an industrial city, the use of print to promote consumer products can be documented. The material form of promotional print for commercial purposes reflects changes in printing technology and aesthetics. By the late 1880s, pamphlet wrappers were printed on calendered paper and included illustrations and decorative frames. Instruction pamphlets for using the Raymond sewing machine printed in European languages suggest that Guelph compositors were able to set type in French, German,

52. James W. Carland, and others, “Differentiating Entrepreneurs from Small Business Owners: A Conceptualization,” The Academy of Management Review 9, no. 2(April 1984): 358. http://www.jstor.org/stable/258448. The authors define the characteristics of small business ventures and small business owners. 17

Portuguese, and Spanish although it is possible that the pamphlets were printed from stereotype plates produced elsewhere. The large number of local imprints recorded in the Bindery Workbooks is probably typical of local communications circuits that operated in Ontario county towns at that time. For example, pamphlets (discussed in Chapter 5) provide details of social and political concerns of the day: the vice of alcohol, the poor moral and spiritual condition of prison inmates, and a proposed response to the threat of Fenian invasion. Other pamphlets reflect the use of the press by municipal governments to print their bylaws and voter’s lists, and the presence of social and recreational groups, such as the Maple Leaf Baseball Club, the many lodges, and several social libraries. As most of these pamphlets do not survive, a glimpse of the vibrant print culture in Guelph at the time is possible from binding jobs recorded in the Bindery Workbooks. The bookbindery did not conduct business in a vacuum. This study examines its connections with printers and booksellers and stationers in Guelph and in other locations such as Elora, Fergus, and Berlin (Kitchener). These connections were built up over time and by the experience of business conducted among them. The modes of exchange using cash, contra accounts, and credit notes between the bookbindery and certain customers are indicative of general business practices in Canada at that time. Print was part of a wider realm of cultural activity in nineteenth-century Canada that included formal, organized activities such as choral and literary societies, public lectures, magic lantern shows, chess clubs, and art exhibitions, and spontaneous events such as singing Gaelic and Irish songs, and performing parlour music and plays in the home. 53 As a microcosm of print culture in late nineteenth-century Guelph, this study captures local imprints, identifies the periodicals and books that customers brought for binding and repair, and documents changes in production, distribution, and consumption of its blankbooks and printed pamphlets over more than a quarter-century. The titles of books and periodicals that passed through the bindery indicate that the Canadian market was lucrative for British and American publishers. Cultural production in Canada has continued to carve out a space in the “half-world between American and English values and methods” and is essential to the formation of national identity. 54 George Woodcock asserts that “we can often trace more clearly in what our writers show us of ourselves than we

53. Maria Tippet, Making Culture: English-Canadian Institutions and the Arts before the Massey Commission (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1990), 3-9.

54. George Woodcock, The Canadians (Don Mills, ON: Fitzhenry & Whiteside, 1979), 219. 18 can in the acts and vague statements of our politicians.” 55 Since historians play a special role in shaping national identity by uncovering events that contribute to a society’s memory, they can contribute to this process by considering the literature and art produced during the time that is the focus of study. 56 Traces of Canadian cultural expression are found in the printed poems of local amateur poets, such as C. T. Daniels, James Gay, and George Norrish. “Selling Apples in Guelph Market in the Palmy Days of 1879,” by Norrish, describes Guelph as a bustling centre of commercial activity at that time. Another poem by Norrish, “A Panegyric on the Bell Organ,” describes the large Bell organ factory with hundreds of workers and humorously suggests that a solution to troubles in Ireland was possible with the purchase of a Bell organ: If Ireland would take the Bell Organ, And learn to play God Save the Queen, The “Rose” would embrace the sweet “Shamrock,” And the “Orange” would blend with the “Green.” 57

In the following chapters of this study the history of the Guelph Bookbindery, its role in local print culture, and the implications of its activities in broader social and cultural contexts will be explored. Chapter 2 reviews selected literature of bookbinding, with a focus on Canadian studies, and a concentration on histories of the book trades. Chapter 3 surveys the business practices of the proprietors and documents the Guelph Bookbindery as it evolved from a subsidiary business for a succession of booksellers and stationers to an independent, commercial bindery. The physical shop, its equipment, and its employees are highlighted in Chapter 4. In Chapter 5, descriptions of binding practices derived from bibliographical analysis of a representative sample of work done there document changes in techniques adopted to handle the increasing volume of pamphlet binding. Chapter 6 discusses the links between the bookbindery and its customers with particular attention paid to the strong connections between the bindery and Guelph’s printers and newspaper offices. Interactions between the bindery and a local author, a subscription book publisher, a bookseller and stationer, and several customers from a distance will be examined. Sewing machine manufacturer Charles Raymond, who ordered blankbooks and business stationery for his factory, thousands of pamphlets and circulars for his product, and books for his home and for a Sunday school library, is an example of a customer

55. Woodcock, 300.

56. Harry H. Hiller, Canadian Society: A Macro Analysis , 2nd ed. (Scarborough, ON: Prentice-Hall Canada, 1991), 280.

57. George Norrish, Poems: Humorous, Sentimental and Political ([Guelph, ON: Herald Office, 1891]), 75. “Selling Apples,” 30-31. Norrish’s pamphlet of poetry is discussed in Chapter 5. 19 whose dealings with the bindery represents all the services it could provide. Finally, Chapter 7 presents conclusions about the business and binding practices of the Guelph Bookbindery, its place in local print culture, and reflects on the changing material form of print in current culture.

Chapter 2. Selected Literature Review

Introduction

This review highlights the scholarly literature of bookbinding and the bookbinding trade in England, the United States, and Canada identifying studies of the book trades which emphasize the intersections between members of the trades and studies which utilize business records and government documents to reconstruct the trades. Works on bookbinding practice and individual bookbinders from an aesthetic or craft perspective have been excluded since this is a study of the utilitarian bindings executed in a commercial bindery, not of fine, artistic bindings. Research examining the transformation of craft bookbinding to industrialized production during the nineteenth century with the introduction of bookcloth, the casing-in method, and machines to perform repetitive, time-consuming tasks is relevant since some of these innovations were adopted in small binderies as well as those using factory production methods. Descriptive accounts of large scale nineteenth-century bookbinderies, many with illustrations, are useful to document working conditions, gendered division of labour, mechanization of the workplace, and volume of production. 58 Catalogues of nineteenth-century bookbinding equipment, inventories of bookbinders’ finishing tools, and studies documenting the invention and introduction of bookbinding machinery allow a more precise understanding of work within the shop. A useful framework for the present Guelph study can be derived from the literature of business history, particularly research focused on the book trades. Studies of book publishers and bookbinders in Cambridge (UK), Philadelphia, Boston, New York, Williamsburg, and Toronto are included. Finally, historical sources for Victorian Guelph situate this study within its social context of Guelph, Wellington County, and the surrounding region.

Bookbinding Literature

Bibliographies Although bibliographies and overviews of bookbinding literature are available, (cited below)

58. Although these accounts are largely written in a promotional style, they provide a picture of binding operations of potential competition for small town bookbinderies. Discussed later in this chapter under “Descriptive Accounts of Nineteenth-Century Bookbinderies,” pp. 41-43.

21 most lack Canadian references while emphasizing national styles and individual binders. 59 A comprehensive international bibliography of bookbinding literature up to 1985 lists over 8,000 books and articles indexed by author, bookbinder, book collector, business, and place. The only reference to Canadian binding is Patricia Fleming’s study of pre-Confederation Ontario bookbinding (discussed on page 27) entered under nineteenth-century bindings of the United States as there is no separate category for Canada.60

Bookbinding Manuals Mirjam Foot suggests that bookbinding manuals have been overlooked by most scholars as sources that provide insight into the craft and its techniques over time and across borders. 61 In their list of pre-1840 manuals Graham Pollard and Esther Potter highlight their importance in presenting “the state of the craft as it appeared to the practitioners of the day . . . describing run- of-the mill trade bindings which usually escape the attention of the historians of bookbinding.” 62 As part of this study several manuals written in the early nineteenth century as well as textbooks on stationery binding produced for vocational schools in the early to mid-twentieth century are reviewed. Nineteenth-century manuals with glossaries and illustrations are indispensable when deciphering the shorthand found in business records, although some manuals written by bookbinders require an artisan’s inside knowledge of the craft to be understood. 63 Since Ontario bookbinders might have completed an apprenticeship in England, they may have been familiar with manuals such as those reviewed by bookbinder and book collector Bernard C. Middleton. He cites The Whole Art of Bookbinding , published in 1811, as the first manual for bookbinders,

59. Vito J. Brenni, comp., Bookbinding: A Guide to the Literature (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1982). S. T. Prideaux, An Historical Sketch of Bookbinding (London: Lawrence & Bullen, 1893, repr. New York: Garland Publishing, 1989), [251]-294. A. R. A. Hobson, The Literature of Bookbinding (London: National Book League; [Cambridge]: Cambridge University Press, 1954). Robin Myers, The British Book Trade from Caxton to the Present Day: A Bibliographical Guide based on the Libraries of the National Book League and St. Bride Institute (London: André Deutsch, 1973).

60. Friedrich-Adolf Schmidt-Künsemüller, Bibliographie zur Geschicte der Einbandkunst von den Anfängen bis 1985 (Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 1987). Entry 5646, p. 325.

61. Mirjam Foot, Bookbinders at Work: Their Roles and Methods (London: British Library; New Castle, DE: Oak Knoll Press, 2006), 33. Many techniques were never recorded exposing the gap between knowledge contained in the manuals and everyday practice.

62. Graham Pollard and Esther Potter, Early Bookbinding Manuals: An Annotated List of Technical Accounts of Bookbinding to 1840 (Oxford: Oxford Bibliographical Society, 1984), No. 89, vii.

63. Louis H. Kinder’s Formulas for Bookbinders (East Aurora, NY: Roycrofters; London: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1905) is an example of a manual with very specific instructions. 22 followed by The Art of Bookbinding by H. Parry published in 1818, noting the similarity between the volumes. 64 Bookbinding manuals written in the early decades of the twentieth century as vocational school textbooks such as A Course in Bookbinding for Vocational Training and Bookbinding by Hand for Students and Craftsmen reinforced the gendered roles and division of labour entrenched in the trade where girls and women folded the sheets and sewed the gatherings while boys and men rounded and backed the text blocks and finished the bindings. 65 The Bookbinding and Printer’s Warehouse Work published by the Ministry of Labour and National Services of Great Britain in 1953 includes photographs which illustrate women using sewing frames and book-sewing machines while men stand by massive paper cutters, casing-in machines, and very tall book presses.66 Books identifying the standards for stationery binding were especially important for this research. A Text Book of Stationery Binding published in 1912 includes a useful coloured frontispiece illustrating the various binding styles of account books and ledgers. 67 John J. Pleger contributed Bookbinding and Its Auxiliary Branches published in four volumes, one of which is an informative volume describing paper ruling in 1915. 68 A treatise by John Mason, Stationery Binding , provides a useful overview of account book binding which continued to be a hand

64. Bernard C. Middleton, “English Bookbinding Literature,” in Highlights from the Bernard C. Middleton Collection of Books on Bookbinding , 87-92 (Rochester, NY: The Melbert B. Cary Jr. Graphic Arts Collection, Rochester Institute of Technology, 2000), 87. Article reprinted from Paper and Print (Winter 1951). While some manuals such as The Bookbinder’s Manual , published in 1828, and The Art of Bookbinding , by Joseph W. Zaehnsdorf include price scales, lists of binders and suppliers, and descriptions of binding processes, Middleton concludes that most manuals were not useful. The Bookbinder’s Manual (London: Cowie and Strange, 1828) is reprinted in Two Early Nineteenth-Century Bookbinding Manuals (New York: Garland Publishing, 1990). Middleton cites the publication date of The Bookbinder’s Manual as 1829. Middleton, “English Bookbinding Literature,” 88. Joseph W. Zaehnsdorf, The Art of Bookbinding: A Practical Treatise , 2nd edition, rev. and enlarged (London: George Bell and Sons, 1890), repr. ([London?]: Gregg Press Limited, 1967). Middleton, “English Bookbinding Literature,” in Highlights , 90-91.

65. E. W. Palmer, A Course in Bookbinding for Vocational Training (New York: Employing Bookbinders of America, Inc. 1927); Laurence Town, Bookbinding by Hand for Students and Craftsmen , preface E. E. Pullée (London: Faber and Faber, [1950]).

66. Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, Bookbinding and Printer’s Warehouse Work (London: Curwen Press, 1953), 13-14.

67. J. Leonard Monk and W. F. Lawrence, A Textbook of Stationery Binding (Leicester: Raithby, Lawrence and Co., 1912), frontispiece.

68. Pleger’s book was published by The Inland Printer Company of Chicago. The work was revised and republished as Bookbinding in 1924 with a separate volume, Paper Ruling published in 1925. Paper Ruling contains samples of ruled paper.

23 operation as late as 1946. 69 Alex. J. Vaughan includes a section on “Stationery Binding” in his book, Modern Bookbinding , which, according to Middleton, “stands out as one of the most comprehensive and useful textbooks written since the turn of the century.” 70

Periodical Literature The periodical literature of the bookbinding trade provides a snapshot from the perspective of workers since it promoted communication within the trade. Early British examples listed by Middleton include The Book-Finishers’ Friendly Circular (1845-51) and The Bookbinders Trade Circular (1850-77). 71 A later British journal, The Bookbinder , described the American trade as well as the British. 72 In the 1890s, The British Bookmaker was targeted to a wider audience of printers, illustrators, cover designers, bookbinders, librarians, and bibliophiles. 73 Although Guelph printers and bookbinders may have subscribed to British trade periodicals, it is certain that they closely followed the American trade publications. One example is Guelph printer and binder James Hough Jr. who subscribed to The Inland Printer , a trade journal published in Chicago (discussed in Chapter 6). Canadian book trade periodicals were established to inform members of the trades but also to further relationships between wholesale and retail booksellers and stationers. For the historian they are one of the few sources that readily identify the local suppliers for a provincial bookbinder. On the editorial side they often outline political or economic concerns facing the book trades. A close reading can also be rewarding in mapping the locations and relocations of printers, booksellers, and bookbinders in Eastern Canada as well as those who left for Western Canada in the 1880s. The Canada Bookseller , published by Adam Stevenson & Co. in 1870, was primarily directed to publishers and booksellers with snippets of news for the binding and stationery

69. (London, Sir Isaac Pitman & Sons, 1946).

70. Alex. J. Vaughan, Modern Bookbinding: A Treatise Covering Both Letterpress and Stationery Branches of the Trade, with a Section of Finishing and Design , new ed., (1929: London: Charles Skilton, 1960); Quote by Middleton from “English Bookbinding Literature,” in Highlights , 91.

71. Middleton, “English Bookbinding Literature,” in Highlights , 87-92.

72. The Bookbinder: An Illustrated Journal for Binders, Librarians and All Lovers of Books 1 (London: William Clowes and Sons, 1888), [iv].

73. The British Bookmaker: A Journal for the Book Printer, the Book Illustrator, the Book Cover Designer, the Book Binder, Librarians, and Lovers of Books Generally (London: Raithby, Lawrence & Co., 1893) 6 (1892- 93). 24 trades. 74 Advertisements in the March 1870 issue of the periodical list four Toronto firms with large stationery manufacturing and bookbinding divisions. In January1872, the periodical re- launched as Canada Bookseller Miscellany & Advertiser , a “monthly literary publication.” In the first issue advertisements for Brown Brothers and William Warwick, both of Toronto, list bookbinders’ supplies. 75 Books and Notions , “A Monthly Journal Devoted to the Interests of the Book, Stationery and Fancy Goods Trades of Canada” began publication in 1884. 76 This periodical focused on the Toronto trade and booksellers and stationers throughout Ontario with some coverage of the rest of Canada as settlement of the West proceeded. The migration of people to Winnipeg and settlements further west may have prompted the insertion of an advertisement on the front cover of the November 1886 issue for the sale of a well-established bindery in a “thriving city” for less than $4,000. Editorials capture some of the political issues affecting the trade such as tariffs on paper and bookbinding equipment while advertisements identify wholesale suppliers of books, stationery, and bookbinding supplies. 77

History of Bookbinding

In tracing the development of bookbinding scholarship, Mirjam Foot supports prior claims that the history of bookbinding requires an authoritative vocabulary and methodology since earlier studies by book collectors limited to locating and describing bindings lacked scholarly rigour. 78 Foot calls for studies that focus on plain trade bindings that will inform scholars of the social

74. For example, the following tidbits appear in the March 1870 issue: “In Blank-Books and General Book- Binding . . . the general disadvantage of a restrictive and impolitic tariff, which levies a duty of fifteen per cent on the cloths, leathers, mill-boards . . .” suggesting that materials used in the trade were still imported in 1870. But, Brown Bros., of Toronto were producing enough “office and pocket diaries, wallets and portemonnaies” to supply the domestic market. The Canada Bookseller (March 1870): 24.

75. Canada Bookseller Miscellany & Advertiser 1, no. 1 (January 1872): 14, 15.

76. Books and Notions continued under different names Canada Bookseller and Stationer (1896-7), Bookseller and Stationer (1897-1907), and Bookseller and Stationer and Canadian Newsdealer (1909-10). Nine issues of a rival periodical, The Canadian Bookseller were published in 1888; however the trade was not large enough to support two periodicals. The Canadian Printer and Publisher began publication in 1892. A retrospective article may have featured the Guelph Bookbindery; however a search of the digitized format of the first 20 years of publication yielded no results for the Guelph Bookbindery or Frank Nunan but does contain references for several printers associated with the bindery.

77. In 1893 a deputation of bookbinders, publishers, and printers met with government officials claiming that “books can be sent to England, bound there and returned, paying the duty, and cost less than it would cost to bind them in Canada.” Books and Notions 9, no. 5 (May 1893): 12.

78. Mirjam M. Foot, “Bookbinding Research: Pitfalls, Possibilities and Needs,” in Eloquent Witnesses: Bookbindings and Their History , ed. Mirjam M. Foot, 13-29 (London: Bibliographical Society, British Library; New Castle, DE: Oak Knoll Press, 2004). 25 hierarchy of the binder within the cycle of book production and book ownership leading to “a better understanding of the history of the book and of its place in the history of society.” 79 With the evolution of book history and print culture studies, the history of bookbinding has also advanced to include the social context of binding both printed and blank sheets of paper. Mirjam Foot suggests that the history of bookbinding is “part of the mainstream of social history” because bindings reflect the societies and individuals who commissioned and produced them. Foot recommends that the history of bookbinding should link the production of the binding to the production, distribution, reception, and survival of the text and its social framework. 80 Nicholas Pickwoad argues that book historians should focus on the “the world of everyday trade, where competition, uncertain markets and tight margins were the norm; a world which has left little in the way of documentary evidence of the ways in which it worked, but whose products, the bindings themselves, constitute the primary documents.” 81 This approach seems tailored for the Guelph study which includes evidence from blankbooks, pamphlets, edition bindings, bindery equipment, related primary sources, ephemera, and oral history records.

Canadian Context The history of bookbinding in Canada is limited to a few studies, perhaps because well into the nineteenth century many books were imported already bound. 82 Studies selected for review here include bibliographies, studies of Ontario and Quebec binders and their shops, and general surveys of the book trade in Canada. Bibliographical descriptions of early Canadian bindings in three well-known bibliographies of Canadian imprints by Tremaine, its supplement by Fleming and Alston, and Fleming’s Upper Canadian Imprints, 1801-1841 are useful for locating early Canadian bindings and establishing techniques. 83 For example, an 1839 edition of a Mennonite catechism printed in

79. Foot, “Bookbinding Research,” Eloquent Witnesses , 27.

80. Foot, The History of Bookbinding as a Mirror of Society , 1-2.

81. Nicholas Pickwoad, “Onward and Downward: How Binders Coped with the Printing Press before 1800,” in A Millennium of the Book: Production, Design & Illustration in Manuscript and Print, 900-1900 , ed. Robin Myers and Michael Harris, 61-106 (Winchester: St. Paul’s Bibliographies; New Castle, DE: Oak Knoll Press, 1994), 61.

82. Paul Rutherford documents this in his study of expansion of Canadian newspaper publishing. He notes that “[b]etween 1868 and 1874 alone, the total annual value of imported books increased from $479,000 to $959,000.” Paul Rutherford, A Victorian Authority: The Daily Press in Late Nineteenth-Century Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1982), 34.

83. Marie Tremaine, A Bibliography of Canadian Imprints , 1751-1800 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1952), Patricia Fleming and Sandra Alston, Early Canadian Printing: A Supplement to Marie Tremaine’s “A 26

Berlin and bound in full leather over wooden boards with a metal clasp and leather strap can be compared to an 1891 edition bound in full cloth without hardware (discussed in Chapter 5). 84 Bookbinding in Ontario and Quebec has received some scholarly attention. A survey article describes the early shops of Brown and Gilmore and Brown-Neilson at Quebec City and Fleury Mesplet at Montreal. 85 The printing career of Mesplet, described by Patricia Fleming, includes a brief description of bindings and a distinctive tool used by him. 86 In an earlier study, Fleming consulted directories, binders’ tickets, traveller’s tales, census data, and Provincial Fair records to locate bookbinders in business in Ontario from 1830 to 1860. She describes their work and concludes that the quality of workmanship was mediocre in some bindings she examined. 87 Fleming’s doctoral dissertation on the Toronto print trades in the early nineteenth century shows that Toronto workers produced modest bindings which were affordable and serviceable; however, there were enough skilled craftsmen to produce elaborate bindings as well. 88 She concluded that Toronto bookbinders quickly adopted new styles, materials, and techniques imported from Britain and that they demonstrated in their bindings “an abundance of aesthetic spirit in the choice and combination of colours, material and design.” 89 Margaret Lock’s review of bookbinding which highlights Ontario and Quebec examples, concurs with Fleming’s findings that many nineteenth-century Canadian bindings appear unattractive and much of the work reveals that “general sloppy workmanship was widespread in the trade”; nonetheless, she pleads

Bibliography of Canadian Imprints, 1751-1800 ” (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999) and Patricia Fleming, Upper Canadian Imprints, 1801-1841: A Bibliography (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1988).

84. Fleming, Upper Canadian Imprints , entry 1323, p. 349.

85. Jacqueline Hallé, “Histoire de la reliure au Québec.” Arts & Métiers du Livre , no. 149 (Mars/Avril 1988): 42-46.

86. Patricia Lockhart Fleming, “Cultural Crossroads: Print and Reading in Eighteenth- and Nineteenth- Century English-Speaking Montreal,” in Cultural Crossroads: Print and Reading in Eighteenth- and Nineteenth- Century Montreal , Yvan Lamonde and Patricia Lockhart Fleming (Worcester, MA: American Antiquarian Society, 2004): 231-248. Repr. Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society 112, part 2 (October 2002).

87. Patricia Fleming, “A Study of Pre-Confederation Ontario Bookbinding,” Papers of the Bibliographical Society of Canada 11 (1972): 53-70. Fleming includes description of the boards, endpapers, paper wrappers, marbled paper, edge treatments, and finishing techniques.

88. Erin Patricia Fleming, “A History of Publishing in Toronto, 1798 to 1841, with a Descriptive Bibliography of Imprints,” (PhD diss., University of London, 1980), 95-6. Her primary sources include obituaries, newspaper accounts of “events in which printers participated,” News Boy’s Addresses to identify apprentices, imprints recording printers and publishers, government accounts recording payments to “printers, bookbinders and papermakers,” “annual reports of reports of religious and charitable societies”, city directories, minutes of the York Typographical Society, archival papers, and local histories and memoirs.

89. Fleming, “A History of Publishing in Toronto.” See pages 31-2. 27 for the preservation of old bindings because of clues they contain about Canadian printing and publishing at the time of production. 90 A comprehensive study of the book trade in Canada by George Parker mentions little about bookbinding apart from establishing it as a separate craft that might be part of a newspaper shop or function independently but was reliant on imported materials to do the work. According to Parker, bookbinders were employed binding government documents and manufacturing blankbooks. 91 Recently, the History of the Book in Canada / Histoire du livre et de l’imprimé au Canada project (HBiC/ HLIC) added some dimension to the narrative of bookbinding in Canada and its changing position within the book trades. Early on, printers combined bookselling, bookbinding, and the manufacture and sale of stationery to offset “fluctuations in the printing trade.” 92 Details of four print shops, terms of apprenticeship, working conditions, and descriptions of printing offices as a place for “meeting and exchange, [and] a centre of information and knowledge” provide a composite portrait of the trade before 1841. 93 Fleming documents the earliest known bookbinders in Canada, describing the types of bindings available and the volume of work done at Neilson’s shop at Quebec and concludes that by the 1830s bookbinding had become a separate trade in British North America, combining stationery binding, manufacturing, and bookbinding with the bookbinder serving as “a link between the producers of print and their readers.” 94 During the nineteenth century, bookbinders in Canada rapidly adopted American and European techniques and materials as the trade became industrialized, however mechanization “proceeded gradually over the century.” 95 Fleming notes that the Government Printing Bureau was an early adopter of bookbinding machinery, purchasing book-sewing machines and folding machines in

90. Margaret Lock, Bookbinding Materials and Techniques, 1700-1920 (Toronto: The Canadian Bookbinders and Book Artists Guild, 2003), 119.

91. Parker, The Beginnings of the Book Trade in Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1985), 51.

92. “Editors’ Introduction,” in History of the Book in Canada , Volume 1, Beginnings to 1840 , eds. Patricia Lockhart Fleming, Gilles Gallichan, and Yvan Lamonde, [3]-9 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2004), 5.

93. John Hare and Jean-Pierre Wallot, “The Business of Printing and Publishing,” in History of the Book in Canada , vol. 1, 71-8. Claude Galarneau and Gilles Gallichan, “Working in the Trades,” History of the Book in Canada , vol. 1, 80-86.

94. Patricia Lockhart Fleming, “Bookbinding,” History of the Book in Canada , vol. 1, 109-112.

95. Patricia Lockhart Fleming, “The Binding Trades,” in History of the Book in Canada , Volume 2, 1840- 1918 , eds. Yvan Lamonde, Patricia Lockhart Fleming, and Fiona A. Black, 101-106 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2005), 101. 28 the late 1880s; however, bookbinders with smaller businesses also invested in equipment. 96 The Canadian Book Trade and Library Index Database (CBTLI), established as part of the electronic resources of the HBiC/ HLIC project, has 11,522 records searchable by name, occupation, location, and date. This resource continues the painstaking work begun by Elizabeth Hulse to document nineteenth-century Toronto printers, publishers, booksellers, and allied trades. Remarkably complete for 1881, based on census records, the database lists 331 bookbinders occupied throughout Ontario, including three bookbinders in Guelph: Frances Nunnan [ sic ], Dorcas Taylor, and her sister, Minnie Taylor. 97

Transformation of Bookbinding during the Nineteenth Century Nicholas Pickwoad observes how little bookbinding changed over the centuries, remaining in small workshops rarely employing “more than a dozen men.” Pickwoad surmises that “the equipment and materials used remained essentially unchanged, to the extent that a binder from an early 16th-century shop could have walked into a workshop in the early 19th-century and started work with scarcely a moment’s hesitation.” 98 Notwithstanding the stability of the craft, Pickwoad documents many changes in bookbinding practices before 1800 that he attributes to the need to economize either by reducing the amount and cost of materials or by reducing the time required to perform the various processes of binding. The continuity of the craft was disrupted in the early nineteenth century due to convergence of several factors: the growing demand for cheap reading material, the increased number of books printed, and simultaneous improvements in distribution, transportation, and communication networks. These changes demanded, and indeed enabled, large-scale production methods that forced changes in materials and techniques in order to manufacture a cheaper product in less time. This new economy of production trickled down to provincial binders trying to make a living meeting local needs for binding and blankbook production. An excellent overview of the changes in bookbinding and publishing in London during the nineteenth century

96. Fleming reports that William Buell had a paper ruling machine in Brockville in 1844. The earliest machine rulers were developed in 1835. “The Binding Trades,” 102. In a separate unpublished paper, “Bookbinding in Canada: Historical Assessment for National Museum of Science and Technology,” ([Ottawa]: National Museum of Science and Technology, 1995), Fleming reviews craft bookbinding, industrial bookbinding, and the blankbook and stationery trade in Canada from the eighteenth century to the twentieth century. She highlights the changes to the trade due to industrialization and compares the binding trade in three cities: Saint John, Montreal, and Winnipeg.

97. Nunan’s surname alternately appears as Noonan, Nunnan and Nunan in various sources. History of the Book in Canada—Electronic Resources, Canadian Book Trade and Library Index Database, http://acsweb2.ucis.dal.ca/HBICDB/english/cbti.html (accessed May 19, 2006). Now available at Library and Archives Canada: http://www.collectionscanada.gc.ca/databases/hbic/.

98. Nicholas Pickwoad, “Onward and Downward,” 61-2. 29 by Esther Potter concludes that “the binders had shown they could adapt to a rapidly changing world.” 99 Both Pickwoad and Potter describe the craft, so thoroughly transformed, that it seems nineteenth-century bookbinders would have had no choice but to economize in materials and time to increase their volume of production. An example of this downward pressure to speed up production is evident in Leslie Howsam’s publishing history of the British and Foreign Bible Society (BFBS). In their mission to remove barriers “of language, of cost or of supply . . . between readers and the means of salvation” the BFBS “transformed the contemporary printing and binding trades, and institutionalized the Bible Society as a fact of Victorian life.” 100 Howsam describes the bible trade in England in the early nineteenth century as a “small circle of experienced printers, binders and booksellers, many of them personally acquainted, and all of them sharing an understanding of how their craft worked and what its products should look like.” 101 The BFBS exerted considerable pressure on the bookbinders they employed to produce a cheap but durable book, encouraging the use of machinery and “incidentally precipitated a revolution in the practices of a traditional craft.” 102 Sue Allen records the alteration of bookbinding from a “cottage industry into factory methods of assembly-line production” during the nineteenth century with the perfection of bookcloth and elaborate ornamentation of book cases with black, silver, and gold using arming or blocking presses. She also describes the bindings from an aesthetic perspective. 103 William Tomlinson and Richard Masters chronicle the concurrent development of bookcloth and the casing-in method of bookbinding which together shifted the choice of binding material and design to the publisher rather than the bookseller or the purchaser. This led to increased mechanization of the trade with high-volume bookbinderies run as factories producing “large

99. Esther Potter, “The Changing Role of the Trade Bookbinder, 1800-1900,” in The Book Trade and Its Customers, 1450-1900: Historical Essays for Robin Myers , eds. Arnold Hunt, Giles Mandelbrote, and Alison Shell, intro. D. F. McKenzie, 161-174 (Winchester: St. Paul’s Bibliographies; New Castle, DE: Oak Knoll Press, 1997), 173.

100. Leslie Howsam, Cheap Bibles: Nineteenth-Century Publishing and the British and Foreign Bible Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), xiii.

101. Howsam, Cheap Bibles , 74.

102. Howsam, Cheap Bibles , 121.

103. Sue Allen, Victorian Bookbindings: A Pictorial Survey, rev. ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976), 2-9. 30 uniform clothbound editions that became a feature of publishing in Britain and America.” 104 In an early study, Joseph W. Rogers documents the rise in edition binding due to the introduction of bookcloth and to mechanized bookbinding processes which developed as a response to the increased output of steam printing presses and pressure to produce a cheaper binding. 105 Rogers chronicles the formation of American binderies “specializing in cloth work,” beginning in 1832 with Benjamin Bradley in Boston, which continued throughout the century in tandem with the invention of many bookbinding machines. 106 Margaret Lock notes that the designs of cloth book covers followed the style of nineteenth-century decorative arts, starting with plain covers and paper labels in the 1830s, evolving to highly embossed covers during the 1870s, and returning to a sparer style by the 1890s. 107 By the end of the nineteenth century the publisher controlled the design and production of the cased-in book rather than the bookbinder. This spawned a new demand for artists and designers of book covers. 108

Descriptive Accounts of Nineteenth-Century Bookbinderies Descriptive accounts of large bookbinderies, originally published for the popular periodical press or trade periodicals in the United Kingdom and the United States, provide insight into working conditions, the gendered division of labour, the amount of mechanization, and the quantity of bound books and pamphlets produced. 109 Although these do not compare to small provincial binderies such as the Guelph Bookbindery, the accounts portray the scale of production possible in the mid-nineteenth century in London and New York. In an 1842 article featuring Westley’s & Clark of London, production

104. William Tomlinson and Richard Masters, Bookcloth, 1823-1980 , foreword by Bernard Middleton (Cheshire, UK: Dorothy Tomlinson, 1996), 1.

105. “The Rise of American Edition Binding,” Part II in Bookbinding in America: Three Essays , ed. Helmut Lehmann-Haupt, [131]-185b (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1967).

106. Rogers, “Rise of American Edition Binding,” [179]-185.

107. Margaret Lock, Trade Bookbindings in Cloth, 1820-1920 (Kingston, ON: Queen’s University, 2004). The only Canadian example in the exhibition catalogue is a school book bound in beige cloth by R. McPhail of Toronto.

108. Ellen K. Morris and Edward S. Levin, The Art of Publishers’ Bookbindings, 1815-1915: An Exhibition Held at the Grolier Club New York 17 May-29 July 2000 , foreword Ruari McLean, afterword Sue Allen (Los Angeles: William Dailey Rare Books, 2000), 13.

109 . Since many of these accounts were written to highlight the Victorian ideal of progress through industrialized production methods, estimates of production may be inflated. 31 output was recorded as 5,000 volumes cased in cloth in two days. 110 Another large-scale London firm, Remnant & Edmonds, “claimed to have an output of 30,000 volumes per week, cased in cloth or bound in leather” in an article on bookbinding for an encyclopaedia published about 1852. 111 A description of the Lippincott, Grambo & Co. bindery in Philadelphia, published in Godey’s Magazine in November 1852, claimed the bindery could produce “1,000 covers in one or two days and could bind them in 10 hours.” 112 A story book about Harper & Brothers of New York, published in 1855, indicates that 300 girls were employed in the five-storey building, with half of them folding and gathering printed sheets. Harper & Brothers used a stabbing machine to perforate signatures for sewing, sawing machines to create grooves for recessed cords, a cutting machine, and an arming press that could stamp book cases at the rate of 16 per minute. 113 An 1877 narrative account of the Case, Lockwood & Brainard Company, a Hartford printing office and bindery, describes a large scale subscription book publisher who used as much machinery as possible to churn out 354,000 bound books per year. The equipment mentioned in their promotional booklet includes: standing presses, book cutters, backing machines, embossing presses, a rotary board-cutting machine, “apparatus for marbling,” numbering machines, perforating machines, folding machines, sewing machines, paper-cutting machines, “smashing,” “stabbing,” and “sawing” machines. 114 Some promotional house histories include price lists of various binding jobs, indicating the range of binding styles and the associated costs. One example, The Making of the Book: A Sketch of the Book-binding Art by Alfred J. Cox, documents the large scale production of edition

110. Middleton, Appendix III, “The Growth of Fine and Wholesale Binderies,” in A History of English Craft Bookbinding Technique , 267. The style of the firm is also expressed in contemporary articles as Westley’s & Clark’s and Westleys & Clark.

111. Middleton, “The Growth of Fine and Wholesale Binderies,” 268. Westley’s & Clark and Remnant & Edmonds & Co. were two of the largest mid-nineteenth-century bookbinderies. See Geoffrey Wakeman, Nineteenth Century Trade Binding (Oxford: The Plough Press, 1983), [15].

112. C. T. Hinckley, A Day at the Bookbindery of Lippincott, Grambo, & Co. , introd. Robert D. Fleck (New Castle, DE: Oak Knoll Books, 1988), [3]. The bindery was located in a five-storey building and the company employed 200 men and women.

113. [Jacob Abbott], The Harper Establishment; or, How the Story Books Are Made (New York: Harper & Brothers, Publishers, 1855), [13], 130, 133-135, 147, 152.

114. [Case, Lockwood & Brainard Co.], A Sketch Descriptive of the Printing-Office and Book-Bindery of the Case, Lockwood & Brainard Co, with Illustrations (Hartford, CT: [Case, Lockwood & Brainard Co.], 1877), 22- 3. 32 work, pamphlets, and custom or job binding at a Chicago bindery in the late 1870s. 115 Included is a price list for a variety of binding jobs, ranging from a folio bible about 11 x 16 inches bound in “Levant Morocco, Crushed, Paneled and Inlaid, Full Gilt Finish, Gilt Edges. Super Extra” for $70 to a “Half Sheep. Plain” binding for a duodecimo volume of Dickens’ works with cloth or paper sides for 85 cents. 116 A descriptive history of Warwick Brothers & Rutter Limited of Toronto documents the founding of a bookbinding and school-book publishing business in 1848 by William Warwick in Woodstock, Ontario. With a move to Toronto in 1868, Warwick began a wholesale book and stationery business; the book publishing division was dropped in 1886. The response of this firm to the 1904 fire suggests both the competitive and cooperative nature of the trade and the dedication of the employees: “Before midnight of the night of the fire a staff of men was at work in another factory building . . . using the plant of another firm and making it do duty for two lines of business. Within a few days, office, warehouse and other factory space had been secured and the business was again running in six different premises throughout the city.” 117

Working Conditions in Nineteenth-Century Bookbinderies The nineteenth-century bookbinder probably toiled under the same financial constraints as the earlier English workers described in separate studies by Stuart Bennett, Nicholas Pickwoad, and David Pearson. 118 Until the early decades of the nineteenth century, binderies were small family businesses with a master “who owned his own tools,” a journeyman, an apprentice, and family members producing about “fifteen to twenty-five books” per day, with the master earning somewhat less than £2 per week, the journeyman 10s to 12s per week, and the apprentice his room and board.119 Pearson situates bookbinders at the bottom of the hierarchy of occupations within the book trades, after printers and booksellers. He provides a few examples of bookbinders who diversified into bookselling and printing and became more successful but

115. Alfred J. Cox, The Making of the Book: A Sketch of the Book-binding Art , ed. and introd. Paul S. Coda (Chicago: A. J. Cox and Company, 1878, repr. New Castle, DE: Oak Knoll Books, 1986). The total output of this bindery for one year (1875-6) was 228,880 bound books and 2, 240,000 pamphlets. See page 20.

116. Cox, 56, 73.

117. Warwick Bros. & Rutter Limited, The Story of the Business, 1848-1923: As Told, Printed and Published on its Seventy-fifth Anniversary ([Toronto: Warwick Bros. & Rutter Limited, 1923]), 51.

118. Stuart Bennett, Trade Bookbinding in the British Isles, 1660-1800 (New Castle, DE: Oak Knoll Press; London: British Library, 2004) 12; Pickwoad, “Onward and Downward,” 61-2; Pearson, “Bookbinders and the Book Trade,” in English Bookbinding Styles , 164-177.

119. Bennett, 12. 33 concludes many men “spent their working lives quite literally at a binder’s bench.” 120 Middleton describes the average twelve-hour working day for an English bookbinder in 1805 in dim workshops often situated in “ordinary houses” accompanied by poor nutrition and sanitary conditions, leading to a “high incidence of tuberculosis.” 121 A first-hand account of a bookbinder’s career in London during the 1840s indicates that the top wages were 30s per week for forwarders and 40s per week for finishers and confirms the scarcity of permanent employment. 122 Potter documents changes to the way work was done as the bookbinding craft became more mechanized, resulting in more women employed to fold, gather, and sew the books while the journeymen’s skill and status decreased due to displacement by mechanical methods of production. 123 Published descriptions of two large mid-nineteenth-century English trade binderies, Westley’s & Clark, and Remnant, Edmonds document work flow, working conditions, and the separation of male and female workers, and include reports of inspectors appointed by a government commission in 1843 and 1866 to investigate child labour. 124 Christina Burr’s seminal dissertation provides a Canadian perspective of working conditions in the print trades. Burr analyzed class and gender relations of Toronto print trade workers between 1870 and 1914 using archival documents, including the bindery wage books of the Methodist Book and Publishing House. 125 Burr’s discussion of census reliability is especially important since she compared census data and city directory listings of print trade establishments and found that “census enumerators missed more than half of the total number of [print trade]

120. Pearson, English Bookbinding Styles , 164-7.

121. Middleton, Appendix II, “Working Conditions and Hours,” A History of English Craft Bookbinding Technique , 262.

122. Henry Aston, “An Old Craftsman’s Memories,” Bookbinding Trades Journal 1, no. 8 (1905): 123.

123. Esther Potter, “The London Bookbinding Trade: From Craft to Industry,” The Library , 6th series, 15, no. 4 (December 1993): [259]-280.

124. Wakeman, Nineteenth Century Trade Binding . The description of Westley’s and Clark was originally published in Days at the Factories by George Dodd in 1843 and the description of Remnant, Edmonds by Charles Tomlinson was published about 1852 in Cyclopedia of Useful Arts . Reporting on the “Moral Condition” of juvenile bindery workers at Remnant, Edmonds in 1866, inspector H. W. Lord “found some melancholy instances of gross ignorance. Several did not know their letters, could not tell me the Queen’s name, and did not know anything about our Saviour, either who He was or what He did.” Wakeman, 45.

125. Burr used the Quadrennial Reports, miscellaneous business documents, worker reminiscences, wage books of the printing office and bindery for years closely aligned with census years, city directories, contemporary literature, trade journals, instructional manuals, trade union journals, and tax assessment rolls as primary sources. “Class and Gender in the Toronto Printing Trades, 1870-1914” (PhD diss., Memorial University of Newfoundland, 1992), 24. 34 firms in 1871 and 1901.” 126 During the period of her study, Burr notes that the large Toronto publishing houses employed women extensively in the unskilled bindery jobs of folding and sewing whereas the men “operated the power presses and completed the elaborate hand finishing process in the binding of books.” 127 This gendered division of the workplace is echoed in the other descriptive accounts of nineteenth-century binderies and is depicted in the vocational training manuals of the early twentieth century identified earlier. 128 Burr notes that a 54-hour workweek was the norm in the 1880s. 129 Her analysis of the bindery wage books of the Methodist Book and Publishing House reveals that the foreman earned $18 per week while the forewoman earned $8 per week; wages paid to other male employees ranged from $8 to $13 per week. 130 Women were paid piecework rates while the men worked on time rates. Both men and women worked overtime due to seasonal fluctuations in work. 131 Burr profiles the bindery workers again for 1890-91 by combining data from the bindery wage books, census data, and city assessment data. The highest-paid employee, foreman John E. Pearson, 65 years of age, earned $938 for the year, owned his home, and lived with two dependents. The value of his “real and personal property” was $1,833. Alice Wray, a single, 21- year-old bookfolder, earned $183.07 over 50 weeks. 132 A decade later, the highest-paid employee was William Ball, a 27-year-old bookbinder with two dependents, who rented accommodation

126. Burr, 37. Burr goes on to explain some of the reasons for the discrepancies. In 1901, the definition of a manufacturing establishment changed, and in order to be counted as such, the manufactory was required to have five or more employees, and this “effectively eliminated the small printing trades shops comprised of a proprietor with one or two assistants.” Also the date of the census and date of directory compilation were different, accounting for discrepancies between the two sources. See pages 38-9.

127. Burr, 52.

128. Mary Eleanor Bissell, “Women Workers in the Toronto Printing Trades, 1880-1900” (PhD diss., University of Toronto, 1995). Bissell conducted research into the participation of women in the Toronto print trades by examining “working conditions, work opportunities, work culture, and the prevailing social trends of the time that influenced both men and women.” See page 54. Although Bissell excluded women employed in bookbinderies, she inadvertently included women who performed bookbinding skills such as folding, paging, and ruling when she consulted Toronto directories.

129. Burr, 251.

130. Burr, 177.

131. Burr, 177, 202-3.

132. Burr, Table 5.3 “Yearly Earnings, Household Organization, and Property Holdings of Methodist Book Room Bindery Workers, 1890-91,” 274.

35 and earned $683.17 per year. Ball’s real and personal property value was assessed as $1,273. 133 Burr notes that “industrialist capitalist transformation did not result in the disappearance of small producers between 1870 and 1914 [but] the role of small producers shifted from artisan master to that of petit bourgeois producer.” 134 The findings of Burr’s study are useful for wage and cost-of- living references, but comparisons are limited because of the wage differences between a large- scale bindery and a small family business, and the variation between daily life in a large city and a regional town.

Bookbinding Equipment

During the period of this study, binderies doing large quantities of edition binding became increasingly mechanized. Provincial binderies too, required equipment to process large orders that involved repetitive actions, such as folding and stitching pamphlets. Quadrennial Reports of the Western Section of the Methodist Book Committee indicate profits, volume of production, and equipment in use. These reports proudly document a steady increase in production and profits and increasing mechanization in the bindery with the introduction of folding machines, sewing machines, and wire stitchers. 135 Harold E. Sterne notes that there were “more types of machinery used for book-binding than for the printing of books.” 136 His catalogue reproduces manufacturers’ illustrations of the equipment being introduced during the nineteenth century in the United States. 137 Joseph W. Rogers chronicles the mechanization of bookbinding in the United States by cataloguing patent

133. Burr, Table 5.7 “Yearly Earning, Household Composition, and Property Holdings of Methodist Book Room Bindery Workers, 1902,” 292.

134. Burr, [394].

135. Quadrennial Report of the Western Section of the Book Committee of the Methodist Church of Canada to the General Conference, 1882 (Toronto: Methodist Book and Publishing House, 1882), 11; Report of the Western Section of the Book Committee of the Methodist Church, to the General Conference (Toronto: Methodist Book and Publishing House, 1886), 18; Report of the Western Section of the Book Committee of the Methodist Church, to the General Conference (Toronto: Methodist Book and Publishing House, 1890), 20-21; Report of the Western Section of the Book Committee of the Methodist Church, to the General Conference (Toronto: Methodist Book and Publishing House, 1894), 19; Report of the Western Section of the Book Committee of the Methodist Church, to the General Conference (Toronto: Methodist Book and Publishing House, Montreal: Montreal Book Room, 1898), 19. United Church of Canada Board of Publication fonds, 83.016C, Series I, Box 3, United Church Archives.

136. Harold E. Sterne, Catalogue of Nineteenth Century Bindery Equipment (Cincinnati: Ye Olde Printery, 1978), [5].

137. Sterne, Catalogue , [6]. 36 entries to determine approximately when various inventions were introduced. 138 However, he cautions that not all patented machinery was adopted for general use, and many local innovations were never patented. 139 Frank Comparato, who documents the development of bookbinding machinery, much of it manufactured in the United States, concludes that development of bindery equipment “tackled the most common, repetitive tasks, but haphazardly” and “[does] not record . . . the hundreds [of inventors] who failed altogether.” 140 Although these sources describe American inventions for the most part, they are useful in linking the equipment of the Guelph bindery with its manufacturer and date of introduction. As a chronicle of mechanization they provide a more accurate understanding of the shop, and its binding practices over time.

Histories of the Book Trades Using Business Records

Although many book history scholars lament the lack of business records available for research, a greater challenge for researchers is to make sense of the records that do survive, prompting some to consult contemporary accounting manuals in order to understand the system in use. Robin Myers found that the Stationers’ Company financial books for the period 1605-1811 were kept in a haphazard manner which was similar to records kept by other enterprises during the same era. 141 D. F. McKenzie used the records of Cambridge University Press as well as books and other items printed there for a detailed study of the press. One of his findings, that texts were printed concurrently, challenged current bibliographical understanding of the organization of work processes. 142 Alexis Weedon’s quantitative survey of accounts of several British and Scottish publishers documents the economics of increased book production at a lower cost over

138. Joseph W. Rogers, “The Industrialization of American Bookbinding: A Study of the Replacement of Hand Processes by Machinery” (master’s thesis, New York: Columbia University, 1937), v.

139. Rogers, “The Industrialization of American Bookbinding,” vii. The first patent recorded by Rogers was issued for a paper trimmer in 1807 and it is obvious, based on the number of patents for similar equipment within a short time period, that competition was keen. Appendix C. “Chronological Lists of Patents on Bookbinding Machines Issued by the United States Patent Office during the Nineteenth Century,” 65-118.

140. Frank Comparato, Books for the Millions: A History of the Men Whose Methods and Machines Packaged the Printed Word (Harrisburg, PA: Stackpole, Co., 1971), 49, 115.

141. Robin Myers, “The Financial Records of the Stationers’ Company, 1605-1811,” in Economics of the British Booktrade, 1605-1939 , eds. Robin Myers and Michael Harris, [1]-31 (Cambridge: Chadwyck-Healey, 1985). Myers examined numerous seventeenth-century guides to bookkeeping and the financial records of other companies to reach her conclusion.

142. D. F. McKenzie, The Cambridge University Press, 1696-1712: A Bibliographical Study; Volume I : Organization and Policy of the Cambridge University Press (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1966), xiii- xiv. 37 nine decades (1836-1916). 143 In her study of the Philadelphia book trades, Rosalind Remer documents the complex exchange networks between printers, papermakers, binders, booksellers, and customers, and the importance of “long-standing relationships in which credit played an enormous role” in the development of wholesale, retail and commission sales, and combination publishing between 1790 and 1830. 144 Remer notes that single entry bookkeeping was adequate for the needs of artisans, while double entry bookkeeping was used more often by merchants but in a very idiosyncratic way. Another composite study of the Philadelphia book trades, between 1750 and 1800, concludes that booksellers there operated marginal businesses with small profit margins resulting in many business failures. 145 The Philadelphia printers who were more diversified survived by means of government printing contracts and job printing of miscellaneous ephemeral items that are only reflected in order books. Peter Parker found that “Philadelphia printers . . . all used the double-entry [bookkeeping] system,” however single proprietors “did not frequently strike balances to determine profit and loss” nor did they “distinguish between business and domestic expenses.” 146 Parker summarizes the income of Robert Aitken, a Philadelphia printer and bookbinder, for three separate years. Parker concludes that as a sole proprietor, Aitken did not have “to furnish the balances required in most partnerships, [and] he let many accounts go uncollected. He was only brought up short when he needed ready cash.” 147 Michael Winship, in his study of the business of Boston publisher Ticknor and Fields, interprets the role of the publisher as an entrepreneur who coordinates the commercial activities of the book trade with the book producers, arranges credit, and assumes the risk “to make the

143. Alexis Weedon, Victorian Publishing: The Economics of Book Production for a Mass Market, 1836- 1916 (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate Publishing, 2003).

144. Rosalind Remer, Printers and Men of Capital: Philadelphia Book Publishers in the New Republic (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1996), 49. Remer reconstructs the relationships in the print trades in Philadelphia by analyzing daybooks or wastebooks, journals, account books, ledgers, letterbooks, and other archival collections. See pages 101-3, [191].

145. Peter J. Parker, “The Philadelphia Printer: A Study of an Eighteenth-Century Businessman,” Business History Review , 40 (1966): [24]-46.

146. Parker, “Philadelphia Printer,” 33-4.

147. Parker, “Philadelphia Printer,” 45-6. In 1788, government printing jobs added £ 100 / 10/ 7 to Aitken’s income of £ 400 / 5/ 10. A decade later [1798], his income was £ 151 / 18 / 1 ½. The following year Aitken earned £ 262 / 7 / 9 ½ with binding jobs contributing £ 36 / 7 / 9 ½. Parker concludes that Aitken was not flexible in responding to the changing market conditions which fostered shared capital and partnerships and remained an artisan rather than becoming a “fledgling capitalist.” 38 business function as a whole.” 148 Winship describes the double entry accounting system used by Ticknor and Fields and most large businesses in great detail. 149 Ticknor and Fields, a major publisher, outsourced their binding to six different bookbinders. Winship estimates that the average binding cost 31.2 cents of every dollar spent on production, the largest expense in his calculation. 150 According to his figures, Ticknor and Fields paid six different binding firms $27,403 in 1856 for binding work, whereas the projected cost recorded in the cost books was $25,695. 151 Winship distinguishes the binding costs recorded in the “cost books” which were estimated binding costs based on standard prices calculated in advance and not the actual cost of binding charged by the binderies with other evidence of binding costs and concludes that sheets from one printing were bound over time in various styles and at different costs. Winship postulates that the charges for binding depended upon the number of gatherings, the number of illustrations to be tipped in, and the amount of gold leaf required for decoration. Winship was also able to ascertain sources of supply for Ticknor and Fields. During the 1840s and into the 1850s, they imported binding tools and materials from London, which they then supplied to the bookbinders, but by the late 1850s the binders were able to secure their own supplies of imported and American binding materials and could produce uniform and consistent bindings for Ticknor and Fields’ publications. 152 The following two studies make use of business records similar to the Guelph Bindery

148. Michael Winship, Ticknor and Fields: The Business of Literary Publishing in the United States of the Nineteenth Century ([Chapel Hill, NC]: Hanes Foundation, Rare Book Collection/ University Library, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1992), 24. Another reference, The Cost Books of Ticknor & Fields and Their Predecessors, 1832-1858 , ed. and introd. and notes Warren S. Tyron and William Charvat (New York: Bibliographical Society of America, 1949), provides cost breakdowns of 1,300 titles published between 1832 and 1858. A useful “Glossary of Terms and Abbreviations” precedes the transcriptions. See pages [xiii] and xxvi.

149. Michael Winship, “The Business Records of Ticknor and Fields,” Chapter 2 in American Literary Publishing in the Mid-Nineteenth Century: The Business of Ticknor and Fields (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 24-38.

150. In 1856, Ticknor and Fields “initiated the manufacture” of about 225,000 volumes, 74 different works, 214,467 copies in 131 impressions, with a total production cost of $81,545.81. The other costs associated with the “average dollar spent on production” were: 29.4 cents for paper, 8.9 cents for composition and stereotyping, 7.2 cents for presswork, 4.2 cents for illustrations, and 19.1 cents for royalties or other payments to authors or publishers. See page 13. As a comparison, the Methodist Book and Publishing House records of the Book Committee contain references to the bookbinding operation. Titles of publications issued by them are recorded along with the costs of all parts of production and the retail price of the final book. For example, to bind one copy of Toward the Sunrise by Rev. Hugh Johnston was estimated at 15 cents, the wholesale cost of the book was 52 cents which represents 29 per cent of the production cost. See indexed book listing working titles of publications with page references to individual titles, p. 25, 5 December [18]81, United Church of Canada Board of Publication fonds, 83.061C, Series I, Box 3, File 1, United Church Archives.

151. Winship, American Literary Publishing , 129.

152. Winship, American Literary Publishing , 127-32. 39

Workbooks. Using two printing office daybooks of businesses in Colonial Williamsburg, C. Clement Samford was able to describe the nature of the bookbinding done there during the colonial period. 153 From an annual wage payment noted in the daybook, Samford calculates that a binder employed in a print shop earned “15 shillings sixpence a week.” 154 Samford also reconstructs the volume of binding, the proportion of blankbook manufacture, custom bindings, and edition bindings done in the shops. Christian Coppens traces the work of Florent Pollender, a binder working for the publishing house of Hanicq-Dessain in Mechelen [Belgium] using three registers for the period 1855-1863, and worksheets with a complete record of Pollender’s work for a full three-year period. In 1857, Pollender bound more than 2,800 items in his shop. From these records Coppens reconstructs “numbers and types of bindings, timescales and pressures of time, materials used, terminologies, and prices” and established that binding was outsourced to independent bookbinders who employed others and purchased their own materials. 155

Guelph Sources

In order to place the analysis of the Bindery Workbooks within its social context, bibliographies, local histories, and two quantitative urban history studies which profile Guelph between 1861 and 1881 were selected. This is not an exhaustive list, as it does not include primary sources such as newspapers, census data, and assessment data that were consulted during the study. Three historical maps of the commercial heart of Guelph, Wellington County, and the surrounding region are reproduced in Appendix H. Two excellent bibliographies, developed as part of the Guelph Regional Project during the 1980s, contain annotated entries of sources related to local history, personal and corporate authority lists, subject headings, and a thorough index. The only caveat for this study is the overwhelming number of sources that could be consulted to discover possible links to the

153. C. Clement Samford, The Bookbinder in Eighteenth-Century Williamsburg: An Account of His Life & Times, & of His Craft (Colonial Williamsburg, 1964). The accounts are “from July 1750 through June 1752 and … most of 1764 and all of 1765.” See page 15.

154. Samford, 15.

155. Christian Coppens, “A Mid-Nineteenth Century Book-Trade Binder: Florent Pollender and the Firm of Hanicq-Dessain in Mechelen,” in ‘For the Love of Binding’: Studies in Bookbinding History Presented to Mirjam Foot , ed. David Pearson, 303-318 (London: British Library; New Castle, DE: Oak Knoll Press, 2000), 305.

40 bookbindery. 156 Guelph is fortunate to have many nineteenth-century buildings intact in the central business district. Locating the physical site of the bindery and other businesses in Victorian Guelph enhances understanding of their geographical proximity. Two walking tours of the downtown area, described in printed booklets, reveal the locations of several businesses, including the Nunan Bindery on the upper floor of 105 Wyndham Street, the newspaper offices, and the bookstores of T. J. Day and John Anderson. 157 Guelph: Origin of City Street Names and articles published in the journal of the Guelph Historical Society aid greatly in reconstructing the streetscape of the growing town. 158 Local histories have been published regularly over the years, most often coinciding with anniversaries of the founding of Guelph in 1827. While certain narratives, such as the founding of Guelph by John Galt, became mythologized with time and repetition, a careful reading unearths small details of daily life long forgotten. Best known of the local histories are The Annals of the Town of Guelph, 1827 to 1877 by C. Acton Burrows, editor of the Guelph Herald , and History of Guelph, 1827-1977 by Leo Johnson. 159 Both provide biographical details of the leading citizens of the town and document changes that have occurred over time. 160 Historical atlases such as the Illustrated Atlas of the County of Wellington provide a spatial dimension for the narrative, and contain a wealth of incidental information such as photographs and biographies of leading citizens, lists of subscribers, and advertisements for businesses, services, and professionals. 161 Booster publications by the Guelph City Council can be consulted for profiles

156. Elizabeth Bloomfield and Gilbert Stelter, Guelph and Wellington County: A Bibliography of Settlement and Development since 1800 ([Guelph, ON]: Guelph Regional Project, University of Guelph, 1988) and Elizabeth Bloomfield and others, Inventory of Primary and Archival Sources: Guelph and Wellington County to 1940 (Guelph, ON: Guelph Regional Project, University of Guelph, 1989).

157. Gordon Couling, Downtown Walkabout: A Walking Tour of the Central Business District of Guelph , rev. ed. (Guelph, ON: Guelph Arts Council, 1996). The reference to the Nunan bindery is on page 22. See also Gordon Couling, Where Guelph Began: A Walking Tour of the Original Market Square Area , 3rd ed. (Guelph, ON: Guelph Arts Council, 1996).

158. Ross W. Irwin, Guelph: Origin of Street Names, 1827-1997 [Guelph, ON: R. W. Irwin, 1998]. See also Ruth and Eber Pollard “Guelph’s Building Boom of 1875-76,” Historic Guelph: The Royal City 20 (April 1981): 52-73; Ruth Pollard, “Guelph’s Building Operations of 1877,” Historic Guelph: The Royal City 29 (1989/90): 34-55.

159. C. Acton Burrows, Annals of the Town of Guelph, 1827-1877 (Guelph, ON: Herald Steam Printing Press, 1877). This history includes details of early Guelph newspapers. Leo A. Johnson, History of Guelph, 1827- 1977 (Guelph, ON: Guelph Historical Society, 1977).

161. Illustrated Atlas of the County of Wellington (Toronto: Walker & Miles, 1877). Repr. edited by Ross Cumming (Owen Sound, ON: Richardson, Bond & Wright, 1972). 41 of local businesses and manufactories. 162 In her quantitative study of Guelph in 1861, Debra Nash-Chambers provides a profile of a commercial city, with a 46 per cent native-born population, predominately English and Protestant. She matched census and municipal assessment data with a geographical analysis of the town that had not yet undergone “the process of industrialization.” 163 She concluded that Guelph was a “community of means” with an established middle class. 164 Nash-Chambers examined the impact of industrialization on Guelph by extending the methodology of her previous 1861 study to include 1871 and 1881. 165 She characterizes Guelph as a unique community because of “the gradual introduction of industrialization and factory production, the moderating effects of Guelph’s population of just 9,890 by 1881, and the persistence of an economy geared to skilled trades and commerce.” 166 Placing the occupation of bookbinder into the middle class, along with other craftsmen and proprietors, she records two bookbinders for 1881and none for 1871 based on data from her merged files from those years. 167 As a group, the total wealth of Guelph’s middle class was between $100 and $1,999, and they were likely English Protestant, owned joint property, were younger than the upper class or lower class and belonged to fraternal organizations. 168

Conclusion

In the past, the history of bookbinding has focused primarily on bibliographic descriptions of fine bindings, the work of individual craftsmen, or a geographical, chronological, or national treatment of the subject. The HBiC/ HLIC project has contributed to an overall understanding of

162. One such publication produced in 1908 provides a description of the bindery and includes a photograph of Frank Nunan. C. M. Nichols and John H. Dyas. Anno Domini 1908: Special Industrial Souvenir Number of Guelph Daily Mercury of Guelph, Canada (Guelph, ON: Guelph City Council and Guelph’s Old Home Week Association, 1908), 43.

163. Debra Nash-Chambers, “Guelph, Canada West in 1861: Family Residence and Wealth in a Frontier Commercial City,” (master’s thesis, University of Guelph, 1981), 11.

164. Nash-Chambers “Guelph, Canada West in 1861,” 12, 176, Abstract.

165. Nash-Chambers, “Two Steps Forward or One Step Back? The Impact of Industrialization on Community & Family in a Small Industrial City: Guelph, Ontario, 1861-1881,” (PhD diss., University of Guelph, 1988).

166. Nash-Chambers, “Two Steps Forward,” 14.

167. Nash-Chambers, “Two Steps Forward,” Table XXX, 250. The reason for the discrepancy is that Nash- Chambers merged census data with assessment data and any resulting non-matched data were not included.

168. Nash-Chambers, “Two Steps Forward,” 249-50. 42 the bookbinding trade and its place in the production of print in Canada during the nineteenth century, but few studies of the history of bookbinding from a distinctly Canadian perspective are available. Overall, little research has been devoted to the daily transactions and production of a bindery over a period of time. An understanding of the bookbinding trade and its transformation in the nineteenth century is crucial to appreciating the opportunities, constraints, and working conditions experienced by those in small shops. The use of mechanical equipment to perform repetitive, time-consuming tasks and incentives to increase productivity and profitability by reducing the cost of time and materials led to changes in techniques and industry innovations, such as the introduction of bookcloth, that trickled down to provincial binderies as they attempted to maintain price competitiveness. The introduction of an embossing press and a wire stitcher at the Guelph Bookbindery are examples of adaptations to produce a cheaper binding and to cope with increased print production (discussed in Chapters 4 and 5). Descriptions of working conditions and records of payment to workers are useful to position the bookbinder and book trade workers in a social stratum. In this study, descriptions of the bindery’s location, biographical sketches of its proprietors and its workers, and annual revenues generated by the bindery are discussed in Chapters 3 and 4. The literature of business history suggests that the history of a business includes its interactions with large and small firms and its surrounding region. The Guelph Bookbindery had dealings with print shops, stationers, bureaucrats, and manufacturers in surrounding towns and counties, and with suppliers and stationers in Toronto, London (UK), Edinburgh, New York City, and Boston. This will be explored in Chapters 3 and 6. Scranton’s dualities of efficiency and success versus family dynamics are particularly relevant for a family business which operated for almost a century. Similar to the records of the Colonial Williamsburg shop, the records of the Guelph Bookbindery can be analyzed to determine the proportion of blankbook manufacture and stationery binding to jobs for bespoke binding and edition binding during each of the periods surveyed. 169 In contrast to Belgian bookbinder Florent Pollender, large orders for blankbooks were outsourced to Guelph from Berlin and Toronto booksellers and stationers during the late 1860s.

169. Bespoke bindings are bookbindings decided upon between the bookbinder and customer. Factors influencing choices of material and style depend upon the form of the volume, skill of the binder, aesthetic taste, materials available, and cost. Edition binding is the binding of identical texts in the same material most often in a case binding which is constructed separately from the book and attached to the text block with mull, adhesive, and pasted down endpapers. See Roberts and Etherington, Bookbinding , 86, 47. 43

The challenge of interpreting business records is noted by several scholars. Those who have studied business records of the print trade document complex networks of exchange and idiosyncratic methods used by proprietors to maintain records. This is also true of the Bindery Workbooks kept by consecutive proprietors of the Guelph Bookbindery. A retail and service business must adapt to its surrounding commercial environment. Guelph sources ground this study in its spatial and social spheres. The next chapter describes the transformation of the Guelph Bookbindery from a multi-faceted business to a commercial bindery.

Chapter 3. A History of Ownership and Business Practices of the

Guelph Bookbindery

Introduction

This chapter will delineate the proprietors of the bookbindery and trace the transformation of a diversified business in the 1850s to a commercial bindery which was very much part of the cycle of local print production by the mid-1870s. The business generically known as the Guelph Bookbindery also carried the names of its owners over the years. The chain of ownership shows a progression of owners during its first two decades, highlighting the frequent movement of people in the print trades, the thin profit margins under which they laboured, and their subsequent business failures. The continuous recording of binding jobs by different owners of the business in the Bindery Workbooks suggests lock, stock, and barrel transitions as new owners completed binding jobs for long-standing customers. The first bookbinders employed at Guelph in the early 1850s remain anonymous, as they worked under the aegis of the local newspaper office, or a bookseller’s and stationer’s shop. P. C. Allan (active 1855-1859 and 1872-1874) conducted a bindery as an adjunct to his shop, a business model that was continued by subsequent owners until 1872. The first bookbinder recorded at Guelph, W. J. McCurry (active 1862-1868), may have been working for Magnus Shewan (active 1859-1868), a Toronto bookseller and stationer who opened a similar business in Guelph. McCurry took over the business for several months after Shewan left Guelph. J. B. Thornton (active 1868-1872) operated the diversified business, as Shewan had previously, and for a few months, had competition from his former employee, R. H. Collins, who opened a bindery in 1870. The Guelph Bookbindery operated as an independent bindery without the bookselling component after Robert Easton (active 1872-1875) took control of the business. F. T. Chapman, a skilled bookbinder, assumed the bindery in 1875. Frank Nunan, who probably began an apprenticeship under Easton, and worked for Chapman, took over the business in 1880. The business remained in the Nunan family until 1978. (See Appendix H, Figure 1 for a map indicating the locations of the bookbindery under different proprietors.) Individual business practices of the proprietors will be documented in this chapter. The intensive analysis of selected survey years of Bindery Workbook records (1864-65, 1870-71, 1881, 1891, and 1955-56) supports comparisons for the periods the bindery was conducted by

Shewan, Thornton, and Nunan through an examination of the proportion of stationery binding jobs (paper ruling, blankbook manufacture, and manifold binding) to letterpress binding (books, periodicals, and pamphlets) and by noting commercial practices such as discounts, charges, and payment for binding jobs. 170 An extensive review of the Bindery Workbook records from 1864- 1891 provides added evidence about the business under Chapman. Ephemeral items in the Bindery Workbooks highlight the transfer of the business from Chapman to Nunan. Data obtained from the Bindery Workbooks is supported by manuscript census data, property tax assessment records, nineteenth-century Guelph newspapers, directories, maps, photographs, and oral histories provided by Joan Rentoul and Michael Nunan. However, fewer details are available for Allan, McCurry, and Easton because of short-lived ownership, the incomplete series of Bindery Workbooks, and the uneven survival of newspapers from the period. Business at the bindery will be set against activities of the local marketplace. Competitive relationships between the booksellers in the period before 1872 and symbiotic relationships between the bookbindery and print shops and will be explored briefly here (and in greater detail in Chapter 6) emphasizing the bindery’s interdependent role in the print trades, in the Guelph community, and beyond.

Bookbinding Services in Guelph prior to 1872

An early reference to bookbinding services for Guelph residents appears in an 1847 issue of the Guelph Herald. The newspaper office had “arrangements” with an unnamed Hamilton establishment, 50 kilometres away, to “have Books bound in a superior manner and upon reasonable terms.” 171 Although the 1851-2 aggregate census data record no bookbinders in Guelph or Wellington County, bookbinding services were available locally in 1852 according to the Annual Report for the Guelph Farmers’ and Mechanics’ Institute [hereafter the Mechanics’ Institute] which reported that “the Library is in good order, and from improved facilities in

170. The traditional bookbinding distinction between books as letterpress (books meant to be read) and stationery (books meant to be written in) will be used in this analysis. Manifold binding jobs are the binding of multiple business forms such as billheads, sales records, and customized forms for loose-leaf, record keeping systems. They are seldom sewn, but often padded or wire-stitched, and sometimes include page numbering. The bindings are often of a temporary nature such as marbled paper with a cloth spine. Roberts and Etherington, Bookbinding , 31, 165. The binding of pamphlets is considered letterpress binding, but by the end of the century, these jobs were processed much like other manifold binding jobs. I include pamphlets under letterpress binding in analyzing the proportion of stationery binding to letterpress binding and in each case I highlight the local imprints as the production of print in this format increased dramatically during the period of this study.

171. Guelph Herald , July 29, 1847, [1]. 46 bookbinding in the town it is hoped may be continued so.” 172 In 1854, the Wellington Mercury & Guelph Chronicle advertised services including job printing, a stock of stationery, and a “bookbinding business . . . carried on as usual” suggesting that the newspaper office had provided this service for some time, probably since its inception the previous year. 173 An invoice dated Midsummer 1854 from G. M. Keeling of the Wellington Mercury to the Mechanics’ Institute records eight jobs for binding periodicals in cloth, half leather, and “strong leather.” 174 The header on the invoice: “Every Description of Printing and Binding neatly and expeditiously executed, on the most reasonable terms,” suggests a complete shop with a skilled bookbinder employed there.

P. C. Allan In 1855, P. C. Allan announced a “New Book and Stationery Store” with “BOOK BINDING In all its branches tastfully [ sic ] and promptly executed” and ruling “to any pattern.” 175 Although Allan is not listed as a bookbinder in any source, he may have assumed the binding business, equipment, and employees from the newspaper office as there are no references to binding being done there after this time. Based on Allan’s advertisements, it is evident that his major business was the sale of books and periodicals. Allan’s stock, like that of many booksellers and stationers in Canada West during the 1850s, included wallpaper, accordions, violins, sheet music, stationery, ink, quills, pencils, and blankbooks. 176 Although he advertised blankbook stock of ledgers, daybooks, journals, memorandums, time books, diaries, and passbooks, and offered custom-made blankbooks, part of his stock may have been obtained from wholesale stationers outside Guelph. His book stock included religious print material such as bible dictionaries, homilies, family and pocket bibles, devotional literature, prayer books for Church of England and Roman Catholic customers, historical works, and novels. Allan took subscriptions for and supplied British and

172. “Table IV: Upper Canada Personal Census, Professions, Trades and Occupations, 1851-2,” Census of the Canadas, 1851-2, Vol. 1, Personal Census (Quebec: John Lovell, 1853), 507. There were 13 printers in Wellington County according to census data, see page 519. [Annual Report for 1852] [cut and pasted, printed report] Minutes, 11 January 1853, Minute Books, Guelph Public Library fonds, F1, Box 14, Guelph Public Library Archives, Guelph, ON. Hereafter referred to as GMI Minutes.

173. February 18, 1854, [4]. Hugh Douglass, “A Concise History of Guelph Newspapers,” Guelph Historical Society Publications 3, no. 3 (1963): 2.

174. Guelph Public Library fonds, F1, Box 4.

175. Guelph Tri-Weekly Advertiser , August 3, 1855, [3].

176. Guelph Tri-Weekly Advertiser , October 12, 1855, [3]. 47

American magazines, ordered books and magazines monthly from New York, and invited customers to compare his wares with Toronto and Hamilton establishments. 177 In an advertisement boldly captioned “BOOKS FOR THE MILLION!” printed in December 1855, Allan thanked his customers from Guelph and the surrounding townships for their patronage and invited them to view his large stock and numerous gift books in elegant bindings at his “Bookstore and Paper Hanging Warehouse.” Allan’s shop probably produced the four Town of Guelph Assessment Rolls for 1856, each gathered and sewn differently using sheets printed by Maclear & Co., of Toronto. 178 A blankbook used as a Minute Book by the Agricultural Society of the Township of Guelph [1857], contains an oval stamp on the lower free endpaper advertising ‘BOOK STORE & PAPER HANGING | WAREHOUSE, | P. C. ALLAN | GUELPH. C. W.’ Bound in half roan and marbled paper, the book contains eight gatherings of eight, ten, and fourteen leaves sewn on three linen tapes and was most likely made up locally for sale in Allan’s shop as it resembles the blankbooks used to record property assessment records. 179 Allan’s competitor, Robert Thompson, was also located in the Market Square. In 1856, both Allan and Thompson moved their businesses to Wyndham Street locations. 180 Allan left Guelph after May 1859, abruptly, with no known announcements. He operated similar businesses in Chatham, Brantford, and Toronto, returning to Guelph for a brief period in 1872. 181

177. Guelph Tri-Weekly Advertiser , August 3, 1855, [3], December 21, 1855, [3].

178. Town of Guelph Assessment Roll for 1856. The 1856 assessment rolls are four separate blankbooks, with different stitching techniques suggesting that they were sewn by different people. The North Ward assessment roll has stab stitched pages, reinforced by an overcast stitch, typical in stationery binding and is quarter-bound with ribbed green cloth and marbled paper. The West Ward assessment roll has two, four, and six thread stitching through the centre fold of one large signature of printed sheets dated 1854. The South Ward and East Ward assessment rolls are sewn with a pamphlet stitch. The West Ward and South Ward assessment rolls are bound with light orange paper wrappers over two layers of brown paper. The East Ward assessment roll’s endpapers are glued to binder’s board. City of Guelph Finance and Taxation sous fonds, City of Guelph fonds, Guelph Public Library Archives, Guelph, ON.

179. Wellington County Museum and Archives, Accession Number: A 1969. 10. 2. The minute book contains a separate gathering of light blue paper that was added in after the seventh gathering and is attached by whip stitching and two long stitches to the second half of the gathering (leaves 6-10). The separate gathering is titled “Statment [ sic ] to whom Premiums was [ sic ] awarded and amount paid to each party for the year 1864,” may have been added by the Secretary or the Treasurer of the Agricultural Society.

180. Guelph Tri-Weekly Advertiser , November 21, 1855, [3]. According to the Town of Guelph Assessment Roll for 1856 Thompson was sole proprietor in a bookselling and stationery business in Market Square, joined by Richard Mitchell the following year at a Wyndham Street (part 53) location. Allan was located at Wyndham Street (part 102).

181. The property assessment process was usually completed by the first of May each year. It therefore seems likely that Allan left after May 1859. Town of Guelph, Assessment Rolls for 1856, 1857, 1858, and 1859. 48

Magnus Shewan Allan’s departure created an opportunity for Toronto bookseller and stationer, Magnus Shewan, to open a shop in Wyndham Street in the former location of stationers Thompson and Mitchell. 182 Shewan, along with a cousin also named Magnus Shewan, had established a business selling books, stationery, newspapers, and fancy goods in Toronto about 1846. 183 The Guelph shop may have been a venture to expand into the wholesale side of the trade by manufacturing books and stationery and to unload surplus stock from the Toronto store. Workbook entries for “Toronto” and “Toronto Establishment” indicate that inventory circulated between the two locations. 184 Shewan continued with his Toronto establishment after he sold his Guelph business in 1868. In the local press, Shewan’s bookbindery was not featured. Instead he advertised his “cheap room and hall paper” and “bordering and window blinds” boasting the largest and most complete stock in the province while consistently promoting his business as a bookseller’s and stationer’s enterprise. 185 In the wider business community Shewan’s Guelph business was very much an extension of his Toronto “Arcade Bookstore.” The Mercantile Agency Reference Book for 1864 compiled by R. G. Dun refers interested parties from the Guelph section to the Toronto listing for Shewan and estimates the pecuniary strength of the business as “$5,000 to $10,000” with a good general credit rating. The following year, the R. G. Dun evaluation of Shewan’s pecuniary strength was downgraded one level ($2,000 to $5,000) and his credit rating was listed as fair, but without access to the original reports it is hard to determine whether the change in credit rating was due to a substantial change in its business conduct or some other subjective report. 186

Norfolk Reformer , September 24, 1868, [1]. Allan is listed in Elizabeth Hulse, A Dictionary of Toronto Printers, Publishers, Booksellers and the Allied Trades, 1798-1900 (Toronto: Anson-Cartwright, 1982), 3. He was active in Toronto from 1874 to 1895.

182. Shewan arrived at Guelph after May 1859 and is listed in the Town of Guelph Assessment Roll for 1860 at Wyndham Street [pt. 53].

183. The business was continued by Magnus Shewan Jr. until 1899. See Hulse, Dictionary , 236.

184. BW, 1864-1871, 24 and 26 August, and 12 October 1864.

185. Guelph Advertiser , May 20, 1864, [1].

186. R. G. Dun & Co. relied on local correspondents throughout North America to submit information on the “duration of the business, net worth, sources of wealth, and the character and reputation of the owners, their partners, and successors.” The original ledgers are at the Baker Library, Harvard Business School. 49

Thomas J. Day, a bookseller and stationer who established a Market Square shop in July 1864, was a serious competitor for Shewan. 187 When Day advertised “$1 Books Selling for 50c” Shewan countered with similar discounts. 188 Throughout 1865, Shewan advertised school books, copybooks, stationery, and wallpaper, but not bookbinding services although it is evident the bindery had a steady stream of stationery binding and bookbinding orders and repaired books and albums. 189 For the Christmas 1867 season, Shewan placed an advertisement in the Guelph Herald promoting his “large assortment of the cheapest and best fancy goods” imported directly from England, Germany, and France as well as wallpaper “selling at a sacrifice” to make room for spring stock. 190 As a direct challenge to T. J. Day, who had similar inventory, Shewan boasted that his blankbooks were made of Saunders’ paper, “the best paper that comes into the country,” rather than Pirie’s paper, and he encouraged readers to order custom blankbooks at wholesale prices. Shewan specifically targeted municipal officials to order judicial and fiduciary record books from his shop and at this he was successful, as regular orders for record books from the County of Wellington and the Town of Guelph attest.191 Shewan’s efforts were synchronous with a larger movement to promote “home manufacture” to support the economy of the new Dominion of Canada. Offering to supply country merchants with wholesale fancy goods, blankbooks, and paper, he was able to establish commerce with printers and newspaper publishers, and booksellers and stationers in other towns (discussed in Chapter 6). 192 He promoted his ability to be “early, prompt, and, energetic, and always watchful of their interest.” 193 Shewan’s transactions with customers outside Guelph indicate the binding work

http://www.library.hbs.edu/hc/collections/dun. Dun & Bradstreet Reference Books , 1864 -1978 (Toronto: Archives of Ontario), 1864 MS 489 (microfilm), 130-2, 387.

187. Guelph Mercury , July 22, 1864, [3].

188. Guelph Mercury , October 7, 1864, [4].

189. Guelph Mercury , November 16, 1865, [3].

190. Guelph Herald , January 7, 1868, [3].

191. Guelph Chronicle , January 10, 1868, [2].

192. Guelph Chronicle , January 10, 1868, [2].

193. R. & A. Miller, Shewan ’s Canadian Farmer ’s Almanac, for the year of our Lord 1862 (Toronto and Guelph: M. Shewan, 1862), lower wrapper. 50 requested and his idiosyncratic dealings. For example, Shewan had an arrangement with Conrad Nahrgang of Hespeler, who ordered printed and ruled stationery for himself and brought in orders from Randall, Farr & Co., a woollen factory and knitting works. 194 On several of the orders, a commission of about 10 per cent of the job was paid to Nahrgang. 195 Shewan conducted the bindery as a separate business, in terms of bookkeeping, and it may have been geographically separate from the bookstore as well, with the bindery above the shop or elsewhere. Transactions between the bindery and the “shop” or “store” show that the bindery ruled paper and made up blankbooks for the shop, while inventory such as paper and ink was charged to the shop. 196 Binding periodicals was a lucrative segment of the trade for local bookbinders such as Shewan. Individual issues were affordable and those who could subscribe to a monthly or quarterly paper would wish to preserve them in a bound volume. Periodical publishers who had anticipated this desire began to produce their magazines as bound volumes to coincide with Christmas and New Year’s gift giving traditions. Guelph bookseller T. J. Day advertised bound volumes of Good Words , Leisure Hour , and Sunday at Home for 1864, but these would only be sold to new subscribers. 197 Customers who already subscribed for the magazine had the volume bound locally in a binding of their choice, at a slightly higher cost. 198 A less expensive solution was commissioned by Mr. Johnston when he ordered three volumes of Good Words to be put in “cases” and one volume to be half bound. 199 Shewan supplied a missing number of the magazine for 15 cents to Mr. David Anderson when he brought two volumes of Good Words for binding and probably realized a small profit for this convenience to his customers. 200 Eventually the sale

194. BW, 1864-1871, 8 April 1865, 9 May 1866, and 10 June 1867. Nahrgang is listed as merchant, postmaster, commissioner for Court of Queen’s Bench, agent for Canada Life Assurance Co., issuer of marriage licenses, and reeve of Hespeler in compiler James Sutherland’s County of Waterloo Gazetteer and General Business Directory for 1864 (Toronto: Mitchell & Co., 1864), 154.

195. BW, 1864-1871, 10, 12, and 27 June 1867, 21 August 1867, 19 September 1867, 30 December 1867, 13 February 1868, 31 March 1868, 14 May 1868, and 12 October 1868.

196. BW, 1864-1871, 12 December 1865 and 17 February 1866.

197. Guelph Mercury , January 13, 1865, [3].

198. BW, 1864-1871, 1 April 1864. The cost of the half roan binding was 60 cents.

199. BW, 1864-1871, 19 May 1864. The cases were charged at 35 cents each, the half bound volume at 50 cents.

200. BW, 1864-1871, 6 March 1867. In 1866, T. J. Day, sold Good Words for 6 cents an issue. Guelph Mercury , February 22, 1866, [3]. Copp, Clark & Co.’s 1870 catalogue lists Good Words at $1.75 per annum. Catalogue of English and American Newspapers and Magazines for 1870 (Toronto: Copp, Clark & Co., 1869), 7. 51 of magazines by Day and other Guelph merchants translated into business for the bindery as customers brought their yearly volumes there to be bound for posterity. For example, Mrs. A. Lemon, wife of barrister Andrew Lemon, brought six volumes of Godey’s Magazine for half calf binding at a cost of 90 cents each, indicating that she had kept the magazines for some time and wanted to preserve them. 201 For books that were issued in parts or separate volumes, customers could customize the binding to suit their tastes and combine volumes as a cost-saving measure. At least one customer chose a more expensive option. Mr. Hobson had two volumes of “Encyclopedia of Architecture” bound into three separate half roan volumes, with the plates bound up in the third volume. 202 His choice of half roan bindings, a popular style, was consistent with that ordered by many bindery customers. In stationery binding, blankbooks offered by Shewan for sale in the shop were customized according to individual requirements. For example, blankbooks were lettered to transform them into a “Minute Book” or “Cash Book,” index tabs were cut into right-hand margins of blankbooks, and pages were numbered. The bindery also ruled and printed paper and manufactured blankbooks to have on hand for sale at the shop. Some of the activities of blankbook manufacture and manifold binding may have been the timely combination of items requested by store customers and the training of apprentices in specific skills. Charges for stationery binding occasionally itemized the cost of the job, highlighting the expense of paper, and charges for ruling sheets and printing heads. Comparisons of the pricing between these jobs are difficult because of the differences in size and quality of paper. Moreover, the number of times the sheets passed through the ruling machine and the amount of printing is not known. It does appear that the Town of Guelph received a volume discount for the paper required for an Assessment Roll of 10 ½ quires (66 cents per quire versus 75 cents per quire), however the paper used in the two Assessment Rolls may not have been identical. 203 Payment for bindery jobs was as variable as time to completion. Although one customer paid $1 in advance for Wealth of Nations to be bound in half brown calf and cloth, some

Day’s price must have been deeply discounted to entice his customers to buy the popular magazine. The price charged by Day and the cost of a half roan binding was still less than the price listed in Copp, Clark & Co.’s catalogue.

201. BW, 1864-1871, 7 January 1865.

202. BW, 1864-1871, 25 July 1868. Cost for the job was $4.50.

203. BW, 1864-1871, 14 March and 19 October 1868. 52 customers allowed their bound volumes to languish in the bindery for years. 204 At least one of Shewan’s customers was dissatisfied with the work. An order via the Herald Office to put St. George’s Cemetery Receipts in a quarter-bound binding was returned the next day by John Horsman to be rebound in full morocco “to last 50 years.” 205 Another customer refused to pay the full price (75 cents) for binding Sunday Magazine and Good Words in half roan and paper, because he claimed he had previously paid 15 cents less for the job. The account was settled at 60 cents for each volume accentuating the uneven price structure applied by Shewan, as another customer who ordered a similar item was charged only 60 cents. 206 Daily practices in the bookbindery can be reconstructed in the chronology of workbook entries. For example, during the first two weeks of April 1864, 30 jobs show 16 stationery and 14 book and periodical jobs, which break into ten periodicals, two bibles, one encyclopaedia, and one sheet music. The periodical titles are popular magazines in Canada West: Good Words , Frank Leslie’s ¸ Harper’s , [ Illustrated ] London News , Temple Bar , Godey’s , American Agriculturist , The Gardener , and Genesee Farmer . The stationery binding includes paper ruling, binding of ledgers and other account books, cutting cards, covering a ledger with moleskin, and making a portfolio of half roan with 12 strings. The 30 entries identify 17 individuals, five corporate clients, and Shewan’s own bookselling and stationery shop as customers. A review of the first year of Shewan’s extant bindery records (1864-65) indicates that the work done there was almost equally divided between letterpress binding and stationery binding. Of the 530 jobs recorded in the Workbook from 1 April 1864 to 30 March 1865, 282 (53 per cent) are binding of books, periodicals, and music brought by individuals to the bindery. 207 Local imprints, most requiring pamphlet binding, make up 20 jobs (4 per cent). Stationery binding jobs

204. BW, 1864-1871, 3 September 1866, customer Mr. Hobson. A job for customer “John Long a coming” for a volume of Animated Nature , in half roan and cloth binding, “in 3 years,” was entered and delivered 19 April 1865, so the entry must have been recorded in the workbook on the day he called to claim the book.

205. BW, 1864-1871, 11 January and 16 January 1867. The first order was delivered 15 January and was charged at 38 cents. The full morocco binding was charged at $1.25.

206. BW, 1864-1871, 23 March 1867, for customer James Taylor. The account was settled 5 August 1867. Taylor used the same strategy the following year, see entries 31 March and 21 April 1868. Entry 2 August 1867, customer Robert Melvin.

207. Books accounted for 123 jobs, periodicals 103 jobs, and music 21 jobs. For 15 titles, it is unclear whether they are books, periodicals, or music. This is based on the best estimate of the type of material. It is not always possible to know the format of a title as Guide to Holiness appears as both a book and periodical title. Messiah appears as a poem and as an oratorio. 53 account for 198 entries (37 per cent). 208 About 10 per cent of binding jobs were repair or rebinding of bibles, hymn books, devotional books, as well as the school books that received intensive use and were probably sold in cheap edition bindings. For example, Kate Coffee brought in Canadian History , possibly a school textbook published by James Campbell of Toronto, for repair. The 12 cent charge was paid “by contra account for bar for marbling.” 209 Of 151 entries for blankbook manufacturing in 1864-65, most were manufactured for business and local government and ranged from notebooks ordered by the newspaper offices for specific individuals to business account books, hotel registers, and assessment rolls for the town. The most expensive and elaborate blankbooks were full bound leather with Russia bands, made up of medium laid paper, ruled to pattern, some with an index in front, which cost between $12 and $13. 210 Whereas one or two decades earlier, the newspaper offices operated as booksellers, stationers, and bookbinders, by the 1860s there was a division of labour among the print trades in Guelph. The job printing offices operated by the three local newspapers at that time generated 96 orders (18 per cent) for the bindery. Pamphlets printed at the newspaper offices were cut, folded, stitched, and covered at the bindery. Since the bindery had the only cutting machine in Guelph until 1866 the newspaper offices sent paper and pamphlets there for cutting. Some entries list names or organizations in the “Remarks” column providing clues to the ultimate recipient or customer. This implies that the bindery and newspaper offices where the pamphlets were printed worked in tandem and that completed orders may have been retrieved from the bindery by the customer, rather than at the newspaper office. The Guelph Mercury , with the largest circulation, sent 59 jobs to the bindery during

208. Nine portfolios, 16 albums and scrapbooks, 14 miscellaneous, and 1 unclassifiable entry make up the remaining jobs.

209. BW, 1864-1871, 7 January 1865. A contra account is “considered to be an offset to another account . . . established to reduce the other account to amounts that can be realized or collected.” New York State Society of CPAs, http://www.nysscpa.org/prof_library/guide.htm#c. Blankbooks were dipped into the marbling trough to apply a marbled pattern to the edges. The bar for marbling was probably used to mix the colours in the marbling trough or used to skim the surface of the marbling size during the marbling process. See Richard J. Wolfe, Marbled Paper: Its History, Techniques, and Patterns (Philadelphia: University of Philadelphia Press, 1990), 147-149.

210. BW, 1864-1871, 12 April, 2 May, and 1 October 1864. Bands, often used in stationery binding, are strips of reinforcing material which extend across the spine and onto the sides of a book. The size and position of the bands are based on specific proportions and may be single, double, or double straight. “Russia bands” refers to the use of Russia leather in their construction. Roberts and Etherington, Bookbinding , 17.

1864-65. 211 Of those, 19 were notebooks for various businessmen and merchants and a further 10 were for specific blankbooks for business such as a promissory notebook or a warehouse receipt book. The most expensive job sent to the bindery from the Mercury Office was for a “cloth back paper sides cut flush” binding for 300 hymn books charged at $4.50. 212 On the same day that the hymn books arrived from the Mercury Office, Knox Presbyterian Church ordered 20 hymn books bound in full cloth and lettered on the upper board. The job was charged at 12 cents per copy or $2.50 in total. It is impossible to know whether these two orders were for the same hymn book, the full bound copies ordered for the choir perhaps, or if there were two separate publications. Unfortunately, no catalogue record has been found to verify its survival. Customers outside Guelph hailed from other villages and towns in Wellington County, such as Erin, Fergus, Morriston, Mount Forest, and Rockwood. John Shaw, publisher of the Elora Express , and 20 km distant, sent periodicals for binding and ordered stationery such as notebooks and passbooks for his Elora customers (discussed in Chapter 6). Other customers came from Hespeler, Galt, and Berlin. Boedecker & Stuebing, booksellers, publishers, and importers with shops in Berlin and Waterloo, sent 12 orders, including the manufacture of a large number of blankbooks charged at $52, the binding of Arthur’s and Godey’s magazines, and lettering a dictionary. 213 The total revenue generated from the bookbindery for the period 1 April 1864 to 30 March 1865 was $833.23. This does not take into account Shewan’s costs for supplies, equipment, and labour. The most expensive job was the order for blankbooks for Boedecker & Stuebing mentioned above, and the cheapest jobs were repair work done gratis or other dime jobs such as cutting paper, cards, and pamphlets.

W. J. McCurry A notice in the Guelph Evening Mercury , 26 May 1868, announced that W. J. McCurry had purchased Shewan’s stock and business and that he would “carry on the business in the same premises.” 214 McCurry, the first proprietor to designate the business as the Guelph Bookbindery in print advertisements, continued to sell bibles, hymn books, albums, stationery, newspapers,

211. Twenty-three jobs came from the Advertiser Office and 14 jobs came from the Herald Office.

212. BW, 1864-1871, 6 September 1864.

213. BW, 1864-1871, 6 April, 19 May, 1864 and 2 January 1865. Boedecker & Stuebing sold English and German books, stationery, and wallpaper. Sutherland, County of Waterloo Gazetteer and General Business Directory, for 1864 , 93.

214. Guelph Evening Mercury , May 26, 1868, [2]. 55 and periodicals. He had specimens of legal forms and blankbooks for the “Registry Offices and Division Courts” on hand to promote the “Binding department” and extended the business further by adding “looking glass plates” and a picture framing division. 215 McCurry’s multi-faceted business followed the pattern established by Allan and Shewan with a great variety of products and services. In addition to a large selection of books, his stock included music, both bound and unbound, over 2,000 wool embroidery patterns, musical instruments, wallpaper, ladies’ fans, fancy walking canes, fancy pipes, and tobacco pouches.216 He supplied others in trade at wholesale prices and advertised bookbinding and paper ruling done at the shop for “very moderate rates.” 217 In a separate advertisement for the Guelph Bookbindery, McCurry listed the blankbooks that he could manufacture on the shortest notice and of the best material: ledgers, journals, daybooks, time books, passbooks, procedure books, and copybooks. 218 McCurry completed a job for Toronto bookseller Robert Carswell, binding 12 legal books in half law calf between 10 June and 21 July. Other jobs included constructing sample cases for J. M. Bond & Co., and making up blankbooks and ruled paper for the shop. While McCurry devoted himself to bookselling, the binding and ruling jobs may well have required him to hire a bookbinder, possibly Luke J. Brennan who is listed in the Town of Guelph Assessment Rolls for 1868 and 1869. Brennan may have continued with J. B. Thornton before moving on to St. Catharines and Hamilton. 219

J. B. Thornton W. J. McCurry’s tenure was short lived, both in reality and in local memory. By the fall of 1868, James B. Thornton assumed the business in “Shewan’s Old Stand” where he carried on the business of his predecessors. 220 To promote bookbinding Thornton advertised the following services at “Thornton’s Bookstore and Bindery”: binding of books, music, and magazines,

215. Guelph Evening Mercury , June 9, 1868, [2].

216. Guelph Evening Mercury , June 19, 1868, [2].

217. Guelph Evening Mercury , June 26, 1868, [2].

218. Guelph Evening Mercury , June 19, 1868, [2].

219. Lovell’s Canadian Dominion Directory for 1871 (Montreal: John Lovell, 1871), 723 and Ancestry.com, 1901 Census of Canada , (Provo, UT: Ancestry.com Operations, 2006), http://search.ancestry.ca/.

220. Guelph Herald , October 20, 1868, [3]. He came to Guelph from Toronto where he was active from 1864 to 1868 as a bookseller, stationer, newsdealer, and fancy goods dealer at 198 Yonge Street, Toronto. Hulse, Dictionary , 258. 56 manufacture of blankbooks, and paper ruling. 221 Like Allan and Shewan, Thornton capitalized on his ability to both sell and bind up periodicals thereby offering a double incentive for customers to frequent his shop. Thornton, his predecessors, and his successors supplied missing issues to complete a volume, selling off old stock that was of limited value. Thornton’s inventory of British periodicals was similar to bookseller T. J. Day’s stock with both shops carrying Belgravia , Boys of England , English Woman’s Magazine , London Society , Young Ladies’ Journal , and Young Men of Great Britain .222 In addition to these periodicals, Thornton advertised other “English magazines” for February 1870: Boys’ Own [Paper] , Cornhill Magazine, Chambers’ Journal, English Mechanic , Once a Week, Penny Miscellany, Temperance Advocate, and Young Englishwoman .223 Both Thornton and Day carried popular British periodicals in bound volumes as well as unbound numbers. 224 Although competition was fierce in such a small market, both Thornton and Day benefited from the initiative of the book trades to promote and sell print through local newspapers. 225 American and British publishers collaborating with local booksellers issued

221. Guelph Evening Mercury , April 17, 1869, [2]. Other advertisements in January and February of that year list the business variously as “Thornton’s Bookstore and Bindery,” “Thornton’s Bookstore,” “J. B. Thornton’s New Cheap Bookstore and Bookbindery,” “Thornton’s Young Canada Bookstore,” and the “Dominion Book Store and Book Bindery.” Guelph Evening Mercury , January 26, 1869, [2], February 12, 1869, [2] and February 16, 1869, [2], Elora Lightning Express , April 15, 1869, [3].

222. Guelph Advertiser , January 20, 1870, [3]. Advertisements for Thornton and for Day are in the same column.

223. Guelph Advertiser , February 24, 1870, [3].

224. The import tax structure that favoured the importation of bound books may have been the initial incentive for the British manufacturers to market bound periodicals. It was cheaper to import bound books than to manufacture books in Canada. An editorial in the Guelph Evening Mercury , “The Tax on Books,” states that “importers [of books] have a great advantage over the manufacturers in this country, as a duty of 15 per cent is imposed on paper, type, ink and book-binders’ materials—a difference of 10 per cent in favour of the foreign dealer.” May 4, 1869, [2]. As early as 1865, Day advertised The Sunday Magazine as a bound volume of nearly 1,000 pages with about 100 wood engraved illustrations for the retail price of $2.12 ½. Guelph Mercury , December 21, 1865, [3]. Thornton advertised bound volumes of Sunday Magazine in the Guelph Advertiser , December 9, 1869, [4]. Popular periodicals such as Punch were printed without the cover page and with an added index and sold bound as annual volumes as early as 1861. A book-buyer could purchase a “multi-volume reprint of the magazine that included introductions and annotations supplied by the editors to explain . . . the jokes and fashions of the 1840s to the readers of the 1860s.” Patrick Leary, The Punch Brotherhood: Table Talk and Print Culture in Mid-Victorian London (London: British Library, 2010), 3. S. J. Wolfe noted the practice of American publishers to reissue British literary magazines in book format, and of reprinting magazines such as Dickens’ Household Words from the stereotype plates and issuing the periodical weekly, monthly, or annually. S. J. Wolfe to SHARP Listserv, January 21, 2009, http://www.sharpweb.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=22&Itemid=56&lang=en.

225. Michael Winship describes this practice: “Publishers regularly advertised their new books in newspapers and periodicals, and they encouraged, sometimes with financial incentives, booksellers to do the same in 57 works with a double imprint, in different bindings at varied prices, and then provided copies of new publications to newspaper editors who would give “notice” in their local papers. According to newspaper announcements both Thornton and Day had arrangements with New York publisher Harper & Brothers to issue texts with a Guelph imprint, however no such imprints for Thornton or Day have been discovered. 226 Phineas Finn, the Irish Member and My Recollections of Lord Byron are examples of texts issued with a New York and a Guelph imprint according to the local paper. 227 Thornton was selling two editions of Phineas Finn at his bookstore: Harper’s edition, “presented in an attractive form in boards, with well executed illustrations,” and a cheaper edition. Thornton also had a similar arrangement with London publisher J. C. Hotten for Dr. Syntax’s Three Tours .228 Booksellers and publishers forwarded magazines and books to local newspaper editors who would include notices and short reviews of the items, often as “Town Items” on the front page. For example, a notice of Putnam’s [Monthly ] Magazine supplied by Thornton to the Guelph Evening Mercury suggested that readers “purchase a copy at Mr Thornton’s and subscribe for the year.” 229 The 13 May 1869 issue of the Guelph Evening Mercury contains two sequential notices for Bow Bells , a magazine awaited with great anticipation each month, supplied to the paper by Day and by Thornton. Another issue of the Guelph Evening Mercury in a “New publications” column, announced receipt of Vanity Fair , The Dodge Club , and The Wedding Day in All Ages and Countries , from the publishers and for sale at Day’s; the Waverly novels, three volumes of Cassell’s Representative Biographies, Our Common Fruits , Fallen

local publications. The publishers often supplemented these advertisements with squibs and longer reviews. They sometimes put aside as many as two hundred copies of the first printing of a new book for reviewers, who might be supplied with promotional text to use in their notices.” See “Distribution and the Trade,” in The Industrial Book, 1840-1880 , Volume 3, A History of the Book in America , 117-130 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press and The American Antiquarian Society, 2007), 119.

226. Day had a shared imprint with Harper & Brothers and W. E. Tunis & Co. for Fishing in American Waters . Guelph Evening Mercury , April 12, 1869, [1].

227. Guelph Evening Mercury , March 22, 1869, [1]. Since Harper & Brothers rigorously controlled their copyright, I question whether the Guelph imprints were ever produced or if the promotional column in the newspaper functioned as a bait and switch tactic to bring people into the shop. Michael J. Everton, “A Canadian Devil, I Presume? Policing the North American Reprint Trade in the 1870s,” (paper, fifth annual conference of the Canadian Association for the Study of Book Culture, Vancouver, June 4, 2008).

228. Guelph Evening Mercury , April 12, 1869, [1]. The cheaper edition of Phineas Finn may have had a Guelph imprint but none of these double imprints has been found.

229. Guelph Evening Mercury , March 5, 1869, [1]. 58

Pride and Josh Billings’ “book of sayings” were available at Thornton’s. 230 Thornton’s competitors in business were T. J. Day, Robert Cuthbert, and W. Warner Clarke. 231 This competition forced each of the proprietors to carry similar items and to secure sole distribution rights for unique items such as pianos, vaultipedes, and baby carriages. 232 Cuthbert proposed a circulating library and an essay writing contest with a $50 prize to entice customers, although there are no accounts of Cuthbert’s success at either initiative. 233 A description of seasonal offerings at the three Guelph bookstores published in the Guelph Advertiser 23 December 1869 indicates that Thornton, Cuthbert, and Day carried a wide assortment of gift books to attract buyers. Day was also selling bound volumes of Leisure Hour , Sunday at Home , British Workman , Christmas Friend , and Infants Magazine .234 When Robert H. Collins and Nathaniel Stovel opened a new bookbindery styled “R. H. Collins & Co.” in March 1870, Thornton’s bookbinding services faced serious competition. Collins strategically positioned his business to manufacture blankbooks and to rule stationery for the wholesale trade; he was less interested in the book and periodical binding and repair work aspect of the trade. 235 According to newspaper announcements, Collins had been an apprentice with Shewan, was foreman for Thornton for “about eight years,” and had experience in the United States. 236 Collins’ partner, Nathaniel Stovel, is listed as a bookbinder in the Town of Guelph Assessment Roll for 1870, but not before or after that date. Their bindery had “the latest patented” ruling machine, manufactured in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, which was able to rule and

230. Guelph Evening Mercury, May 31, 1869, [1].

231. Cuthbert advertised as a watchmaker, jeweller, and bookseller. Guelph Evening Mercury , January 27, 1869, [2] and February 3, 1869, [2]. Clarke operated Clarke’s Music Store at Market Square selling school books, stationery, blankbooks, albums, writing desks, work boxes, and travelling bags. Guelph Evening Mercury , February 25, 1869, [2].

232. Cuthbert was an agent for Chickering, Steinway, and Dunham and Stoddart pianos. Thornton was the sole agent for the vaultipede, a “safe see-saw for children,” and Day sold baby carriages as did Mrs. Hunter at her Berlin Wool and Fancy Goods Store. Guelph Evening Mercury , June 3, 1869, [1].

233. Guelph Evening Mercury , January 27, 1869, [2] and February 3, 1869, [2].

234. Guelph Advertiser , December 23, 1869, [2].

235. Mount Forest Confederate , March 24, 1870 [3]. Collins’s bookbindery was over Clarke and Tuck’s Drug Store, in the third story of a Quebec Street building owned by Dr. Clarke. Town of Guelph Assessment Roll for 1870 and Guelph Advertiser , February 24, 1870, [3].

236. Guelph Advertiser , February 17, 1870, [2]. According to the Town of Guelph Assessment Roll for 1870, Collins was 25 years old. His claim that he had eight years experience as foreman for Thornton is questionable due to his age and the fact that Thornton came to Guelph in 1868. It is possible that Collins worked for Thornton before he came to Guelph. 59 dry a ream of paper in six minutes, with fancy ruling requiring 15 minutes. It also had a cutting machine, one that was manufactured and patented in New York, and “Parrish’s patent improved paging machine.” A newspaper listing of equipment in the shop also identifies presses, cutting shears, gilding rolls, burnishers, a ploughing bench, and sewing benches, all of the “most improved kind.” 237 The partnership was short-lived since Collins and Stovel had probably overextended their credit in setting up the new business. In June 1870 the Guelph Advertiser carried a notice that the partnership “has been dissolved, Mr. Collins retiring.” 238 A few weeks later, Thornton announced that he had completely renovated his bookbinding operation, added new equipment, and hired “experienced workmen from the United States and London, England.” 239 Thornton’s new foreman, John B. Payne, claimed twenty years experience as a finisher and foreman in large bookbinderies in the United States and Canada. 240 His other bookbinder was probably Charles Nicholson, enumerated in the 1871 census. 241 Thornton reiterated his intent to manufacture all kinds of blankbooks required for accounting, legal, corporate, and municipal records, employing skilled workers to guarantee “A1” products. 242 Thornton’s business was still very much a bookselling enterprise with the bookbinding activity carried out much as it had been during Shewan’s time, with separate employees and separate bookkeeping. Without the records of the bookstore, it is difficult to deduce which was the greater part of Thornton’s business: bookbinding or bookselling. Like Shewan, he advertised recently published books. In September 1870, for example, Thornton listed recent titles by Mark Twain, Louisa May Alcott, Charles Dickens, Rev. C. H. Spurgeon, and Edward P. Hingston for sale at his “Bookstore and Cheap Bookbindery” along with a promise to supply all new books as

237. Mount Forest Confederate , March 24, 1870, [1]. The cutting machine in Collins’s bindery may have been a machine with a large knife operated by a wheel or a lever. See Sterne, Catalogue , 41-142. The newspaper description boasted that Collins had the only cutting machine in Guelph, which is misleading. The bindery had a cutting machine before Collins acquired the American model. A workbench in Joan Rentoul’s bindery, purchased from Nunan’s Bindery, has a large paper cutting blade attached to one end which may have been in use since P. C. Allan’s time.

238. Guelph Advertiser , June 9, 1870, [2?].

239. Thornton probably took over the equipment from the dissolved partnership of Collins and Stovel. Collins is enumerated in the 1871 Canada census for the town of Guelph.

240. Payne was 35 years old. Town of Guelph Assessment Roll for 1871.

241. Nicholson, listed as 34 years old, was born in England. Canada, 1871 Census, District 33, Sub-District C, Town of Guelph, South Ward, Division 2, page 42, lines 13-17. Library and Archives Canada, microfilm C-9945.

242. Guelph Advertiser , June 23, 1870, [3]. 60

“soon as issued” indicating that he was not only selling old stock but was actively promoting new books in edition bindings. 243 As Guelph was rapidly shifting from a commercial town to an industrial centre, a variety of blankbooks were required to preserve the business records of new companies. Blankbook binding demanded skilled binders and was profitable because the large ledgers were charged at $15 to $20 per item, although once in use, it could be several years before a new ledger was required. Local municipal offices such as the Sheriff’s Office and Wellington County officials regularly ordered expensive blank books. 244 Thornton was successful in obtaining wholesale orders for blankbooks, including supplying Shewan’s Toronto shop with a large order for 415 daybooks, journals, and ledgers. 245 A job for Boedecker & Stuebing (Berlin), dated 17 February 1871, for broad folio account books provides an indication of the production schedule that was possible at that time, although there are a few discrepancies between the type and number of books ordered and the type and number of books delivered. The books for Boedecker & Stuebing were manufactured with half rough sheep bindings with raised bands on the spine and numbered pages. The cost of the order was $139.71 or about 88 cents per book, a wholesale price. Over a one-week period, Thornton delivered a total of 166 blankbooks of varying sizes and record keeping functions, with 34 blankbooks delivered 31 March and 132 blankbooks delivered one week later. 246 Although some of the books supplied to Boedecker & Stuebing could have been on hand, most of the order would have been made up during the seven weeks between 17 February and 6 April 1871 as Thornton could not afford to have a large inventory of unsold stock. Although account books were standardized to some extent as to appearance and function, sizes (number of pages), and ruling patterns varied. The Boedecker & Stuebing order suggests that over a seven- week period the bindery could manufacture more than 160 books. Using rough calculations (160 divided by 42 days) the output for such an order would be almost four books per day. This would require a tight production schedule and streamlined work processes to avoid idle time while text

243. Guelph Advertiser , September 29, 1870, [3].

244. BW, 1864-1871, 5 January and 27 January 1871.

245. BW, 1864-1871, [n.d.] April 1871.

246. There is a discrepancy between the total number of books ordered (163) and the total number of books delivered (166) as well as the number of pages and style of books ordered and delivered. For example, ten 400-page ledgers were ordered, 14 were delivered, fifteen 500-page ledgers were ordered, and 14 were delivered. As well, one ledger of 450 pages and two daybooks of 800 pages were delivered but had not been ordered and of fifteen 600-page ledgers that were ordered, only eight were delivered. 61 blocks were being sewn, and books were drying or in the press. If the standard of one day to produce a book from start to finish is applied, Thornton would have required three skilled bookbinders and probably three women to do the folding, gathering, and sewing. 247 Large ledgers could take a week to make up, so in order to produce the 49 ledgers at least seven would need to be completed each week. A production schedule of 160 blankbooks manufactured in seven weeks is indicative of an ambitious and a well-coordinated work routine but does not match the volume of production (2,000 blankbooks) noted for Thornton’s establishment in the 1871 census returns. 248 According to the census, Thornton’s bookbinding establishment had a fixed capital of $1,050, floating capital of $4,000, employed two males and three females over the age of sixteen and two females under the age of sixteen. Raw materials for the business were 300 reams of paper ($1,800), 450 leather skins ($720), and 220 yards of bookcloth ($36) to produce 2,000 blankbooks with an aggregate value of $4,558. Factoring in the aggregate value of the raw materials ($2,556) and the aggregate wages ($1,250), the average cost per book was $1.90. Based on a calculation of a six-day work week, the bindery was producing an average of six books per day. Thornton probably realized an annual profit of $752 for the bindery operation. Thornton’s total book production reported to the census enumerator must have included the whole number of volumes bound there in a year, books and periodicals as well as blankbooks. 249 Canada was rapidly industrializing and some small skilled trades such as tailoring and shoemaking were migrating to factory production methods. There were economic downturns in the 1870s due to a global financial crisis of 1871-72 with a subsequent shortage of investment capital. 250 Competition in a town of 6,800 was fierce with two and sometimes three merchants vying for the same customers. Thornton had the advantage of being able to customize blankbooks and to offer binding of periodicals and repairs to books and albums, but the other

247. The standard of production of one book a day comes from current book arts competitions where the participants have one day to produce a book. In a shop producing standard-sized blankbooks, some of the processes such as folding the sheets, cutting boards, and moulding of spring-back spines could be done in advance of making up the books.

248. Canada, 1871 Census, District 33, Sub-District C, Town of Guelph, North Ward, Schedule 6: Return of Industrial Establishments. Library and Archives Canada, microfilm C-9946.

249. There are 140 entries for blankbooks for the period 1 August 1870 to 29 August 1871. Some are for multiple volumes. Some jobs are listed in reams, such as 50 reams made up into 163 blankbooks for Boedecker & Stuebing.

250. Donald G. Patterson, “Business Cycles,” and Ian M. Drummond, “Economic History,” The Canadian Encyclopedia: Year 2000 Edition (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 2000), 333, 714. 62 booksellers were also selling blankbooks bought from wholesale stationers. Any profits realized from the bindery part of Thornton’s business may have been tied up in unsold books. Although there was an established relationship since Shewan’s time among the Guelph print trades with the bindery doing much of the finishing of pamphlets for the printers and customizing blankbooks for the booksellers, it was not enough to keep Thornton in business. In 1872, after declaring bankruptcy Thornton left Guelph and worked as a travelling agent for wholesale bookseller and stationers Jansen, McClurg & Co., of Chicago. 251 A review of consecutive Bindery Workbook records for 1 August to 12 August, 1870 provides a snapshot of the business for the succeeding year. In the two week period, 17 jobs were recorded, of which 12 are for stationery binding, half of those being the manufacture of a register, of chequebooks, and other blankbooks, five jobs for ruling and cutting, and the repair of an album for the shop and a bible for Mr. Watson. Five of the 17 jobs are for letterpress binding. Two customers had their volumes of Bow Bells and Family Herald bound in half roan and marbled paper bindings. Six individuals, the Guelph newspaper offices, Wellington County, the shop, and one business are listed as customers. Of those individual customers, John Smith, of Elora, sent 200 pamphlets to Guelph for cutting and Solomon Myers, cigar maker, had paper cut at the bindery for lining cigar boxes. Analysis of Bindery Workbook entries for 1870-71 (1 August 1870-29 August 1871) shows a 15 per cent increase in stationery binding jobs accounting for 52 per cent of all jobs compared to 37 per cent for 1864-65 during the time Thornton was operating the bindery. 252 Of 623 recorded jobs in 1870-71, 140 are for the manufacture of blankbooks, some in multiple numbers, 181 represent stationery binding jobs, and 219 entries (35 per cent) are for letterpress binding of which 23 represent local imprints. More than half of the local imprints sent for binding were pamphlets of bylaws, prize lists, and reports. Bespoke binding jobs, such as binding a bible in full calf for $5 and binding a volume of Dickens in half roan and marbled paper for 75 cents, invite comparisons between Thornton’s shop and the A. J. Cox and Company of Chicago,

251. An announcement to creditors of James B. Thornton by John Kerr, Official Assignee, Toronto, appeared in the Guelph Weekly Mercury , February 29, 1872, [2]. Guelph Weekly Mercury , September 19, 1872, 2.

252. Of the 83 remaining jobs, 47 were for repair, or rebinding, 25 jobs include manufacture such as making a “transparency for a gate,” and making a “mold for leg” and other odd jobs such as “mounting wringer on cloth and frame.” Eleven jobs were for lettering of books and two jobs were for “gilding measure scale” for tailors Shaw & Murton. Some of the entries in the Bindery Workbook provide very little detail about binding material. An explanation for this could be that the bindery was selling bound printed and blankbooks as well as binding them, or they were bound at the bindery and only entered into the Workbook when they were picked up, as in the case of many entries with limited details, the date of the job and the date delivered are identical. 63 but are spurious without exact details of formats and currency valuations and exchange rates. 253 Six per cent of jobs (about 8.5 per cent of total revenue) were generated from the store confirming that Thornton was operating the two businesses as separate entities. The bindery was making up blankbooks, envelopes, ruled paper, and ladies’ scrip holders, and lettering and paging blankbooks for sale in the store. 254 Orders also came to the bindery from the store. Some customers, such as Mr. Vale and Rev. W. S. Ball, ordered ruled paper at the “shop” which was then ordered from the bindery. 255 A concertina was sent from the shop for repair and the bindery also constructed a strawboard and paper case for it. 256 From 1 August 1870 to 29 August 1871 the stationery binding jobs recorded in the Bindery Workbook vary from printing and binding a book of “Notes” for 25 cents to a full bound “Receiving Book” with bands using 12 ½ quires of Royal paper made up for Wellington County at a cost of $35. 257 Thornton’s accounts receivable for 1 August 1870 to 31 July 1871 amount to $1,985.16, double the amount charged by Shewan in 1864-65. The customer list for 1870-71 includes many professional men, clergymen, and businesses operating in Guelph. The professional men and merchants continued to order paper and blankbooks, and custom bindings for their books, journals, periodicals, and music. Matrons and young women of wealthier Guelph families visited the bindery to have music, school books, and magazines bound, and to order stationery. For bespoke binding, ordered individually by customers, the most common choice was half roan with marbled paper boards.

P. C. Allan returns In April 1872, P.C. Allan returned to Guelph after selling his Brantford business and began selling off Thornton’s stock which he had just purchased, announcing extraordinary bargains in books, stationery, wallpaper, fancy goods, and novelties. 258 The bindery, perhaps conducted by

253. BW, 1864-1871, 1 October 1870 and 27 July 1871. The cheapest binding for a folio bible at Cox’s bindery was $10 for a roan and marbled paper binding with stamped sides and red edges. A duodecimo volume of Dickens’ work could be ordered in plain half sheep with cloth or paper sides for 85 cents. See Cox, The Making of a Book , 20, 37.

254. Scrips were a form of coupon supplied by merchants. Scrip holders were probably similar to a small portfolio, like a modern day coupon holder, or cheque book cover. BW, 1864-1871, entry for 125 scrip holders for the “shop,” 21 May 1870.

255. BW, 1864-1871, 1 December 1869 and 6 February 1870.

256. BW, 1864-1871, 6 June 1869.

257. BW, 1864-1871, 1 April and 24 July 1871.

258. Guelph Weekly Mercury , April 11, 1872, [2, 3]. 64

John Payne, continued to make up a variety of blankbooks which Allan advertised for sale at half price in June. 259 Over the summer months, Allan continued to sell off the bankrupt stock of books and stationery of Thornton’s business at the bargain price of five books for $1 and four quires “Fools cap Paper” for 25 cents. 260 In November Allan acquired the bankrupt stock of Mitchell & McIlroy (stationery and fancy goods) which he sold in their former premises (Wyndham Street, part 114) and also in J. B. Thornton’s “old stand” (Wyndham Street, part 53). 261 Allan continued to liquidate the remaining stock of the two businesses for the next two months culminating in an auction sale to dispose of the goods. He left Guelph shortly after, moving on to establish the City News Depot in Toronto in 1874. 262

The Guelph Bookbindery after 1872

Robert Easton In November 1872, Robert Easton took over the bindery above Hugh Walker’s Wyndham Street grocery store employing a manager, Mr. Walters, described as “a first-class workman” although he is not listed as a bookbinder in any sources. 263 Walters had at least one young man, Francis Nunan, working with him, probably as an informal apprentice. 264 Easton concentrated on blankbook manufacture, bookbinding, and paper ruling; he also

259. Guelph Weekly Mercury , June 13, 1872, [3].

260. Guelph Weekly Mercury , August 1, 1872, [3] and August 8, 1872, [3].

261. Guelph Daily Herald , November 23, 1872, [2] and Guelph Weekly Mercury , November 21, 1872, [3]. The stock included wallpapers, window blinds, writing papers, envelopes, ledgers, daybooks, journals, wrapping papers, fancy goods, cigars, and pipes.

262. Guelph Evening Mercury , January 3, 1873, [4] and January 4, 1873 [1]. Hulse, Dictionary , 3.

263. Guelph Weekly Mercury , November 14, 1872, [1]. Thornton’s binders, Payne and Nicholson, cannot be traced after 1872. Easton is recorded as a bookbinder in the Town of Guelph Assessment Roll for 1873, which may reflect the business he conducted rather than his occupation.

264. Nunan [spelled Noonan], listed in Hacking’s Directory of the Town of Guelph, 1873 (Guelph, ON: J. H. Hacking, 1873), was born in 1857. It is possible he was working as an errand boy for Thornton. A job recorded for “Rev’d [blank] per Nunan” for the binding of five volumes of Metropolitan suggests that Nunan brought the periodical on behalf of the clergyman. BW, 1864-1871, 14 November 1868. Frank Nunan would have been eleven years old at that time. The reference could also have been to Frank Nunan’s father or Dr. Dennis Nunan. No formal apprenticeship documents have come to light and throughout this period he continued to live with his parents and not his employer. Although there were skilled bookbinders at the Guelph bookbindery at different times, the lack of training in the craft due to the absence of a formal apprenticeship in a large bindery was a deficiency experienced by Harry Nunan. Michael George Nunan, in discussion with the author, November 4, 2008, Guelph, ON. 65 manufactured paper boxes and hoop skirts. 265 A gathering of blue sheets forming a “Daybook,” dated 10 December 1872 to 24 December 1873, [hereafter referred to as Bindery Daybook] provides a glimpse into the activities of the bindery during the transition of ownership to Robert Easton, marking the shift to a bookbindery independent of a bookselling and stationery business. 266 The Daybook entries are similar to the records in the Bindery Workbooks and several charges for P. C. Allan confirm that Allan was conducting business but he may have already sold the bookbinding operation to Easton before December 1872. 267 Transactions recorded in the Bindery Daybook with book agents, subscription book publisher J. W. Lyon, the three newspaper offices, booksellers Anderson and Day, the Town of Guelph, and individuals who brought periodicals such as Argosy , Blackwood’s , Coach Makers’ Journal , The Hub , Scientific American , and Sunday Magazine for binding indicate that Easton was carrying on the binding business as Shewan and Thornton had previously. For example, Edward Osler of Fergus brought seven volumes of Blackwood’s , two volumes of Harper’s , and a novel for binding. The bindery supplied two numbers of one of the periodicals indicating that it still had periodical stock, or was able to obtain it readily. 268 Some manufacturers were ordering boxes and the bindery was selling waste paper shavings to James Massie, of Massie & Paterson Co., a wholesale grocer. There are several entries for lettering printed books such as bibles, blankbooks, writing desks, and Masonic apron cases.269 Certain jobs for lettering bibles reflect the activity of subscription book publisher, J. W. Lyon, and his agents (discussed in Chapter 6). The Rev. Mr. Harper’s job for binding two volumes of Foreign Protestant Pulpit in half calf, lettered, and with nonpareil (marbled) edges, charged at $2, was a little more extravagant than the usual half roan with marbled paper bindings. 270 A substantial job for the Mechanics’ Institute recorded in the Bindery Daybook lists 27 books “½ b[oun]d roan” at 50 cents each for a total

265. Guelph Evening Mercury , April 25, 1873 [1]. There are no records in the Bindery Daybook of Easton supplying hoop skirts to any customers.

266. The Bindery Daybook [hereafter BD] is one gathering that may have originally been part of a larger Daybook. The Daybook may have been salvaged from a fire as the edges of the sheets are charred. The Daybook is ephemeral material with BW, 1864-1871.

267. BD, [n.d.], 13, 16 December 1872 and [4] January 1873.

268. BD, 17 February 1873.

269. BD, 11 and 13 December 1873, 21 March 1873.

270. BD, 6 March 1873.

66 cost of $13.50. 271 An entry to the credit of P. C. Allan for binder’s hemp string and six quires of coloured demy paper “price to be agreed upon” indicates that Easton bought out some of Allan’s (formerly Thornton’s) supply. 272 Easton served customers from Guelph, St. Mary’s, Fergus, Elora, Garafraxa Township, and Guelph Township. By spring 1873, Easton had relocated to the ground floor of the corner building at St. George’s Square, a desirable central location near the Montreal Bank and the Old English Church and near the new printing office of Joseph Hacking. 273 He advertised very little, perhaps reflecting the change from an active selling enterprise to a service business manufacturing account books and providing a link in the local production of printed items and business stationery. Easton stayed in Guelph less than three years, leaving about 1875. 274

F. T. Chapman Bookbinder Frederick Trollope Chapman, who came to Guelph before May of 1875 from the London (Ontario) bookbindery operated by Charles Chapman, established his shop at Easton’s St. George’s Square location. 275 Promoting himself as a “Practical Bookbinder,” he carried on the business performing the same variety of jobs that Easton had done: binding books and periodicals, finishing pamphlets and catalogues, manufacturing blankbooks, ruling business forms, cutting sample cards, perforating and binding chequebooks, and stamping books and other items with names or titles. 276

271. BD, 30 April 1873.

272. BD, 17 January 1873. It is the last entry for P. C. Allan.

273. Guelph Evening Mercury , April 25, 1873, [1]. Date in the advertisement, Jan. 8, 1873. Sharing the same address was hairdresser, John Edmunds. Town of Guelph Assessment Roll for 1873, West Ward, page 137, entries 1 and 2.

274. Easton relocated to Lindsay, ON where he is listed as a merchant under the surname “Easten” in the 1881 Canada census. The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, “Family Search: Census Records,” http://www.familysearch.org/eng/default.asp.

275. F. T. Chapman is listed in the Town of Guelph Assessment Roll for 1875, with its assessment date of 30 April 1875. The relationship between Charles and Frederick is unclear. He may have been a younger brother or a nephew of Charles Chapman. Charles was born in 1829; Frederick was born in 1843 and immigrated to Canada in 1861. In 1871, Fred D. Chapman, aged 27 is listed in Charles Chapman’s household as well as a 4 year old child, Mary, one male Joseph Choquette, aged 14, and one female E. Pathneade, aged 17. The bookbindery employed 3 males and 2 females over 16 years of age, and 1 boy and 1 girl. Charles Chapman’s bindery was similar to Thornton’s establishment in number of employees, capital invested, and production. Canada, Census of 1871, Province of Ontario, District: 10 (London), Sub-District: A Ward, Schedule 1 “Nominal Return of the Living,” page 16 line 13, and “Schedule 6. Return of Industrial Establishments,” page 3. Library and Archives Canada, C-9906.

276. Guelph Herald , July 16, 1875, [2]. In a preliminary study of the bindery workbooks in 2004, I analyzed 1,444 consecutive entries from 25 September 1876 to 18 November 1878, a period when Chapman was the 67

Stationery and blankbooks manufactured at the bindery continued to supply local businesses with ruled invoices, billheads, and chequebooks; local towns and townships with municipal registers; and business and professional men with hotel registers, order books, memorandum books, and dockets. The local newspaper printing offices and independent printing shops were integral in this cycle of print production (discussed in Chapter 6). The choice of binding for business stationery, such as chequebooks which were printed locally, was most often quarter-bound cut flush. 277 A new job for Chapman was that of mounting maps using several different techniques for Guelph businessmen who were promoting real estate in Manitoba. 278 The nature of the relationship between Chapman and Guelph booksellers had changed since the time of Shewan and Thornton, as Chapman, like Easton, concentrated on bookbinding and blankbook manufacturing. Like Easton, Chapman was able to supply numbers of missing periodicals to make up complete volumes. For bibles and encyclopaedias issued in parts, Chapman may have had old stock from Thornton’s inventory that could be mined for missing issues. 279 Bookseller T. J. Day sent generic blankbooks from his shop to be transformed into record books for a specific purpose by lettering “Cash Book” or “Invoice Book” onto the binding, or by adding an index to ledgers and minute books by cutting and lettering tabs into the right-hand page margins of blankbooks manufactured elsewhere. Bookseller John Anderson’s transactions with Chapman were similar, but he also ordered bound books and blankbooks on behalf of his customers. Anderson also ordered six pamphlet cases made of strawboard with leather spines and labelled “Pamphlets” perhaps for use in his bookstore. 280 Chapman’s bindery was also kept busy due to the exponential success of subscription book publisher, J. W. Lyon (discussed in Chapter 6). Bibles and other books sold by Lyon’s agents came through the bindery in a steady progression of 15-cent jobs to have purchasers’

owner. “Intersections in the Business of Print: The Frank Nunan Bindery Workbook, 1876-1881,” BKS 2001H, Faculty of Information Studies, University of Toronto, 2005.

277. Roberts and Etherington describe quarter-bound flush bindings as wire stabbed with cloth-jointed endpapers. The boards are glued to the endpapers which are covered by cloth and then trimmed. It was a common binding for Order Books. Bookbinding , 210. The Guelph Bookbindery did not use wire-stitched (stapled) bindings until the 1890s, but the quarter-bound flush covering could also be applied to books sewn in the traditional manner.

278. BW, 1876-1881, 10 March 1877 and 30 March 1878. Chapman mounted a large map, cut 25 squares [to facilitate folding] and mounted into a cloth case for H. W. Peterson and mounted and “bound round with silk” two maps of Manitoba for J. C. McLagan.

279. BW, 1876-1881, 26 and 27 March 1878, customers James Speirs and Dr. Keating.

280. BW, 1876-1881, 12 March 1878. 68 names stamped on the bindings. Sites of community reading such as the Mechanics’ Institute and several Sunday school libraries regularly produced printed catalogues in editions of 100 to 500, which were folded, stitched, covered, and trimmed at the bindery before distribution and sale. These libraries provided repair work for Chapman, along with the usual worn bibles and hymn books brought by individual customers. The choice of material for new bindings ordered for books and periodicals was most often half leather with cloth or marbled paper boards. Chapman continued to bind popular American and British magazines such as Harper’s , Scribner’s , St. Nicholas , Bow Bells , and Family Herald for his customers, although legal periodicals comprised a large proportion of his periodical binding. Sheet music collections and manuscript music books were also regularly bound up at the shop. Locally printed Catholic hymn books, in a print run of 1,000, were folded and finished with stiffened paper covers at Chapman’s bindery. 281 Chapman and his employees had the skills and equipment to do bespoke and small scale edition binding as well. A notation written on the endpapers of Bindery Workbook, 1876-1881, indicates that 3 employees had produced 100 cloth cases in 1½ [illegible] but there is no indication what the cases were intended to bind. 282 In October 1878, the bindery employees had the opportunity to complete a small-scale edition binding job when Miss Mary Leslie, a local author, ordered a full cloth, embossed and lettered binding for 80 copies of her novel, The Cromaboo Mail Carrier . Nineteen copies of the work were ordered with half calf and plain edges. One copy bound as a presentation copy for Leslie’s sister is a fine example of Chapman’s work (Leslie as customer is discussed in Chapter 6, binding details of the novel in Chapter 5). 283 Customers of the bindery during the mid-1870s are consistent with the demographic characteristics of the customers a decade earlier. Guelph citizens involved in professions such as medicine and law, clergymen, teachers, merchants, factory owners, insurance agents, bankers, and local bureaucrats brought books and periodicals for binding or ordered custom-made blankbooks, sample cards, bill cases, and repairs to albums. Several women, whose names

281. BW, 1876-1881, 26 November 1878. The hymn book probably did not have musical notation. An extant copy has not been located.

282. Date of notation, May? 11/ [18]78. The tenor of the note suggests a measure of pride, that three employees could produce 100 cloth cases in record time. The cases may not have been intended to bind books, but may have been sample cases or slip cases intended to hold pamphlets, prospectuses, sample cards, etc.

283. BW, 1876-1881, 3 and 10? October 1878. The cloth bound edition was charged at 25 cents each, the half bound edition was charged at 60 cents each, and the presentation copy was $2. 69 appear in the bindery records, can be linked to the wealthier families in town. Business between Chapman and his customers outside of Guelph and beyond Wellington County was facilitated by mail; several finished items were sent by express when distance or expediency warranted the expense. Since there was always the possibility that a customer would not return for the goods and not settle the account for work that had used up stock and time, Chapman kept a tally at the bottom of each workbook page of the accounts receivable. At the end of the month, the total revenue is noted in pencil, suggesting that he monitored the financial condition of the business on a monthly basis and sent invoices to those customers with unpaid accounts. Payment for completed jobs varied as some customers carried accounts over an 18 month period before an account was settled while others paid cash at the time of delivery. Some jobs were in the shop for over a year, with no explanation regarding the cause of the delay. 284 Annual revenue generated by the bindery in 1877 was $1,409.59 and in 1878 it was slightly more at $1,423.71. The average monthly amount realized by the bindery was $118.05 over the two-year period, less than Thornton’s average monthly revenue of $159.61 but almost double Shewan’s revenue realized in 1864-65. This is not indicative of the profit realized for Chapman, but it seems comparable to other skilled trades at the time. 285 In May 1880 Chapman sold out to Francis Nunan, who had been employed at the bindery since 1873 and possibly earlier. The transition of ownership, however, seems to have occurred over a period of time. Chapman remained in Guelph until the end of the year. After he left Guelph, Chapman operated bookbinding businesses in Chatham for a few years, and from about 1883 he settled in St. Thomas where he continued his trade into the 1900s. 286

284. BW, 1876-1881, 16 May 1878.

285. According to a study of Guelph workers, the average annual wage of a machinist in 1887 was $454.36, and of a moulder, $518. Blacksmiths, painters, and carpenters earned between $10 and $11 a week and girls earned $15 dollars a month. B. M. Durtnall, “Working It Out: Unions, Associations and the Guelph Working Class, 1850-1900,” Historic Guelph: The Royal City 36 (1997), 11.

286. The 1881 Canada census lists a T. T. Chapman, bookbinder, in Chatham. It is probably the same person. Chapman is listed as a bookbinder on Talbot [Street] in several 1880s St. Thomas directories. See The Union Publishing Co.’s Farmers’ and Classified Business Directory for the Counties of Elgin, Middlesex & Oxford, 1883- 4, (Ingersoll, ON: Union Publishing Company, 1883), 95 and The Union Publishing Co,’s Farmers’ and Business Directory for the Counties of Elgin, Essex, Kent, & Lambton, 1886 , (Ingersoll, ON: Union Publishing Company, 1886), A151 and A132. The St. Thomas Business Directory and Holiday Budget, (St. Thomas, ON: The Courier Printing Co., Publishers, 1887), 19, contains an advertisement for Chapman as a “Practical Bookbinder and Account Book Manufacturer” and locates his business over McLachlin’s Book Store. According to 1911 Canada census records, Chapman (listed as Frank T. Chapman, but indexed as Frank L.) was still active in St. Thomas. Ancestry.com, 1911 Census of Canada , (Provo, UT: Ancestry.com Operations, 2006), http://search.ancestry.ca/. 70

Frank Nunan The final chapter in the history of the bookbindery belongs to the Nunan family who operated the bindery for 98 years. The Nunan (also spelled Noonan) family came to Guelph from Hamilton about 1860. Francis Nunan Senior was employed as a hod carrier during the construction of the Church of Our Lady Immaculate. 287 As noted earlier, young Francis (Frank) Noonan, at sixteen years of age, is listed as a bookbinder in the Directory of the Town of Guelph, 1873 and he may have been working at the bindery as an errand boy before that time. 288 He probably began his bookbinding apprenticeship with Robert Easton although no apprenticeship documents have been located. Nunan may have arranged to purchase the business over a one year period when he assumed ownership of the bindery in June 1880. 289 An inventory of Chapman’s stock (dated 31 May 1880) when the transfer of ownership occurred lists paper, boards, leather, cloth, cotton and silk headbands, gold leaf, and inks with a valuation of $97.14. 290 A year later, Nunan also prepared a similar inventory, with a valuation of $112.10 (See Appendix F). The two inventories may have been required as part of their extended sale agreement. It is evident that Chapman and Nunan both had a stock of ink for printing and ruling, paper for blankbook production, pink foolscap wrappers for pamphlet binding, green and chocolate brown surface paper for endpapers, headbands (endbands), marbled paper in three patterns, cloth, leather, millboard, and strawboard to construct and bind ledgers and account books, and gold leaf and varnish for tooling and finishing custom bindings of books and periodicals. Chapman and Nunan carried the same types and amounts of bookbinding leathers, worth about 20 per cent of their inventories at $19.50 and $24.50 respectively. Chapman’s largest single inventory item was 170 pounds of millboard at a cost of $4.12 per hundredweight, or $7. During the year between inventories, the valuation of millboard increased slightly to $4.98 per hundredweight; Nunan had 182 pounds of millboard in stock as it was a basic supply required for his trade. His most expensive inventory item was one ream of medium register paper, a 34 lb. paper that was valued at $9.50. Nunan’s newspaper advertisements, letterhead, and invoices confirm the major

287. Michael Nunan, discussion. A hod carrier assisted bricklayers on a construction site by carrying mortar and bricks to the skilled labourers.

288. See footnote 264.

289. A note in the endpapers at the back of BW, 1876-1881, suggests this: “March 17 [18]81 Paid F. T. Chapman $9.70 balance of Account.” Since Chapman remained in Guelph until January 1881, perhaps Chapman worked for Nunan for the period from June to December 1880.

290. Both inventories are found with other ephemera in BW, 1864-1871. 71 components of his business: manufacture of account books, binding of periodicals, and paper ruling. 291 A lithographed circular announcing “F. NUNAN | BOOKBINDER | GUELPH, ONT.” printed by the Guelph Herald advertised his business of binding periodicals, “standard works,” repair or rebinding of old books especially “Bibles, Music, or Illustrated Works, such as Picturesque Europe or America, Art Journal, Aldine, Canadian Scenery, [and] Virtue’s Folio Shakespeare,” at the Guelph Bookbindery as well as the production of custom-made blankbooks, scrapbooks, and printed and ruled business stationery. 292 A survey of bindery records for the calendar year 1881 reveals that 51 per cent of jobs coming into the bindery were stationery binding jobs, about half for the production of blankbooks. The stationery binding jobs ranged from a 5 cent job for stitching two chequebooks for job printer J. J. Kelso, to an order for 24 foolscap Order Books for the Guelph Carriage Goods Co. printed, perforated, and quarter-bound flush charged at $24. 293 Letterpress binding accounted for 39 per cent of jobs. Forty per cent of the books and periodicals passing through the bindery were bibles, hymn books, sermons, and religious periodicals. Local imprints requiring pamphlet binding generated 7 per cent of binding jobs, a modest increase since Shewan’s and Thornton’s time, however the volume of pamphlets had increased substantially with 13 jobs indicating print runs of 1,000 copies or more. Half of the local imprints were reports, minutes, voter’s lists, and prize lists. Just less than 40 per cent of local imprints were catalogues for a seed company, a foundry, and an agricultural implement manufacturer, instructions for sewing machines manufactured by two companies, and pamphlets of cattle pedigrees. Repair of bindings, stamping bindings with names or titles, and manufacturing miscellaneous items such as letter cases, wallets, and a tailor’s measure account for 14 per cent of jobs. Orders for blankbooks for municipal record-keeping and stationery binding jobs from the three print shops were Nunan’s greatest source of revenue. During 1881 the manufacture of large record books for the County of Dufferin, County of Wellington, and the Guelph Registry Office accounted for about 22 per cent of his accounts receivable ($417.25). The combined transactions

291. In 1881, Nunan placed a “card” in the daily and weekly Guelph Herald for one year for $10 and in the daily and weekly Guelph Mercury for one dollar per month. BW, 1876-1881, note 20 January 1881, back endpapers.

292. The circular probably dates from 1880 when Nunan took over the business. Industry and Trade Reference File—Nunan Bookbinders, 1989.21.4, Guelph Civic Museum.

293. BW, 1876-1881, 5 July and 22 August 1881. John James Kelso, Guelph job printer, is discussed in Chapter 6. 72 of the three print shops in Guelph accounted for $385.01 in revenue. 294 Total revenue generated from the bindery in 1881 was $1,908.32, a modest increase ($485) over Chapman’s revenue in 1878. It is possible to understand Nunan’s bidding process for binding jobs from ephemeral material and notes recorded by him in the back endpapers and pastedowns of the Bindery Workbooks. His written estimates demonstrate that he offered volume discounts and proposed a variety of binding options to match his customers’ budgets and aesthetic preferences. For example, Nunan’s estimate to bind “Dickens & Scotts Works” is recorded on the front pastedown as follows: ½ Leather 50 ¢ in 5 vol[ume]s. Dickens ½ Leather 70 ¢ in 7 vols. 50 ¢ in 12 vols. 80 ¢ in 6 vols.

The volumes could be bound separately, with five volumes of Dickens’ and seven volumes of Scott’s novels in half leather bindings for a total of $7.40, or all 12 volumes in a cheaper binding, perhaps full cloth or cloth and paper, for $6, or the cheapest option, combining the twelve volumes into six, resulting in one volume pairing a Dickens and a Scott novel, for $4.80. 295 Another tender prepared by Nunan clearly demonstrates that he could calculate the costs of each of the processes required for an edition binding. Nunan’s “Estimate for 300 Menn[onite] Hymn Books” for a 38-signature hymn book for The Hett & Eby Co. Ltd. (Berlin) breaks down the quote into 11 bookbinding processes and three material items required for the job. 296 He then calculated the cost for 100 hymn books bound in cloth at 15 cents each and 200 hymn books in leather at 23 cents each for a total of $46.00. The quote does not include the cost of bookcloth for the cloth bound volumes, but does itemize the cost of leather at 8 cents per book. Based on this quote, Nunan’s highest costs in edition binding jobs were for folding the sheets ($3.60) and sewing the gatherings ($4). Unfortunately, no bibliographic record for a Mennonite hymn book printed by Hett & Eby in 1892 has been located so it may not have been printed. Like the previous owners of the bindery, Nunan had a system of long credit with some of his customers and suppliers and he maintained contra accounts with steady customers such as the newspaper offices. An improvised “Account Book” indicates that Nunan settled local accounts

294. Revenue from the Herald Office, $187.47 (74 jobs), the Mercury Office $113.12 (56 jobs), and Kelso $84.42 (62 jobs).

295. BW, 1887-1895, estimate for customer “Basconi Galt” [Basconi, Galt, ON?]. I did not find a record in the Bindery Workbook indicating that Nunan had done the work.

296. BW, 1887-1895, ephemera. 73 by contra and by cash. 297 His pricing for binding jobs, however, was not consistent. This can be partially explained by differences in binding materials and decoration and the delivery of finished items by mail or express. Since Nunan was sole proprietor, and jobs were priced on an individual basis, the need for strict pricing was not crucial. Comparing bindings and prices of a single title reveals irregularities in Nunan’s pricing for an identical job. Binding jobs for the periodical Boys’ Own Paper indicate a 15 cent price differential between volumes half bound with marbled paper and those done up with half roan and cloth bindings. Two jobs for the periodical bound in half roan and cloth show a 10 cent price differential with two jobs charged at 90 cents and one job charged at $1 with no explanation in the “Remarks” column. 298 Several entries for binding Harper’s Magazine indicate that the most expensive binding was half morocco and cloth at 90 cents per volume; a less expensive option was a half roan and marbled paper binding at 75 cents; customer W. H. Mills had the latter binding applied to nine volumes of Harper’s charged at 60 cents per volume. 299 Nunan’s price variations reflecting different binding materials and decoration are evident in two binding jobs for “Canada Since 1841,” the spine title on the two-volume work published by George Virtue of Toronto in 1881. The book was issued by Virtue in parts, stab-stitched, with a light blue illustrated paper wrapper pasted on. 300 Nunan bound the two volumes into three, perhaps at the request of the customers, although it was not the most economical option. For binding the work in three volumes in half morocco and cloth with gilt edges and David N. Hogg’s name stamped on the “side,” Nunan charged $7.50 and was paid by contra. 301 For

297. BW, 1881-1887. A separate gathering of light blue sheets was used by Nunan to record accounts.

298. BW, 1876-1881, 8 August, 16 and 19 November 1881.

299. BW, 1887-1895, 14 January, 16 February, 26 and 31 March, and 11 August 1891. In the “Paid” column beside the order for Mills, is the notation “N. G.” [N. C? no charge?]. Mills is listed as a gentleman in Guelph City Directory, for 1891 , 64. The volumes are marked “del. to library” which may explain the discount. Mills may have had the binding job done for a local library.

300. Examination of surviving unbound and bound volumes shows variation in binding styles. One anonymous binder inserted all the illustrations at the front of the two volumes, rather than interspersed throughout. Toronto Public Library, North York Central Library, Canadiana collection, 971.04 D v. 1 and 2.

301. David N. Hogg was a proprietor of John Hogg & Son, a men’s dry goods store “The Wonderful Man,” at 93 Upper Wyndham Street. William W. Evans, Wellington County Gazetteer and Directory for 1883-84 (Guelph, ON: W. W. Evans, 1883), 93. Hogg must have been a satisfied customer as he had previously ordered two volumes of “Virtue’s Shakespeare” in half morocco bindings with gilt edges for $6 each, also paid by contra account. BW, 1881-1887, 23 December 1881, job delivered 25 March [1882]. 74 binding three volumes in half morocco and cloth for Mr. Shaw, Nunan charged $4.50. 302 The gilt edges and lettering for Hogg’s volumes substantially increased the cost of the job. Nunan conducted his business at the St. George’s Square location until late 1887, when he relocated the bindery to space vacated by the Guelph Free Library over George Williams’ bakery and grocery store on Upper Wyndham Street. 303 While this did not have the street level appeal of the earlier location, the new address was still in the central business district of Guelph and above a well-known shop, although not as convenient for delivering large printed sheets for binding. 304 During the 1890s the “Sign of the Big Book,” painted as a ledger with Russia bands, marked Nunan’s shop at 81 Upper Wyndham Street. Another sign, inside the street-level doorway, directed patrons to the bindery upstairs. 305 In a survey of 1891 Bindery Workbook records, 718 binding jobs can be broadly categorized as follows: 326 blankbook manufacture and stationery binding, 107 pamphlet binding, 169 book and periodical binding, 60 repair or rebinding jobs, 19 jobs for the manufacture of miscellaneous items, 25 jobs for lettering items, and 8 entries recording the sale of paper cuttings, paper, and millboards. Forty-five per cent of the jobs coming to the bindery were for blankbook manufacture and stationery binding. Letterpress binding made up 38 per cent of the jobs with pamphlet binding jobs representing 15 per cent of the total jobs for that year, reflecting a doubling of pamphlet binding work over the decade. 306 The increase in pamphlet binding jobs offset the fewer jobs for binding books and periodicals, which had decreased substantially since Shewan’s time when book and periodical binding accounted for just over half

302. BW, 1881-1887, 26 October 1883. David N. Hogg’s order was delivered 20 December. Perhaps the price was slightly inflated to settle the contra account sooner. Job entered 22 April 1884, for Mr. Shaw, was delivered 2 October [1884] and paid 10 February [1885].

303. Guelph Weekly Herald , October 6, 1887, [2]. Guelph Daily Herald , October 3, 1887, [2]. During the 1970s the rent for the large space was $25 per month. Joan Rentoul, in discussion with the author, August 18, 2008, Guelph, ON. Michael Nunan, discussion.

304. According to Michael Nunan, the address of the St. George’s Square location was also 82 Wyndham Street, located on the southwest corner of the square, occupied today by a Royal Bank building with a café on the ground floor.

305. Guelph Weekly Herald , July 23, 1891, [3]. The “Big Book” sign is displayed at the Guelph Civic Museum. The sign continued to mark the store location until at least 1901 as an advertisement on page 7 in the Guelph Daily Mercury and Advertiser dated January 12, 1901 refers to it. I thank Kathleen Wall for this reference. The indoor sign is in the possession of Michael Nunan. An 1891 invoice with a printed letterhead lists the address of the bindery as 81 Upper Wyndham Street. BW, 1881-1884, ephemera. The address, 105 Wyndham Street, may have been due to a municipal re-numbering. According to Michael Nunan, the bindery moved from St. George’s Square (82 Wyndham Street) to the third floor location at 105 Wyndham Street. Guelph Daily Mercury and Advertiser , evening edition, July 7, 1897, [3].

306. BW, 1887-1895, 2 January to 31 December 1891. 75 of the business. In 1891 book and periodical amounted to about 24 per cent of bindery jobs. About 8 per cent of the work was the repair of bindings. Lettering of books and the manufacture of miscellaneous items such as boxes and blotter covers account for 6 per cent. The volume of local print that passed through the bindery had almost doubled in 1891 from three decades earlier. This is in large part due to the publication of parochial magazines by St. George’s Church and St. James’ Church and the monthly binding of Canadian Forester , a periodical printed by the Herald Office for the Canadian Order of Foresters. As in earlier decades, 30 per cent of jobs came to the bindery from the newspaper offices and the print shop of J. J. Kelso, but in 1891 the number of jobs sent by the Herald Office was almost twice the number of jobs from the Mercury Office. 307 Business clients engaged in multiple transactions with the bindery during 1891 include the Guelph Business College, hardware merchant J. M. Bond & Co., the Bell Organ & Piano Co. Ltd., and the Guelph Carriage Top Co., all of whom ordered business stationery and blankbooks from Nunan. Individual customers continued to be professional men, merchants, and factory owners, and there is evidence that tradesmen and their families were also visiting the bindery. Wives of tradesmen and women employed as factory workers and clerks conducted business at the bindery in the 1890s, whereas three decades earlier, it had been women and daughters of Guelph’s wealthier families who were customers. 308 Bibles, hymn books, devotional books, and religious periodicals at 35 per cent dominate the analysis of book and periodical binding jobs. The other 65 per cent are broadly categorized as subscription books, dictionaries, atlases, school books, novels, and books in French, German, Italian, and Polish. The binding material of choice remained half roan with cloth or marbled paper boards and half sheep bindings. A new choice of “half buffings,” coloured grained leather, combined with marbled paper boards or cloth boards was used in 12 jobs. 309 In blankbooks, Nunan made up 186 business account books and 102 record books. There were 89 jobs for ruling, 59 jobs for business stationery, and 35 jobs for lettering of novelties, and making up portfolios, wallets, and other miscellaneous items. Nunan’s revenue for 1891 was $2,504.96, a respectable $600 increase since 1881, of

307. For 1891, 106 jobs came from the Herald Office, 61 from the Mercury Office, and 46 from Kelso’s shop.

308. BW, 1887-1895, 6 October and 8 December 1891.

309. BW, 1887-1895, 176 bindings were in half roan with cloth or with marbled paper, 73 bindings were in half sheep or half sheep with cloth. Buffing is defined by Roberts and Etherington as a thin leather usually created from a cowhide that is split into three layers and then coloured and grained to look like the outer surface of the hide. The buffing is the innermost layer. Roberts and Etherington, Bookbinding , 40. 76 which more than half was generated by stationery binding jobs ($1,270.15). Pamphlet binding of local imprints brought in $533.34, and book and periodical binding jobs were charged at $405.55. The bindery continued to manufacture expensive blankbooks for record-keeping by local government officials but this was not a major source of revenue ($181.15) in 1891. Nunan realized $36.24 for paper cuttings sold to Barber & Bros., paper manufacturers, of Georgetown. 310 He also sold paper, millboard, and strawboard to customers. Nunan’s shop was doing edition work such as binding 1,000 “Medical Examiners’ Instruction Book” in full buffings with round corners and lettered for $130, his most expensive job for 1891, but such jobs were infrequent. 311 Other corporate customers were important because of repeated orders for business stationery and blankbooks and their requirements for expensive ledgers. The manufacture of sturdy blankbooks was highly remunerative but payment was not always timely. For example, the County of Dufferin did not settle its $13 account for two Medium Juror’s Books for 1892 until five months after delivery, and after Nunan had sent a reminder. 312 He maintained contra accounts with the printing offices and with a few customers such as grocer George Williams, bakers Kenny & Co., and commercial traveller, E. S. Kilgour. 313 Nunan was less vigilant with smaller accounts. On two separate occasions, Rev. J. Hester, pastor of the Disciples of Christ congregation, brought five volumes of The Disciple for half morocco and cloth bindings at 75 cents each and seven volumes of The Millennial Harbinger for binding in half sheep and cloth at a cost of 45 cents each. Although these were delivered in a timely manner, the account is marked paid seven years later. 314 Nunan was not without local and regional competitors. In the mid-1880s and during the 1890s, James Hough Jr. operated a print shop and bindery near the Guelph market, although he continued to send ruling jobs to Nunan (discussed in Chapter 6). Three record books used by the Ontario Agricultural College (OAC), in the first decades of the twentieth century each marked by a different binder, confirm that customer loyalty was uncertain and may have been influenced by

310. BW, 1887-1895, 20 January, 18 May, and 16 December 1891.

311. BW, 1887-1895, 5 November 1891, customer Ontario Mutual Life Insurance Company.

312. BW, 1887-1895, job entered 28 July 1891, delivered 20 October 1891, and paid 5 March [18]92.

313. BW, 1887-1895, 31 December 1891, customer Kenny & Co.; 18 May, 4 June, and 10 September 1891, customer George Williams; 3 September 1891, customer Kilgour.

314. BW, 1887-1895, job entered 8 September 1891, delivered 2 November 1891 and job entered 10 December 1891, delivered 31 December 1891. 77 price or by a personal connection between the person responsible for ordering blankbooks and a particular binder. 315 In addition to a blankbook supplied by Nunan [1897], another was purchased from J. E. Cheevers, a bookbinder employed at a bookstore in 1911 who had his own print shop and bindery at 89 Quebec Street in 1918.316 A Toronto bookbinder’s ticket in a blankbook used by the OAC during the same decade indicates that both Nunan and Cheevers were binding for local customers who also bought blankbooks from Toronto binderies. By 1927, three job printing shops in Guelph were cutting into the market for ruling and stationery binding. Cheever’s Quebec Street location was later the headquarters for Burnell Binding & Printing Co., who carried on a similar business of ruling, printing, and binding. 317 The Wallace Printing Co., “High Grade Commercial and Book Printers,” with modern typesetting machines able to print, fold, and mail circulars to any part of Ontario, was also active in 1927. 318 Frank Nunan continued to work as a bookbinder until his death at age 80 in 1937. 319 Nunan’s son, Harry [Henry Ambrose], who had been part of other business ventures that failed during the Depression years, came to assist his father, then in his late 70s, and continued to operate the bindery from his father’s death until his own death more than thirty years later, in 1968. Although Harry Nunan was not trained as a binder, he learned from his father and by taking apart old books and studying examples of books bound in the shop but never claimed by customers. 320 A survey of the 585 Bindery Workbook entries for 1955-56 documents the ongoing cycle of local print production with most of the jobs sent to the bindery by printers for pamphlet binding and by local shops for the lettering of pens, wallets, and purses. Binding of hockey programmes, union booklets, newspapers, and theses were recurring jobs throughout the 1950s

315. “Sales Book,” [1916-1924], has the ticket of J. E. Cheevers, “Experimental Book,” [1912-1927], has the ticket of R. Lovell of Toronto, and “Sales Book,” [1897-1916], has “FRANK NUNAN” stamped in gold at the bottom of the spine. All three blankbooks are in the OAC Department of Poultry Husbandry, RE1 OAC A0089, University of Guelph Library, Guelph, ON.

316. Cheevers was 24 years of age. Ancestry.com, 1911 Census of Canada , (Provo, UT: Ancestry.com Operations, 2006), http://search.ancestry.ca/. See also “Census of Canada, 1911, Interpreting the Records” at Library and Archives Canada’s website at http://www.collectionscanada.gc.ca/databases/census-1911/001003-1200- e.html#b. Vernon’s City of Guelph Street, Alphabetical Business and Miscellaneous Directory for the Year 1918 (Hamilton: Henry Vernon & Son, 1918), 227.

317. Guelph Evening Mercury and Advertiser , July 20, 1927, advertisement, 87.

318. Guelph Evening Mercury and Advertiser , July 20, 1927, 5.

319. Guelph Mercury , May 22, 1937, [newspaper clipping]. Rev. George Nunan file, Jesuit Archives, Toronto.

320. Michael Nunan, discussion. 78 and 1960s. Harry Nunan, who managed his business with minimal assistance, continued to operate the Hickok ruling machine for a few customers, but also adopted new equipment and materials such as the Kwikprint embossing and gold stamping press as well as Fabrikoid bookcloth to make the cases for binding theses and periodicals. His wife, Isabel Nunan, learned from him and from the age of six, Harry’s son Michael Nunan helped out in the bindery after school, during the summers, and periodically after he completed university until 1978. He ran errands, did the folding and stapling jobs, helped with paper ruling, and when he was old enough, he operated the cutting and punching machines. 321 Isabel Nunan carried on the business for another decade after her husband’s death in 1968, assisted by David Gorman and Joan Cooper (Rentoul). 322 She continued to use the hand- operated equipment in the shop, which in 1975 appeared much as it did in 1880, like a “Dickensian attic.” 323 Graduate students from the University of Guelph continued to bring in most of the business, about 1,000 dissertations each year. 324 After a fire destroyed the Peacock Restaurant below the shop 28 November 1978, the bindery was closed because heavy water damage caused its ceiling to collapse (discussed in Chapter 4). 325 At the time of the fire, Isabel Nunan was in hospital and Michael Nunan was managing the business. Joan Rentoul was working at the bindery three days a week, binding three or four dissertations a day, tidying, and ordering supplies. The bindery had recently lost a contract to bind all the periodicals for the University of Guelph library to a Wallaceburg bindery. This meant that there was not enough business to keep one part-time employee and there were no profits. At the very end, only the most loyal customers such as the Guelph police department, Woodlawn Cemetery, and the occasional student, were bringing in binding jobs. The $3,000 payment from the insurance adjuster for fire damage was not enough to sustain a business with old equipment, few clients, limited services, and a longer turnaround time than similar businesses that offered additional services such as photocopying, laminating, and coil binding. In 1979, some of the bindery equipment and ephemeral textual records were transferred

321. Michael Nunan, discussion.

322. Gorman’s and Cooper’s employment at the bindery was not at the same time. Marilyn Duff, “Nunan’s Bindery: A Piece of the Past,” Guelph Life , August 11, 1976 and “Off to Museum,” Guelph Mercury , May 24, 1979 [newspaper clippings, Guelph Civic Museum].

323. Joan Rentoul, discussion.

324. “Grad Students Enter Past at Bookbindery,” University of Guelph News Bulletin 19, no. 16 (April 17, 1975): [1].

325. ”Bindery’s New Chapter,” [ Guelph Tribune , 2005?], [vertical file, Guelph Public Library]. 79 to the Canada Museum of Science and Technology and the business records were deposited at Library and Archives Canada. Joan Rentoul took over the Nunan Bindery, using the 800 square feet as a studio space and opened The Bindery with some of Nunan’s equipment in the same third-floor walk-up location in 1996. 326 In 2005, Rentoul relocated the business to her home. 327

Conclusion

Print was an integral part of the daily life of business and pleasure in nineteenth-century Guelph and the Guelph Bookbindery played an important role in the production of local imprints and in the manufacture of blankbooks and business stationery required by government officials, professional men, business owners, and individuals. This chapter has traced the various owners of the Guelph Bookbindery beginning with services offered by an anonymous bookbinder about 1852, and continued by booksellers and stationers until 1872. Bookbindery proprietors after that time concentrated on paper ruling, blankbook manufacture, and bookbinding, rather than bookselling, thereby forging interdependent rather than competitive relationships with local printers and booksellers. By the mid-1870s the bindery was a well established entity in the Guelph business community due to its central location, its participation in the local production and distribution of print, and its manufacture of blankbooks. The printing trade was supported by the combined efforts of job printers, newspaper publishers and their employees, booksellers and stationers, a subscription book publisher, book agents, and bookbinders. Their proximity and their knowledge of the economics of the trades were integral to local print culture. Within the bindery the proportion of stationery work to book and periodical binding shifted over the years, reflecting changes in the trade and the transformation of the business into a commercial bindery that was part of the local production cycle of printed pamphlets, catalogues, reports, and business stationery. Whereas in 1864-65 letterpress binding represented a slightly greater percentage of the total compared to stationery binding, analysis of other survey years (1870-71, 1881, 1891, and 1955-56) shows a steady decline as edition binding gained dominance offering an attractive, affordable, and complete product. Purchasing a bound book fostered an immediate connection between the book and its reader. Although periodical binding and binding of books issued in parts continued to be a source of binding jobs into the 1890s, they

326. Valerie Hill, “The Bindery: New Life for Old Book[s],” Guelph Mercury , May 24, 1996, [vertical file, Guelph Public Library].

327. Joanne Shuttleworth, “Bound by Love for Books: People Who Value Books Turn to Guelph’s Joan Rentoul to Restore Beloved Volumes,” Guelph Mercury , March 22, 2005, B1, [vertical file, Guelph Public Library]. 80 too could be purchased already bound. As orders for book and periodical binding decreased, the rise in binding huge print runs of local pamphlets and the increased use of business stationery such as billheads and chequebooks offset the fewer book and periodical binding jobs. All of this binding activity occurred in the commercial centre of Guelph, a town that was rapidly industrializing during the 1870s. While the Guelph newspaper offices adopted steam presses in the late 1860s, and local mills and factories expanded and adopted factory production methods, the Guelph Bookbindery continued to operate using hand-powered machines and labour-intensive techniques. The next chapter will consider the shop, its location, its equipment, and its employees.

Chapter 4. The Bookbinding Shop

Introduction

Separate studies by Joseph W. Rogers, Hellmut Lehmann-Haupt, Frank Comparato, and Michael Winship chronicle the history of nineteenth-century bookbinding and focus on the industrialization of the craft. The introduction of bookcloth and of case binding construction, in the decade 1825-1835, facilitated the development of bookbinding machinery, which answered market demands for faster, streamlined, and cheaper book production. During the period 1856- 1872, book-sewing machines developed by Smyth and a wire stitcher patented by Brehmer led to “the era of the industrial book” by the 1880s when craftsmen were supplanted by workers minding machines. 328 While the period of this study fits neatly within the time period of the industrialization of bookbinding and the rise of factory production methods to mass produce books and periodicals, these changes occurred sporadically and unevenly. For a binder in a small shop, many of the large-scale production economies were not profitable because of the cost of equipment and the small volume of work when compared to large Toronto shops such as the Methodist Book and Publishing House, Brown Brothers, Warwick & Sons and other shops in Montreal, New York, Boston, and Philadelphia. 329 This chapter will document the locations, equipment, and employees of the Guelph Bookbindery from evidence in municipal assessment rolls, directories, advertisements, ephemeral business stationery, and newspaper accounts. Some of the equipment used in the shop over the century has been identified, from the large ruling machine to the small hand tools for

328. In case binding, the book cover or case is constructed separately, embossed, and decorated before it is joined to the text block by a mull or paper hinge. Joseph W. Rogers, in “The Industrialization of American Bookbinding: A Study of the Replacement of Hand Processes by Machinery” (master’s thesis, Columbia University, 1937), documents the patent application dates for various bookbinding machines and tools. In an essay “The Rise of American Edition Binding,” Part II in Bookbinding in America , [131]-185b, Rogers chronicles the four phases of the transition from binding books using hand-manipulated tools to books bound mostly by machine. Hellmut Lehmann- Haupt, The Book in America: A History of the Making and Selling of Books in the United States , 2nd ed. (New York: Bowker, 1951), 151. Frank Comparato, Books for the Millions: A History of the Men Whose Methods and Machines Packaged the Printed Word (Harrisburg, PA: The Stackpole Company, 1971). Michael Winship, “Manufacturing and Book Production,” in The Industrial Book, 1840-1880 , vol. 3, A History of the Book in America , ed. Scott E. Casper, Jeffrey D. Groves, Stephen W. Nissenbaum, and Michael Winship, 40-69 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, in association with the American Antiquarian Society, 2007).

329. D. J. Fader’s history of the Brown Brothers business provides an overview of the growth of the company that employed five bookbinders in 1859 to a large commercial bindery that employed 130 workers in 1887. See Fader, “Brown Brothers Toronto History, 1846-1997.” Warwick & Sons was also reviewed in the press. See “A Half Century of Business,” Toronto Globe , July 2, 1898, 3. 82 finishing. Several machines are now at the Canada Museum of Science and Technology, a large wooden press and smaller hand tools are at the Guelph Civic Museum, some equipment remains in use by Joan Rentoul, and several items remain with the Nunan family. The use of perforating, hole-punching, and round corner-cutting machines and an embossing press are implied from evidence in the Bindery Workbooks, in physical bindings, or in newspaper accounts. Until it closed in 1978, the bindery remained a small shop with eight or fewer employees working at manually-operated machines. Although workers in small shops often remain anonymous because they are not listed in early directories or tax assessment rolls, several employees at the Guelph Bookbindery have been traced from primary sources. Biographical details about their households will provide a composite of young men and women who worked there under several proprietors.

Location and Physical Size of the Shop

For all of its business life, the Guelph Bookbindery was located at one of a series of central downtown Guelph addresses, although during the early years when it was an extension of a bookseller and stationer’s establishment, the binding work was probably carried out above the shop or in a separate location. (See Appendix H, Figure 1). When the bindery changed ownership the transaction was sometimes accompanied by a physical move to new premises, but often the business continued in the same venue with its Workbooks recording jobs continuously, but in the different hands of owners and foremen. In each instance, the proprietor was a tenant in the building where the shop was situated. 330 The central location of the bindery, in close proximity to the print shops, newspaper offices, and booksellers, expedited the transfer of printed sheets and bound items back and forth between the bindery and high-volume customers. The earliest assessment records which situate P. C. Allan in Market Square could have been the location of his bookstore, with the binding carried out upstairs or elsewhere. By 1857, Allan had moved to Wyndham Street (part 102), sharing a space with George Pirie, editor of the Guelph Herald . Magnus Shewan’s shop was also at a Wyndham Street location (part 53), and W. J. McCurry and Thornton carried on as booksellers and stationers there while conducting a

330. Some discrepancies exist in the address of the bindery between the directories and the annual assessment valuations. The annual property valuations are probably a more accurate reflection of businesses, proprietors, and landlords than directories compiled elsewhere. Some addresses, such as 103 Wyndham St. and 105 Wyndham St. were in the same building, with 103 on the right side of the staircase to the upper floors and 105 on the left side of the central staircase. Also, the legal description of St. George’s Square (part 82) and the municipal address 40 St. George’s Square refer to the same location at the southwest corner of the square at the corner of Quebec and Wyndham Streets. 83 bindery that may have been in a separate location. After Thornton’s bankruptcy, Robert Easton established a bookbindery at St. George’s Square, an excellent location at the commercial heart of Guelph. 331 Easton must have purchased Thornton’s bindery equipment and inventory of binding supplies. F. T. Chapman and Nunan continued the bookbinding business at St. George’s Square until 1887. Frank Nunan moved his business to Mays’ building on Upper Wyndham Street, a less convenient location for the print shops because of its upstairs location, but still within the central business core of the city. 332 Because the Guelph Bookbindery was located there until 1978 contemporary descriptions of the shop provide wonderful detail about the physical space of the bindery. The shop of 800 square feet was at the top of 44 stair-steps. 333 One entered the bindery through a heavy steel door that looked “like a safe.” 334 The room had three large arched windows overlooking Wyndham Street, windows on the back wall, and plank floors covered with ink stains and completely worn through in places. Near the ruling machine, two “well worn indentations indicate that hours and days were devoted to pushing ledger sheets through the machine.” 335 It was heated with a pot-bellied stove in the centre of the room until 1968, and after that time, a Coleman space heater. 336 There was neither a dumb waiter nor a window pulley apparatus for moving sheets of paper in and bound items out of the bindery; all items came and left the bindery by the stairs. Property assessment data provide insight into tenants and owners of properties, realty values of the bindery’s locations, the estimated value of contents, and other businesses in the immediate vicinity. In 1857, P. C. Allan and George Pirie, publisher of the Guelph Herald , shared premises as tenants of Robert Corbet, the postmaster. P. C. Allan had a £250 valuation of

331. A separate gathering of a Daybook records some of Easton’s bindery transactions but an equivalent Bindery Workbook for the time he was active in Guelph is not part of the record group.

332. According to Michael Nunan, after Frank Nunan took over the bindery, it had two locations: the St. George’s Square location, also known as 82 Wyndham Street, and the 105 Wyndham Street location. Michael Nunan, discussion. Joan Rentoul mentioned that the bindery had moved from a second floor location to a third floor location in the same building. This explains why directories between 1918 and 1955 list the address as 103 Wyndham Street, which is the address for the building to the right of the staircase. Joan Rentoul, discussion. Invoices from the 1890s list the address as 81 Upper Wyndham Street. There may have been a municipal re- numbering.

333. Michael Nunan described the space as 1,600 square feet. Michael Nunan, discussion.

334. Joanne Shuttleworth, “Bound by Love for Books,” Guelph Mercury , March 22, 2005, B1 [vertical file, Guelph Public Library]. The metal door was a fireproof door, according to Michael Nunan.

335. “Grad Students Enter Past at Bookbindery, University of Guelph News Bulletin 19, no. 16 (17 April 1975).

336. Patti Slawich, “Book Binder: [Isabel Nunan] She Carries on 1880 Tradition,” Guelph Mercury , August 1, 1970, [vertical file, Guelph Public Library]. “Grad Students,” University of Guelph News Bulletin . 84 personal property, reflecting a large inventory of books. Shewan’s business as “bookseller” was established at a Wyndham Street (part 53) location, owned by Dr. Clarke, with a personal valuation of £250 indicating that Shewan’s Guelph establishment carried roughly the same value of inventory as Allan’s had a few years earlier. The 1870 assessment roll documents the area of J. B. Thornton’s shop at the same location as 2,028 [square] feet, with a realty valuation of $2,500 and a personal valuation of $2,000. Thornton’s competitor, R. H. Collins’ Quebec Street shop, was in a third-floor space also owned by Dr. Clarke, but obviously a much smaller space with less inventory judging from the realty valuation of $500 and a personal valuation of $500. 337 By 1873, Joseph Hacking occupied the second- and third-storey of the Wyndham Street (part 53) premises with his printing business, and Robert Easton had established the Guelph Bookbindery at St. George’s Square where it remained until 1887. When Frederick T. Chapman conducted the bindery there, Mrs. Pass operated a fancy store and H. W. Peterson, property owner and Crown attorney, had an office at the same location. 338 The 1881-82 assessment roll records Frank Nunan, then 24 years of age, at that location. The realty value assessed for Nunan’s bindery was $800 and the personal value was assessed at $100, approximating Nunan’s valuation of his inventory of paper and bookbinding supplies (See Appendix F, Table 2). Other people conducting businesses at the same premises were Joseph A. Tovell, harness maker; Isaac Rutherford, barber; Mrs. Pass, milliner; John McKersie, weaver; and Thomas Hall, tailor. In late 1887, Nunan moved from St. George’s Square to a Wyndham Street location owned by James Mays with a realty value of $900 and personal value of $150, an increase from the $700 realty value assessed in 1887 at the St. George’s Square location. The $200 increase in the realty value assessed for 1888 strongly suggests that Nunan moved to larger quarters. During the 1890s, a painted wood shop sign representing a large ledger, probably made locally, marked his shop. Throughout that decade Nunan advertised the location of his business in the local newspaper as: “Sign of the Big Book, Upper Wyndham Street.” 339 Another sign,

337. This valuation is split between R. H. Collins and his partner Nathaniel Stovell, each being assessed at $250. Town of Guelph Assessment Roll for 1870, 193.

338. There is no property value assigned, only personal value of $500. Town of Guelph Assessment Roll for 1875, 64. Town of Guelph Assessment Roll for 1878, 46.

339. Guelph Daily Mercury & Advertiser , July 7, 1897, [3]. The same advertisement continued until December 1897. The sign is manufactured of strips of wood and painted to look like an account book complete with laced on Russia bands, a “title” of shadowed letters, ‘F. NUNAN | BOOK-BINDER’ and four raised bands on the spine with “title” LEDGER | A. | F. N.’. The dimensions of the sign are 91 cm [height] x 61 cm [length] x 10 cm [width]. The sign is displayed at the Guelph Civic Museum. 85 indoors, directed customers from street level to the bindery upstairs. 340 The time period that the indoor sign was in use is not known, but its design aesthetic and style suggest a date in the 1890s. In 1891, Nunan remained at the Wyndham Street location with assessment values unchanged from 1888. Nunan’s bindery remained at that location until it closed in 1978. The threat of fire in the bindery or in neighbouring shops was always present. For many years the bindery was heated with a stove, and the equipment and the flooring were of wood construction. Flammable solvents were used frequently in the shop. A large of stock of paper could quickly turn a small fire into a conflagration. Over the century, the bindery or its contents were damaged by fires or the efforts of putting out fires in nearby premises. Evidence about the fires affecting the bindery is serendipitous and incomplete. A reference to a fire at the bindery is contained in the Annual Report of the Guelph Free Public Library when four of the library’s books that were at the bindery for repair were lost in a fire in 1887. 341 Another customer, Mr. McGillivray of Fergus, may have lost four volumes in the same fire, as “burned” is noted in the “Delivered” column for his volumes of Picturesque Canada and London News .342 A fire which began in the basement of the Peacock Restaurant below the bindery on 27 November 1978 ultimately forced the family to close the Nunan Bindery. The fire caused $500,000 damage to the three-storey building. The Fire Department broke through one of the bindery windows in order to spray water on the wall to cool it down. Extensive smoke, water, and fire-retardant foam damage to the bindery and its equipment resulted in the loss of 178 University of Guelph graduate students’ theses, National Geographic magazines, and old books brought for rebinding. Ironically, several books that arrived at the bindery the day of the fire required “rebinding because they had survived a fire.” 343

340. The indoor sign is also wood painted black with gold leaf and yellow painted text and curving lines painted in a red-orange colour with the text ‘F. | NUNAN | BOOK | BINDER | up Stairs. ’ The sign is in the collection of artifacts maintained by Michael Nunan.

341. “Librarian’s Report for 1887,” [printed report cut and pasted into Minute Book], GMI Minutes, 21 January 1888, Guelph Public Library Archives, Guelph Public Library.

342. BW, 1881-1887, 26 March 1887.

343. Bob Rutter, “Theses Damaged in Book Bindery,” Guelph Daily Mercury , November 29, 1978 and “Downtown Restaurant Destroyed,” Guelph Daily Mercury , November 28, 1978. Jim Fox, “Losses Heavy in Last Year’s Guelph Fires,” Kitchener-Waterloo Record , March 7, 1979 [vertical file, Guelph Public Library]. 86

Bindery Equipment

Although no records of equipment purchases for the Guelph Bookbindery have been located it is possible to trace bindery equipment through newspaper descriptions, the dispersal of four items to the Canada Museum of Science and Technology in 1979; the sale of the heat embossing press, wooden presses, the Perfect Binder, work benches, type, and hand tools by Isabel Nunan to Joan Rentoul for $1; items sold by Rentoul to the Guelph Civic Museum in 1992; and finishing tools and other items belonging to Michael Nunan. Machinery may have been acquired when other binderies, in Guelph and elsewhere, closed or refitted with newer equipment. For example, based on newspaper accounts and advertisements, it seems very likely that the equipment acquired by R. H. Collins and Nathaniel Stovel when they opened up their shop in 1870 was bought by J. B. Thornton, eventually becoming part of the Nunan Bindery. Some mechanical equipment must be assumed to be in use because of the nature of the work that was being done. For example, although there are no purchase records or descriptions of a perforating machine, a hole-punching machine, or a round corner-cutting machine, jobs requiring perforated cheques are noted in 1878 and many jobs for punching holes and cutting cards with rounded corners are recorded in 1955-56. The Boston wire stitcher, essentially a stapling machine, was probably introduced about 1891, based on descriptions of pads bound with staples and a pamphlet from 1891 with a wire stitched binding (described in Chapter 5). There was minimal investment in equipment over the century. A description of the bindery in 1975 confirms the presence of antique, hand-operated equipment including punches, perforators, a “super short cutting blade”, staplers, a “massive press,” and the paper ruler which continued to be used long after more modern equipment was developed. 344 The start-up costs incurred by Collins and Stovel for American machinery, when they conducted their bindery for about six weeks in 1870, was possibly the largest capital expenditure for equipment in the history of the bindery. 345 A newspaper feature about their shop boasts the acquisition of a ruling machine, a cutting machine, a paging machine, and other equipment. 346 Collins and Stovel may have purchased their machinery from binderies in Toronto that were modernizing with newer steam-powered models.

344.”Grad Students,” University of Guelph News Bulletin .

345. According to an advertisement for R. H. Collins & Co., “Their facilities for doing work are unsurpassed in this section of the country, having purchased their machinery from the best manufacturers in the United States.” Guelph Advertiser , April 14, 1870, [3].

346. Mount Forest Confederate , March 24, 1870, [1]. 87

The identification of equipment which follows is broadly arranged by function as jobs proceeded through the bindery. Some equipment, such as presses, would be used more than once in blankbook manufacturing and some machines, such as a sewing machine, could be used for more than one function. Discussion of machines for ruling, perforating, and cutting paper precedes descriptions of equipment for sewing, rounding, pressing, paging, and marbling, which is followed by accounts of embossing presses, dies, and hand tools for decorating bindings.

Ruling, Perforating, and Cutting Before the invention of mechanical paper ruling machines, lines were put on paper manually or printed onto paper using leaded rules to divide sheets into columns and headers. In the late 1820s, a prototype of a ruling machine was developed in Bavaria and by the 1840s American inventors were perfecting a ruling machine with applications for ruling business forms and sheets for blankbooks. 347 The ruling machine used until 1968 at the Guelph Bookbindery and now at the Canada Museum of Science and Technology is the earliest ruling machine in its collection. Due to its massive size (length 304.8 cm, width 129.5 cm, height 216 cm), it dominated the shop. John J. Pleger, in his 1925 treatise Paper Ruling , documents some of the challenges of working with contemporary ruling machines which required extreme vigilance on the part of the operator, especially when the sheet was passed through the ruling machine more than once for more complicated patterns. The paper, held to the blanket by cords, was easily ruined by broken and ragged lines or blobs of ink. The flannel blanket was affected by the atmosphere, causing static electricity in the paper when conditions were too dry. 348 A bar holding the pens in position was raised and lowered manually to start and stop the transfer of inked lines onto the sheets of paper. The pens were inked by the capillary action of woollen flannel strips laid from ink bowls to the nibs of the brass pens. Some shops used electric lamps to speed the drying process or manipulated the drying time of the ink by adding methyl hydrate to increase evaporation . 349 Not only did the ruling machine require an alert and skilled operator, it also demanded fastidious maintenance. At the Nunan Bindery, Michael Nunan considered paper ruling as “the most boring job.”

347. [W. O. Hickok Manufacturing Co.], Between the Lines, 1844-1944: An Informal History of the W. O. Hickok Manufacturing Company, Makers of Ruling Machines since 1844 , [Harrisburg, PA: W. O. Hickok Manufacturing Co., 1944?], 2-4.

348. John J. Pleger, Paper Ruling (Chicago: Inland Printer Company, 1925), 1.

349. Michael Nunan, discussion. Nunan mentioned the use of methyl hydrate to speed the drying process. Fader discusses the use of heat lamps at Brown Brothers as the only modern innovation to the paper ruling operation in “Brown Brothers, 1846-1997,” 84. 88

He fed the sheets onto the conveyor while his father raised and lowered the pens. Nunan remarked that his father excelled at paper ruling since he possessed the concentrated focus necessary to put the pens down at exactly the right moment. Together they would rule 10,000- 15,000 sheets at a time when the atmospheric conditions were perfect. The ink had to dry before the sheets were stacked one on top of another. By 1975, the ruling machine, which had not been used since Harry Nunan died in 1968 because it required two operators, had become a “convenient catchall for invoice slips, mail, account books, and pending work.” 350 The Hickok ruling machine transported in 1979 from Guelph to the Canada Museum of Science and Technology after many years of wear appears to be one of the earliest made by the W. O. Hickok Company. Attempts by museum staff to trace the serial number of the Hickok used by Nunan and his predecessors suggest that it was manufactured before the American Civil War, with a patent date of 1852. 351 Although it may have been part of Allan’s shop when he advertised ruling of paper and forms, this machine may be the one announced as the “latest patented” ruling machine manufactured in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania (the location of W. O. Hickok’s factory) by R. H. Collins & Co. in 1870 and later used by Thornton and his successors. 352 Collins may have acquired it second-hand to reduce start-up costs but he promoted it as “new.” According to the museum’s initial report the solid cherry frame was held together with iron bolts; most of the metal mechanics were made of brass, and steel pens (originally brass) ruled the lines onto the paper. The feed board showed evidence of repair “using nails and glue” at some time in its long history. The ruling machine showed “severe mechanical wear” on the “lower horizontal frames . . . perhaps from a person resting their feet on them” and most of its surfaces were ink-stained after more than a century of use. 353 When the ruling machine was dismantled by museum staff, “it was noted that the frames had numbers stamped in the wood at each joint” indicating that it had been assembled from its parts during moves between several

350. “Grad Students,” University of Guelph News Bulletin .

351. “Artifact Information Request Report, Artifact Catalogue Number: 1979:0410.001 with 2 part(s),” Canada Museum of Science and Technology, 27 September 2007. The W. O. Hickok Manufacturing Company had no records of a machine with a serial number 236. The Hickok company had “shipped a machine in 1915 which was later resold to Barnell [Burnell] Binding and Printing Company in Guelph” with a serial number 8045. Peter H. Hickok to D. G. Rider, 30 November 1979. SR to G. Rider, Memo, 21 September 1982. “Supplementary Information, Accession file 79410,” Canada Museum of Science and Technology, Ottawa.

352. Tri-Weekly Advertiser , August 3, 1855, [3]. Mount Forest Confederate , March 24, 1870, [1].

353. “Hicock [ sic ] Ruling Machine S/N 236, N. M. S. T. Artifact #79410, [1],” Canada Museum of Science and Technology. 89 locations and indeed from its initial shipment from Harrisburg. 354 Jobs listing the perforation of cheques appear in the Bindery Workbooks as early as 1877. 355 Smaller perforating jobs were done by sewing machine stitching through paper without thread in the needle or bobbin. 356 According to Michael Nunan the perforating machine in use in the 1960s and 1970s was purchased in the 1930s and must have replaced an earlier model. By the 1950s the nature of record keeping had changed and ledgers were filled with sheets with slotted punched holes that fit onto a “Chicago screw” loose-leaf binding system. 357 These jobs required a machine capable of punching a variety of shaped holes from round to slotted, open, key-shaped holes for fitting into specific record keeping systems. By 1955-56, 22 per cent of binding jobs were for punching holes in business stationery and ledger sheets. Paper cutters were indispensable in the bindery for cutting paper and binder’s board, for trimming items prior to and after binding, and for jobs brought in by the newspapers and booksellers. Although the Guelph Mercury announced that it had acquired a paper cutting machine as well as new Gordon’s Segment presses as early as 1866, not all the Guelph newspapers were so well equipped. Accounts from 1872 for example show that the bindery was cutting paper for the Guelph Advertiser .358 Guelph booksellers also brought paper and blotting paper to the bindery for cutting. This first paper cutter at the bindery may have been a curved guillotine blade fixed to the end of a workbench and still in use at Joan Rentoul’s bindery. The absence of a counter weight, guard, or fence to help position items that required cutting may explain why many early Guelph pamphlets are trimmed unevenly. R. H. Collins’s shop had a plow (plough) which was useful for trimming text blocks, but not as quick as trimming pamphlets with a guillotine cutter. 359 At some time in the twentieth century, the Guelph Bookbindery updated its paper cutting equipment with a hand-operated, flywheel mechanism cutter with a 32-inch bed manufactured in

354. “Hicock [ sic ] Ruling Machine, S/N 236,” 2. This numbering of machine pieces was an industry standard, as Pleger documents the importance of setting up a pen ruling machine “fitting the parts as indicated by the manufacturer’s numbers.” Pleger, Paper Ruling , 29.

355. BW, 1876-1881, 16 March 1877.

356. Michael Nunan, discussion.

357. Michael Nunan, discussion. Nunan began his own business as a young boy selling confetti to local bookstores using the paper punched from the sheets which he gathered into cellophane bags.

358. Guelph Mercury , June 11, 1866, [3]. Easton’s Daybook records two transactions December 10 and 13, 1872 for cutting paper for the Guelph Advertiser .

359. Roberts and Etherington, Bookbinding , 200. 90

Oswego, New York and acquired from a Toronto supplier. The 1,500 pound Oswego paper cutter arrived at the Canada Museum of Science and Technology in disrepair with a “crudely welded and fish-plated” repair to the left main frame and a broken crank handle. 360

Sewing, Stitching, and Adhesive Binding The wooden sewing frame in Nunan’s collection was not used very often, because most of the hand-sewn books were sewn on tapes rather than cord. A treadle sewing machine was used at the bindery to bind pamphlets and circulars by sewing along the folded edge (examples discussed in Chapter 5). Nunan’s account for Charles Raymond in Bindery Workbook, 1881-1887, lists a sewing machine for $37 as part of a contra agreement with the sewing machine manufacturer, in exchange for ruling and binding jobs. Foot-operated wire stitching machines using spools of wire to form, drive, and clinch a staple through the fold of a pamphlet were developed in the late 1870s in the United States. There were at least five separate manufacturers of the devices situated in Boston, Chicago, and New York during the final two decades of the nineteenth century. The E. P. Donnell Mfg. Co. of Chicago boasted that “any girl or boy can operate it from the start.” Their machine, patented in 1886, required only two adjustments: one for the length of the staple and one for height of the table. 361 The wire stitching machine on display at the Canadian National Exhibition in 1880 demonstrates energetic promotion by American manufacturers into the Canadian market. 362 Evidence of the use of a wire stitcher begins about 1890 with Bindery Workbook records that list items being “stapled.” It is confirmed by an examination of stapled pamphlets bound at the Guelph Bookbindery, and by the No. 5 Boston Wire Stitcher manual that is part of the ephemeral textual archival records at the Canada Museum of Science and Technology. The manual provides detailed diagrams of the working parts of the machine, instructions for assembling parts in the head, instructions for operating, diagrams of the individual parts, and a price list of its 130 component parts. 363

360. “Oswego Paper Cutter, Accession Record No. 79412, August 28, 1984,” Canada Museum of Science and Technology, [1].

361. Harold E. Sterne, Catalogue of Nineteenth Century Bindery Equipment (Cincinnati: Ye Olde Printery, 1978), 159-166. Sterne’s earliest model manufactured by Charles Carr had a patent date of May 20, 1879. See page 159. Advertisement for Donnell’s Improved No. 3 Power Wire Stitching Machine, page 161.

362. Fader, “Brown Brothers Toronto History, 1864-1997,” 32. The machine on display manufactured by Brehmer Bros. of Philadelphia was able to bind 550 pamphlets an hour.

363. Boston Wire Stitcher Co., No. 5 Boston Wire Stitcher (East Greenwich, R. I.: Boston Wire Stitcher Co., n.d.). 91

An incomplete artifact at the Guelph Civic Museum appears to be a hand-operated wire stitcher. According to Michael Nunan the hand-operated wire stitcher was hardly ever used, but the foot-operated wire stitcher was used constantly. He recalls hockey programmes for the Guelph Biltmore hockey team that came to the bindery in two sheets to be folded and collated. A pull-out middle section listing the players for that particular game and a cover, printed in colour, were added before wire stitching. The bindery would process about 1,000 to 1,500 every week during the hockey season. The Perfect Binder, a German bookbinding machine, applies heated adhesive to the spine of single leaves to form a flexible binding achieved without sewing. This machine was purchased about 1960 and is currently used by Joan Rentoul at The Bindery. It was indispensable for thesis binding. 364 Michael Nunan stated that once the Perfect Binder arrived, very few books were hand-sewn.

Compressing the Text Block The rolling machine relieved the binder of the heavy work of beating the text block with a hammer to reduce the bulk of the spine before sewing. The text block would be “placed between tins, or pieces of sole-leather” and then passed through two iron cylinders each about a foot in diameter “until the requisite degree of solidity is obtained.” The distance between the rollers was adjusted by a screw. The disadvantage of using the rolling machine was the “set off of ink” due to the pressure and the “bow-like appearance” of the book. 365 The Cromaboo Mail Carrier provides evidence of the use of a rolling machine as there are creases or wrinkles in the gutter margin of the text. 366 Although the unbound gatherings could be compressed by a smashing machine or a hydraulic press, a rolling machine operated manually by turning a crank seems consistent with other equipment at the Guelph Bookbindery, however, no specific artifact of this nature has been linked to the shop. 367 At one time, there were two large book presses at the shop. One wooden screw press was

364. “Grad Students,” University of Guelph News Bulletin .

365. James B. Nicholson, A Manual of the Art of Bookbinding: Containing Full Instructions in the Different Branches of Forwarding, Gilding, and Finishing; Also, The Art of Marbling Book-Edges and Paper, The Whole Designed for the Practical Workman, the Amateur, and the Book-Collector (Philadelphia: Henry Carey Baird, 1856), 43. Roberts and Etherington, Bookbinding , 220.

366. Don Taylor, in discussion with the author, June 10, 2006, Toronto, ON.

367. The smashing machine was a large vertical press, with a platen that descended and ascended repeatedly with greater force, the distance between the platen and the bed decreased by manual adjustment. Nicholson, Manual , 44. 92 donated to Ignatius College in Guelph when there was some interest in binding books there. 368 A massive wooden laying-in press constructed of two beams with large wooden screws that were manipulated with a bar through an aperture at the top of the wooden screws is now at the Guelph Civic Museum. 369 The laying-in press could have been used at various stages to apply consistent pressure to the book while drying and to expose the spine for lining and tooling. Smaller presses from the bindery are still in use by Joan Rentoul. The iron Spider & Lever standing press with a platen 62 x 84 cm was manufactured by Westman & Baker of Toronto circa 1883-1917. Weighing 1,100 pounds, it was a tall, massive, manual press capable of compressing several large volumes during the binding process. Hand- sewn books were pressed in bevelled boards to demarcate the shoulder. Case bound books would be left in the press overnight after cases were attached to the text block. The same treatment was necessary for large ledgers and other blank books after the binding was attached. 370 The press was operated by a large screw which was tightened manually with a heavy iron bar. As Michael Nunan recalls it required some strength due to the weight of the bar and the height of the screw. 371

Paging and Marbling In 1864, the bindery was paginating blankbooks and making up copying paper into paginated blankbooks for sale in Shewan’s shop but there is no record of the equipment used at this period. 372 However, descriptions of the bindery operated by R. H. Collins & Co. refer to “Parrish’s patent improved paging machine.” The artifact received at the Canada Museum of Science and Technology with a patent marked “S. B. Parrish-March 23rd, 1852” may be the one that was in use in Collins’s shop. 373 Parrish’s foot-treadle-operated numbering and paging machine manufactured by the American toolmaker, Hoole, retained its original dark green paint

368. Michael Nunan, discussion. The transfer of the press to the college was probably influenced by Frank Nunan’s son, George Nunan, who was a priest with a connection to Ignatius College.

369. The measurement of the beams: 107 cm (length) x 13 cm (width); measurement of screws: 80 cm (length) x 9 cm (diameter at screw head) and 6.35 cm (diameter of screw threads).

370. “Artifact Information Request Report, Artifact Catalogue Number: 1979.0411.001 with 1 part,” Canada Museum of Science and Technology, 27 September, 2007. Dimensions: length 63.5 cm. width 101.5 cm height 221 cm.

371. Michael Nunan, discussion. The press when fully open was 221 cm.

372. BW, 1864-1871, 28 September and 15 November 1864, and 10 January 1865.

373. Mount Forest Confederate , March 24, 1870, [1]. 93 and was heavily decorated with a “gold line design, bracketing and freehand brush work in gold.” 374 Museum staff noted that “one pin for the advancing mechanism was broken” when they disassembled it. 375 It probably had not been used for several years although a survey of 1955-56 records indicates many jobs that required pagination of cheques, forms, and pages of blankbooks. 376 The marbled papers used for the boards and endpapers of blankbooks and printed texts were purchased from Toronto suppliers who imported the paper from England. 377 However, many of the blankbooks were finished by the local binder with marbled edges. Shewan’s shop had an iron bar for marbling and probably the marbling trough, a bench for the trough, combs, colours, and ingredients for the marbling size. 378 The iron bar may have been used to skim the surface of the marbling medium, the size, in between each application, or may have been a clamp of some type to hold the book block while its edges were being dipped into the size. Directions for mixing green and black colours for marbling are noted at the back of Bindery Workbook, 1876-1881.

Embossing and Finishing The embossing, stamping, or blocking press applied heavy pressure evenly over the entire board to impress the design of a brass die onto the prepared cloth case. 379 The press would be heated by steam or gas when the board was stamped in gold leaf. There is evidence that F. T. Chapman was

374. “Artifact Information Request Report, Artifact Catalogue Number 1979.0413.001 with 3 parts,” Canada Museum of Science and Technology, 27 September 2007. According to Tom Conroy, Hoole was the “largest and longest-lived American finishing tool maker” and by the 1880s had shifted its business from “general bookbinders’ supplies to binders’ machinery, including the automatic numbering machines which seem to have become its core business in the 20th century.” Bookbinders’ Finishing Tool Makers, 1780-1965 (New Castle, DE: Oak Knoll Press; Carlton, Nottingham, UK: The Plough Press, 2002), 156-7.

375. “Condition Report, file 790413,” Canada Museum of Science and Technology.

376. Fader describes the operation of the paging machine used by Brown Brothers until 1997. “The machine had two chains carrying numbers in the range 1-1000. The operator would insert each leaf of the book one by one in the machine and push a foot pedal. Each cycle printed numbers on both sides of the sheet and advanced the chain for the next leaf. “Brown Brothers, 1846-1997,” 82.

377. Richard J. Wolfe, Marbled Paper: Its History, Techniques, and Patterns (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1990). See especially Figures 28-41. Samples of the marbled papers in Wolfe’s volume can be matched to those used at the Guelph Bookbindery.

378. BW, 1864-71, 2 January 1865. Michael Nunan confirmed that marbling troughs were part of the equipment at the bindery.

379. Case binding refers to the technique of constructing the case (covers) of the book separately from the book and later attaching the case to the text block by gluing the endpapers to the inside of the boards. It was introduced in Great Britain in the 1820s. Roberts and Etherington, Bookbinding , 47. 94 decorating case bindings with brass die stamps that would have required the use of an embossing press beginning about 1876. 380 Descriptions of the embossed cloth bindings for two edition bound books, The Cromaboo Mail Carrier (1878) and A Biographical History of the Eby Family (1889) follow in Chapter 5. The die stamps used in those particular bindings have not been found; the opposite is true for ‘City of Guelph, Rules of Council’ where the die is now part of the collection of artifacts at the Guelph Civic Museum but the bound book has not been located. Nunan used this brass die for 55 copies bound in a full cloth “lettered & embossed binding” at 18 cents each for a total of $9; the job was completed in six days. 381 In the twentieth century, an electrically heated embossing press was used to letter theses, books, and bound periodicals. As the century progressed the fashion for lettering gift items was facilitated by the use of an embossing press that used heat-sensitive gold foil instead of gold leaf to stamp a name or dedication. The 1955-56 records document countless instances of embossed pens, pencils, wallets, purses, bags, luggage, and surprisingly, a thermometer. The Kwikprint embossing press (ca. 1928) was probably purchased second-hand in the 1950s. 382 Harry Nunan found it challenging to use the Kwikprint for embossing tapered fountain pens, according to a letter to him from The Toronto Gold Leaf Company Limited commenting on correspondence between Nunan and the Halvorfold Kwikprint Co. 383 The Kwikprint embossing press is still in use by Joan Rentoul. Three panel stamps that can be identified from the bindings on The Cromaboo Mail Carrier and A Biographical History of the Eby Family have not been located in museums or personal collections. Type used at the bindery, including the original type case and a wooden cabinet with several drawers with concave bowls carved into the wood to hold the type, remains at Rentoul’s bindery. Brass type and a small quantity of lead type in several fonts are now at the Guelph Civic Museum. The bindery had a Fraktur font and modern typefaces as well. Lettering

380. An early reference to an embossed binding is a job for W. Hendry of the Ontario Mutual Life Assurance Co., of Waterloo. He ordered 232 Insurance Tables bound in “full cloth embossed & lettered,” 29 September 1876. The job, completed 27 November [1876], was sent to Waterloo by express.

381. BW, 1881-1887, 12 February 1884.

382. “Grad Students,” University of Guelph News Bulletin . The article mentions the “arrival of the heat press about 20 years ago” [1955]. Shuttleworth, in “Bound for Love by Books,” Guelph Mercury , March 22, 2005, mentions that the “cast-iron hot-stamping press” dates back to 1928.

383. Mel. Angove to Harry Nunan, 8 November 1955. Angove suggested that Nunan “try to limit the length of line. We know that this is hard to do, since many people want a life-history included on the pen.” The Toronto Gold Leaf Co., also supplied genuine and imitation foils, carried “Kwikprint repair parts and accessories” and offered engraving services. Canada Museum of Science and Technology. 95 pallets (hand-held type-holders with two “viselike jaws” to clamp type) used to letter bindings with names and titles are also part of the Guelph Civic Museum collection. 384 Before the use of embossing presses and block foil, gold lettering was applied using gold leaf and heated tools or type held in a lettering pallet. Several hand tools for ornamenting leather in blind or gold can be linked to the Guelph Bookbindery by association and by their use on bindings. Two tools can be traced to Chapman’s bindings and one of those was also used by Frank Nunan. The hand tools are in three separate Guelph locations: at the Guelph Civic Museum, at Rentoul’s bindery, and in Michael Nunan’s possession. Two tools in the Guelph Civic Museum collection are clearly hand-made but their exact provenance is not known. One tool for decorating turn-ins and board edges with horizontal lines appears to be a cast iron gear, approximately 8.25 cm in diameter drilled in the centre to accept an axle. The gear, or roll, is mounted between two iron bars approximately 22 cm (length) by 2.54 cm (width) and attached by a rivet allowing the gear to roll like other traditional bookbinding hand tools. The handle is formed by a piece of tapered, angled hardwood secured between the other end of the two iron bars with rivets and wire wrapped around the iron bars and handle to provide extra stabilization. The second handmade tool, used for decorating the spine of a binding with a curved, scalloped line, is made of a piece of ridged metal, 10 cm by 2.54 cm, moulded about half way along its length to form a tube which accepts the tapered edge of a short, round, hardwood handle. Other tools in the Museum’s collection include pallets, a gouge, and a burnisher. Two decorative rolls and one ornamental stamp in Michael Nunan’s collection have the marks of well known London toolmakers, Morris & Co. and Paas & Co. 385 One scallop roll with the mark of Paas & Co., must have been purchased second-hand or passed down. A tulip roll is marked Morris & Co, Creed Lane, London while a single decorative tool is marked Morris & Co. Ludgate St. 386 Another single tool of a trefoil marked Aldersgate, London, was used by Chapman in binding a presentation copy of The Cromaboo Mail Carrier , gold-tooled three times

384. Roberts and Etherington, Bookbinding , 156.

385. Tom Conroy, Bookbinders’ Finishing Tool Makers , 38-9, 42-3. Conroy provides an excellent overview of finishing tools and the fastidious process of decorating bindings in the introduction to his directory of tool makers in the British Isles, Europe, North America, and Australia. According to Conroy, Paas & Co. was in business between 1782 and 1833, while Morris & Co. was active between 1823 and 1868.

386. Conroy’s directory does not have a listing for Morris & Co., Creed Lane, London. 96 at the tail of the spine. 387 Other hand tools in Nunan’s collection include decorative rolls, fillets, a roll for decorating turn-ins of blankbooks similar to the hand-made tool described earlier, and several stamps including an open cross for tooling bibles and hymn books.

Employees

In the early days of the business at Guelph, bookbinding was done by workers who remain unknown. Census records have uncovered some of the bindery employees, and late nineteenth- century directories also list workers who would not appear in property assessment records. In the absence of wage books or apprenticeship records, our knowledge of employees and working conditions at the Guelph Bookbindery is uneven. The earliest proprietors who offered bookbinding services at Guelph, P. C. Allan, Magnus Shewan, and J. B. Thornton were not bookbinders. They must have employed a bookbinder with a few others working under his direction. A Bindery Workbook notation in late 1864 suggests that there was a hierarchy of employees, with a journeyman and an apprentice in Shewan’s shop. The notation “Kissed the Bookbinder’s Daughter,” in the “Remarks” column was part of an initiation ritual for young bookbinders just finishing their apprenticeship. 388 R. H. Collins may have been that apprentice; he later opened his own shop for a brief period. The earliest references to Guelph bookbinders are found in the assessment records. Although some contradictions are inherent in interpreting these records, there is a presumption of accuracy for contemporary records produced for taxation purposes. The first bookbinder listed in the Town of Guelph Assessment Roll for 1862, is William J. McCurry, 25 years of age, at Market Square, part 114, which he shared with printer Robert Longan and Patrick McCurry, a barrister, possibly a brother. Early on, Magnus Shewan may have contracted out the bookbinding and after 1862, sporadically employed McCurry although McCurry may also have been

387. Aldersgate refers to a street name. The marking seems incomplete without the name of the tool maker on the artifact. Consulting Conroy’s directory, the tool maker could be Wood & Sharwoods, 1832-1845, or S. & T. Sharwood, 1845-1856.

388. Collins would have been about 15 at the time, which is a young age to have completed an apprenticeship. The ritual involves a ceremony at which the young apprentice “must kiss the daughter of the owner of the bookbinding establishment. The prettiest girl in the shop is actually chosen for the part, and as the new journeyman steps forward to perform his part of the ceremony, which he is required to do with his eyes closed, a well-filled paste brush is substituted for the girl and the young binder gets a mouth full of paste.” Roberts and Etherington, Bookbinding , 146-7. BW, 1864-1871, 26 November 1864.

97 operating his own shop. 389 Christopher Shewan, possibly a brother to one of the Shewan cousins, may have worked as a bookbinder in that shop. 390 The Town of Guelph Assessment Rolls for 1863 and 1864, list McCurry and Christopher Shewan as Statute Labour under the North Ward suggesting that both were working at Magnus Shewan’s Wyndham street shop in the North Ward. 391 Sometime after May 1864, McCurry must have re-established his own business. He maintained both a contra account and a regular account for stationery items and binding jobs with Shewan during 1864 and continued to bring work for stationery binding and book and periodical binding until 1868 when he assumed Shewan’s business. 392 Luke Brennan, 25 years of age, listed in the 1868 and 1869 assessment rolls, may have worked for Shewan, McCurry, and later Thornton. Christopher Shewan remained in Guelph but changed his occupation after Magnus Shewan sold his business. 393 According to the aggregate census data for 1870-71, there were five bookbinders in Wellington South [Town of Guelph] and only one bookseller. 394 It was compiled from the

389. Evidence from the Mechanics’ Institute minutes to obtain quotes for binding periodicals from “the Book-binders in Guelph” in February 1862, suggests that there was more than one bookbinder at that time. GMI Minutes, 4 February 1862.

390. Christopher Shewan is listed in the Town of Guelph Assessment Roll for 1860 under Statute Labour for the North Ward. The Town of Guelph Assessment Roll for1861 lists Magnus Shewan as 52 years of age, and Christopher Shewan as 49 years of age, suggesting that they could be brothers. Christopher Shewan, merchant, his wife Jane, daughter Margaret, and an 11-year-old girl, Mary Robertson, are enumerated in Shewan’s household in the 1861 Canada Census as resident at Guelph. [1861Canada West Census] folio 67, line 44. Library and Archives Canada, microfilm C-1083. The Town of Guelph Assessment Roll for 1865 lists Christopher Shewan as a bookbinder, at a Douglas street (pt. 18) location and for 1867 and 1868 as a stationer at a Nottingham street (pt. 206 and 207) location. He may have been conducting the bindery at a separate location. Shewan is listed as a picture frame maker at Market Square, Guelph, in Gazetteer and Directory of the County of Wellington, for 1871-2 (Elora, ON: Wellington County Museum, 1976), 60. Shewan changed trades again: at his death in 1883, his profession was cabinet maker. Ancestry.com. Ontario, Canada Deaths, 1869-1934 , (Provo, UT: Ancestry.com Operations, 2007), http://search.ancestry.ca/.

391. William Alexander and Robert Cuthbert, watchmakers, and McLagan & Innes, printers, are listed at Market Square (pt. 114) for 1863 and 1864, where McCurry had been the previous year. The Market Square location was in the East Ward of the town.

392. BW, 1864-1871, 6 September 1864 (2 entries), 1 and 15 November 1864, 1 and 10 December 1864, 17 April 1866, 5 April, 6 August, 5 September, 9 September, and 30 October 1867. The Town of Guelph Assessment Roll for 1865 lists McCurry at a South Ward location in Market Square (pt. 2) where he probably operated an independent shop. The Town of Guelph Assessment Rolls for 1867 and 1868, list McCurry at a Northumberland (pt. 1000) location which may be where he was living. By 1869, McCurry had left Guelph.

393.Christopher Shewan is listed in the 1871 Canada census as resident in Guelph with his wife, daughter and four grandchildren. His occupation is recorded as “builder.” Canada, 1871 Census, District 33, Sub-District C, Town of Guelph, Division 1, East Ward, page 2, line 5, family number 4, Library and Archives Canada microfilm C-9945.

394. “Table XIII. Occupations of the People,” Census of Canada, 1870-71, Recensement du Canada Volume 2 (Ottawa: I. B. Taylor, 1873), 262-3. 98 nominal census returns and, taken at face value, demonstrates how misleading such data can be. Thornton is listed as a merchant not as a bookseller, stationer, or bookbinder in the 1871 census of the Town of Guelph. 395 An intensive review of Town of Guelph census records for 1871 provides profiles of bookbinders working for J. B. Thornton. John B. Payne, 35 years of age, lived in the South Ward with his wife Melissa Payne, 34 years of age, and three children: Robert, 13 years of age, Ida, 11 years of age, and Mary Jane, 8 years of age. The children were attending school and the family belonged to the Wesleyan Methodist denomination. The two older children were born in the United States, confirming other sources stating that Payne had experience in Ohio and New York. 396 Charles Nicholson, 34 years of age, also lived in the South Ward, with Harriet Nicholson, 30 years of age, a “tailoress,” perhaps Charles’ sister, Herbert Nicholson, 18 years of age, and Nellie Nicholson, 5 years of age, all of whom were born in England. The Nicholson household included a boarder, Benjamin Pearce, 21 years of age, employed as a machinist. The Nicholson household was also of the Wesleyan Methodist persuasion. 397 Neither Payne nor Nicholson owned his own home nor had any livestock or substantial crop yields. Robert H. Collins also lived in the South Ward, but his situation according to census records seems more comfortable. Collins apprenticed with Shewan, was foreman for Thornton, and probably worked for Thornton after his attempt to set up his own shop failed. 398 His father, Robert H. Collins, Sr., a veterinary surgeon, was born in Ireland and was of the Quaker faith. Robert H. Collins Jr. was also born in Ireland but his siblings, Edward, Nolan, Eliza, Mary Ann, Alicia, and Francis were born in Ontario. 399 Edward Collins, 21 years of age, was a painter, and

395. Canada, 1871 Census, District 33, Sub-District C, Division 2, South Ward, page 53, line 3, family # 199, Library and Archives Canada microfilm C-9945. Thornton did not own the ¼ acre property where he lived and had no livestock. Canada, 1871 Census, District 33, Sub-District C, Division 2, South Ward, Schedules 3, 4, and 5, Library and Archives Canada microfilm, C-9946. Thornton’s clerk, Daniel Bailey, who lived with Thornton, his mother, and his three sisters is enumerated in the census. Bailey, recorded as 21 years of age, is listed as an employee of Thornton for the Statute Labour Roll in the Town of Guelph Assessment Roll for 1871.

396. Canada, 1871 Census, District 33, Sub-District C, Town of Guelph, Division 2, South Ward, page 11, lines 2-6. Library and Archives Canada, microfilm C-9945. Census records indicate that Payne was born in Ontario and after his sojourn in the United States he returned to Ontario between 1860 and 1863.

397. Canada, 1871 Census, District 33, Sub-District C, Town of Guelph, South Ward, Division 2, page 42, lines 13-17. Library and Archives Canada, microfilm C-9945.

398. Guelph Advertiser , February 17, 1870, 2.

399. There is some discrepancy regarding the age of Robert H. Collins Jr. According to the 1871 Canada Census record he was 24, but in the Guelph Assessment Roll for 1870, he is recorded as 25 years of age. The 1881 census lists him as 32 years of age and born in Ontario. At that time he was living with his mother and five siblings 99

Nolan Collins, 19 years of age, was a machinist. The family was not a cohesive one as far as religious observance is concerned. Sarah Collins, wife of R. H. Collins, Sr., and five of the children were listed as “Independent.” Nolan Collins belonged to the Wesleyan Methodist denomination and Robert Jr. worshipped with the Plymouth Brethren. The Collins family owned their village lot of 1¼ acres and grew 100 bushels of potatoes, 10 bushels of carrots and other roots and harvested 3 bushels of fruit, but they did not have any livestock. 400 Two female bindery employees lived in the North Ward where the bindery was located. 401 Elicia A. Dalmaze, 27 years of age, resided in the household of Thomas Althew, a shoemaker. The Althew family of eight had four boarders. 402 Mary Jane Stuart, 22 years of age, also lived in the North Ward with her parents and seven siblings. Miss Stuart was the eldest child of Hamilton and Maria Stuart. Her father was a cooper, as was her brother William, 17 years of age. Her sister, Eliza Stuart, 15 years of age, is listed as a dressmaker. Three younger sisters are recorded as attending school. The family was of Irish origin and Wesleyan Methodist. 403 In the West Ward enumeration, Maggie Candy, 20 years of age, born in Ontario, was listed as “binder.” She resided in the household of Widow Abigail Emslie, her son John R. Emslie and Sidney Smith, a wagon maker. Candy was of Irish descent and a Wesleyan Methodist. 404 Thornton’s business is the only bindery enumerated as part of “Schedule 6: Return of Industrial Establishments,” in the 1871 census for Guelph. The census data for Thornton’s

in Hamilton. FamilySearch.org, 1881 Canadian Census, http://www.familysearch.org/eng/default.asp, using search term “Robert Collins”. The Collins family probably immigrated to Upper Canada between 1847 and 1850.

400. Canada, 1871 Census, District 33, Sub-District C, Town of Guelph, South Ward, Division 2, page 87, lines 2-10. Library and Archives Canada, microfilm C-9945.

401. The 1871 Canadian census also included a Schedule of deaths that occurred in the previous twelve months. The name of Mary Stephens, 26 years of age, born in Ontario, a Wesleyan Methodist bookbinder, who died of consumption in August 1870, can be tentatively added to the list of bindery employees at Thornton’s establishment. It is not evident how long Stephens was ill, or if she was able to work until shortly before she died. Canada, 1871 Census. District 33, Sub-District C, Town of Guelph, East Ward, Division 1, Schedule 2: Nominal Return of the Deaths within Last Twelve Months. Library and Archives Canada, microfilm C-9945.

402. Canada, 1871 Census, District 33, Sub-District C, Town of Guelph, North Ward, Division 4, page 23, Library and Archives Canada, microfilm C-9945. The six Althew children ranged in age from 1 year to 21 years of age. The other boarders in the Althew household were: George Burrow, 19 years of age, a cooper, Thinsa[?] Porter, 29 years of age, a seamstress, and her daughter Mary Porter, 6 years of age. Porter may have been a seamstress who boarded with a family for several weeks at a time to do sewing and mending for the household, before moving on to another family.

403. Canada, 1871 Census. District 33, Sub-District C, Town of Guelph, North Ward, Division 4, page 20- 21, lines 14-20, 1-3. Library and Archives Canada, microfilm C-9946.

404. Canada, 1871 Census. District 33, Sub-District C, Town of Guelph, West Ward, Division 3, page 9, lines 10-13. Library and Archives Canada, microfilm C-9946. 100 bindery in the North Ward records two male employees over 16, three female employees over 16, and two female employees under 16 with the aggregate wages being $1,250 or about half of the total spent on raw materials. 405 Labour was cheap compared to raw materials and machinery, which probably retarded the introduction of equipment like book sewing machines into the bindery. Matching the data from “Schedule 6” to the people enumerated in “Schedule 1: Nominal Return of the Living” indicates that John Payne, Charles Nicholson, Elicia Dalmaze, Mary Jane Stuart and perhaps Maggie Candy were working for Thornton. The two female employees under 16 years of age could have been any number of adolescent girls connected to people working in the bindery, for example, Thornton’s younger sister, or a young girl from the Althew household. Aggregate census data for 1870-71, record the average yearly wage for an Ontario bookbinder as $74.24. 406 According to an 1874 Wage Book for Brown Brothers, the average wage in the bindery was a little more than $5 per week which would net about $250 per year however the wages did not increase substantially over a 30 year period. 407 In the 1880s Nunan’s small business was part of something much larger on a provincial scale. According to aggregate census data, the capital invested in bookbinding enterprises was $393,174, employing 651 hands, and manufacturing products worth $1,155,458. 408 By 1897, wages and number of hours per week had not changed very much. 409 Nunan’s employees were few and have been difficult to trace. The 1881 census lists

405. The two female employees under 16 have not been identified from the census returns.

406. “Table XL: Industries, 3rd Series,” in Canada, Census of Canada, 1870-71, Recensement du Canada , Volume 3 (Ottawa: I. B. Taylor, 1875), 400-1. If the calculation of the average included the low wages of female employees, the resulting average wage would be much lower than if the average was calculated using the wages for male employees only.

407. Fader records the number of employees as 44 in 1874 with the average weekly wage of $5.19. By 1903, the number of employees was 35 and the average weekly wage was $5.71. This may not represent all the employees. During the period 1885 to 1892, Brown Brothers employed 100 to 135 people. The reduction of employees in 1903 is probably due to greater mechanization of the business. Fader, Brown Brothers, 1846-1997 , 75, 106.

408. “Table LVI: Summary of Industrial Establishments by Province,” Canada, Census of Canada, 1880- 81 , Recensement du Canada , Volume 3 (Ottawa: Maclean, Roger, & Co., 1883), 510-511.

409. B. M. Durtnall, in a study of Guelph workers noted that “in 1887 machinists worked 59 hours a week, 252 days a year for $454.36, while moulders worked more hours for more pay, making a total of $518 a year. In 1888 blacksmiths earned $10.42 for a week of 59.17 hours while carpenters made $10.96 for 59.23 hours, machinists made $10.96 for 59 hours, moulders $11.17 for 58.89 hours, and painters $10.35 for 57.20 hours. By 1897 wages and number of working hours had not greatly improved. Weavers at Burrows Bros. Royal Carpet Works at Nelson Crescent made between $5 and $7 a week, with girls making $15 a month. Apprentices had to pay an initial $25 “for the privilege of learning this craft.” See “Working it Out: Unions, Associations and the Guelph Working Class, 1850-1900,” Historic Guelph: The Royal City 36 (1997): 11. 101

Frank Nunan and two sisters, Dorcas and Minnie Taylor, as bookbinders. The Taylor sisters lived in the household of their parents, William G. and Susan Taylor, with three siblings. 410 Nunan lived with his parents and two younger sisters. In the early 1890s, Nunan employed at least three people. The Guelph City Directory for 1891 lists John Mulligan, Harry Ryan, and Maggie Purcell as bookbinders at Nunan’s shop. John Mulligan, 17 years of age, lived with his Irish Catholic family in a brick, 1½ -storey, five-room house. His father was a teamster, his mother a seamstress. Both parents could read and write. Mulligan lived with his parents and two older sisters, one of whom was a seamstress and a wage- earner. 411 Margaret Purcell is enumerated in the 1891 census as 21 years of age, the eldest of three children of Tobias and Jane Purcell. Her father was a cooper, her brother John, 17 years of age, was an organ tuner. 412 According to census records, Nunan’s household included his apprentice Henry (Harry) Ryan, 16 years of age. 413 Three other female bookbinders identified in the 1891 directory, Maggie Gore, Bertha Lodge, and Mary Sullivan may have been employed by James Hough Jr., who operated a printing shop and employed bookbinder George Colson and printers M. Birmingham, Robert Hill, and Nichol Weatherston at Carden Street (part 116). 414 Bookbinder Stanley French, identified in the 1891 directory and the Town of Guelph Assessment Roll for 1891, may have

410. Nunan is incorrectly listed as 21 years of age. He was born in 1857 and is listed in the 1871 census as 13 years of age. Canada, 1881 Census, District 151, Sub-District C, Division 1, page 7, household number 33, Library and Archives Canada, microfilm, C-13258. In the 1871 census, the Taylor sisters’ ages are recorded as 10 and 7. Canada, 1871 Census, District 33, Sub-District C, Division 2, South Ward, page 1, line 13, family number 4, Library and Archives Canada, microfilm C-9945. In the 1881 census the Taylor sisters’ ages are recorded as 18 and 16. Canada, 1881 Census, District 151, Sub-District C, Division 3, page 40, household number 211, and Division 1, page 7, household number 33. Library and Archives Canada, microfilm C-13258.

411. Canada, 1891 Census, District 127, Wellington South, Sub-District E. City of Guelph, Division 6, page 1, lines 10-14, family number 3. Library and Archives Canada, microfilm T-6377.

412. Canada, 1891 Census, District 127, Wellington South, Sub-District E, City of Guelph, Division 3, page 18, line 3, family number 78. Library and Archives Canada, microfilm T-6377.

413. Harry Ryan was probably Nunan’s nephew, as his wife’s maiden name was Ryan. Nunan’s household included his wife, Mary, two daughters, and his widowed mother. Canada, 1891 Census, District 127, Wellington South, Sub-District E, City of Guelph, Division 4, page 57, line 10, family number 299. Library and Archives Canada, microfilm T-6377.

414. Union Publishing Co’s Guelph City Directory, for 1891 (Ingersoll, ON: Union Publishing Co., [1891]), 16. Margaret Gore, 20 years of age, resided in the household of her widowed mother, three siblings, and a niece and nephew. Widow Gore was Irish and Roman Catholic. Canada, 1891 Census, District 127, Wellington South, Sub-District E, City of Guelph, Division 4, p.17, line 4. Bertha Lodge, 16 years of age, is recorded in the 1891 census data without an occupation. Canada, 1891 Census, District 127, Wellington South, Sub-District E, City of Guelph, Division 4, p. 39, line 6. Mary Sullivan, 29 years of age, lived with her widowed mother and three brothers, who were employed as tailors. See 1891 census for City of Guelph, Division 4, p. 45, line 10. Nichol Weatherston was 19 years of age. See 1891 Canada census for City of Guelph, Division 2, p. 7, line 7, family number 32. Library and Archives Canada, microfilm T-6377. 102 worked per diem for Nunan and Hough. According to the Town of Guelph Assessment Roll for 1890, Hough also occupied the Wyndham Street (part 102) premises owned by Susan Corbet, formerly occupied by George Pirie of the Guelph Herald , and P. C. Allan. Hough may have carried out the printing in one establishment and the binding at Carden Street. The 1891 census enumerator recorded Hough, 29 years of age, as a printer who employed 15 people. 415 In the early years of the twentieth century, J. E. Cheevers operated a bindery on Quebec Street. 416 A ticketed blank book in the collection of the Ontario Agricultural College Archives indicates that he and Nunan were producing blank books in the same style for the same customer. The style of binding with broad X’s tooled in blind on the hubs of the spine, suggests that Cheevers may have apprenticed under Nunan or worked at Nunan’s shop before he opened his own business. 417 Nunan’s sons, George and Harry, both worked at the bindery. George Nunan was employed there for a few years before he continued his higher education, eventually becoming a Jesuit priest. Harry (Henry Ambrose) Nunan was at the bindery for much of his working life. 418 Nunan’s son continued the family business, with the assistance over the years from young boys and later his own son, Michael Nunan. According to an interview conducted in 1970 with Isabel Nunan, Harry Nunan’s widow, there was “a boy helping him” but she began to assist when “help became scarce.” 419 In a later interview, Mrs. Nunan reported that there were eight employees in the 1920s. At that time, women who did the sewing of pamphlets and blankbooks, earned $1.50 a week. 420 She carried on the business with the help of her son and a few assistants after her husband’s death. By then the business was not producing orders on the scale of Thornton’s job from Boedecker & Stuebing for 166 blankbooks in 1871. Most of its revenue was generated by

415. Canada, 1891 Census, District 127, Wellington South, Sub-District E, City of Guelph, Division 6, p. 18, line 3, family number 81. Hough lived with his wife and three children. They were Methodist.

416. Sales Book [1916-24], OAC Dept. of Poultry Husbandry, RE1 OAC A0089, Ontario Agricultural College Archives, University of Guelph Library.

417. Dept. of Poultry Husbandry, RE1 OAC A0089, University of Guelph Library.

418. Harry Nunan worked at the bindery until 1968, succumbing to a heart attack on his way to work. For some time ca. 1930 Harry Nunan was in a wholesale motor parts and service business with two partners. Vernon’s City of Guelph (Ontario) Miscellaneous, Alphabetical Street and Business Directory for the Year 1930 (Hamilton: Vernon Directories Limited, 1930), 36, 197, 345. According to Michael Nunan, his father’s business dissolved during the Depression.

419. Patti Slawich, “She Carries on 1880 Tradition,” Guelph Mercury , August 1, 1970, [vertical file, Guelph Public Library].

420. “Grad Students,” University of Guelph News Bulletin . 103 binding jobs from university students and a few long-standing, loyal customers. Michael Nunan described a typical day at the bindery during its final decade of operation. The first duty on arrival was to stoke up the fire in the coal stove. Books placed in the press the night before were taken out, cleaned up, and made ready for customers to pick up. Then the day’s work began, often binding a set of theses on the Perfect Binder which applied adhesive to the spine of the text block. Cases were then constructed, usually in groups of 20. Since the theses were a standard size (height and width) the boards could be cut in advance. Once the cases were pasted up, the type was set for each individual thesis and stamped onto the case, which was then attached to the text block. In a typical day about 15-20 books were made up and placed in the press overnight. The last chore of the day was to bank up the fire before leaving.

Conclusion

The Guelph Bookbindery remained a small shop in the centre of town employing eight or fewer workers at any one time throughout its business life. Before 1872, the business was probably carried on in two locations with the bookselling part of the enterprise and the bookbinding and blankbook manufacture in separate premises, as the proprietors, who were booksellers and stationers, attempted to expand their businesses with the addition of bookbinding services. Within the shop, time-honoured traditions of the craft and its associated rituals were perpetuated. The bookbinders employed during Shewan’s proprietorship participated in the larger sphere of artisanal labour and its traditions marking the completion of an apprenticeship with the ritual of “kissing the bookbinder’s daughter.” Equipment and tools preserved from the bindery tell a story of well-used machines and makeshift repairs and of innovation in the crafting of hand tools. The continuing use of machines that had long been superseded and the failure to invest in the business to expand its services and remain competitive in price and turnaround time, led to its slow decline. The rich documentary sources that are the foundation of this study are a consequence of the transfer of Bindery Workbooks from one proprietor to the next. Although the proprietors of the Guelph Bookbindery can be traced through several sources, their apprentices and employees are harder to discover. Several bookbinders from Guelph can be followed to other Southern Ontario towns; others are not easily traced before or after their time in Guelph. Business failures, new business opportunities, family ties, or changes in family relationships, may have influenced their decisions to relocate. William J. McCurry, the first bookbinder located at Guelph in 1862, may have worked

104 for Shewan and also been in business for himself. No trace of McCurry is found after the fall of 1868. Luke Brennan may have worked for McCurry and Shewan, before moving on to St. Catharines, then Welland, and eventually settling in Hamilton.421 R. H. Collins may have apprenticed in Shewan’s shop, becoming foreman for Thornton and his competitor for a brief period in 1870, but by 1881 he had moved to Hamilton with his mother and five siblings. 422 Thornton employed experienced bookbinders John Payne and Charles Nicholson for less than two years. Payne and Nicholson, both in their mid-30s and adherents of Wesleyan Methodism, may have come to work for Thornton, a 28-year-old “Canada Presbyterian,” through connections within the Methodist community. Both Payne and Nicholson moved on to unknown destinations after Thornton declared bankruptcy in 1872. Less is known about Easton’s shop or the conditions under which Frank Nunan came to work for him or why Easton left Guelph after a few years. Easton, also a Methodist, was about 42 years old when he took over the Guelph Bookbindery. He may have been persuaded to move to Lindsay by his son, John Easton, to take advantage of a business opportunity as both are listed as merchants there in the 1881 census. 423 Chapman, a skilled bookbinder, came to Guelph from London, Ontario, but left Guelph after five years, moving on to Chatham and settling in St. Thomas after 1883. Frank Nunan, a devout Roman Catholic, hired others of the same religious affiliation to work in his shop, reflecting the nineteenth-century Canadian social and cultural milieu, which was firmly divided along Protestant and Catholic denominational lines. During the nineteenth century, the bookbindery provided employment for young women from their late teens until they married. The young women working at the bindery in 1871 were not there ten years later. Likewise, the Taylor sisters employed by Nunan in 1881 were replaced by Maggie Purcell and probably one of three other young women identified in the 1891 Guelph directory. Frank Nunan’s sisters and daughters may have helped out over the years, as did his daughter-in-law, Isabel Nunan, who carried on the business for a decade after her husband died. In order to fully understand the Guelph Bookbindery as a business, it is necessary to look at its products. Analytical bibliography can confirm evidence recorded in the Bindery Workbooks of binding practices, equipment, and materials used and demonstrate skill levels of

421. Ancestry. com. and The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1871 Census of Canada (Provo, UT: Ancestry.com Operations, 2009), http://search.ancestry.ca/; 1881 Census of Canada, http://search.ancestry.ca/ ; Ancestry.com, 1891 Census of Canada (Provo, UT: Ancestry.com Operations, 2008), http://search.ancestry.ca/; 1901 Census of Canada (Provo, UT: Ancestry .com Operations, 2006), http://search.ancestry.ca/.

423. Ancestry.com and The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1881 Census of Canada (Provo, UT: Ancestry.com Operations, 2009), http://search.ancestry.ca/. 105 individual binders. Several blankbooks, pamphlets, and books bound there by known and unknown binders will be discussed in the next chapter.

106

Chapter 5. Bookbinding Practices at the Guelph Bookbindery

Introduction

Peter Stallybrass asserts that printers print sheets and binders transform printed sheets into books and pamphlets. 424 His contention that the largest volume of print production does not survive because it was ephemeral job printing, undertaken to finance larger publishing projects, has parallels with evidence of non-surviving Guelph imprints that are recorded in the Bindery Workbooks. Stallybrass’s argument fits well with Adams and Barker’s model of the life cycle of the book where survival, the final component of a book’s function, is very dependent on social and economic factors. Because many Guelph imprints were pamphlets, few are preserved in library and archival collections. 425 Bound books survive in greater number because the more substantial bindings provide protection and they may initially have been bound to ensure their survival. Blankbooks used for municipal and college records have also survived, perhaps because of their size and construction techniques, and due to their function as the historical record of property valuation, city business, and sales transactions for the Ontario Agricultural College (OAC).

In this chapter, the methodology of analytical bibliography will be used to record bookbinding practices at the Guelph Bookbindery during the period 1864 to 1897. Including items from Shewan’s, Chapman’s, and Nunan’s shop, the analysis considers materials and techniques of stationery work and letterpress binding encompassing pamphlet and edition binding. 426

424. “‘Little Jobs’: Broadsides and the Printing Revolution,” in Agent of Change: Print Culture Studies after Elizabeth L. Eisenstein , ed. Sabrina Alcorn Baron, Eric N. Lindquist, and Eleanor F. Shevlin, 315-341 (Amherst and Boston: University of Massachusetts Press, 2007).

425. The definition of a pamphlet varies. Roberts and Etherington define it is a “few leaves of printed matter stitched together but not bound, and with or without self-, or other paper, covers.” The definition includes various page lengths as well: not more than 8 pages, not more than 100 pages, fewer than 80 pages. Bookbinding , 187. In the examples discussed in this chapter, all pamphlets are under 100 pages.

426. Standards of description of bound books and pamphlets include the ISCC-NBS Centroid Color Charts colour descriptors and the bookcloth nomenclature set out by Andrea Krupp. Inter-Society Color Council—National Bureau of Standards. ISCC-NBS Color-Name Charts Illustrated with Centroid Colors . [Washington, DC: National Bureau of Standards, 1965]. Bookcloth in England and America, 1823-50 (New Castle, DE: Oak Knoll Press; New York: Bibliographical Society of America; London: British Library, 2008). 107

Stationery Binding and Blankbook Production

Stationery binding is broadly divided into the construction of blankbooks, such as ledgers and other record books, and manifold binding jobs, which include the binding of business forms and office stationery by punching holes, padding, wire stitching, pagination, and perforation. 427 The ruling of paper is also considered part of stationery binding. As commercial, bureaucratic, and professional standards became established in nineteenth-century Ontario, there was a demand for record keeping systems in the shops, factories, and local government offices of Guelph, a commercial centre and county town. The newspaper offices produced items such as the printed heads on invoices that were then transferred to the bindery for ruling with head-lines and down- lines for columns. 428 The volume of manifold binding jobs generated from the job printing offices is discussed in more detail in Chapter 6. The Bindery Workbooks document stationery jobs completed at the Guelph Bookbindery from chequebooks to large record books for Wellington County, the town of Guelph, and numerous official, labour, social, and religious groups. The function of the blankbook dictated its style and structure. For example, books manufactured to contain court records must be sturdy enough to withstand frequent use and must lay flat when opened so that writing is facilitated. Merchants, manufacturers, professional men, and bureaucrats could specify requirements for blankbooks such as the number of pages, paper size, ruling, printing, binding material, and reinforcements, including bands, locks, and protective covers. For example, records for Weir, Bryce & Co. (1878), highlight seven different ledgers ordered within days of each other: one 700-page ledger with one-half of the pages ruled two-accounts-per-page; a 350-page ledger, ruled three-accounts-per-page, with an index; a 450-page ledger with an index bound in full rough goat with a lock; and four 400-page pocket ledgers full bound roan, lettered, and indexed in front. The order was delivered about two weeks later. 429 Blankbook manufacture had its own standards and techniques that differed from bespoke binding. The manufacture of spring-back spines to support a large, heavy book and force it to lay flat when opened was a measure of a skilled stationery binder. Strips of leather or cloth were glued to the spine of the text block between the tapes to add stability before binding in a process

427. Roberts and Etherington, Bookbinding , 165.

428. Head-lines are horizontal lines ruled in two or three colours about 38 mm from the top of the sheet, underneath the printed head. Down-lines are added starting perpendicularly from the head-lines to divide the sheet into columns. See Pleger, Paper Ruling , 28 .

429. BW, 1876-1881, 21 August and 23 August 1878. The total cost for the jobs was $20.70. 108 known as “clothing up.” Stationery binders employed cloth hinges and reinforced sewing to strengthen made endpapers. 430 Initial and final gatherings were also reinforced with guards and extra sewing. The number of leaves in a gathering was dictated by paper size and weight. 431 Extra bands of leather (bands or Russia bands) covered the spine and were laced onto the boards to provide added strength to the joints according to strict conventions of the trade. 432 Three blankbooks associated with Shewan, Chapman, and Nunan show the state of stationery binding practices at Guelph in 1864, 1879, and 1897. The “Town of Guelph Assessment Roll for 1864,” produced by Shewan’s shop, is a blankbook of 164 folio leaves (328 pages) constructed of irregular gatherings of 6, 8, 10, and 12 leaves with several extra leaves inserted in two gatherings. Ordered by the Town Clerk, 8 April 1864, it was delivered six days later at a cost of $1.25. 433 The use of generic sheets with printed heads and printed columns supplied by W. C. Chewett & Co. of Toronto, facilitated local production because preparation of the sheets would have been time consuming and required expert printers and paper rulers. Its half binding of diced brown leather [basil?] with dark purplish grey moiré cloth is edged in blind with a double fillet. 434 The spine is clothed up with strips of sheep and morocco leathers. There are no endbands and edges are plain. Endpapers are light blue. The folio sheets are sewn all along with double thread on four [paper?] tabs. 435 A 27 x 42 mm binder’s ticket, identifying Shewan’s shop, printed in red ink and pasted to the upper left

430. The method of constructing endpapers described by John Mason is evident in Guelph blankbooks. The endpapers are constructed of paper with cloth joints and are sewn onto the first and last sections of the book. The technique uses two folded sheets (one plain, one waste) which are joined by a cloth hinge. The marbled-paper linings are pasted onto the endpaper just overlapping the joint between the cloth hinge and the folded sheets. Stationery Binding (London: Sir Isaac Pitman & Sons, 1946), 93-94.

431. Foolscap and Demy paper (16 to 25 lb) are folded in sixes, Medium and Royal (34 to 54 lb) are folded in fives, and Imperial (72 lb) is folded in fours. J. Leonard Monk and W. F. Lawrence, A Textbook of Stationery Binding (Leicester and London: Raithby, Lawrence & Co., 1912), 15.

432. According to stationery binding manuals, the position of the bands were governed by proportions of 19 equal parts. For single bands, the band was 3/19 the length of the cover, and the same space was between the bands. The distance from the top and bottom of the bands to the head and tail edges of the board was 2/19. The bands extended over the board, 2/5 of its width. Double bands were more complicated, as the head and tail bands were equal to 5/19 of the length of the board, and 2 of the bands extended the full width of the board. Roberts and Etherington, Bookbinding , 17. See also John Mason, Stationery Binding , 89-144.

433. City of Guelph Finance and Taxation sous fonds, City of Guelph fonds, (F2-2-2-1-15 1864), Guelph Public Library Archives, Guelph, ON.

434. A fillet is a “wheel-shaped finishing tool having one or more raised bands on its circumference . . . used to impress a line or parallel lines” on the cover of a book. Roberts and Etherington, Bookbinding , 101.

435. All along sewing refers to the best method of sewing a text block, where all “the thread goes ‘all along,’ the inside of the fold of the section.” Two-on sewing and three-on sewing could be done when gatherings were thin, but was also used to save time. Roberts and Etherington, Bookbinding , 8. 109 corner of the front pastedown reads: ‘M. SHEWAN, [in fancy type] | BLANK BOOK | MANUFACTURER, | Wyndham Street , | GUELPH.’ Shewan’s blankbook was constructed without any extra embellishments such as endbands, marbled edges, and made endpapers. His use of double thread, sewing all along, and clothing up the spine produced a binding that was strong enough for its function. Since its function was utilitarian it may have been ordered to those specifications. Although this blankbook meets an acceptable standard of production it is not as fine as the examples by Chapman and Nunan. The “City of Guelph, Minutes of Council, 1879” recording the official business of the new city is a fine example of Chapman’s skill as a stationery bookbinder. The folio of 332 leaves (664 pages) includes a tabbed, reinforced index stamped with 10 mm upper case letters which makes up the first two gatherings. 436 Chapman used paper manufactured by T. H. Saunders (England) with watermark dates of 1878 and 1879 to make up the 34 gatherings of 8 and 10 leaves which were first ruled with 50 faint horizontal lines and a red down-line 145 mm from the left hand margin of the page. The book was paginated by machine with 7 mm numerals, with the numeral’9’ often non-ranging, indicating equipment not operating up to standard. The rough sheep binding has three brown Russia bands extending around the spine and laced onto the upper and lower boards with leather thongs in a traditional pattern. Boards are tooled in blind outlining rectangles above, below, and between the Russia bands with a thick fillet outlining a large rectangle on the undecorated portion of the board. The spring-back spine, tooled in blind and gold with a double fillet roll and a flower and leaf roll, features two black leather labels lettered in gold ‘MINUTES | OF | COUNCIL’ and ‘CITY | OF | GUELPH’. Turn- ins and board edges are tooled in blind in short horizontal lines using a tool specific for that purpose (described on page 96). Chapman chose made endbands, constructed made endpapers using Spanish marbled paper, and finished the fore edge with a comb marble pattern of red, blue, yellow, and green. 437 The gatherings are sewn according to principles of blankbook construction with the first five

436. City of Guelph fonds, (F2-1-1-0-4), Guelph Public Library Archives, Guelph, ON.

437. Endbands are “functional and / or ornamental band[s] at the head and tail of a book between the sections and the spine covering, which projects slightly beyond the head and tail.” Originally, endbands were worked by hand with threads sewn over a thong core through the spine and laced into the boards of the book. It added strength to the spine especially during the strain applied when a book is removed from the shelf. The made endbands used by Chapman were glued on strips of beaded braid which looked like worked endbands but were not tied into the structure. Later nineteenth century books have strips of striped fabric for endbands. Made endbands are “merely decorative.” Roberts and Etherington, Bookbinding , 129-130. 110 gatherings and the last three gatherings with reinforced sewing, intermittent reinforced sewing of other gatherings, and a cloth guard on the folded edge of the innermost sheet of the first and last gatherings. Chapman’s ticket (15 x 24 mm) printed on vivid green paper and pasted on the lower left corner of the back pastedown reads: ‘F. T. CHAPMAN, | BINDER | GUELPH, ONT.’ Serving as a permanent record of the new city’s official business, the size, construction, and decoration demonstrate Chapman’s mastery of his trade. From it we learn that Chapman’s shop was skilled at paper ruling, paging, making up endpapers, marbling, working with leather, and tooling in gold. 438 The “Sales Book, Poultry Department, O. A. C” is a blankbook made by Frank Nunan about 1897. The folio of 20 gatherings (202 leaves) is made up with the first gathering of 12 leaves, and the remaining gatherings of 10. The typography of the printed heads is similar to the printed heads of Bindery Workbook, 1887-1895, indicating that the sheets were printed locally perhaps by Nunan or at one of the printing offices. The sheets are ruled with a quadruple-ruled head-line, and box-heads ruled for five columns per page, with the head-line double ruled red ink, 11 ruled down-lines, and 40 faint lines for manuscript. The pages are numbered by paging machine with 45 mm numerals, suggesting a different machine than the one used by Chapman with its smaller size numerals. The “Sales Book,” half bound with red leather and dark bluish grey frond pattern bookcloth, is edged in blind and along the hinge with a scallop roll. The spring-back spine is divided into five panels by four false raised bands tooled in blind and gold. The foot of the spine is tooled in gold: ‘FRANK NUNAN’. There are no endbands; edges show evidence of faint blue and green marbling in no discernable pattern. Nunan constructed made endpapers using a small shell pattern marbled paper. The text block is sewn on eight cords, with the first three and last two gatherings sewn all along and reinforced, but without cloth guards on any gatherings. 439 Nunan’s competence as a stationery bookbinder is proven by this blankbook, with its printed and ruled sheets and its tooled binding. The techniques he learned in Easton’s shop and under the tutelage of Chapman enabled him to continue the business and to manufacture a sturdy, serviceable account book that has survived use and probably some abuse at the hands of college

438. A record for “Day Book Long Demy” of 600 pages in full sheep with Russia bands was ordered by the City of Guelph, 27 May 1879. It cost $8 and was delivered 16 June. This is similar to the blankbook described here but an exact correspondence between the two blankbooks is questionable because there is no reference to the index and the dates do not correspond.

439. Department of Poultry Husbandry, Ontario Agricultural College Archives (RE1 OAC A0089), University of Guelph Library, Guelph, ON. 111 students who recorded the sales of eggs in its pages.

Letterpress Binding

Pamphlet Binding Pamphlet binding, used in finishing a large number of local imprints for distribution, is included under letterpress binding. 440 Many locally printed pamphlets were bound at the Guelph Bookbindery, from minutes of meetings of the County Council, to the Conversazione Programmes of the Ontario Agricultural College in 1956. 441 Although many local imprints can be partially identified from the Bindery Workbooks, copies of most do not survive. 442 Some were published privately, and many were published as a public record of local government and societies, and as the century progressed, for commercial purposes. Local imprints (1864-1891) referenced in the Bindery Workbooks are listed in Appendix G. The nine pamphlets selected for analysis are representative of printing and binding in Guelph from the mid-1860s until 1891. The pamphlets were finished at the bindery, either by trimming, or by folding, stitching, attaching covers, and trimming. All but one example are bound with a separate wrapper stitched or pasted on, before trimming. They include: six self- published pamphlets, including a work of poetry, one library catalogue, one instruction manual, and one commercial catalogue. They have been chosen to reflect the variety of individuals and groups who used print in this format, and to illustrate changes in binding techniques such as the use of a sewing machine to bind the increasing volume of pamphlets more quickly. More pamphlets from Nunan’s bindery are included here because they document the use of new equipment. The pamphlets appear in chronological order according the publication date given in the imprint or an approximate date derived from other evidence.

440 . Roberts and Etherington define pamphlet binding as “the style in which such publications are bound when they are issued by the publisher, i.e., saddle stitched, side sewn, or side stitched.” Saddle stitching refers to a pamphlet sewn through the centre of the folded leaves and side sewn or side stitched refers to pamphlets sewn through holes made several millimetres from the folded edge. Roberts and Etherington also include binding of periodicals, telephone books, directories, and other hot-melt adhesive bound items in their definition of pamphlet binding. Bookbinding , 187. In this discussion of pamphlet binding I use the term pamphlet to refer to a publication of fewer than 100 pages that is folded and bound with stitching. According to Brian Maloney, instructor for the Canadian Bookbinders and Book Artists Guild, the true pamphlet stitch, sewn through three or five holes, forms a letter “B” when the knot is tied over the central needle hole.

441. BW, 1946-56, 23 January 1956, order from Kelso Printing Co. for stapling 413 programmes with 2 staples was charged at $2.50.

442. Several Guelph pamphlets examined in the course of this research cannot be associated with the bindery, either because the imprints are pre-1864 or because the pamphlets were bound at the newspaper office with no corresponding record in the Bindery Workbooks. 112

The Greenwood Tragedy by Colonel Kingsmill was printed at the Herald Office in 1864. Greenwood’s collection of three evangelical addresses, which he delivered to prisoners at the Toronto Gaol after the suicide of prisoner William Greenwood, advocated respect for the Sabbath, abstinence from alcohol, and marital fidelity. 443 Kingsmill added an “Appeal to the Ladies of Canada” to become “ministering angels” to prison inmates and others who required moral and spiritual guidance. The pamphlet of five gatherings is made up of an initial gathering of 2 leaves, and four gatherings of 4 leaves each, side sewn with a pamphlet stitch and a printed paper wrapper pasted on, in one of three colours: light yellow, pale yellowish pink, or green (reported in catalogue record). With the spine edge 2 mm shorter than the fore edge, the pamphlet has not been trimmed square. Since there is no reference to this job coming to the bindery from the Herald Office, the initial binding of Kingsmill’s pamphlet may have been done there, at the printing office. Kingsmill himself visited the bindery four times during April and May of 1864, bringing 42 copies of “Addresses” for half bindings with lettering on the side (upper board). The work was completed either the same day, or the following day, with the final six copies delivered 23 June 1864. Kingsmill paid $12 for the job. Perhaps these were presentation copies that Kingsmill was giving to influential people whom he thought would support his temperance cause. The half bound “Address” in maroon leather with moderate brown Spanish marbled paper is edged in blind with a double fillet and has a red morocco label on the upper board tooled in gold with a double fillet border and ‘COL, KINGSMILL’S | ADDRESSES.’ The spine is tooled in gold with a double fillet dividing the spine into five compartments with a paper label, probably added later, with [K]ings[mill] written in ink. There are no endbands; edges and endpapers are plain. The gatherings are sewn on three sawn-in cords, with two-on sewing; needle-holes in the gutter confirm it was initially side sewn as a pamphlet. 444 At least eleven copies survive in library collections and the pamphlet has been microfilmed by the Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions (CIHM) and is part of the digital collection of the University of Toronto Library. Dr. Howitt’s An Address on the Formation of Rifle Associations (1866), a response to the

443. The Greenwood Tragedy: Three Addresses Delivered to the Prisoners in Toronto Gaol Soon After the Suicide of William Greenwood, and Having Reference to that Event, To Which is Added an Appeal to the Ladies of Canada (Guelph, ON: Herald Office, 1864).

444. Two-on sewing was a technique of sewing two gatherings at once by alternating the sewing from one section to the next. The technique saves time and also reduces swell in the spine. Roberts and Etherington, Bookbinding , 270. Law Society of Upper Canada Library, HV 6548.O57 K56 1864, Toronto. 113 threat of Fenian invasion, was a printed sheet that came to the bindery in two lots for cutting, folding, stitching, covering, and trimming into a pamphlet of 4 leaves. This binding job indicates how quickly public speeches could be disseminated to a wide audience. Dr. Howitt’s address was delivered in the Guelph Town Hall on 15 August 1866. Ten days later, the Town of Guelph had decided to print the pamphlet. The first lot of 1,000 copies came to the bindery 27 August, and were delivered the same day; the second lot of 1,264 copies arrived from the Advertiser Office 12 September 1866 and was delivered three days later. The pamphlet, covered in a brilliant yellow printed wrapper (pink also reported), is sewn with a single stitch (not a true pamphlet stitch) through two holes in the fold and knotted inside the gathering, perhaps in an effort to bind the pamphlet quickly. Seven copies survive in library collections, a 0.3 per cent survival rate. The Business Compendium bound for the Guelph Business College in 1884 is an example of a cut flush binding in which leaves and covers are cut even, usually with a guillotine. The twelve folio gatherings (24 leaves) are bound with a pamphlet stitch side sewn 5 mm from the spine. Very dark bluish green dotted line cloth is pasted over the endpaper and cut flush. The upper cloth wrapper, stamped in gold (‘Business Compendium.’ with a fancy initial letter and an ornament of trailing leaves) would have required a customized die to stamp the cloth. 445 Two copies survive in Ontario university libraries. ( The Guelph Business College, situated on the same block as Nunan’s bindery, is discussed further in Chapter 6.) The Catalogue of Books for the Guelph Free Public Library, printed by J. J. Kelso in 1884, is a pamphlet of 45 leaves in six gatherings. An extra leaf for the ‘INDEX.’ is tipped in after the title page. The catalogue is bound with a pamphlet stitch side sewn 5 mm from the spine and covered with a printed pale yellow green calendered paper wrapper. 446 The spine edge and fore edge differing in height by 1 mm indicates uneven trimming. Slanted print, which appears on the title page and page [3], may have been caused while printing the form or folding the sheets, but was exaggerated by the uneven trimming of the catalogue. Kelso’s $85 bid for printing 1,500 copies of the catalogue was the lowest of three bids submitted to the Board of Management for the Guelph Free Library. 447 Nunan recorded the job, 30 April 1884 (90 pages, 7

445. Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, flem 00495, University of Toronto.

446. Calendered paper has been passed through calender rolls one or more times during the papermaking process to give the paper a glazed or calendered finish. See Roberts and Etherington, Bookbinding , 44.

447. Minutes, 6 March 1884, Guelph Free Library Minute Book, 56, (F1, Box 2); Catalogue of Books (1884), F1, Box 2 (F1-0-6-2-1), Guelph Public Library fonds, Guelph Public Library Archives, Guelph, ON. 114 forms, and cover) which was delivered 13 June and the $9 charge paid on 19 August. 448 Only one copy survives tucked in with archival material related to the Guelph Public Library, a dismal 0.06 per cent survival rate. Rambles in the North-West by James Hoyes Panton (1885) was printed by the Mercury Steam Printing House. The pamphlet of three gatherings (10 leaves) was a report of an excursion Panton organized for members of the British Geological Scientific Society who travelled from Winnipeg to the end of the Canadian Pacific Railway line in British Columbia during the summer of 1884. 449 The binding job for 325 copies of Rambles (“3 forms 20 pages & cover”) arrived at the bindery 7 September 1885, was completed three days later, and charged at $1.75. This pamphlet survives in a dozen Canadian libraries, including those in Saskatchewan, Alberta and British Columbia. The pamphlet has also been microfilmed by Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions (CIHM). The printed calendered paper wrapper in two colours, dark yellowish pink or light greyish olive, is pasted to the text block and side sewn through the gatherings with a lock-stitch sewing machine. The pamphlet was sewn with page 20 facing the needle resulting in a neater stitched line on the last page of the text block than on the front because of the hole made by the needle during its downward thrust, a choice which also leaves clues about the work flow of such binding jobs. Printed sheets came to the bindery flat, were folded and gathered with page 1 face down on the workbench. The sewing machine operator could stitch the pamphlets by inserting them from the head end with the folded edge to the right to sew the narrow seam, and could continue to sew the gathered pamphlets until a large number accumulated, cutting the thread between the pamphlets afterward. The appearance of the sewing was less critical in pamphlets with covers, as the sewing was concealed when the wrapper was pasted on. Directions for the High-Arm Family Sewing Machine published by the Raymond Sewing Machine Co. (1885), a pamphlet of 2 gatherings (8 leaves) was not finished with a separate paper wrapper. It is side sewn on a lock-stitch sewing machine, 4 mm from the spine, and trimmed unevenly with the spine edge 1 mm shorter than the fore edge. A second incomplete pamphlet for the Raymond Sewing Machine Co., in German black letter typeface is one signature bound

448. The reference to “form” or “formes” in the Bindery Workbooks is the use of a printer’s term for a setting of type locked up in a chase, ready for printing. I interpret its use as synonymous with sheets of paper i.e. a job described as one form is one sheet, probably printed both sides, which was then folded, trimmed, and stitched.

449. Autobiography, 1896 of Prof. James Hoyes Panton, Chapter 16, University of Guelph Library, Guelph, ON. 115 with a pamphlet stitch through 3 holes in the centre fold of the gathering. 450 Both pamphlets are illustrated with wood engravings from two different Toronto shops: Rolph, Smith & Co. (1873- 1904) and Woodward & Grant (1874-1880) and are representative of a flood of printed instructions in multiple languages and other circulars that were printed locally and finished at the bindery (discussed further in Chapter 6). 451 The pamphlet for the high-arm sewing machine was one of 2,000 “16pps. no cover” that came from the Mercury Office on 17 October 1885 and was completed 30 October at a cost of $5. There is strong evidence that Nunan was using a Raymond sewing machine for the pamphlets as he acquired a sewing machine by contra from Raymond. 452 Of the tens of thousands of similar printed items bound by Nunan, almost none survive. The Catalogue and Price List of George Williams, Baker (1887), printed by James Hough Jr. is one gathering of 6 leaves, printed on calendered paper, and covered with an illustrated wrapper of calendered paper of very pale blue colour pasted to the text block. 453 The sole copy was located in the Guelph Civic Museum collection. The single gathering is side sewn by lock-stitch sewing machine 4 mm from the edge of the spine. 454 This catalogue, in a print run of 1,000, came to the bindery 21 April 1887 as “3 forms & cover” and the job was completed 30 April for $3. Nunan and Williams had a contra account with Nunan providing blankbooks and blotters, and Williams presumably supplying bread and other grocery items for Nunan’s household.

The final example of a pamphlet binding of which only a single copy survives verifies the use of a wire stitching machine. It is George Norrish’s self-published Poems: Humorous, Sentimental and Political (1891), a pamphlet of 11 gatherings (44 leaves) side stitched with two

450. The surviving pamphlet is incomplete with loose leaves and uneven pagination. The bound signature has six leaves, but was probably eight leaves.

451. Both Raymond pamphlets are at the Guelph Civic Museum, uncatalogued items. Several Raymond pamphlets are in the collection of the Canada Museum of Science and Technology, some of a later period (after 1900), and were not examined by the author.

452. BW, 1881-1887. Nunan’s account for “Chas Raymond,” [6 November ?] 1888. The sewing machine entered in the 1888 contra account may have replaced an earlier hand-operated model for a treadle sewing machine.

453. From 1887 when Nunan left the St. George’s Square location, his bindery was located above George Williams’ store. Williams, who employed about 24 people, had four rigs for delivery of groceries and baked goods. The same illustrations found on the covers of the catalogue of Williams’ establishment are reproduced in M. B. Bixby, ed., Industries of Canada: Historical and Commercial Sketches: London, Guelph, Berlin, Brantford, Paris, Waterloo, Chatham and Environs (Toronto: M. B. Bixby, 1886), 112.

454. Guelph Civic Museum, 978.148.125. 116 staples (18 mm) 3 mm from the spine edge. 455 A printed paper wrapper, dark yellowish pink, is pasted to the text block. The Poems , in an edition of 1,000, arrived from the Herald Office, 8 October 1891, and was delivered two days later. Nunan was paid $5 for the job on 14 April [1892].

Edition Binding / Bespoke Binding Edition binding is the “business of binding identical books in quantity,” most often in a case binding, and although only a few examples are documented in the records of the Guelph Bookbindery, they would have been a large commitment of time, materials, and labour in a small shop. 456 Three edition bindings executed by Chapman and Nunan are discussed here. One hundred copies of The Cromaboo Mail Carrier (1878), were commissioned to be bound in three different bindings: one copy in full leather with red labels, 19 half bound with marbled paper and cases (its own small edition binding), and the remaining 80 copies in full cloth. The single copy in full leather has not been located and may never have been bound to those specifications. The History of the Eby Family (1889) in a print run of 400 copies was also an edition binding in full cloth. A Mennonite catechism, Christliches Gemüths ≈Gespräch vom Seligmachenden Glauben , was bound as an edition of 570 copies in 1891. Bespoke bindings are unique collaborations between a bookbinder and a customer. The factors determining their form include the skill of the binder, the nature of the volume to be bound, the aesthetic taste of the customer, previous bindings commissioned by the customer, materials available, and cost. Such one-of-a-kind binding jobs are more challenging to link to a physical object in the absence of signed or ticketed bindings. Periodical binding jobs were bespoke in that they were done randomly for individuals as customers brought them to the shop. However, the practice was so common, that the binding of periodicals was done in a standard format, often to match previously bound volumes in a personal library such as legal reports bound in law calf for Guelph lawyers. No bound copies of periodicals have been ascribed to the Guelph Bookbindery so none is described here. The Cromaboo Mail Carrier: A Canadian Love Story was published under the pseudonym of James Thomas Jones by Mary Leslie in 1878. In October 1878, the Guelph Bookbindery received an order from Leslie to bind 100 copies of the novel. Of these, one was a

455. Victoria University Library, Pam PR 9199.2 N66 A17 1800a, University of Toronto. This work has been microfilmed by CIHM. Nunan used a wire stitcher earlier than this. A pamphlet in an edition of 15,000 sent to the bindery by James Hough Jr. on 31 May 1889 was bound with wire stitching.

456. Roberts and Etherington, Bookbinding , 86. 117 bespoke binding in “full green calf gilt edge,” commissioned on 3 October and delivered on 5 October at a cost of $2. About a week later, Leslie returned and ordered 19 copies of her novel in “ ½ calf plain edge” at 60 cents each and 80 copies in “cloth embossed & lettered” at 25 cents each. The total cost for the second job was $31.40 which was marked as paid in March [1879]. 457 Under the “Remarks” column is recorded “1 bk ½ calf Oct 10.” It is possible that Leslie took one book with her at that time or that she changed the order from full calf to half calf binding. The book has 37 gatherings in 4’s and a tipped in title leaf and copyright notice. Printer Joseph Hacking used two different lots of paper with the first two gatherings (pp. 1-16) and the last four gatherings (pp. 265-296) of inferior paper. Two different bookcloths are found, very dark bluish green pebble pattern cloth and dark greyish purple bead pattern cloth. Both upper and lower boards are blind stamped with a panel with ornamental corner motifs. The spine is stamped in gold at the head with a Greek key pattern edged by a double fillet above and single fillet below; title ‘CROMABOO | MAIL | CARRIER’ and ‘JONES.’ is lettered on the spine. The edition of 100 copies was case bound with a hollow spine lined with cardstock and mull; there are no endbands and endpapers are plain. Some copies have plain edges and some copies have faint red sprinkled edges. The text block is sewn on two cords, with two-on sewing. One copy, half bound in green calf with red marbled paper in a nonpareil pattern has been located. 458 The leather is edged in blind with a double fillet and the spine is divided into five panels with raised bands, tooled in blind and gold using a scroll pattern and flanked with double fillets. The second panel of the spine has a red leather label with the title in gold and double fillets. At the tail of the spine a trefoil is tooled in gold three times. 459 This trefoil is the tool manufactured by a London firm now in the possession of Michael Nunan. The endbands are made, edges are plain, and endpapers are identical to the boards. A presentation copy for Leslie’s sister, Elizabeth Leslie, is half bound in green calf with very dark green bubble pattern bookcloth, and edged with a double fillet in gold.460 The colour match of the leather and bookcloth is perfect and the binding and tooling a testament to Chapman’s skill. The invoice for the bindings prepared by F. T. Chapman, located in Leslie’s papers, illustrates discrepancies between the job recorded in the Bindery Workbook and the physical

457. BW, 1876-1881, 3 October 1878 and between 10 and 14 October 1878.

458. North York Central Library, uncatalogued Canadiana collection, Toronto Public Library.

459. This tool is marked, “Aldersgate.” See pages 106-7.

460. Library and Archives Canada, PS 7473 E76 C76 1878. 118 evidence of surviving copies. Chapman’s invoice lists 80 copies of “Cromaboo Mail Carrier” in cloth bindings, 19 copies in half calf and “20 cases extra” at cost, and postage to England, New York, and Canadian towns. It does not include the one book ordered in full leather binding. The 20 extra cases may have been commissioned in anticipation of the second volume of the work when Leslie returned on 10 October. Leslie paid her account in increments totalling $35 and the invoice was marked “Pd F. T. Chapman In Full March 12’79”. 461 The copy in full leather has not come to light but it may be the presentation copy given to her sister which is half calf with cloth sides and a red leather label; this copy is not reflected in either the bindery records or the invoice. It is possible that Elizabeth Leslie’s copy of the novel is the one that Mary Leslie received from the bindery on 10 October and that the elaborate binding of full calf and gilt edges was never produced. Twenty copies have been located in North American libraries, a remarkable survival rate for a novel published in such a small edition and under a cloud of controversy (discussed in Chapter 6). The novel is also available as a University of Toronto Press reprint edition, in a microform edition through CIHM, online through Early Canadiana Online (ECO), and as a print- on-demand book through international booksellers at AbeBooks.com.462 A Biographical History of the Eby Family , by Berlin printer Ezra Eby, is printed in a folio format of 72 leaves (36 gatherings). The book was bound by Nunan in full cloth using three different bookcloths: brilliant violet pebble pattern bookcloth, dark greenish blue frond pattern bookcloth, and dark blue crocodile pattern bookcloth. 463 The upper board is blind stamped with a panel forming a decorative frame with vase and flowers on the left (of the panel), a flower in the upper left and lower right corners of the panel and a curled ornament between the outer and inner frame at the centre top and bottom. In the centre of the upper board, lettered in gold in fancy type is ‘HISTORY | OF THE | EBY FAMILY’. The lower board is blind stamped with a thick-thin rule frame and a central floral octagonal motif. The spine is not decorated, there are no endbands, and edges are stained red. Endpapers vary in colour from plain to light orange yellow and strong orange yellow. The case binding has a hollow spine lined with paper and mull; the text block is sawn-in for four cords but sewn on two with two-on sewing to reduce the bulk in this folio

461. Mary Leslie papers, F675, MU 1717, file 3, Archives of Ontario. Hereafter listed with fonds, box, and file references. File numbers are assigned based on the sequential order of envelopes in the archival boxes. Chapman’s invoice included a charge for ruling and numbering 236 half-sheets of Foolscap for 75 cents, for a total amount of $34.16.

462. AbeBooks.com, http://www.abebooks.com.

463. The violet pebble cloth binding is most prevalent. Most copies now are medium violet colour due to fading of the bookcloth. BW, 1887-1895, 18 April 1890. The job, charged at 18 cents per book, was completed 18 June. 119 format. Nunan’s account for Hett & Eby in Bindery Workbook, 1881-1887, records the July 1 [1889?] debit for the binding of 400 volumes of “History of Eby family” for a cost of $72. Ezra Eby made five payments between July and November toward the amount which was paid in full by November 20 [1889?]. The book was used by extended members of the Eby family, several of whom recorded more genealogical information in its pages, which may account for five copies in the Kitchener Public Library collection and a dozen copies in southern Ontario libraries, close to the communities where they circulated. Another edition binding job from Hett & Eby in 1891 was the binding of a Mennonite catechism, Christliches Gemüths ≈Gespräch vom Seligmachenden Glauben , in a full case binding of very dark greenish blue scallop tile pattern bookcloth with no decoration. The book of 21 signatures (168 leaves) is the only one of the examples discussed here which has signed gatherings. 464 The spine is undecorated, there are no endbands, and edges are plain. Endpapers are dark brown, and binder’s leaves (2) are added at the front and back. The hollow spine is lined with coloured paper; signatures are reinforced with mull and card stock; the text block is sewn on 2 sawn-in cords. The 570 volumes of “Prayer books German” from Hett & Eby are noted in the Bindery Workbook, 1887-1895, on 29 September 1891. The job, completed for 10 cents a copy, was delivered 12 November and paid 12 February [1892]. A copy with uncut pages indicates that at least one copy was trimmed unevenly and that the owner, Jacob Gayman, did not read his copy from cover to cover. 465 Although only three copies of this text survive in university library collections, many more may still be privately owned.

Conclusion

In this chapter, bookbinding practices at the Guelph Bookbindery have been established and interpreted by examining surviving blankbooks, pamphlets, edition binding, and bespoke binding that was done in Shewan’s, Chapman’s, and Nunan’s shop between 1864 and 1897. Each item described here is a case study in book production, and illustrates the book-centric model of Adams and Barker as well as Foot’s concept of the binding as a frame or a mirror of the societal

464. The signed signatures may have been added to guide the printer and the binder as the text is printed in Fraktur type. The text could also have been printed from stereotype plates as it was fundamental to Mennonite religious belief and culture.

465. Two copies (BX 8124 .R6 1891) are at Conrad Grebel Library, University of Waterloo. 120 values surrounding its production, reception, and survival. The blankbooks and edition bound books finished in more substantial bindings than the pamphlets, are a reflection of their perceived value at the time of production, during use, and currently, by their continued preservation in libraries and archives. Although the blankbooks fall outside of both Darnton’s and Adams and Barker’s models, they are important markers of record-keeping systems, stationery binding techniques, and the value accorded to the official record of the town and its institutions. The blankbooks containing the official record of property assessments, minutes of city council, and sales records for an educational institution, partially explain their sturdy construction and their preservation. The three blankbooks, each signed by a proprietor of the Guelph Bookbindery, show progressive adoption of standard stationery binding techniques. Chapman’s and Nunan’s blankbooks are constructed according to techniques sanctioned by stationery binding manuals, reflecting Chapman’s experience and skill as a bookbinder before he came to Guelph and Nunan’s informal apprenticeship under Chapman. Pamphlets were an important component of the public sphere in the nineteenth century before the arrival of broadcast media and cinema. Over the period of this study, their material form changed from pamphlets composed of one sheet, folded, trimmed, stitched and perhaps covered with a printed, coloured paper wrapper to those printed on several sheets of calendered paper with illustrated covers. As the century progressed, new pamphlet binding techniques using new equipment were adopted to speed up production in order to cope with the increased volume of print material in pamphlet format. Early pamphlets were bound at the newspaper offices, before coming to the bindery for trimming. Some were rebound in more substantial bindings, as was the case of The Greenwood Tragedy . In the late 1880s, pamphlets were bound by sewing machine while by 1891 a wire stitcher was used to bind Norrish’s poems. The poor survival rate of the pamphlets discussed in this chapter, suggests that they were treated as ephemeral items, not valued as worth preserving. For pamphlets printed in the tens of thousands for sewing machine manufacturer Charles Raymond, with only one copy located, the survival rate is abysmal. The three edition bindings indicate that the bindery was capable of doing work which was repetitive but enabled certain economies of scale and assembly line production methods. The Mennonite catechism was bound in a plain style but with a textured bookcloth; of the three edition binding jobs, it was the largest at 570 copies. For a small bindery without case-making or casing-in machines, this represents a substantial commitment of time to what would become a

121 repetitive job. The choice of crocodile patterned bookcloth for the binding of a Mennonite family history was a delightful surprise and one wonders whose decision it was to use it for that particular book. Since Mr. Eby was in Berlin, it may well have been Frank Nunan who made the decision. Of all the items described in this chapter, The Cromaboo Mail Carrier has the highest survival rate (20 per cent) compared to several pamphlets described here where only one copy has been located. Bibliographical evidence of elements that ornament several of the bindings indicates the use of hand tools for leather and embossing presses to decorate cloth cases. Shewan’s shop had the basic fillets and type necessary to tool Colonel Kingsmill’s rebound pamphlet. Chapman had decorative rolls for tooling the spines of blankbooks and letterpress books. He used a brass panel die and an embossing press to decorate the case binding for The Cromaboo Mail Carrier . Nunan used two panel stamps for the case binding for A Biographical History of the Eby Family . Unfortunately, the identity of the person who made the decisions regarding bookcloth or the decoration of the boards remains a mystery. Authors, print shops, colleges, a library, and the town of Guelph emerge from the discussion of these printed items and blankbooks and point to relationships between the bookbindery and its customers. These individuals, businesses, local government, and community entities commissioned blankbooks and the production and distribution of printed items. The following chapter will profile several individual and communal bindery customers and will document the connections between the print shops and the bindery. The discussion also brings into focus the geographical reach of the bindery through orders from customers beyond Wellington County. Pamphlets bound at the Guelph Bookbindery, some of which accompanied products such as the Raymond sewing machine manufactured in Guelph, extended its reach to national and international markets.

122

Chapter 6. The Guelph Bookbindery and Its Customers

Introduction

In this final chapter, the relationship between the bookbindery and a selection of its customers is explored. They represent a cross-section of Guelph residents, local government officials, and businesses who dealt with the bindery as creators of literary, political, social, and commercial imprints and as consumers of business stationery and blankbooks. Mary Leslie’s frustrated attempts to earn a living as an author are told here. Charles Raymond, manufacturer of the Raymond sewing machine, generated a staggering number of promotional pamphlets and circulars which passed through the bindery before going on to agents and consumers. J. W. Lyon, Guelph’s first millionaire, whose fortune was built on his subscription publishing business, provided steady, small jobs for the bindery. T. J. Day, a bookseller and stationer for 40 years, is profiled as a competitor of Shewan as both men concentrated their efforts on selling similar inventory in Guelph. Independent Guelph printers and job printing offices operated by Guelph newspaper publishers are discussed in detail, tracing workflow from the print shop to the bindery and finally to the customer. The records of pamphlet and small edition binding in the Bindery Workbooks are an indication of the large amount of print produced for political, religious, commercial, legal, and private concerns, by individuals and community groups. Local imprints from Guelph printers and others, identified through entries in the Bindery Workbooks, are compiled in Appendix G. The chapter ends with a sample of customers from a distance to highlight the geographic reach of the Guelph Bookbindery in a time of mail by stagecoach, delivery by independent express services, and shipping by rail and steamship. Work directed to the bindery from distant print shops extended the reach of the Guelph Bookbindery farther into the hinterland. Individual customers from a distance mirror the Guelph clientele: merchants, manufacturers, clergymen, lawyers, physicians, and their wives and daughters.

Profiles of Individual Bindery Customers

Mary Leslie: Author The writer Mary Leslie is the most likely candidate to be the “Miss Leslie” recorded in several Bindery Workbook entries. A subscriber to Good Words , Sunday at Home , Sunday Magazine , and Chambers’ Miscellany she brought issues in for binding and repair. She also ordered ruled 123 and numbered paper, and had bibles and bound periodicals repaired. 466 Two books Leslie brought for binding include The Death of Abel , an epic poem translated from the German in multiple editions beginning in 1762, and a book of poems to be re-sewn in the same cover. 467 Leslie was also a customer of bookseller T. J. Day, purchasing note paper, envelopes, the Illustrated London Almanac and S[unday] S[chool] Papers from his shop. Mary Leslie’s attempt to establish herself as a writer, with little support from her family, her local community, and the wider literary marketplace, is much better known since her papers have been preserved. 468 The publication details of The Cromaboo Mail Carrier (1878), her best- known novel, provide a fascinating account of Leslie’s struggle for success and ultimate failure. The locally notorious novel, published under the pseudonym of James Thomas Jones, had been printed by Joseph H. Hacking, a Guelph job printer who also secured the copyright for the work, perhaps in an exchange for printing costs and a cash payment to Leslie. A slip tipped in before the preface informed other publishers of Hacking’s interest in the work which he was willing to sell to a publisher for $80 to $100. 469 Perhaps Leslie and Hacking speculated that the novel would be as popular as the novels of Susanna Moodie. It turned out differently. The Cromaboo Mail Carrier , a novel about a young man, Robert Hardacre Smith, who transports mail and paying passengers between a village (Cromaboo) and a town (Gibbeline), and his relationship with the heroine of the story, Mary Paxton, an unmarried woman in her early 30s, may have been written by Leslie to enhance the family income a decade before Hacking published it. In 1867-68 Leslie was studying art in the Netherlands, and visiting family in England. She alludes to an unnamed “story,” possibly The Cromaboo Mail Carrier , in a letter to her father: . . . I am trying to write a story, but I am doing it under great difficulties and am by no means sure of success. I need scarcely say that I do not wish all the neighborhood [ sic ] to

466. BW, 1876-1881, 22 November 1876, 29 March, 11 April, 29 April, 7 May, and 5 July 1879, 26 June 1880, 20 January and 30 January 1881.

467. BW, 1881- 1887, 15 March 1884 and 20 April 1887.

468. Mary Leslie fonds, F675, Archives of Ontario, Toronto. Hereafter quoted as fonds, box, and file number.

469. Hacking’s tipped in slip is transcribed as follows: ‘COPYRIGHT SECURED. | [printer’s digit ornament] In accordance with the desire of the author, the control | of the sale of this book and of the publication of any further | editions of it, is vested in the printer, J. H. HACKING, Guelph, | Ontario, to whom all orders and communications respecting it may be addressed.’ The Cromaboo Mail Carrier: A Canadian Love Story (Guelph, ON: J. H. Hacking, 1878). Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, flem 1112, University of Toronto. William Leslie to Mary Leslie, 22 January 1879, regarding a meeting with the editor of the C[?] Globe : “The amount of remuneration was next touched upon, I told him Mr. Hacking said for 80 to 100 Dols. to that he replied it was far more than they were in the habit of paying.” F675, MU 1715, file 6. 124

know this. . . . Even if I suceeded [ sic ] beyond my wildest hope, I should not like the thing universally talked about, indeed if it were universally known it would be one very strong reason so far as I am concerned for wishing to sell the old place and quit the neighborhood forever . . . . I have made no engagement with any publisher for the sale of the book and I am quite uncertain about the success of it, for as I have said I am writing (as I always have written ) under great difficulties . . . If I did succeed it would of course add a little to our income, this would be a great advantage. 470

While still in England, Leslie requested the aid of her uncle, William Leslie, to promote her novel to British publishers but she returned to Canada in June 1868 without having secured a publisher. Over the next decade, Leslie lived at the family home with diminishing financial resources due to the death of her father in 1871. This may have been her impetus to market the book to British publishers in a printed and bound format, although having “sold” her copyright, Leslie would have received little or no compensation if the book was a success. Late in 1878, copies of the novel, bound in an edition of 100 copies by F. T. Chapman at the Guelph Bookbindery, were sent to family members, friends, and British publishers (Chapman’s invoice for the job discussed on pages 118-9). Smith, Elder & Co., a London publisher, was unwilling to take a chance on a one-volume novel but praised its “considerable power as well as literary ability,” and agreed with the assessment of “friends” that it was “in parts, a little too outspoken.” 471 In January 1879, Mary received a letter from her uncle in which he recounts his efforts to secure serial publication of the novel. He had delivered a copy to several publishers of popular review periodicals. One editor requested the sequel volume as he felt The Cromaboo Mail Carrier “left off abruptly”. Leslie informed him that “it was not yet written” although The Gibbeline Flower Seller is promised in the Preface of The Cromaboo Mail Carrier and a proof sheet for the second volume is extant. 472 Other random printed pages of the second novel with Leslie’s editorial changes and page numbers in manuscript are contained in her papers. 473 Acting as her unofficial agent, William Leslie suggested that she let the novel lie dormant or that she

470. Mary Leslie to John T. Leslie, 12 January 1868, F675, MU1715, file 6. Italic text in transcription is underlined text in Leslie’s letter.

471. Smith, Elder & Co. to Mary Leslie, 5 December 1878. F675, MU1717, file 3. The novel may have been sent to American and Canadian publishers as well, but no documentation survives in Mary Leslie’s papers. This is suggested by Leslie’s invoice from F. T. Chapman for binding the novel, as it includes charges for postage to England, New York, and Canadian towns.

472. The first two pages and one-half of page 3 of The Cromaboo Mail Carrier, Volume the Second are printed on a long galley sheet, much in the same style as the first novel. Hacking may have printed it soon after the first novel was printed. F675, MU1711, Box 1.

473. F675, MU1719, file 3. 125 secure a publisher in Toronto or New York. 474 At home, the novel was quickly suppressed by her family and the local community. References in local history accounts cite threatened lawsuits because the characters and setting of her novel contained thinly disguised, uncomplimentary references to the village of Erin and its inhabitants. 475 The Cromaboo Mail Carrier never achieved the commercial success that Leslie and Hacking hoped for but the two continued an author/publisher relationship. Another novel, Davie Jones’s Locker , and a work titled “Absolutely Her Own Mistress,” were published under the pseudonym of James Thomas Jones by Hacking in his newspaper, The Clifford Arrow , in 1879 and 1881. 476 Hacking and Leslie had disagreements over money owed, with Leslie receiving only copies of the newspaper as payment for her contributions. William Leslie advised her to make a bargain with Hacking, but questioned whether Hacking was “sufficiently prosperous to meet his responsibilities” and he attempted, unsuccessfully, to find a British publisher for the work. 477 By November 1880, Leslie advised her to try selling her work to Canadian publishers, for cash “even if the amount was small” because British publishers were unwilling to pay since so many women wrote for entertainment and not financial compensation. 478 Leslie continually tried to think of new ways to tap into the literary marketplace, with limited success. She lacked the knowledge and business skills to negotiate in the increasingly impersonal publishing world at the turn-of-the-century. She offered epic historical poems when the enthusiasm for that genre had passed. She sold books by subscription in a declining market, competing directly with other conglomerate subscription book publishers such as the Bradley- Garretson Co., in Brantford and the Guelph-based World Publishing Co. Both were successful because of high volume, cheap production, and a large network of agents to sell and distribute

474. William Leslie to Mary Leslie, 22 January 1879, F675, MU 1715, file 6.

475. Mary Leslie, The Cromaboo Mail Carrier (Guelph, ON: J H Hacking, 1878; repr., Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1973), [3].

476. Leslie wrote to Hacking in 1918 requesting copies of old editions of the newspaper from 1881 containing “Absolutely Her Own Mistress.” “If you will kindly send the papers containing it to me, I shall feel grateful, and will gladly pay you if you wish it, though I was not—of course—paid for my contributions to the paper; except in receiving a few copies.” Leslie’s papers contain a copy of The Clifford Arrow, September 5, 1879 with the fifth chapter of Davie Jones’s Locker . Leslie’s efforts were misguided, as Hacking had left Clifford in 1882 and moved to Winnipeg where he died in 1892. Mary Leslie to [Joseph] Hacking, 4 November 1918, F675, MU 1717, file 3.

477. “Mr. Hacking is very short sighted or he would have paid immediately and secured a promise of another story as attractive. I hope he will pay . . .” S. Williamson to Mary Leslie, September [1880?] William Leslie refers to the work as David Jones’ Locker . William Leslie to Mary Leslie, 23 June 1880, F675, MU 1716, file1.

478. William Leslie to Mary Leslie, 3 November 1880, F675, MU 1716, file 1. 126 the books. She attempted to have her book Rhymes of the Kings and Queens of England adopted as a school text by the Ontario Department of Education, when that process had become bureaucratic and political. The lavishly illustrated book, published in Toronto by William Briggs in 1896, was sold by subscription by Mary Leslie, her sister Elizabeth Clarke, and a few others. 479 A second work in this genre, Historical Sketches of Scotland in Prose and Verse, rejected by two Scottish publishers, was brought out in 1905 by Bryant Press of Toronto at Leslie’s expense and sold well enough due to the efforts of two canvassers to afford her living expenses and rent for four years. 480 Its print run was probably two thousand copies. 481 Reading between the lines of a number of endorsements and reviews, it is obvious that it is a hodge-podge of illustrations, poems and folklore, like many other subscription books. 482 Undaunted, Leslie continued to submit stories, essays, and poems to Canadian and American magazines, often experiencing rejection. Her letters portray her frustration at trying to predict the vagaries of the literary marketplace, her attempts to write according to editors’ edicts, and her own dissatisfaction with the results. 483 She revised and sent old and new work to British publishers both directly and through a literary agency. In October 1915, Leslie was informed by the Empire Literary Agency of London that they were returning the manuscripts of The Cromaboo Mail Carrier and the epic poem of 4,704 words, “The Tobacco Box: A Christmas Story for Young Saints and Old Sinners,” which they had tried to promote at one or two firms “unsuccessfully.” 484 It is not clear whether the novel submitted was the original version printed and bound in 1878 or The Cromaboo Mail Carrier: Volume the Second , which exists as a printed proof sheet and a cut and paste version of printed text with the name of the heroine, Mary,

479. Leslie paid for the printing, not an uncommon practice at the time. Charles Clarke, who fought in the American Civil War, and returned to Soldier’s Home in Washington DC in 1896, also attempted to sell the book there. He was Leslie’s brother-in-law. Charles A. Clarke to Elizabeth Clarke, 11 April and 1 May 1897, F675, MU 1714, file 4.

480. Mary Leslie to Messrs. Pitman and Sons [draft], 25 January 1910, F675, MU 1716, file 5.

481. About 1904, Mary Leslie was in Toronto to find a publisher. She met with Mr. Winston, a subscription publisher, who sent her to Mr. Bryce, a printer to produce “an exact estimate of the cost of publishing two thousand copies.” Mary Leslie to Elizabeth Clarke, [April 1904?], F675, MU 1715, file 1.

482. “Some Comments on Miss Mary Leslie’s Historical Sketches of Scotland,” inside sample book, F675, MU 1713. Helen M. Merrill, Canadian Graphic , F675, MU 1719, file 3.

483. Mary Leslie to J. B. Costain [draft], n.d. F675, MU 1717, file 3.

484. Empire Literary Agency to Mary Leslie, 28 October 1915, F675, MU 1717, file 3. Manuscript for “The Tobacco Box,” F675, MU 1711, file 4. 127 changed to Emily, and new text inserted randomly into a scribbler. 485 The revised, second volume begins on a more positive note describing Guelph thinly disguised as “Gibbeline” as “a stirring business place, where nobody lacks employment; a large, aggressive, somewhat blustering, manufacturing town, ambitious to become a city, a town of handsome houses and pretty gardens, great hotels, schools and churches innumerable; a town with hospitals, factories and foundries.” 486 The Cromaboo Mail Carrier and Mary Leslie continue to surface in news articles in the local press of Guelph and Wellington County. 487 Unfortunately for Leslie, her dream of authorship never materialized beyond a very local notoriety since her attempts to earn a living by her pen were hampered by a changed literary marketplace, her lack of business acumen, and her inability to adapt.

Charles Raymond: Sewing Machine Manufacturer Charles Raymond built a sewing machine manufactory at Guelph in late 1861 and rapidly expanded his business, buying out a competitor in 1871, rebuilding after fires in 1872 and 1875, and adding a foundry in 1877. 488 He entered this business at a time when the sewing machine was being marketed not only to tailors and dressmakers, but also to housewives as an indispensable part of every household. 489 Raymond was one of many manufacturers saturating the Canadian market with the same product. His largest competitors were R. M. Wanzer & Co., of Hamilton and another Guelph manufacturer who employed 110 hands producing 7,000

485. F675, MU1711, Box 1 and MU 1712, file 1.

486. F675, MU 1711, file 6. In another bound copy of the original novel, corrections are made, some of the text is removed, and an additional chapter is added. This copy of the novel was Leslie’s and is part of the uncatalogued Canadiana collection of North York Central Library, Toronto Public Library.

487. Some of these articles perpetuate inaccuracies. For example, “Biographies of Women,” Toronto Public Library Scrapbooks, NY-41 Reel 15 Vol. 15, 688-90 and Hazel Mack, Historical Highlights of Wellington County (Acton, ON: Dills Printing & Publishing, 1955), 31-32, state that Mary Leslie came to Canada in the 1850s. She was born in Guelph Township in 1842.

488. John S. Warecki, “Charles Raymond and the Raymond Sewing Machine/ Manufacturing Company: The Character of Boosterism in Nineteenth Century Guelph” (Major Paper (490-6400), Department of History, University of Guelph, 1988), 17-9, 24 and 31. Raymond, an American, apprenticed as a machinist in the 1840s in the cotton mills of Lowell, MA. He and a partner began a sewing machine business in Brattleboro, VT. Litigation regarding sewing machine patents caused Raymond to move his business first to Montreal and then to Guelph. See also Leo A. Johnson, History of Guelph , 212.

489. Martha Eckmann Brent, “A Stitch in Time: The Sewing Machine Industry of Ontario, 1860-1897,” Material History Bulletin 10 (1980): 1-30. 128 machines per year in 1871 for the local domestic market. 490 During the 1860s his business grew because American competition was “all but obliterated” during the American Civil War. 491 Looking beyond the Canadian market he sold sewing machines to buyers in Mexico, Australia, New Zealand, Spain, Portugal, Germany, Great Britain, Denmark, and the southern United States. 492 Raymond’s first sewing machine, a portable chain-stitch model, sold for $12—“roughly two and half weeks pay for the average industrial worker in Ontario in 1871.” 493 When Raymond’s competition set out to undermine him by selling a similar machine, the “little Canadian sewing machine,” buyers were cautioned in print to purchase only the Raymond Family Sewing Machine. 494 In 1870 he had added the “improved shuttle machine” and a second machine “styled No. 2” for use in “heavy sewing and manufacturing purposes.” 495 According to 1871 census data Raymond employed 70 people who were producing more than 10,500 sewing machines a year with an aggregate value of $85,000.496 By the end of the decade, Raymond employed 225 men manufacturing 29,000 machines a year during times of full production. 497 Raymond sold his company in 1895, retiring fully in 1897; it incorporated to become the

490. Brent documents the rise of sewing machine manufacturing in Ontario between 1860 and 1897, when 14 separate manufacturers were producing sewing machines for the domestic market. Elizabeth Bloomfield and G. T. Bloomfield, in their study of industrial leaders in Ontario in 1871, rate the Guelph Sewing Machine Co., Raymond’s local competitor, as 20th in a rank order list of sixty of the largest firms, with fixed capital of $65,000 and 180 employees. The Hamilton firm of R. M. Wanzer & Co., was 18th in the same ranking, and employed 275 people. In 1870, Raymond’s business was a second-rank business, according to the criteria of the study, however it became more significant after 1870. See “Industrial Leaders: The Largest Manufacturing Firms of Ontario in 1871,” University of Guelph, 1989, 12, 49.

491. Guelph Public Library, “Raymond Sewing Machines,” Guelph Public Library Archives, http://www.library.guelph.on.ca/localhistory/Gallery/Industrial Souvenir/Raymond/Raymond1.htm.

492. Warecki, 32.

493. Warecki, 25. A description of Raymond’s factory in the Guelph Mercury , June 3, 1864, [2] mentions the price of the sewing machine.

494. Irish Canadian , October 26, 1864, 7. A local competitor, the Guelph Sewing Machine Co., producing “The Osborn” lock-stitch sewing machine which sold for $35 had won the prize for the Provincial Exhibition over 25 competitors including Singer and Raymond. Guelph Evening Mercury , November 22, 1870.

495. This heavy-duty machine could be used for sewing leather gloves, upholstered items, and pamphlets.

496. Canada Census for 1871, Schedule 6, Return of Industrial Establishments, District 33, Sub-District C, West Ward, Town of Guelph, p. 5. Library and Archives Canada, microfilm C-9946.

497. Warecki, 32. Johnson and Nash-Chambers both document the rise of Guelph from a mercantile town to an industrial centre because of the concentration of skilled labour and capital due to industries such as the Raymond Sewing Machine Company, the Bell Organ Company, and the foundries and mills. 129

Raymond Manufacturing Company of Guelph Limited. 498 He remained in Guelph after his retirement from business, and he died in 1904. Raymond’s interactions with the bindery reflect his requirements for blankbooks for record keeping, items printed to promote his business, and books for his household or church community. In May 1864, he ordered several books, priced between 37 ½ cents and 75 cents, all half bound probably for the Baptist church and for his home library. 499 Ten days after his initial order, Raymond ordered two volumes of Uncle Tom’s Cabin at 50 cents each, a Ladies Work Table Book at 37 ½ cents, and two other books, all half bound. 500 He also brought two books to be repaired: one “Rollins” and “Warren’s Household Physician.” 501 The repairs to the two books were charged at 40 and 50 cents respectively, indicating that substantial work was necessary. Another entry for two books of the same title ordered in two different bindings suggest that he ordered one for his home and one for the Sunday school library. 502 Raymond continued bringing Sunday school library books to the bindery for repair during the 1870s. 503 There are very few entries for Raymond during the late 1860s, which is surprising since he was beginning his industrial empire at this time. Perhaps in the early days, before his product and distribution systems were well established, there was not the expectation among those buying or selling the machines for printed instruction manuals or circulars or Raymond may have used printers and binders in Toronto, Hamilton, or Montreal. If he started his Guelph factory with a full set of account books in 1861 he was not in need of immediate replacements; blankbooks could also be had from the booksellers in town. The only order recorded for Raymond, for a custom-made blankbook of three quires of octavo post paper ruled to pattern, bound in full “skivera” with a pocket and flap on 6 May 1869, was delivered the following

498. Warecki, 32.

499. BW, 1864-1871, 21 May 1864. Titles of music books: “Song Crown,” “Psalmodist,” “Sacred Harp,” and “Sacred Lyre.” Titles of general books perhaps for his home library: “Anatomy & Physiology,” “Animated Nature,” a cookery book, a volume of Dickens’s work, and “History of All Nations.”

500. The other titles are “Geography of the Heavens,” at 37 ½ cents, and “The Psalmist” at 50 cents.

501. This is the spine title of a book. The full title is The Household Physician: For the Use of Families, Planters, Seamen, and Travellers; Being a Brief Description, in Plain Language, of all the Diseases of Men, Women, and Children, with the Newest and Most Approved Methods of Curing Them by Ira Warren was published by Boston publisher Bradley, Dayton in 1859 with new editions in 1860, 1861, 1863, and 1864.

502. BW, 1864-1871, 12 September 1867, 2 volumes “Scripture History for the Young,” 1 cloth to pattern, 1 full roan, 75 cents each, delivered 8 October 1867.

503. BW, 1864-1871, 21 April 1871; BW, 1876-1881, 23 July 1877. 130 day. 504 Raymond also brought a blankbook to be re-stitched into its old cover. 505 It is not known whether the blankbook originally came from Shewan’s shop. Raymond paid 35 cents for the repair job, indicating that the book was important enough to preserve and was one that was handled on a regular basis causing wear and the need for repair. All this changed as the demand for Raymond’s machines escalated along with a requirement for promotional circulars and instruction manuals for the vast network of sales agents and proud owners of sewing machines. Beginning in 1871, there was a continuous stream of pamphlet binding jobs generated by the Raymond Sewing Machine Company. The increased use of print to promote Raymond sewing machines and to instruct sewing machine users is a reflection of agents’ and customers’ expectations of the utility and “permanence” of the print medium as well as an increased capacity to produce the pamphlets and circulars using steam presses. 506 The earliest reference to printed instructions for sewing machine use is a job recorded 17 April 1871 for folding 2,000 “Sewing Machine Directions & Circulars” from the Advertiser Office. About two weeks later, another job for folding 1,700 “Raymond’s Circular” arrived at the bindery. Both jobs were delivered the same day and both were charged at 15 cents per hundred pamphlets. 507 As the decade progressed, these two items increased both in number of pamphlets produced per print run and the labour required to bind them due to changes in format. In April 1878 the Mercury Office printed 6,000 “Directions for Raymond’s Machine,” which came to the bindery in two forms (sheets), 16 pages, and no cover, for pamphlet binding. The job was delivered 5 August 1878 and charged at $15 indicating that the price was 25 cents per hundred ($2.50 per thousand), most likely due to the additional labour required to fold and gather the two

504. In printing terms, a quire is 25 sheets in a 500-sheet ream or 24 sheets in a 480-sheet ream. In blankbook binding, a quire indicated 80 pages. According to a chart of British book sizes, a post octavo is 8 x 5 inches. See Roberts and Etherington, Bookbinding 211, 35.

505. BW, 1864-1871, 27 September 1869. The only other job from Raymond was a manifold binding job for cutting cards, charged at 12 ½ cents, 13 October 1865.

506. Unfortunately most of these circulars and pamphlets do not survive. I have located no circulars, and only two instruction manuals from this period. The instruction manuals of the early twentieth century have a slightly better survival rate.

507. Throughout the bindery workbooks there are references to “Instructions for Using Raymond’s Machine” or “Directions for Raymond Sewing Machine,” or “Directions for Using Sewing Machines.” The pamphlets are described later in the entry by number of forms and number of pages. I interpret the variations in name to be insignificant. There are changes in format and number of pages, which I interpret to signify a new edition of the pamphlet, most likely due to the introduction of a new model or printing of the original pamphlet in another language. BW, 1864-1871, 3 May 1871. 131 forms, and for stitching the pamphlets. 508 A month later, 4,000 pamphlets in German, Spanish, French, and Portuguese, of one form of 16 pages came from the Mercury Office to the bindery. These were charged at $8, or 20 cents per hundred reflecting less time required for the job, as 16 pages in one form would require folding but not gathering. 509 In November 1880 the Mercury Office sent 2,000 Spanish and Portuguese pamphlets printed on three forms comprising 18 pages to the bindery. This order was charged at $5.50 or 27 ½ cents per hundred due to the added work of folding and collating three gatherings. 510 Raymond’s pamphlets continued to be made up at the bindery every six to nine months, with little change in the format but a five cent increase per hundred pamphlets in the cost of the job by 1880. 511 Most were delivered several weeks later. In 1882 Raymond continued his concerted efforts to sell sewing machines in the Spanish- speaking market through a network of agents. He published an18-page pamphlet “Instructions to Agents Spanish” in a print run of 1,000 copies to assist them and a similar pamphlet for his agents in the larger English market in a print run of 2,000. 512 The binding of Spanish and French “Instruction” pamphlets continued to come from the Mercury Office in 1882. 513 Rather than provide a volume discount, Nunan charged 50 cents more for binding 2,000 pamphlets but did not charge extra for inserting a sheet into the French pamphlet. Between 30 March and 29 August 1882, 8,500 pamphlets were printed and bound, reflecting Raymond’s expanding empire. Each job was delivered within a month’s time, and Raymond settled his account promptly. 514 For 1883, the bindery records indicate that 8,100 “Instruction” pamphlets were bound for Raymond, in four lots, with jobs charged out at $2.50 or $2.75 per thousand pamphlets. 515 The trend continued in 1884 with the Mercury Office printing 1,000 French “Instructions” on three forms

508. BW, 1876-1881, 11 April 1878.

509. BW, 1876-1881, 15 May 1878.

510. BW, 1876-1881, 25 November 1880.

511. BW, 1876-1881, 2 October 1879, 6 May 1880.

512. BW, 1881-1887, 18 February and 16 May 1882.

513. BW, 1881-1887, 24 November, 5 and 14 December 1882. Three thousand Spanish pamphlets and 2,000 French pamphlets were printed. The French pamphlets required the insertion of a sheet during the binding. The first job, binding 1,000 Spanish pamphlets was charged at $2.75, the second job for the French pamphlets was charged at $5.50, and the third job binding 2,000 Spanish pamphlets was charged at $6.00.

514. BW, 1881-1887, 30 March, 16 May, 24 July, and 29 August 1882.

515. BW, 1881-1887, 14 March, 15 August, 5 October, and 30 November 1883. Another job on 30 November for 1,000 “French Instructions for Agent[s]” was most likely for Raymond. 132 and 3,000 “Instructions for Raymond Sewing Machine” on two forms during March and April. 516 An entry 4 July 1884 indicates a change in format to three forms (20 pages) probably due to the introduction of a new model. An initial print run of 500 was followed up with additional orders on 26 August and 24 September for 1,500 pamphlets. The turnaround time for the pamphlet varied from a few days for the smaller jobs of 500 copies to a month for jobs of 1,000 copies and even longer for binding jobs of 3,000 copies. An immediate demand to have the pamphlets ready for a newer model may explain the speedy delivery. 517 In 1885, Raymond’s company was a thriving enterprise with a network of agents and entrenched production and distribution systems. The bindery records indicate that two Guelph printing offices were printing thousands of circulars and instructions for Raymond. J. J. Kelso was pressed into service printing large runs of circulars and instruction pamphlets. Kelso’s first recorded letterpress job for Raymond is for 11,500 “Circulars for Sewing Machine” which his shop delivered to the bindery 5 January 1885. The cost of the job, completed by 23 February, was $23. Kelso’s next job was printing 1,000 copies of the 16-page “Directions.” 518 Meanwhile, the Mercury Office continued to produce the newer three-form “Instructions” in a print run of 3,000, and the two-form “Instructions” in a print run of 1,000 copies. 519 Throughout the year Kelso continued to print Raymond’s circular in large print runs of 1,000 to 6,000 for a total of 47, 500 copies with the total amount realized by Nunan for binding at $85.85. 520 Another entry for 2,000 pamphlets from the Mercury Office for Instructions for the New High Arm Machine, printed on two forms, suggests that when new machines were introduced, the format of the promotional and instructional material could remain the same. The trend continued in 1886 with Kelso’s shop printing 33,500 circulars which required folding and stitching, and the Mercury Office printing 4,000 “Instruction” pamphlets. The turnaround time on these larger print runs was from just over a week to eight weeks. 521 Nunan charged more for

516. BW, 1881-1887, 22 March and 18 April 1884.

517. The date “Delivered” recorded in the Bindery Workbooks may represent when the item was called for and delivered to the customer rather than reflecting the completion of the work.

518. BW, 1881-1887, 20 February 1885.

519. BW, 1881-1887, 21 March and 16 July 1885.

520. BW, 1881-1887, 30 March, 22 April, 28 April, 23 June, 21 July, 5 August, 21 August, 28 August, 3 September, and 10 December, 1885.

521. BW, 1881-1887, 6 February, 20 March, 30 April, 20 May, 3 August, 27 August, and 20 November 1886. 133 binding the “Instruction” pamphlets than the circulars ($2.50 per thousand vs. $1.25 to $1.40 per thousand) most likely because of the extra labour required to fold, gather, and stitch the two forms of the “Instructions.” During 1887, Raymond was still actively engaged in selling sewing machines for the French-speaking market, as four separate print runs of 1,000 18-page French “Instructions” and 6,500 16-page “Instructions” attest. 522 Raymond paid his account for these five jobs 1 February [1888]. In that year, only the Mercury Office brought Raymond’s “Instructions” to the bindery. Raymond may have used other printers or tried other strategies for marketing, such as newspaper advertisements and broadsides or perhaps the agents assumed responsibility for local advertisements. A curious entry noted in Charles Raymond’s account for one dozen “Sample Book[s]” with emb[ossed] side and a half buff[ing] binding and a similar order three years later for 27 “Sample Book[s]” with emb[ossed] sides, 32 pages, and G[uar]ds and a half buf[fing] binding may reflect a new marketing method replacing the 16-page circular of the previous decades. 523 During the1887-1890 period, Kelso may have employed someone in his shop to bind the pamphlets he was printing, rather than shift the printed sheets to the bindery. In 1891, Kelso resumed bringing printed sheets of “Instructions” for Raymond to the bindery although in comparison with the boom years, the volume of print had slowed to fewer than 5,000. 524 While the previous discussion highlights the staggering volume of pamphlet binding undertaken for Raymond’s business, the company also required business stationery, sheets for record books and ledgers, and blankbooks which were ruled and fabricated at the bindery. Entries in the Bindery Workbooks include jobs for Time Sheets, Machine Report Sheets, Trial Balance Sheets, and pages ruled for a foolscap Cash Book and a foolscap Sales Book. 525 The cheapest ruling job was an order for 2,000 “Post 6to Statements ruled to order” in two lots charged at $1.25 or about 6 cents per 100 sheets and the most expensive ruling job was ruling 30 sheets of “[Fools]Cap to order” charged at 60 cents or 2 cents per sheet which must

522. BW, 1881-1887, 30 March, 13 April, 22 July, 5 August, and 17 December 1887.

523. BW, 1881-1887, Nunan’s account for “Chas Raymond”, 12 June 1890 and 10 March 1893, charged at $10.80 and $13.50 respectively.

524. BW, 1887-1895, 6 May and 8 May 1891. Orders for 375 and 4,625 “Instruction” pamphlets, one form, 16 pages, no cover. The first lot was delivered 8 May, the second lot 17 May, and the job was paid 10 December 1891. The two jobs were charged at 66 cents and $9.33 indicating a slight volume discount. No surviving copies have been located.

525. BW, 1876-1881, 5 December 1876, 25 October 1878, 18 November 1881, BW, 1881-1887, 14 July 1885; BW, 1887-1895, 22 July 1891. 134 have included the cost of the paper. 526 Other small manifold binding jobs included perforating notes and receipts. 527 Raymond’s account books, which were manufactured at the bindery, illustrate the variety of record keeping books in common use. In the period between 1871 and 1894, 94 blankbooks were ordered from the Guelph Bookbindery. These were as simple as notebooks in quarter- bound flush bindings and perforated at ten cents each to a demy Cash Book of 600 pages in a full sheep binding with [raised?] bands for $12. 528 The blankbooks, ordered in a variety of paper sizes and binding materials, were manufactured over a period of a few weeks or more. 529 For example, memorandum books of octavo foolscap and quarto foolscap paper were finished in full cloth and half leather with marbled paper bindings.530 Cash Books made of 350 and 498 pages of foolscap paper, and one of 600 pages of demy paper, were bound in rough goat or full sheep with R[ussia] bands. 531 Some blankbooks included an index but those were also made up separately. 532 Raymond paid his account at the bindery every few months and Nunan and Raymond had a contra account arrangement. The balance for 1888 lists the account at $67.55, which was settled by Raymond with a sewing machine for $37 (6 November?) and by cash $30.55 (19 December). Nunan used a sewing machine for binding pamphlets as early as 1885, most likely one provided by Raymond through their contra arrangement. At the end of 1894, Raymond’s account was $71.25, which was settled by contra $40 and by cheque $31.25. Raymond’s use of printed material to promote and instruct the public about his product and his use of business stationery and blankbooks to manage his large factory translated into consistent revenue for the several proprietors of the Guelph Bookbindery over four decades.

526. BW, 1881-1887, 5 April 1886, from Kelso’s printing office, delivered 6 April [1886]. BW, 1881- 1887, Nunan’s account for “Chas Raymond,” 15 July 1888. Entries for foolscap paper usually appear as FCap, but in this entry it is “ Ruling 30 sheets Cap to order”

527. BW, 1881-1887, 18 January and 25 February 1886.

528. BW, 1887-1895, 22 January 1891, 14 December 1891.

529. BW, 1876-1881, 12 July 1881; BW, 1881-1887, 15 May 1882, 17 September 1883.

530. BW, 1876-1881, 29 March 1877.

531. BW, 1876-1881, 25 October 1878; BW, 1881-1887, 5 May 1885; BW, 1887-1895, 14 December 1891.

532. BW, 1876-1881, 7 November 1879; BW, 1881-1887, 18 December 1882. Nunan’s account for “Chas Raymond,” 14 March 1888. 135

James Walter Lyon: Subscription Book Publisher Beginning as an agent, J. W. Lyon participated in the unprecedented production and distribution phenomenon of subscription books sold door-to-door by an army of men and women, becoming a publisher after only a few years of selling the books described as “tricked out in flamboyant bindings, printed on thick, cheap paper, with pictures badly reproduced—in general, the tasteless products of hucksters” for buyers who were indiscriminate and “hungry for books.” 533 In the 1860s, while employed as a teacher, he became a book agent selling Horace Greeley’s two- volume history of the American Civil War. In 1868, he left his teaching job and went to Michigan to canvass John Kitto’s Illustrated History of the Holy Bible .534 As he sold books, Lyon refined the techniques that he would later publish in How to Sell ‘The Story of South Africa ’ such as knowing the sales script and features of the book perfectly, canvassing influential people in the town first, and using that connection to persuade others to subscribe. In the summer of 1872, Lyon came to Stratford, Ontario, and as a result of his hard work and consistent efforts, he realized a self-reported profit of over $11,000. 535 Early on, Lyon used advertisements disguised as news printed in local newspaper columns and editorials to promote his books. The Guelph Weekly Mercury featured a column headed in bold “Interesting to Every One” promoting Dr. Kitto’s Illustrated History of the Bible , boasting that “ministers and learned men everywhere” considered it a “most valuable work ever issued in explanation of the scriptures for so reasonable a price.” The column puffed the popularity of the work with claims of 800,000 copies sold, 500 orders for the book in London, Ontario, and endorsements by six Guelph Protestant clergymen. 536 A few weeks later, another column headed “One Thing Needful” on the front page of the same newspaper emphasized that the book was transforming

533. John Tebbel, Between Covers: The Rise and Transformation of Book Publishing in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 167. Another excellent description of the phenomenon of subscription bookselling is the “Introduction,” in Keith Arbour’s Canvassing Books, Sample Books, and Subscription Publishers’ Ephemera, 1833-1951 in the Collection of Michael Zinman (Ardsley, New York: The Haydn Foundation for the Cultural Arts, 1996), xi-xxiv.

534. James Walter Lyon, “Some Recollections of James Walter Lyon,” [1924?], [1], 6-7, Guelph Civic Museum. Two typewritten versions of this exist, one on onion skin paper, and the other typed on 11 x 14 paper. The page references are given from the 11 x 14 version. Lyon was born in 1846 in rural Pennsylvania. His recollections, written almost 50 years after he began his bookselling empire, must be approached with mild caution as there are some discrepancies, however they do provide insight into his marketing strategies, especially for the last few books he published.

535. “Recollections,” 10. When Lyon came to Canada he was in business partnership with Mr. Browning. After his successful entry into the Canadian market, the partnership dissolved.

536 . The column appeared on July 18, 1872, [2]. It claimed endorsements by six Protestant ministers, and the Dean of Huron; however, one clergyman refused to purchase it or to recommend it. 136 all who read it, a “plain, clear, and connected text,” non-sectarian, and perfect for families. 537 Sometime after 1873 Lyon secured the Canadian agency for The Polar and Tropical Worlds . . . published by Charles A. Nichols & Co., of Springfield, MA and promptly added his own imprint for the 1874 Canadian sub-edition. 538 By that time, and after his marriage to Lucy Boult, Lyon was settled in Guelph. Although the subscription books were manufactured in the United States and later in Toronto, his bookselling empire, eventually known as The World Publishing Company, was based in Guelph, with an office first on Wyndham Street and later on Douglas Street, close to St. George’s Square and the County Courthouse. 539 Ever the entrepreneur, he continually searched for new markets for his subscription bookselling enterprise in remote and isolated territories. In 1874 he subscribed to an Australian newspaper and in 1876 he sent his best agent, Frank McNeil, to test the field. The Australian book market proved to be very lucrative, and Lyon and his agents sold thousands of books there. 540 Lyon used the same selling techniques in New Zealand, South Africa, the West Indies, China, the Indian subcontinent, and Sri Lanka. 541 The first book Lyon produced himself was The Practical Home Physician . He owned the plates for the book which was printed and bound in Toronto at a cost of $1.75 with a profit of $1.70 a copy. 542 According to Lyon, he “shipped between eleven and twelve thousand copies” during a one month period. He claimed that the manufacture of his subscription books provided the largest jobs for several Toronto establishments for some years and that in 1884 they

537. Guelph Weekly Mercury , August 8, 1872, [1].

538. “Recollections,” 12.

539. Gordon Couling, Downtown Walkabout , rev. ed. (Guelph, ON: Guelph Arts Council, 1996), 25. The Guelph Assessment Roll for 1875 records Lyon at Wyndham Street [part] 114, offices 14, 15, 16, and 17.

540. Lyon initially went to Australia with 27 men. Later he had 40 agents there. Frank Coffee, a “Guelph boy, at one time printer’s devil on The Mercury ” remained in Australia as Lyon’s partner, becoming sole proprietor in 1886. One publishing venture that did not realize a profit for Lyon was the production of the Picturesque Atlas of Australia . It was sold in 42 parts at 5 shillings a number. It was the most expensive book that Lyon published and at the end of his memoirs he states sales of 3 million dollars for the title. Although 60,000 copies of the atlas were sold, $700,000 was invested up front, so the investors only collected $0.80 on the dollar. Lyon sold out his interest to Frank Coffee around 1890. “Recollections,” 12-14, 16, 20-21, 24, 30.

541. “Recollections,”18. According to Lyon, his agents sold “thousands of family bibles in India”. See “Recollections,” 19.

542. The Practical Home Physician and Encyclopedia of Medicine . . . was published by several American publishers in Chicago, Houston, and Pittsburgh in 1883. Lyon probably purchased the plates from an American publisher and thus had control over the printing and binding costs, which he did not have earlier when he was importing the books from American subscription publishers with his imprint on the title page. Lyon’s sub-edition appeared about 1884 with revised editions published in 1892 and 1901. A French edition was published in 1893 and a Spanish edition in 1895. 137 represented 40 per cent of manufactured goods exported from Toronto. 543 The Practical Home Physician was later translated into Spanish for the South American market where 40,000 copies were sold. 544 By his own estimation, it was his most successful publishing venture, selling 300,000 copies. Capitalizing on current events Lyon published books to satisfy peoples’ needs for authoritative reference books. The 1878 edition of Our First Century , published to cash in on the American centennial, was heavily promoted in Australia and New Zealand, probably with no competition, as Lyon was the first to attempt subscription bookselling there. 545 When more publishers were promoting books on the same timely subjects, the ability to put together a book and be first to market became crucial in order to maintain dominance in a competitive environment. To further entice hesitant buyers, Lyon used the added incentive of including engraved illustrations with a book purchase. The Story of South Africa , published in 1899 just as the Second Boer War was underway, had a print run of 30,000 copies. A “List of Casualties” and “Canadian Officers and Men” was tipped into the agent’s canvassing book allowing families to see the names of their men, alive or dead, immortalized in an impressive book. 546 The title was being hawked while the war was still in progress with the promise of at least a 700-page volume delivered to the customer at the end of the war. Lyon’s ability to manufacture a text is evident in this explanation to buyers about the production of the final volume: The ‘Story of South Africa’ will give the complete history of the war in one volume, and will be delivered after the war is closed. That there may be no guess work, we state that we have already bound up a preliminary copy and it contains 640 pages. You will ask how we can furnish the complete history of the war, if the war should last any length of time, in a book of 800 or less pages. We answer—the preliminary copy now made contains an article of 40 pages on possible intervention by other powers, and other matters proper in the preliminary copy for the few people that want the preliminary book, but of no use in the complete book finished after the war. These and other chapters to be condensed and re-arranged gives us ample space for us to complete our war book promptly after the war is closed, and the book when so completed will contain between 700 and 800 pages. Even if it should take 100 pages more, we promise the public and our

543. “Recollections,” 18, 24.

544. “Recollections,” 27.

545. An earlier edition of this work published in 1876 has a double imprint for Springfield, MA: C. A. Nichols & Co., and Easton, PA: J. W. Lyon. Lyon was living in Easton, PA at that time. The WorldCat database records 18 copies of the 1878 edition in libraries located in Australia and New Zealand.

546. “Recollections,” 27. Lyon records the publication date as 1898. An American edition of the work put out by five publishers is 641 pages. Lyon’s edition of the work was 889 pages. 138

agents the complete history of the war, without change in price. 547

The book was canvassed with a choice of four binding variations: the “Million Edition” in plain cloth and “ink stamping” for $2, the best English cloth binding embossed with gold and colours for $2.50, half morocco with marbled edges for $3.50, and full morocco with gold edges for $5. Book agent Tobias Schantz’s canvassing book contains 186 subscribers from Berlin, St. Jacobs, and Waterloo with 97 customers ordering the best English cloth binding. 548 Another agent, Wallace Goodeve, canvassing Guelph for the same book, was securing eight to 15 orders a day and expected to obtain 1,000 orders for the work in Guelph. 549 Another of Lyon’s publishing and marketing triumphs was Queen Victoria: Her Gracious Life and Glorious Reign . . . , advertised and type-set within three days after her death in 1901. Lyon’s entrepreneurial savvy, quick action, and manipulation of readers through slick newspaper campaigns were factors in his success. 550 Lyon first received a letter from Rueben Belden of Toronto offering him the opportunity to purchase for $50 the copyright of a diary written by Queen Victoria and published by Toronto publisher, A. H. Hovey & Co. in a large type, 400-page volume. By that evening, Lyon had secured the copyright and a single volume of Hovey’s book, which he sent to Chicago. Within three days, the book was type-set with a title page bearing Lyon’s imprint added to the biographical text supplied by the Chicago publishers

547. “Important Notice” [to be pasted into the agent’s prospectus]. Schantz/ Russell Family papers, G 13627, University of Waterloo Library, Waterloo, ON.

548. In his introductory chapter, Arbour makes the following distinctions between a canvassing book and a sample book: A canvassing book was a thin volume with text and illustrations from the proposed volume, promotional material, publisher’s conditions of sale, and lined sheets for recording subscribers’ names. The canvassing books were often referred to by agents and publishers as prospectuses. The canvassing book was often bound in a variety of materials to illustrate the binding choices available for an individual book. A sample book was a volume “without subscription leaves and with or without additional promotional text and binding samples.” Sample books would have required the use of a separate order book to record subscribers’ names. A third variant is a book agent’s dummy which Arbour defines as a case binding of the subscription book on a text block of mostly blank leaves. Arbour argues that the incompleteness of the canvassing books was crucial to the success of the scheme because the “lacunae” created doubt in the mind of the subscriber who could not reject buying the complete book based on a perusal of the incomplete canvassing book. As a reaction to buyers’ distrust of the subscription book-buying process and its product the marketing and sales techniques of subscription bookselling changed during the late-nineteenth century to entice and reassure buyers of the completeness of the final product. Canvassing Books , xv-xviii.

549. Guelph Advocate , January 20, 1900. Clipping in Schantz/ Russell Family papers, G13627.

550. At the time, at least two other subscription publishers were planning to release a similar work: the Bradley-Garretson Company of Brantford had published a book on the Queen to celebrate her jubilee year (1897) and a Chicago company was also preparing a book to retail at $1.75. Bradley-Garretson’s volume was published in 1896 to cash in on the jubilee year commemorative book market. 139 and the Queen’s diary, to produce a 700-page volume. 551 Lyon then wrote an editorial which appeared in the Guelph Herald , 25 January 1901, calling for “a well written and artistically produced book” not “an old book with a few pages added, a rehash of newspaper articles thrown together in a day, or American books by American authors,” which was exactly what was being shilled. The editorial announced that “The World Publishing Company, of Guelph, who have been foremost in the past in the production of high- class literature, have had for some time in preparation The Life and Reign of Queen Victoria , which will be a standard work of great excellence, and is being prepared with great care.” 552 Lyon had thousands of copies of the editorial printed along with an advertisement for agents which he sent to every newspaper in Canada with the incentive of a free copy of the book if they inserted both the editorial as “reading matter without any marks of an ad” and the advertisement for agents in the same issue. Employing the familiar strategy he had used before, his “editorial” appeared in 800 newspapers across Canada. His agents soon reaped the rewards with customers eager to own the copy by the World Publishing Co. of Guelph written about in their home newspapers. Lyon reportedly sold 30,000 copies in three months. 553 The price for the volume was $1.75 for a blue or purple embossed cloth binding or $2.50 for the half morocco binding. 554 During February and March [1901], book agent Tobias Schantz took orders from 92 subscribers including merchants, manufacturers, farmers, bakers, a blacksmith, a butcher’s wife, a manufacturer’s widow, a seamstress, a milk man, a “horloger & bijouer,” a dentist, an insurance agent, and a job printer. Customers could specify when they wanted to take delivery of the book, and although many indicated “anytime,” there were as many who postponed the delivery until late December 1901 perhaps intending to give the book as a Christmas gift. As a publisher, Lyon tailored his books to appeal to Canadian readers even when the market for a particular book title was clearly south of the border. After American President

551. “Recollections,” 29. According to Lyon, this was his last publication, however, The World Publishing Co., imprint continued until 1910 when The Illustrious Life and Reign of King Edward VII . . . was published. Its publication may have been handled by Lyon’s employees as Lyon was occupied with promoting real estate and other ventures.

552. Copy of editorial from the Guelph Herald , January 25, 1901. Separate printing part of Schantz/ Russell Family papers, G13360.

553. “Recollections,” 29.

554. Schantz/ Russell Family papers, G13360. Schantz also canvassed Victoria, Sixty Years a Queen by Richard T. Lancefield, published by Toronto publisher G. M. Rose, in celebration of her jubilee. The book could be ordered in a silk cloth binding for $2.50, half morocco with marbled edges for $3.25 and full morocco with gilt edges for $4.25. Schantz obtained only six subscribers for it. See G13603. 140

William McKinley was assassinated, in September 1901, Lyon quickly obtained the agency for an illustrated biography manufactured in Chicago. In a calculated attempt to give a Canadian spin to the book, The World Publishing Co. claimed that “a cheap, thoroughly authentic and well-made life of the late President McKinley is in demand in Canada almost as much as in the United States.” The book would appeal to Canadian women because of McKinley’s “remarkable devotion to his wife.” In fact, a letter to prospective agents boasted that because of Canada’s interest in the Pan-American Exposition in Buffalo where McKinley was shot, the “tragic events there enacted make the closing days of McKinley almost as much Canadian history as American.” As an added selling point, and to capitalize on people’s insecurities, the Canadian edition included a chapter on the risk of anarchism occurring in Canada. The final appeal to Canadian readers was additional text outlining the details of special security measures taken during the visit of the Duke and Duchess of York and an account of the new President, Theodore Roosevelt. 555 As an added incentive, Lyon offered an engraving of McKinley to all potential agents and subscribers. The 8 x 10 inch book of 500 pages contained nearly 100 half-tone engravings and was available in three binding variants: in extra silk cloth with inlaid photo for $1.50, a special memorial edition bound in texoderm with gold stamping for $2.25, and a full morocco, deluxe edition with gilt edges for $3. A term circular for the book lists the agents’ profit for the cloth edition as 60 cents and for the texoderm edition as 90 cents. 556 After the wave of interest had passed, and the market for the work was saturated, Lyon was able to sell his list of agents and remaining stock for $1,000. 557 In summing up his publishing career, Lyon recalled handling four editions of large family bibles and nine other titles. He had in fact published at least 27 titles, including a Welsh bible in the 1880s, French and Spanish editions of The Practical Home Physician , and two other Spanish language titles. 558 Based on the location of surviving copies, some of his titles may only have

555. World Publishing Co. to Friend [book agents], 19 September 1901, and promotional material for the book. Schantz/ Russell Family papers.

556. Schantz/ Russell Family papers, G13364. Texoderm was an early imitation leather that was strong, durable, and resistant to water, stains, and insects. Roberts and Etherington, Bookbinding , 262.

557. “Recollections,” 28.

558. Lyon sold his large family bibles all over the world. The Treasury of Song for the Home Circle was produced in four variations, two with the London, ON: World Pub. Co. imprint. Other titles he published were Wood’s Bible Animals [1877], Our First Century [1878], Sacred Biography and History Containing Descriptions of Palestine, Ancient and Modern [1878], The Story of the Bible from Genesis to Revelation [187?], The History of the Sea [1880], The Royal Path of Life: or, Aims and Aids to Success and Happiness [1880], The Illustrated Stock 141 been launched in Australia and New Zealand. 559 Several titles were republished a few years after initial publication, with and without revisions. Lyon used the vehicle of a highly scripted text to train his agents and maintain control over widely dispersed, independent salespeople. A collection of canvassing books used by Tobias Schantz illustrates just how literally the script was followed by him. 560 Schantz used the canvassing books in ways unimagined by the publishers, adding the “instruction” script as marginalia in several examples in the collection. He wrote his script in them or glued in circulars that had been cut up so that the appropriate clues to the book demonstration were in the proper place in the canvassing book. In instances where the publisher provided the tipped in sheets, Schantz did not remove them once he had familiarized himself with the work. In Lyon’s pamphlet How to Sell “The Story of South Africa, ” agents were exhorted to commit seven pages of a script to memory and to carry their canvassing books in a special pocket on the left hand side “inside the skirt of your coat.” 561 This pamphlet highlighted Lyon’s own business conducted in South Africa for 19 years as added authority for his volume as opposed to those published by his competitors. Agents were to frame a “magnificent patriotic picture . . . ‘The Defenders of the British Empire’” and carry it with them while canvassing for

Doctor and Live-Stock Encyclopedia [1881], Our Martyred President : . . . Gen. James A. Garfield . . . [1881, 1900], The Treasury of Song for the Home Circle [1882], Manitoba and the Great North-West [1882, 1883], The Diseases of Live Stock and Their Most Efficient Remedies [1882], Heroes of the Dark Continent and How Stanley Found Emin Pasha [1890] Tesoro de Bellas Artes Modernas [1890], El Educador Católico . Libros de Instrucciones y Devociones . . . [1891], Shepp’s Photographs of the World [1891,1892], Columbus and Columbia: A Pictorial History of the Man and the Nation . . . [1892], Le Médicin de la Famille Encyclopédie de Médecine et d’Hygiène Publique . . . [1893] The Self-Interpreting New Testament [1896], Perfect Womanhood for Maidens, Wives, Mothers . . . A Complete Medical Guide for Women [1901, 1903], The New Pictorial Cyclopedia of Live Stock [1901], The New Century Speaker: A Complete Encyclopedia of Elocution, Oratory and Etiquette [1901], Supplement to the Story of South Africa [1902], The Life and Life-Work of Pope Leo XIII [1903], Thrilling Stories of the Russian- Japanese War [1904 ], and The Illustrious Life and Reign of King Edward VII [1910]. The Schantz/ Russell Family papers contain a canvassing book for five children’s books to be promoted for the Christmas season, 1901. The books may never have been published by Lyon. The titles are Eagle Eye, Etc ., Happy Days in Goose Land , My Mother’s Life of Jesus , Stories of Travel , and Poems that Never Die .

559. Only one copy of The Story of the Bible from Genesis to Revelation is recorded in WorldCat in a New Zealand library and four copies of Sacred Biography and History [1878] are recorded in WorldCat in Australian libraries.

560. In order to provide book agents with a portable copy of the large subscription books they were selling, publishers printed canvassing books. See footnote 544. The Schantz/ Russell Family Papers at the University of Waterloo contain more than 40 canvassing books and Schantz’s diaries, daybooks, business ledgers, and correspondence. University of Waterloo Library Newsletter 27, no. 1 (May 1996).

561. [James Walter Lyon], How to Sell “The Story of South Africa ,” [Guelph, ON?: s.n., 1900?] CIHM no. 09356, 14. The script has 59 interjected instructions prompting the agent to produce the “prospectus,” read titles, and turn to specific pages. 142 the book. As an added incentive, the picture was given to customers who ordered the $8.50 and $4.50 bindings. 562 A consummate salesman and entrepreneur, Lyon provided his agents with other products including wire door mats, “cookers,” floor brushes, and “Chautauqua desks,” a combined blackboard and writing desk for children. 563 He published maps of the North-West Territories and Manitoba and the city of Winnipeg in 1892 when he expanded into real estate development. He opened a wholesale furniture business in Buffalo in 1893, expanded it to eight factories and sold it for a profit two years later. A promoter of Niagara Power, he served on the executive of the Ontario Municipal Power Union. 564 As a Guelph citizen, Lyon was elected as an alderman for City Council in 1906. He promoted Guelph as a place for industry and was successful in attracting about ten industries (not related to publishing) to locate there in the early 1900s. Lyon left Guelph in 1929, moving to California for a few years, but returned before his death in 1933. 565 Although the Guelph Bookbindery did not participate in the production of the subscription books published by Lyon, it was involved in the phenomenon of Lyon’s publishing empire. His business stationery was printed locally and passed through the bindery for ruling, perforating, and binding. The instructional pamphlets and weekly reporting forms for the book agents were also processed at the bindery before distribution to the army of agents. As the books were sold in Wellington and neighbouring counties, orders for names to be tooled onto the books’ covers trickled into the bindery in a steady stream. Bindery records document the volume of sales of subscription bibles in the local market, and identify both book agents and book owners. Lyon communicated with his agents weekly. His business philosophy was that book sales depended on mutual enthusiasm and encouragement between himself and his agents. They were

562. The picture (17 x 22 inches plus a mat adding 2 x 3 inches around the perimeter) placed in a frame under glass, would have been heavy and awkward to carry when canvassing on foot over long distances. The presentation of the picture was to stimulate sales: “Hundreds of people that would not talk to a book agent will receive you with this picture in your hand, and then they will look at the book and buy it.” How to Sell “The Story of South Africa ,” 13-14.

563. “Recollections,” 30.

564. In promoting the development of hydro-electric power, Lyon waged a newspaper campaign in much the same way as he did for promoting his book on Queen Victoria. See Greta M. Shutt, “Diary of a Hydro Pioneer,” Guelph Historical Society Publications 13, no. 8, 1968.

565. John Hyde documents Lyon’s career as a “successful entrepreneur, booster and civic leader” in his essay “James Walter Lyon: Businessman, Booster and Developer,” (major paper (49-464), Department of History, University of Guelph, 1986). 143 instructed to report on Saturday night or early Monday morning, so that he could respond to their reports and queries. 566 Jobs for ruling “Agents’ Weekly Returns” and “Agents’ Reports” regularly brought on Lyon’s behalf from the printing offices to the bindery reflect Lyon’s management style. Other miscellaneous stationery items such as “scribbling pads,” and letterheads were printed locally for Lyon and finished at the bindery. Jobs for Lyon and his employees, channelled through the Herald Office and J. J. Kelso for “Order Books,” 100 [pages] each in a quarter-bound flush binding with perforated sheets, were made up by Nunan. 567 Part of Lyon’s selling strategy was to provide his agents with a consistent verbal sales pitch using the medium of printed pamphlets. Between 1877 and 1888 the bindery processed 14,700 “Instructions for Agents” pamphlets generated from Lyon’s subscription publishing business. The production of “Instructions for Agents” can be traced through the Bindery Workbooks and in a few instances can be matched with a particular book title. As new subscription titles were published by Lyon, new “Instructions for Agents” were produced. 568 The pamphlets, printed by all three Guelph printing offices, varied from eight to 80 pages and were printed without separate covers to keep production costs down. Binding details are not recorded for most pamphlets, only the number of pages and forms to assist in keeping track of the work and calculating the cost of a routine job. In 1889, Lyon began to push into the Mexican market with instruction pamphlets in Spanish. In order to have a geographical reference for his new territory, he had Nunan mount a map of Mexico, probably onto linen or cotton. 569 Two orders for “Mexican” instruction pamphlets were entered into the bindery workbook under Lyon’s name rather than that of a Guelph printing office as was usually the case. He may have brought the sheets to the bindery himself in order to give Nunan special instructions regarding the binding. 570 Lyon ordered 50 of the Mexican pamphlets bound in embossed cloth, probably to tempt new agents with an attractive kit. The second lot of 360 pamphlets was folded and stitched in the usual manner. 571 The printing of instruction pamphlets and the size of editions suggest the number of publications and agents that Lyon was handling. A revised edition of The Complete Domestic

566. How to Sell “The Story of South Africa ,” 16.

567. BW, 1876-1881, 17 February, 7 and 25 March 1881 (Kelso); BW, 1881-1887, 28 February and 31 March 1885 (Herald).

568. There are 18 entries for instruction pamphlets between 7 February 1877 and 19 October 1889.

569. BW, 1887-1895, 23 April 1889.

571. BW, 1887-1895, 18 March and 19 October 1889. 144

Bible in 1880 occasioned the printing of 200 copies of a 16-page pamphlet. 572 The printing of 500 instruction pamphlets for “Pope Leo XIII” in 1887 is a mystery, since Pope Leo XIII: His Life and Letters from Recent and Authentic Sources was published by Canadian Book and Bible Co., a Toronto firm, and by two Sydney (Australia) publishers in 1886. 573 Lyon may have sent out his agents to hawk the book and then changed his mind about publishing it locally when initial reports of orders were too small to proceed. However, in 1903 after the death of the elderly Pope, Lyon published The Life and Life-Work of Pope Leo XIII which was sanctioned as the “Official edition endorsed by the entire Catholic Hierarchy of America” and may in turn have boosted its sales in the North American market. 574 Again Lyon used his previous strategies of being the first on the market when interest in the subject was piqued and of securing influential endorsements. The steady passage of subscription bibles through the bindery indicates that they were a sure seller in Guelph and the surrounding townships and villages. Lyon himself brought many bibles one-by-one to be personalized with the names of the proud owners. Lyon also brought bibles to the bindery for repairs and for cleaning and varnishing. In this way, he revitalized old stock of an imprint that was always in demand such as a bible or The Practical Home Physician .575 Between September 1876 and 1884, the bindery handled 295 of his family bibles. Unfortunately, only a few entries provide specific names or inscriptions for tooling to identify buyers or occasions of presentation. 576 The largest order to arrive at one time was entered 13 December 1876, when 22 bibles were brought in to have names tooled onto the covers. 577 Two of the bibles in that order were to have names removed, suggesting that the buyer had changed his

572. BW, 1876-1881, 1 March 1880 and 14 February 1881.

573. BW, 1887-1895, 22 January 1887.

574. Catalogue entry in WorldCat database, number 222620281.

575. Varnishing cleaned and improved the appearance and “wear resistance” of the binding. Roberts and Etherington, Bookbinding , 274. BW, 1876-1881, 28 September 1881, 3 bibles repaired, 14 October 1881, 6 bibles varnished, and 13 May 1884, 23 bibles varnished. Lyon also purchased varnish from the bindery, probably for the same purpose. BW, 1887-1895, 25 September 1889.

576. BW, 1876-1881. One bible was tooled “A present from Thomas to his Mother”, 20 March 1877. Another bible was tooled “I. K. & M. Pearce July 1877”, suggesting it was a wedding gift, 21 August 1877. An inscription “Mary P. Anderson from her Mother”, 31 August 1877 was tooled for Mr. Ballantyne’s customer. Another inscription was from a husband to his wife, 25 August 1877. Another inscription simply reads “Matilda Parker”, 29 December 1877.

577. The payment for fall harvest crops and the tradition of gift giving for Christmas and the New Year probably account for the large sales at that time. 145 mind when the agent returned with the book and demanded payment or there may have been haggling over the added 15 cents for the tooled inscription or perhaps an error in the lettering. In order to camouflage the damage from removing a name, the word “Illustrated” was tooled over the previous work to provide an acceptable alternative to a customer who was dissatisfied or make it possible to sell the altered copy to another customer. 578 In 1877, when Lyon began to promote a new book, Wood’s Bible Animals , he brought 11 “prospectuses” [canvassing books] to the bindery to be put into new cases suggesting that his agents were canvassing locally for the work at that time. 579 It is not known whether Lyon issued the subscription book with a newly designed case, or whether he was simply upgrading the prospectuses with a case representative of the covering on the large subscription book. The entry in the Bindery Workbook suggests that the cases were provided by Lyon, and that Chapman attached the text block to the case, probably using a mull hinge and pasting down new endpapers. With its elaborately embossed cover, Wood’s Bible Animals would have appealed to those who already owned a bible. By June, orders for the tooling of names began to arrive at the bindery, giving an indication of the local sale and reception of the work. Twenty-five volumes came to the bindery in June 1877. Of those only one is listed as “cloth” with the name to be tooled onto the “back,” [spine] because of the elaborately decorated front cover. Some customers chose to have name labels on the inside of the book. 580 Sales were consistent throughout 1877, with a large number arriving at the bindery during October. The total number of Wood’s Bible Animals for tooling or repair is 263. Of 110 records that specify the binding material, the greatest number of purchasers (72) had selected the cheapest full cloth option, still impressive because of the highly embossed cover and bevelled boards. Twenty-nine of the books were repaired at the bindery, with new “ends” [endpapers] put in, not unexpected when a heavy text block is bound as cheaply as possible with little supporting structure to prevent its separation from the boards along the hinge. Another book canvassed during the 1870s was The Polar and Tropical Worlds . An

578. BW, 1876-1881, 21 August, 29 October, and 18 December 1877. Seven bibles listed in three transactions had tooled names removed and “Illustrated” tooled to disguise the altered binding.

579. As explained by Arbour, the publishers used the term “prospectus” to refer to a canvassing book. Arbour uses the term “prospectus” in the strictest sense of the term to refer to a statement of the publisher’s intentions and terms of publication. I use the word prospectus in this part of the discussion because that is the term used in the Bindery Workbook entries, and I make the assumption that the prospectus for Wood’s Bible Animals was similar to the canvassing books for The Story of South Africa and Queen Victoria which are part of the Schantz/ Russell Family papers. BW, 1876-1881, 24 March 1877.

580. BW, 1876-1881, 14 August 1877. 146 indication of the local success of this canvass is a notice in the Guelph Mercury of the presentation of a large bible by Lyon to his agent, Robert Ballantyne, for taking orders for 392 copies of the book. 581 This title was not personalized as were the bibles and Wood’s Bible Animals so the first reference to it in the Bindery Workbooks appears a few years after it was so successfully canvassed. Lyon brought 11 books to be put into new cases followed by another four early in 1877. 582 It is not clear whether these copies belonged to dissatisfied customers or whether Lyon was putting on new cases to meet the demand for a specific binding, for example replacing the case on a half bound volume with a full cloth case. The cases were probably supplied by Lyon, and Chapman merely attached the text block to the new case. The Bindery Workbooks aid in the identification of Lyon’s book agents when their names can be found in the “Remarks” column and also in the “Name” column along with entries for large numbers of subscription books brought in for the tooling of names or for repairs. During the canvass of bibles and Wood’s Bible Animals, eight agents can be identified, with Robert Ballantyne appearing to be the most successful with orders for names tooled on 24 books, and 27 labels presumably for other books sold by him. 583 Another agent active in the Guelph area was William Beney (Bennie) who sold at least 18 bibles and three Wood’s Bible Animals . At the same time the book agents were competing with Guelph booksellers who also brought bibles to the bindery for the embossing of the purchaser’s name, with most orders completed the same day or the following day. 584 Lyon’s methods of bookselling remained the same. His agents continued to go out into their territories with canvassing books that had been altered at the bindery with the addition of title pages, blank sheets, new cases, or other minor repairs. 585 The last subscription book title that appears in this survey of bindery records is Shepp’s Photographs of the World .586 The book was

581. Guelph Weekly Mercury and Advertiser , August 27, 1874, [1].

582. BW, 1876-1881, 28 December 1876.

583. The 1881 census identifies ten book agents, including a woman, Sarah Carter. Ballantyne is enumerated in the 1881 census as 44 years of age, born in Scotland, with a wife and two sons, aged 9 and 6, and of the Presbyterian denomination. William Bennie (Beney) is enumerated in the 1881 census as 42 years of age, born in England, and a Methodist.

584. BW, 1876-1881, 10 January 1877 and 31 May 1878.

585. BW, 1887-1895, 13 and 15 May 1891 for a Prospectus probably produced for the latest publication Lyon was bringing out: Shepp’s Photographs .

586. BW, 1887-1895, 8 December 1891, and 23 December 1891 one volume of Shepp’s Photographs to be repaired. During 1891, Lyon was also preparing a revised edition of the Practical Home Physician . In his book stock 147 published by several American publishing houses in 1891, and in December of that year Lyon brought 33 copies to the bindery to have title pages (with Lyon’s imprint) put in. Lyon continued to work ceaselessly and advised “the man who wants an easy job, or expects to make money without labor . . . to keep out of the book business.” 587 Very little is known from the Bindery Workbooks about Lyon as a reader since most references are connected with his subscription publishing business. By his own account, he was a voracious newspaper reader from the time he was twelve years old, hungry for news of the Civil War. 588 The few personal entries reflecting visits to the bindery by Lyon and his wife provide just a glimpse of print material in their own household. Mrs. Lyon brought volumes of St . Nicholas , a juvenile periodical, and Good Housekeeping , a women’s magazine, for half roan bindings. 589 She also ordered five volumes of the Seaside Library in half roan and marbled paper bindings at 75 cents each, a common binding choice for periodicals and quite suited to books produced in a periodical format. 590 Lyon brought 11 volumes of Encyclopedia Britannica to be put into new covers. These volumes were most likely part of his personal library which he described in the sales brochure of his home “Wyoming” printed ca. 1928. 591

Thomas J. Day: Bookseller and Stationer Thomas J. Day was born in Ireland in 1839 in the village of Cahirciveen, County Kerry, where as a young man he ran the “principal counter” in the village haberdashery and hardware store. 592 He arrived in Canada in 1856 and spent some time with Mr. Barnes of Hamilton, the largest bookseller west of Toronto, before moving to Guelph in July 1864 where he opened a bookstore

were copies of the earlier edition which he had cleaned, varnished, and repaired. See entries 13 and 19 May 1891. In another entry, 29 December 1891, two volumes of the same book to have “plates put in.” This may have been the new edition.

587. How to Sell “The Story of South Africa ,” 16.

588. “Recollections,” 4.

589. BW, 1881-1887, 27 December 1886.

590. BW, 1881-1887, 31 July 1883.

591. BW, 1887-1895, 22 September 1890. J. W. Lyon, “Wyoming” The Home of J. W. Lyon , 8. His library included the 11th, 12th, and 13th editions of the Encyclopedia Britannica, “ Charles Dudley Warner’s World’s Best Literature, Author’s Autographed Limited Edition and thousands of other books in sets and otherwise.”

592. Books & Notions 1, no. 7 (February 1885): [103]. Day was President of the Ontario Booksellers’ Association when he was profiled in the trade periodical. 148 opposite the market in premises formerly occupied by bookbinder W. J. McCurry. 593 Like Shewan, Day carried a large stock of books, stationery, toys, gift ware, musical instruments, printed music, and wallpaper. 594 His business thrived and in April 1868, he moved his shop one door west into larger quarters, reflected in the Guelph Assessment Roll for 1868 as two spaces, one 748 square feet and the other 1,004 square feet with a real property value of $3,930 and $1,000 for personal property. The Guelph Herald noted the relocation to “larger and more commodious premises” situated “directly opposite the front door of the Market House” and concluded that his success was evidence “that his prosperity is not greater than his energy and courtesy merit.” 595 Day, whose motto was “Small Profits and Quick Returns,” advertised that he bought large quantities for cash, did not extend credit, and was therefore able to sell at lower prices from the “largest stock . . . west of Toronto.” 596 His advice to fellow booksellers was to “take no credit” and withdraw an amount, however small, from the profits every year. 597 The Elora Lightning Express described Day as a “live bookseller” one who “appreciates the value of advertising . . . and is better posted in popular tastes than anybody else. . . . Day is well named, for the keen fellow is always wide awake, on the look out for customers and new publications to supply them with.” 598 The central location of his shop, near the market and between two shoe stores, meant that his business attracted customers who were in town for other business. 599 News reports of a fire in the bookstore (3 February 1870) and a robbery of Day’s book stock (22 February 1877) provide more than just the facts of these events. 600 At the time of the fire the bookstore was open at least one evening a week; there was a counter where customers read newspapers; Day had at least one employee, Mr. Anderson, who may have slept upstairs;

593. An advertisement announcing his shop appeared in the Guelph Mercury , July 22, 1864 [3]. Guelph Assessment Roll for 1865.

594. Advertisements in Guelph Advertiser January 27, 1870, [3] and Wellington County Gazetteer and Directory for 1883-84 (Guelph: W. W. Evans, 1883), 220.

595. Guelph Herald, April 7, 1868, [3] and April 21, 1868, [3].

596. Elora Lightning Express, January 21, 1869, [1].

597. Books & Notions 1, no. 7 (February 1885), 104.

598. Elora Lightning Express, February 11, 1869, [2].

599. A photograph at the Guelph Civic Museum of St. George’s Square shows Day’s book store in the foreground with McNeil’s Boot and Shoe Manufactory on the left and Prest’s Boot & Shoe Store on the right. Next to Prest’s shop was Wellington Boot and Shoe Manufactory.

600. Guelph Weekly Advertiser , February 3, 1870, [2], Guelph Weekly Mercury & Advertiser , February 22, 1877, [8]. 149 and he carried a large inventory. Day, who estimated his loss at $2,000 which included his most valuable books, albums, and wallpaper, immediately placed an advertisement in the newspaper to sell off the damaged goods. 601 The report of a serial robbery of Day’s stock over a five year period, where $600 worth of books (approximately 1,200 volumes) were reported stolen in 1877, indicates that Day had an enormous stock of 50 cent books which were probably fenced for less than his price. Day moved his shop to a Wyndham Street (part 108) location of 2,100 square feet in 1870 and his business remained there even though he acquired several properties, including another Wyndham Street (part 94) location. In 1880, Day’s shop was at the southeast corner of Wyndham and Quebec streets, the former location of Shewan’s and Thornton’s shops, with a storefront of 21 feet and 9 inches. 602 The assessment value of the property was $5,400 and personal property assessment was $4,000. As featured in Industries of Canada (1886) Day’s Book Store at 29 Wyndham Street was 2,200 square feet not including two floors above that were also used for the business. Day employed nine clerks during the year and more than 20 employees at holiday time. 603 In 1887, The Mercantile Agency Reference Book listed the business as worth $20,000 to $40,000 with a high credit rating. 604 Day continued until 1904, when Scott & Tierney assumed the business. 605 Day advertised regularly in Guelph newspapers and at least one other village paper. His timely, inventive, and sometimes clever advertisements were often one-third to one-half column and occasionally a full column in length. He promoted several books on poultry when the Poultry Exhibition had just occurred and interest was high.606 An advertisement for Valentine’s cards used the letters of the word “Valentine,” in a diagonal acrostic that was eye-catching on the newspaper page. 607 In 1870, Day’s customers could have the July issue of Chamber’s Journal from Edinburgh and the August issue of World of Fashion in early August but winter issues of

601. Guelph Advertiser , February 3, 1870, [3].

602. The legal address of Wyndham Street, part 53, was owned by William Clarke.

603. M. G. Bixby, ed., Industries of Canada , 101.

604. The Mercantile Agency Reference Book and Key (Montreal: Dun, Wiman, [1887?]), 61.

605. C. M. Nichols and John H. Dyas, Anno Domini 1908, Special Industrial Souvenir Number of Guelph Daily Mercury of Guelph Canada (Guelph, ON: City Council and Old Home Week Association, 1908), 51.

606. Guelph Herald , March 5, 1875, [2].

607. Guelph Evening Mercury , February 5, 1869, [2]. 150 magazines could be delayed for three months. 608 When Wilkie Collins’ novel Man and Wife was published in 1870, Day printed a large advertisement to alert his customers that he had stock. 609 Day also benefited from a common marketing strategy used by publishers and booksellers to gain free publicity for their books and magazines by giving newspaper editors copies for perusal. The local newspaper would review the titles, often in a column with a bold or upper case headline, and customers would enter the bookstore with a specific request for the item reviewed. 610 The titles of magazines that Day advertised changed over time, but he continually promoted magazines for adult and juvenile readers, for men and women, secular and religious, political and domestic, reviews and illustrated news journals. Day was competing with other booksellers in Guelph and also publishers and booksellers in Montreal and Toronto, who offered the same titles at the same prices. 611 Day stocked those titles that he knew would appeal to the broadest constituency, magazines for the family circle, but he also carried several with narrower foci such as Stamp Collector’s Magazine and Chess Player Magazine .612 Day, like James B. Thornton, carried a large stock of British and American magazines and regularly ran advertisements listing their titles and sometimes included the cost for a single issue or a yearly subscription. In 1866, popular American magazines such as Godey’s Lady’s Book and Frank Leslie’s Magazine were sold for 17 cents by both Day and Martin Ryan, bookseller and telegraph and express agent. 613 In 1868, the prices for these same titles were 20 cents and 25 cents. Prices for Good Words , Sunday at Home , and Sunday Magazine doubled between 1866 and 1868. In 1866 the three titles were Day’s cheapest magazines at six cents each, and in 1868 the price was 12 ½ cents per issue or $1.50 per year. Day’s advertisement published in the Guelph Evening Mercury , 17 January 1868, lists 98 titles under “En[g]lish Magazines,” 13 titles under “English Papers,” and 9 titles under “American Magazines.” The most expensive magazines advertised by

608. Guelph Advertiser , August 4, 1870, [3]. His ability to supply stock, especially of monthly magazines, depended on shipping conditions which were reliable during the summer but uncertain during the winter months.

609. Guelph Advertiser , July 14, 1870, [3].

610. This arrangement could also have been generated by the newspaper editors looking for copy.

611. Guelph Mercury , January 25, 1866, [3]. On the same page as Day’s advertisement, Strahan & Co. of Montreal, advertised Good Words for 12 cents a month or $1.50 a year, Sunday Magazine and The Argosy for 15 cents a month or $1.75 a year. W. C. Chewett of Toronto sent magazines to local newspapers for review as did American publisher, Ticknor and Fields.

612. Guelph Evening Mercury , January 17, 1868, [2].

613. Guelph Mercury , February 22, 1866, [3]. 151

Day in 1866, the London Quarterly , Edinburgh [Review ], Westminster [Review ], and North British [Review ] all at 40 cents an issue, were not part of his 1868 list which features Colburn’s United Service Magazine as the most expensive offered at $1.05 per issue. 614 An 1870 advertisement listing several titles not mentioned in the comprehensive 1868 list gives a glimpse of the variety and scope of what was available: Boys of England , Young Men of Great Britain , The Million , Phrenological Journal , Dominion Monthly , Young Crusader , Music Master , Floral World , and Journal of Horticulture .615 Day’s book stock appealed to the widest possible community of readers and those requiring books of technical knowledge and school books. Of special interest for the large immigrant Scottish population in Guelph and the surrounding county, Day promoted a dozen titles by Horatius Bonar, a minister of the Free Church of Scotland, editor of the Quarterly Journal of Prophecy and of Christian Treasury , and composer of hymns. 616 He stocked books on technical subjects such as mill gearing, drawing books for construction, carpentry and joinery, mechanics, and architectural designs, books on the technical aspects of fine arts such as oil painting, painting of miniatures, flower painting, illuminating, figure drawing, and sketching from nature, and school books for public and private schools. 617 Day also entered into shared publishing agreements with Lovell and with Harper & Bros. He is listed as the agent for two titles published by Harper & Bros. of New York, through W. E. Tunis of Clifton (Niagara Falls). 618 This may have given him the sole distribution rights for the book in the Guelph market. Later the association seems to have changed into a more formal arrangement with Day having a shared imprint with Harper & Bros. and W. E. Tunis of Clifton for the book Fishing in American Waters although no copies with Day’s imprint have been

614. Guelph Mercury , February 22, 1866, [3] and Guelph Evening Mercury , January 17, 1868, [2]. The reason for publishing such an extensive list may have been to secure subscribers at the beginning of the year.

615 . Additional titles in the advertisement in April 1870 were: Young Ladies’ Journal , Bow Bells , London Journal , Sunday at Home , Leisure Hour , Chamber’s Journal , Sunday Magazine , Godey’s , Frank Leslie’s Magazine , Demorests , Harper’s , St. James , and Good Words . Titles are transcribed as listed in the advertisement. Guelph Advertiser , April 14, 1870, [3].

616. Guelph Weekly Mercury , March 7, 1872, [3].

617. Guelph Weekly Mercury , March 14, 1872, [3], April 4, 1872, [3], June 20, 1872, [3].

618. Day produced a shared imprint with Lovell in December 1864, History of Canada selling for $2.00. Guelph Mercury , December 18, 1864, [2]. Day was listed as the agent for two Harper & Bros. titles: Travel and Adventure in the Territory of Alaska by Frederick Whymper and China and the Chinese by John L. Nevius. Guelph Evening Mercury , February 16, 1869, [1]. 152 located to date .619 Day’s advertisements for books with binding details and prices of individual titles are an indication of current prices for bound books and periodicals but comparison with prices for similar works in the Bindery Workbooks is limited because of the large number and variation of editions available. Dickens’ titles, which Day sold for 25 cents and mailed to customers for 30 cents seem a bargain compared to $1.50 which Mr. Dunbar paid to have two volumes of Dickens’ works bound in half roan and marbled paper at the bindery. However, without information about edition, format, and binding for both books, price comparisons are spurious. 620 Like many Montreal and Toronto booksellers, Day advertised books that he would send to customers at “any post office in the Dominion.” 621 Day would ship The Engineers and Mechanics’ Pocket Book , a 660-page volume “magnificently bound” for $2.50. 622 The Lyric Gems of Scotland , bound in cloth with gilt edges, was advertised for $1, or $1.25 mailed to Canadian customers. 623 About the time P. C. Allan was liquidating Thornton’s stock, Day tried to attract customers to his shop with the offer of a book worth $1 “not an old shop worn book but a new nice good fresh dollar book” for customers purchasing books, stationery, wallpaper, or fancy goods for the same amount. 624 Day’s deep discounts on some of the most popular items in his shop may have been precipitated by Allan’s liquidation prices. For example, Day advertised $2 Editions of the British Poets for 90 cents, $7 Family Bibles for $4.75, $1.25 Pocket Bibles for 85 cents, $1 Photography albums for 65 cents, $1.25 Photograph albums for 75 cents, $3 Photograph albums for $1.50, the $1 edition of the British poets, in gilt cloth, with illustrations for 50 cents and bound volumes of Good Words for the Young , which sold the previous year for

619. Guelph Evening Mercury , April 12, 1869, [1]. The Guelph imprints are a mystery as no extant copies have been located. Harper & Bros. maintained a tight control over their imprints and went after anyone whom they felt violated their copyright to a work. I have found at least three titles with the shared imprint for Harper & Bros. and Day listed in the newspaper, but none has been found in library databases. Michael J. Everton, “A Canadian Devil, I Presume? Policing the North American Reprint Trade in the 1870s,” (paper, fifth annual conference of the Canadian Association for the Study of Book Culture, Vancouver, June 4, 2008).

620. Guelph Evening Mercury , February 1, 1868, [1] and February 8, 1868, [2]. BW, 1864-1871, 27 July 1871.

621. Guelph Weekly Mercury , November 28, 1872, [2].

622. Guelph Herald , January 7, 1868, [4].

623. Guelph Weekly Mercury , November 28, 1872, [2].

624. Guelph Weekly Mercury , May 9, 1872, [3]. 153

$1.75, for 80 cents. 625 In the stationery line Day considered his competition to be Toronto merchants, rather than other Guelph stationers. 626 His stock was imported directly from English paper mills, bypassing Toronto importers and allowed Day to offer volume discounts to his customers. 627 His paper stock included note paper, foolscap, white envelopes, and fancy papers such as gold and silvered paper, embossed and plain paper, and glazed muslin paper. 628 Unfortunately, his advertisements for stationery items do not include prices to allow comparison with stationery items from the bindery. Day was a direct competitor for Guelph bookbinders because he stocked generic blankbooks similar to those that the bindery was manufacturing. An 1867 advertisement for his bookstore lists a large stock of daybooks, ledgers, journals, cash books, and invoice books made up of Pirie’s paper. 629 Intersections between Day and the bindery occurred when his customers requested either alteration or customization of the standard blankbooks to meet their requirements. Day’s transactions at the bindery were an extension of service to his bookstore customers and confirm his role as an intermediary between his own customers who were purchasing blankbooks and albums at his bookstore and the bookbinders who could personalize them. 630 The overwhelming majority of jobs brought to the bindery by Day were lettering of blankbooks to transform them into a “Cash Book” or “Invoice Book”, and cutting of indexes into ledgers, and minute books. However, there are instances of blankbooks made up for Day with details of number of pages, ruling, binding, and price recorded by Nunan. Day also ordered specific blankbooks such as “Beer Books” and a “Laundry Book” for his own customers. 631 By 1891, Day was no longer ordering customized blankbooks, but he continued to bring his generic

625. Guelph Weekly Mercury , June 27, 1872, [3].

626. Guelph Weekly Mercury , April 18, 1872, [3].

627. Guelph Weekly Mercury , February 29, 1872, [3].

628. Guelph Weekly Mercury , September 5, 1872, [3].

629. The advertisement claims he had “just received 3,000 quires of the above blank books.” Guelph Chronicle , December 4, 1867, [2].

630. There were 130 transactions recorded for Day in the 6,745 workbook entries in this survey which represents about 2 per cent of the bindery’s business overall, but looking at the most prolific period of business between Day and the bindery from 1870-1891[3,749 entries], the 130 transactions represents about 3.5 per cent of the bindery’s business.

631. BW, 1876-1881, 15 January and 3 October 1881. 154 blankbooks for indexing, pagination, and lettering.632 Day also brought various cutting and trimming jobs to the bindery. Paper, bills, tickets, blotting paper, manila paper, cards, millboards, and wallpaper were cut to size or to a specific pattern. 633 Nunan was able to accommodate Day’s display requirements for his spring lines of wallpaper as he “boarded to order” a book of wallpaper and created wallpaper sample books by trimming and punching the boards. 634 In December 1891, Nunan was manufacturing strawboard tubes for Day which he may have required to send maps or engraved illustrations to distant customers for holiday gift giving. 635 Day’s stock of cheap albums, books, and novelties was repaired at the bindery rather than left unsaleable and other gift items were sent to the bindery to be customized or personalized. 636 Day also brought several lots of books and periodicals for binding and for 18 months during Chapman’s time, binding services were exchanged for the Toronto Globe supplied by Day. 637 Perhaps as a convenience to his customer, Rev. J. A. Durkee, Day brought two magazines, the Eclectic Magazine and The Quiver to the bindery, although Durkee also visited the bindery on his own behalf. 638 An order for binding of the Boys Own Paper in half roan with marble paper boards may have been for Day’s own household of seven boys. 639 Four books brought in by Day, three cottage bibles and a St . Vincent de Paul Manual , and other volumes brought by Day for repairs may have belonged to him, or may have been brought to the bindery on behalf of customers. 640 Nunan repaired many books for Day. Since Day repeatedly boasted of his stock of cheap books, he may have had to have them repaired before they were sold to his customers or after the sale when the customer returned with a complaint. However, orders for repair of bibles, an

632. BW, 1887-1895, 19 March, 30 July, 4 December, and 23 December 1891.

633. BW, 1864-1871, 7 September 1869; BW, 1876-1881, 11 March and 19 December 1879, 12 September, 21 October, 31 October 1881; BW, 1881-1887, 19 March 1884; BW, 1887-1895, 15 July 1891.

634. BW, 1881-1887, 24 March 1884 and 18 March 1886.

635. BW, 1887-1895, 22 December and 28 December 1891.

636. BW, 1876-1881, 25 May and 30 November 1880; BW, 1881-1887, 1 June 1884.

637. BW, 1876-1881, blue endpages.

638. BW, 1876-1881, 8 April 1878.

639. BW, 1876-1881, 16 December 1880.

640. BW, 1876-1881, 2 December 1876, 10 May, and 12 August 1878, 27 July 1880, 16 September 1880. 155

Ursuline Manual , and albums may have been necessary because these particular books were used extensively. Bibles and devotional books were handled daily or weekly. Albums for cartes de visite with clasps and folded cardstock pages with cut-outs for the placement of photographs were manipulated as the photographs were inserted and as the albums were shown to callers. Unfortunately, the Bindery Workbook entries do not state the sizes of the albums, although some are described as “large.” 641 For Day, the bookbindery provided ancillary services to his bookselling and stationery business.

The Guelph Bookbindery and Guelph Printing Offices

Three independent Guelph printers are discussed here in a chronological sequence of their business activities and transactions with the bindery, followed by a discussion of jobs sent to the bindery from the Herald and the Mercury newspaper offices. The Guelph Advertiser , which published a weekly and a tri-weekly edition (1845-1873), is discussed here for the period when J. H. Hacking was proprietor (1872-73) and a list of its imprints (1865-1871) is included in Appendix G, Table 4.

J. H. Hacking: Printer and Proprietor of the Guelph Advertiser Joseph Henry Hacking, born 1837, attended school in Guelph and apprenticed at the Guelph Mercury . After completing his apprenticeship he went to the Southern United States and worked in several newspaper offices, but with the threat of the American Civil War, he headed to Detroit, where he found a job with the Detroit Free Press in 1860. In 1866, he returned to Canada, settling in Listowel where his father was the postmaster, and began publishing the Listowel Banner .642 In 1872, Hacking sold the Listowel Banner and purchased the Guelph Advertiser .643 He invested “considerable money” in equipment and tried to “rehabilitate the paper” but by late November 1873, he had sold the copyright, subscription lists, and subscription accounts to James Innes of the Guelph Mercury .644 However he continued the job printing office at the corner of

641. BW, 1876-1881, 30 April 1879.

642. J. H. Hacking was married 29 May 1862 at the Guelph Wesleyan Methodist Church. Hacking’s wife, Mary Hacking née Cormie, “had a very broad education and was able to read both Greek and Hebrew.” Norman Hacking, “The Hacking Family,” Historic Guelph: The Royal City 17, (April 1978): 50-54.

643. Guelph Weekly Mercury , May 23, 1872, [1] and June 20, 1872, [1].

644. Guelph Evening Mercury , July 20, 1927, 98. The Advertiser first published by John Smith in July 1845 under the masthead Guelph and Galt Advertiser and Wellington District Advocate had several owners who ran 156

Wyndham Street and St. George’s Square, in close proximity to the bindery, the two other Guelph newspapers, and three booksellers. Hacking occupied the second and third storey of a Wyndham Street (part 53) building with a real estate value of $900. Hacking’s enterprise was well capitalized as his personal property value is assessed at $2,000 and his taxable income at $200. Listed at the same premises were a druggist, a dentist, a jeweller, and stationer John Anderson. 645 The following year, Hacking is listed at St. George’s Square (part 82), with a real estate value of $1,300, and personal property value of $400. 646 “First prize book and job printer” Hacking and three of his printers are listed in Charlton’s Guelph 1875 gazetteer which he also printed. 647 In 1875 , Hacking moved on to Acton for two years to establish the Acton Free Press . He returned to Guelph sometime before the spring of 1878 for less than a year. 648 By September 1879, he had established the Clifford Arrow , published every Friday, and was operating a book and stationery store in the village in connection with the newspaper office. 649 In an advertisement in the Clifford Arrow he promoted his new stock of type “judiciously selected” by him, a “practical Printer of considerable experience,” for book, card, and poster jobs which he could print in any colour. 650 The Arrow Book and Stationery Store sold school books, stationery, and blankbooks with discounts extended to teachers. 651 He was plagued by poor business decisions, giving easy credit and endorsing the notes of friends. Following the exodus of Ontarians to

the paper for short periods before Hacking purchased it. See Hugh Douglass, “A Concise History of Guelph Newspapers,” Guelph Historical Society Publications 3, no. 6 (1963): 1-3.

645. Guelph Assessment Roll for 1873, page 156, number 51. This is the same location where Shewan and Thornton had their businesses.

646. Guelph Assessment Roll for 1874, West Ward, Division 2, page 101. In 1875, Hacking was at the same address, but it had changed owners. H. W. Peterson was the new owner. The real estate value was listed at $1,000, and Hacking’s personal property assessed at $400. Guelph Assessment Roll for 1875, West Ward, Division 1, page 68. The St. George’s Square location was occupied by Easton in 1873 and by Chapman in 1876.

647. Charlton’s Gazetteer, Business, Street & General Directory of the Town of Guelph for 1875-6-7 (Toronto: R. M. Charlton, 1875), 78.

648. Hacking’s residence is listed in the Guelph Assessment Roll for 1877, but not his place of business. Guelph Assessment Roll for 1878, St. Andrew’s Ward, Division 9, page 142.

649. Clifford is situated in Wellington County, 88 km NW of Guelph. The population of the village in 1879-80 was 900. The County of Wellington Gazetteer and Directory for 1879-80 (Elmira, ON: Armstrong & Delion, 1879), 96.

650. Clifford Arrow , September 5, 1879, [1].

651. In his attempt to build up business, Hacking was selling goods “at a small advance on cost.” Clifford Arrow , September 5, 1879, [4]. In Mary Leslie’s papers F675, MU1719, Envelope 1. 157

Winnipeg in 1883, Hacking became composing room foreman at the Winnipeg Free Press . He died in 1892, leaving no estate, after an illness attributed to lead poisoning. 652 Hacking’s transactions with the bindery confirm his participation in the local production of business stationery and other substantial printing jobs such as The Cromaboo Mail Carrier , two directories including one he published, and pamphlets and circulars. After Hacking left Guelph in 1875, he continued to send work back to the bindery from Acton and Clifford and even as late as 1877 and 1878, Hacking was funnelling work for clients from Listowel to Guelph. Acton customers continued to send Hacking work after he returned to Guelph in 1878, perhaps an indication of satisfied customers or perhaps a lack of local printing services after Hacking left Acton the previous year. 653 (See Appendix G, Table 1 for a list of Hacking’s imprints). Of 90 transactions with the bindery, 21 involved folding and finishing pamphlets and catalogues printed by Hacking. In 1873 he published a Guelph directory, of which several lots (208 copies) came to the bindery between 8 August and 1 September 1873. The remaining manifold and stationery binding jobs reflect a continuous production cycle from Hacking’s job printing of business stationery to the ruling of billheads, letterheads, statements, memorandums, invoices, and agents’ returns to the bindery. Most of these orders were completed the same day or within a few days. Cheques, receipts, and promissory notes printed by Hacking were bound into simple quarter-bound flush bindings. The bindery also cut paper for Hacking during his first year in business and in a few instances supplied paper for job printing. 654 Hacking ordered blankbooks for customers such as a $1 “Grain Receipt Book” bound in standard half sheep and marbled paper for John Brodie of Moorefield and a Medium Hotel Register of 500-interleaved- pages in a half sheep and cloth binding for $10.50.655

J. J. Kelso: Job Printer John James Kelso, born in Ontario in 1850, arrived at Guelph about 1876. He purchased Hacking’s job printing business which he operated independently and with partners; it continued

652. Hacking, “The Hacking Family,” 54.

653. BW, 1876-1881, 16 April and 29 December 1877; 19, 27 February and 26 March 1878.

654. BD, 1872-1873, 10 and 20 December 1872. BW, 1876-1881, 20 December 1876 and 23 January 1877.

655. BW, 1876-1881, 15 February 1877, order for the Hotel Register. In the “Remarks” column “Mitchell House—everything furnished” may refer to a running head printed by Chapman; 29 October 1877. 158 under the name Kelso Printing Co. into the 1950s. 656 In 1881, he moved to new premises at Quebec Street (W 2/3 of 82) with a real property value of $1,100 and remained there for several years. 657 The City of Guelph Assessment Roll for 1887 records Kelso at a new Wyndham Street (part 69) location with a real property value assessment of $400 and personal property assessment value of $600. Kelso remained at that location for several years. The prominent central location of the shop with its sign “Kelso’s Printing Office.” between the second and third stories is evident in many photographs of St. George’s Square. 658 Bindery records show that Kelso was the printer of many of the promotional materials and instruction manuals for local manufacturers and businessmen such as J. W. Lyon and Charles Raymond (discussed earlier in this chapter). Repeated orders for pamphlets and circulars printed in the same format and in large runs suggest that Kelso used stereotype plates, possibly manufactured in Toronto and owned by the customer. For example, circulars printed for Raymond in the same format in 17 lots between 5 January 1885 and 27 August 1886 with a total print run of 81,000 were most likely printed from plates. Kelso printed illustrated catalogues for several Guelph manufacturers such as Levi Cossitt, and Gowdy and Co., both makers of agricultural implements. The library catalogues printed at his shop confirm that people in Guelph and beyond had access to books and periodicals at school and church libraries as well as mechanics’ institutes and public libraries during the 1880s while the increased number of fraternal and social welfare organizations is reflected in the printing of pamphlets for lodges and the Raymond Mutual Benefit Society. (See Appendix G, Table 2). The greater part of Kelso’s trade was job printing of business stationery which then came to the bindery for ruling, perforating, and binding. For example in 1881, manifold binding jobs

656 . Guelph Evening Mercury, July 20, 1927, 98. BW, 1946-56, contains entries for Kelso Printing Co. During a brief period in 1878-1880, Kelso was in business with Alexander R. Groff at St. George’s Square. In the City of Guelph Assessment Roll for 1879, Kelso and his partner Groff are listed at St. George’s Square. Kelso’s son, William, continued with the printing business, assuming control sometime before 1911. John James Kelso and his household are enumerated in the 1901 Canadian Census. His son William is listed as a printer. John James is enumerated as an employer, William as employee, and both are listed with a $600 income from employment. In the 1911 Canadian Census, William Kelso is listed as employer. Ancestry.com, 1901 Canada Census , (Provo, UT: Ancestry.com Operations, 2006), http://search.ancestry.ca/. Under surname “Kelse”Ancestry.com, 1911Canada Census , (Provo, UT: Ancestry.com Operations, 2006), http://search.ancestry.ca/. In 1927 the Kelso Printing Co., owned by T. Anderson and A. A. Anderson, remained at the Tovell’s Block, opposite the Post Office. Guelph Evening Mercury and Advertiser , July 20, 1927, 7.

658. R. A. M. Stewart fonds, F 38-0-15-0-0-291 and F 38-0-15-0-0-408, Guelph Public Library Archives. Couling, Downtown Walkabout , rev. ed., 13. See also Gilbert A. Stelter, “The Carpenter /Architect and the Ontario Townscape: John Hall, Jr., of Guelph,” Historic Guelph: The Royal City 30 (1990-1991): 4-21. 159 comprised more than half of the jobs that Kelso sent to the bindery. 659 Since writing pads had become indispensable by the 1880s he was ordering pads for his own customers of 200 to 250 sheets in quantities of one to 10 pads at a time charged at four to six cents each. By 1881, orders for writing pads and counter pads were recorded “as usual” indicating a standard item in a standard format, most likely made of lined paper attached with a caoutchouc binding to a millboard backing. 660 Kelso and Nunan exchanged goods and services which were settled about every six months by contra account and by cash payments. The semi-annual settling of accounts is comparable to the payment schedules of other Guelph print shops and between Nunan and his suppliers. Nunan ruled business stationery printed by Kelso and sometimes supplied the paper. Although the specifics of the contra agreement are not listed, Kelso may have printed heads or provided paper to Nunan in exchange for binding services. Stationery binding jobs indicate changes to record keeping by a new class of manufacturers and their salesmen. Lightweight and portable “Order Books” were custom made for travellers who traversed their territory by train, horse, and on foot. Rainer, Sweatnam & Hazleton , piano manufacturers, had Order Books made through Kelso. The 25 books were to have 20 pages in each, with four in stiff binding, and 21 in flexible binding. 661 The two binding styles may reflect the preference of travelling agents for portability, while the four order books with stiff covers may have been for use at the factory. Like the patrons of competing Guelph print shops, Kelso’s customers ordered chequebooks, receipt books, and notebooks with perforated sheets and quarter bindings, or full pressings. By 1891, the volume of work coming to Nunan’s from Kelso’s shop had decreased slightly, but the type of jobs remained the same. Kelso had wrappers “gummed” and manila envelopes made to order at the bindery probably to sell at his own shop. 662 Manifold binding jobs in the twentieth century reflect new record-keeping practices requiring duplicate copies and utilizing loose-leaf account books. Jobs for pagination in duplicate

659. For 1881, 665 jobs passed through the bindery. Kelso had 62 entries, 33 for manifold binding jobs, 19 for stationery binding jobs, and 10 for the binding of pamphlets.

660. Caoutchouc binding, patented by William Hancock in 1836, was a form of adhesive binding using a rubber solution obtained from the latex of certain plants. The caoutchouc was applied to the roughed edges of leaves of paper in layers, which was allowed to dry between applications. For bookbinding, a strip of cloth was applied with the final layer of adhesive. Roberts and Etherington, Bookbinding , 46.

661. BW, 1876-1881, 22 November 1881.

662. BW, 1887-1895, 4 February, 4 March, 25 and 27 April 1891. 160 and triplicate, hole punching, and perforation along with the traditional requirements for ruled sheets are numerous in the Bindery Workbook, 1946-1956. The rebinding of Robinson Crusoe brought to the bindery by the print shop is evidence that customers’ books continued to be passed along to the bindery from the print shop. 663 The central location of the Kelso Printing Co. and their long history of business with the bindery cemented this ongoing trade relationship.

James H. Hough Jr.: Artistic Printer and Binder James Hough Jr., born in Guelph in July 1863, apprenticed with the Guelph Herald and later was foreman there before opening his own shop. Sometime before 1885, Hough opened a printing office “over the Red Flag Store” on Lower Wyndham Street later moving to Carden Street near the Market Square. 664 Advertising himself as “the artistic printer,” Hough promoted the “fine color and catalogue work specialties” which earned him fourth premium in a field of 23 printing specimens submitted to a Chicago competition sponsored by the Inland Printer in 1885. 665 His advertisement in the Programme of the Band Tournament and Firemen’s Demonstration , which he printed in 1889, puffs his work with quotes from several of the “highest printing authorities in the world”: as “‘We consider Mr. Hough one of the best printers in the country,’” from the American trade journal Inland Printer and “‘Mr. Hough has made a name for good work in the Dominion. His samples are very artistically printed, and shows he is deserving of it’” ascribed to the British and Colonial Printer and Stationer , an English trade journal. Printed in an edition of 15,000, the programmes were bound by Nunan. 666 Bindery records for 1885-1889 indicate that most of the transactions between Hough and Nunan were for binding small editions of pamphlets printed by Hough. (See Appendix G , Table 3). During that time, only two manifold binding jobs and no blankbook orders were credited to Hough, suggesting that he was concentrating his efforts on printing catalogues, price lists, and his paper the Saturday Morning Sun , a weekly he published and edited during autumn 1887 in a

663. BW, 1946-1956, 5 May 1955. The rebinding of Robinson Crusoe in blue Fabrikoid and marbled paper is referenced to Mr. Cameron.

664. Union Publishing Co., The Union Publishing Co.’s Farmers’ and Business Directory for the Counties of Waterloo and Wellington, 1887 , Volume 3 (Ingersoll, ON: Union Publishing Company), opposite 177. W. H. Irwin’s City of Guelph . . . Directory for the Year, 1892-1894 , lists Hough as a printer, bookbinder, and paper box maker. The street directory lists Market Square “also called Carden Street from the Grand Trunk Railway Station to West Market Square. Hough’s shop was near the Bell Organ and Piano Company’s factory. See page 36 of Irwin’s Directory .

665. Union Publishing Co., Directory for the Counties of Waterloo and Wellington, 1887 , opposite 176.

666. BW, 1887-1895, 31 May 1889. Binding the 40-page programmes was a substantial job (charged at $40) and was done with a wire stitcher (OGU s0206b48). 161 print run of 800 to 1,000 copies. 667 Orders from Hough for six sample folders with 16 folds, and a half morocco and cloth binding on a volume of The Inland Printer were probably for his own use. 668 However he had made some inroads with Guelph manufacturers by the late 1880s, when his shop began printing catalogues for J. B. Armstrong, carriage manufacturer, and MacGregor & Gourlay and Griffin & Grundy, both stove manufacturers. These pamphlets were sent to Nunan’s Bindery for binding. An account rendered by Nunan to Hough dated 27 September 1889 for the amount of $326.90 includes the following charges: a contra account for $16.50, a one month note for $100 and a second one month note for $210.40. Nunan was extending credit for work done for Hough and there was an exchange of materials and services between them. Hough may have supplied paper or printed heads for Nunan’s blankbooks. Hough expanded his business to include pamphlet binding by the 1890s. In 1891 when he employed an average of 15 workers during the year, Hough’s one transaction with Nunan’s Bindery in 1891 was for the ruling of a lot of paper. 669 Hough’s shop could manage the printing and binding jobs that came in, but paper ruling was best left for someone with the necessary equipment, experience, and patience for the job.

Herald Office The Guelph Herald , [hereafter the Herald ] a Conservative paper established by Charles H. McDonnell in 1842, was the first newspaper in Guelph. McDonnell had made an arrangement with H. W. Peterson, Registrar of the District, to provide a Ramage press and some type which Peterson had on hand from an earlier publishing venture in Berlin in 1832. Peterson was the proprietor and McDonnell the nominal owner, practical manager, and editor. The paper lasted only nine months. 670 In 1847, F. D. Austin made a similar arrangement with Peterson, and resumed publication of the Herald . Austin, working with a partner John Pearson, made improvements to the paper and purchased new type with the help of a joint stock company of

667. The paper was bound by Nunan’s shop during October and November of 1887. The Bindery Workbook gives no details of the job, other than “bound”. No bibliographical record of this periodical has been located.

668. BW, 1881-1887, 23 September 1885, and 7 July 1887.

669. Ancestry.com, 1891 Census of Canada , (Provo, UT: Ancestry.com Operations, 2008), http://search.ancestry.ca/. BW, 1887-1895, 24 December 1891.

670 . C. Acton Burrows, Annals of the Town of Guelph, 1827 to 1877 (Guelph, ON: Herald Steam Printing Press, 1877), 57-8. 162 several gentleman of Guelph. 671 About 1848, George Pirie, a native of Aberdeen, Scotland, took editorial control and the Herald soon became known for the “unflinching opposition it offered to everything savoring [ sic ] of meanness or trickery in local or general politics” with Pirie as sole proprietor and editor.672 In 1852, Pirie’s newspaper office was in a Market Square location (part 121) with a real property value of £20, a personal property value of £10, and taxable income listed at £125, the same amount listed for the publisher of the Guelph Mercury , G. M. Keeling. 673 In 1856, P. C. Allan is listed at the same Market Square location which was convenient for customers wishing to purchase a newspaper, place an advertisement in the Herald , and buy books, stationery, and periodicals. That same year, Pirie was hoping to get an office in Wyndham Street, and according to 1857 assessment records, his shop was at the Wyndham Street location (part 102) owned by postmaster Robert Corbet.674 The real property value of the Wyndham Street office was £25, suggesting that the new location may have been slightly larger. P. C. Allan shared the premises with Pirie, but he must have had a considerably larger space since the real property value of his location was assessed at £60. 675 It is hard to discover exactly how many printers Pirie employed in his shop because census records and assessment roll data do not always correspond. It is apparent that employees changed constantly and that members of Pirie’s large household were employed there. 676 The 1861 Canada West census records details about Pirie’s business. The capital invested in his

671. Hugh Douglass, “A Concise History of Guelph Newspapers,” Guelph Historical Society Publications 3, No. 3 (1963), 2. The partnership between Austin and Pearson lasted about six weeks.

672. Burrows, 58. Pirie was born, 28 February 1799, in Scotland and died in Guelph, 23 July 1870. In 1838, he settled on a farm in Nichol Township before purchasing the newspaper. Burrows, 146.

673. Guelph Assessment Roll for 1852. Two other printers are listed: Charles Hewatt (spelled Hewitt in other records), age 37, and William McLaren, age 47.

674. George Pirie to George Mitchell Pirie, 12 October 1856, transcribed by Marika Pirie, private collection.

675. This is consistent with their earlier assessments at the Market Square location. In the 1856 assessment, Pirie’s real property value assessment was £20 and Allan’s real property value assessment was £50.

676. In a letter to his daughter Catherine, Pirie mentioned that his son Alick had gone to Detroit, one of “the boys” was sick and that “while there is a press of job work on hand, Mamma and I are kept stirring.” Another son, Charley, was “working hard.” He reported to her that he had three pamphlets and “a lot of bill cards” waiting to be printed. George Pirie to Catherine [Goldie], 23 February 1870, private collection. In 1864, Pirie employed two journeymen and was prepared to let one of them go if his son-in-law was in need of employment. Richard Goldie had attempted farming but decided to look for work as a typesetter in the fall of 1864. He expected to find work in Hamilton, but on his way there, stopped at Guelph and got a week’s work at the Advertiser . George Pirie to George Mitchell Pirie, 23 October, 1864, private collection. 163 printing business was $2,000. Raw materials included 200 reams of paper valued at $800 with the value of produced goods $4,000. Three apprentices lived in the Pirie household and seven male workers and one female employee were enumerated at the Herald Office. Pirie’s business continued at the Wyndham Street location, in an upstairs space. 677 In 1867, the real property value of the shop was assessed at $600, and Pirie’s taxable income, assessed at $400, had to support his household of 12 people. 678 Something can be known of Pirie’s household reading habits from Pirie’s personal transactions with the bindery. As a customer, Pirie ordered one volume of Godey’s Magazine , one volume of Arthur’s [Home ] Magazine , in half roan bindings to be charged to the Herald Office, and six volumes of the Illustrated London News in half roan and paper bindings. He purchased a scrapbook for $1.50 and later brought an album in to be repaired. 679 In July 1870, Pirie died, and his widow and son Alexander Pirie continued with the newspaper. At the same time, the paper was expanding to a daily edition, one of three daily newspapers in Guelph. 680 It is obvious that the business declined in the decade since1861, with only two male employees over the age of 16 enumerated in the 1871 census and half of the capital investment and raw materials ($1,000 and $400) and an annual product of $1,400, down $2,600 from a decade before. 681 Compared to the Advertiser and the Mercury offices, the Herald office was the smallest newspaper enterprise in Guelph in 1871. The Herald was sold several times in the 1870s and in 1885 the paper was purchased by Harry Gummer, who with his son Bert, continued the Herald until ca. 1924 when it was sold to the Guelph Mercury .682 In 1864, only 14 jobs came to the bindery from the Herald Office, suggesting that at that time the job printing side of the business was not well established or perhaps the pamphlet

677. Guelph Assessment Rolls for 1868 and 1869 record the business as upstairs at Wyndham Street (part 102).

678. Guelph Assessment Roll for 1867.

679. BW, 1864-1871, 26 November and 13 December 1864, 3 August and 13 October 1868. The cost of binding the periodicals: Illustrated London News $9, Godey’s Magazine 75 cents, and Arthur’s Home Magazine 60 cents.

680. Guelph Advertiser , July 28, 1870, [2].

681. Canada, Census of 1871, Province of Ontario, District 33, Sub-District C, Town of Guelph, East Ward, “Schedule No. 6. Return of Industrial Establishments,” page 6. Library and Archives Canada, microfilm C- 9945.

682. Guelph Weekly Mercury , April 4, 1872, [2]. William H. Cooper, “Guelph Herald,” essay at beginning of microfilm N-439 Reel 2np, 29 June 1987. Douglass, 2. Guelph Weekly Mercury and Advertiser , July 5, 1877. Guelph Daily Herald , May 15, 1879, [1]. 164 binding jobs were being done at the Herald Office. Most of the entries were for ruling and blankbook binding of notebooks. Two expensive jobs were for binding the Art Journal in half neat calf charged at $2.50, and the manufacture of a Procedure Book for an unspecified customer, ruled and bound in rough calf for $5. The Bindery Workbooks reveal patterns of work at the Herald Office as well as the print runs of local imprints. Between 1864 and 1870, the Herald Office sent pamphlet binding jobs for trimming, or pressing and trimming, or cutting, which confirms that a worker at the Herald Office was folding and stitching most of the pamphlets being printed there. In a few instances, the complete job was done at the bindery, perhaps due to time or labour constraints at the Herald Office. By 1870-71 the greater portion of jobs coming from the Herald Office were for ruling paper, cutting cards and paper, and binding blankbooks for Herald customers with just a few pamphlet binding jobs, only one of which required folding and stitching. This pattern prevailed in the following decade. Of 665 Bindery Workbook entries for 1881, 74 jobs came from the Herald Office, with 20 requiring pamphlets to be finished. The majority of entries were manifold binding jobs: ruling of forms printed by the Herald Office, making up writing pads, perforating and binding receipt books, and making up blankbooks such as the Large Post Hotel Register in a half basil and cloth binding ordered for the Wellington Hotel. 683 Nunan and the Herald Office maintained a contra account, and the particulars are recorded in his accounts. The Herald Office supplied Nunan with reams of paper, his advertisement card printed in the Herald, “book heading,” and a book. Also part of the account was a note for two months for $30 and a discount of $2. 684 By 1891, the Herald was sending its print run of 11,500 to 14,000 copies of Canadian Forester every month for binding “as usual.” The periodical was probably folded, collated, covered, wire stitched (stapled) and trimmed at a charge of $1 per thousand. Another recurring job from the Herald Office was binding file copies of the newspaper in half roan and marbled paper bindings. A new manifold binding job was generated by several businesses that produced calendars for 1892, which required gathering and stapling or other finishing details at the bindery (See Appendix G, Table 5).685

683. BW, 1876-1881, 17 January 1881.

684. BW, 1881-1887, Nunan’s account, “Herald Office.”

685. BW, 1887-1895, 25 and 26 November 1891, 18 and 23 December 1891.

165

Mercury Office The Wellington Mercury and Guelph Chronicle was first published in September 1853 by George M. Keeling, operating out of a building on the south side of Cork Street. 686 When Keeling died in October 1861, the editor, George Palmer, sold the paper to James Innes and J. C. McLagan. 687 The Guelph Mercury [hereafter the Mercury ] was located on the top floor of “Day’s Brick Block” at the corner of Carden and Wyndham streets between 1861 and 1867 when it became a daily newspaper occupying a three-storey stone building on McDonell Street. 688 McLagan retired in 1869 and in 1874, John A. Davidson joined Innes as a partner. 689 At the end of the century Innes’s nephew, James Innes McIntosh, bought the paper and operated it until 1929. With further changes in ownership, the Mercury is still published today. Early on, the Mercury considered its competition to be Toronto print shops and in order to be competitive in price and quality workmanship they invested in workmen and equipment. By 1869 they had a steam press and in 1872 they purchased new type and a fifth Gordon press for job printing. 690 To convey a sense of professionalism, Mercury reporters were outfitted with special cases made up in half morocco and cloth at the bindery. 691 In the first year surveyed (1 April 1864 to 30 March 1865), the Mercury Office sent 59 jobs to the bindery, about ten per cent of that year’s work. Most of the manifold binding jobs were cutting of cards, paper, and pamphlets and ruling of billheads. The bulk of the other jobs were small quarter-bound notebooks for members of the business and professional community. Nine local imprints include an order for binding 300 hymn books with a cloth spine and paper boards cut flush, charged at $1.50 per hundred or $4.50 for the job. 692 Three lots of pamphlets sent to the bindery for cutting, suggest that, as at the Herald Office, someone at the Mercury

686. Gordon Couling, Downtown Walkabout: A Walking Tour of the Central Business District of Guelph, rev. ed. (Guelph, ON: Guelph Arts Council, 1996), 9.

687. Douglass, 3.

688. Gordon Couling, Where Guelph Began: A Walking Tour of the Original Market Square Area , 3rd ed. (Guelph, ON: Guelph Arts Council, 1996), 9.

689. Cooper, essay, microfilm, N-439-2. Guelph Evening Mercury , July 12, 1869, reprinted in Centennial Edition Guelph Mercury , July 20, 1927, 122.

690. The Mercury announced that it had installed four Gordon Segment presses and a paper cutting machine and were able to offer work at 25 per cent less than other shops. January 11, 1866, [3]. Guelph Evening Mercury February 6, 1869, [2]. Guelph Weekly Mercury , May 9, 1872, [3].

691. BW, 1876-1881, 29 May 1877.

692. BW, 1864-1871, 6 September 1864. The congregation responsible for the publication of the hymn book is not known. 166

Office was folding, gathering, and sewing pamphlets at that time. In the 1870-71 survey of bindery records, the Mercury Office sent fewer jobs, about seven per cent (44 of 623), even though it had greatly increased its job printing capacity in 1866. The number of Mercury imprints sent for pamphlet binding increased to 14, mostly printed minutes, prize lists, bylaws of local government, bylaws of the Maple Leaf Baseball Club, and a few catalogues. Stationery binding jobs included chequebooks, the manufacture of notebooks and other blankbooks, and the ruling of business stationery. The absence of cutting jobs in 1870- 71 is explained by the newspaper office’s acquisition of a paper cutter in 1866. For the survey year of 1881, jobs from the Mercury Office remained at eight per cent of the bindery’s business (55 of 665). The same types of jobs are represented in the same proportions with 17 local imprints sent for pamphlet binding and 22 blankbook orders. Paper ruling accounted for the greatest proportion of stationery binding jobs. Nunan’s account for the Mercury Office suggests that he was supplying them with stationery such as notebooks and other generic blankbooks and their contra account indicates that the Mercury Office was doing work for Nunan. Ten years later, the Mercury Office sent 61 of the bindery’s 718 jobs (8.5 per cent) including 20 local imprints. Most of the pamphlet work at that time was coming from municipal sources such as township councils, church groups printing annual reports and library catalogues, agricultural societies printing prize lists, and the Ontario Agricultural College. The manufacture of writing pads for individual customers of the Mercury Office was recorded “as usual” indicating a routine and regular occurrence with local standards for their production. Ruling jobs continued to be filtered to the bindery from the Mercury Office with Nunan occasionally supplying the paper. 693 “Order Books” and “Receipt Books” with sheets printed with a header at the Mercury Office were finished at the bindery with perforated pages and quarter-bound flush bindings. By 1891, the Mercury Office was regularly sending its “fyles” (back issues) for quarter bound flush bindings “as usual.” This continued for the next sixty years, with only a slight variation in binding style. Eleven entries for the Mercury in the 1955-56 survey reveal that by that time it was no longer doing job printing, but continued to send its monthly volumes of the newspaper for binding with Fabrikoid spines and millboards with lettering on the spine. 694 Michael Nunan recalled how tedious and “rough” these jobs were due to the poor quality of the

693. BW, 1887-1895, 28 August 1891.

694. The volumes of August and September 1955 came to the bindery 4 October 1955. 167 newsprint and the large size of the paper. 695

The Guelph Bookbindery and Communal Customers

Guelph Mechanics’ Institute (1850-1883), Guelph Free Public Library (1883- ) The Minute Books of the Guelph Farmers’ and Mechanics’ Institute [hereafter Mechanics’ Institute], and after 1883, the Guelph Free Public Library [hereafter Public Library], contain useful evidence about the relationships between the printing trades and a cultural institution. 696 Local printers were contracted to print and post notices of its meetings; print its bylaws, rules and regulations, library catalogues, labels, and tickets of membership; and publish its annual reports in the local newspapers. Binding and repair of the library’s books and periodicals were done almost exclusively in Guelph, reflecting the philosophy of its Directors to purchase goods and services locally. Local bookbinders bound its catalogues, made blankbooks for record keeping, and served on the Board. 697 Although the inclusion of bookbinders, booksellers, and printers on the Board could be considered a conflict of interest, these men had an interest in promoting book culture in their community and had specific knowledge, skills, and social connections that were useful to the Board. The relationship between the library and the bookbindery included a physical dimension when P. C. Allan strategically rented a room over his store to the Mechanics’ Institute in 1855. 698 This brought increased traffic to his shop when library subscribers came to the Mechanics’ Institute. When he relocated to a new store in Wyndham Street he was hoping to continue the

695. Michael Nunan, discussion.

696. In an earlier study, “Notes from Underground: A History of the Guelph Public Library, 1850-1905,” I focus on the people involved in the organization and management of the library, government funding, bookselling, evolving librarianship, the physical spaces the library occupied, and its collections. FIS 3004Y, Faculty of Information Studies, University of Toronto, 2005. The Mechanics’ Institute was managed by a group of Institute members, the Board of Directors, who also collected subscriptions from Guelph citizens. The Free Library was managed by a Committee of Management whose members were appointed by Guelph City Council. The Mechanics’ Institute began as a subscription library in 1850. In 1883 its collection was transferred to the Guelph Free Public Library. Guelph Public Library fonds, Guelph Public Library Archives, Guelph Public Library.

697. James B. Thornton was actively involved in the Mechanics’ Institute, serving on the General and Finance Committees and as a Collector of the South Ward in 1871. Guelph Mechanics’ Institute Minutes [hereafter GMI Minutes], 10 January 1871 and 17 January 1871. F. T. Chapman served on its Committee of Management and several other committees in 1878, 1879, and 1880 and was Collector for the West Ward in 1878 and for St. David’s Ward in 1880. Collectors canvassed in their assigned Wards to recruit new subscribers. GMI Minutes, 17 May 1878 and 28 May 1878, 22 May and 6 June 1879, and 4 June 1880. Chapman formally resigned from the Mechanics’ Institute in a communication noted in the minutes 7 January 1881.

698. GMI Minutes, 12 October 1855. The same minutes record an order for six books from Allan at a 12 ½ per cent discount for £ 1. 14. 5 ½. 168 arrangement and offered the Mechanics’ Institute two rooms over his shop but the Institute chose another location. 699 Two decades later and after several relocations, the Mechanics’ Institute was located in rooms over G. B. Fraser’s store on Upper Wyndham Street. 700 It continued there after the creation of the Free Library until about October 1885 when it moved into rooms leased from the Guelph Masonic Hall Co. and Frank Nunan leased the former Free Library space. 701 Early on, the Mechanics’ Institute purchased books and periodicals for its subscribers from local Guelph booksellers. Books were also ordered from Toronto booksellers, and from publishers as a result of direct solicitation, however, most often the Mechanics’ Institute attempted to be equitable and purchase from local booksellers. 702 This process was not always transparent or without controversy. During the early 1860s Shewan competed in a tendering process with Guelph booksellers Miller and Ryan for filling book and periodical orders for the Mechanics’ Institute. 703 For 1862 and 1863 it seems that Miller was awarded the job. In mid 1863, Shewan and Miller again tendered to supply books to the Mechanics’ Institute. Miller, who was awarded the tender, was to supply 57 books bound in leather or cloth for $53 indicating that bound books were available at less than a dollar per volume. 704 The deceptive tactics employed in the tendering process are evident in the minutes of April 1872. Only Day and Anderson

699. There was a hint of impropriety during the earlier arrangement with Allan. Before the Mechanics’ Institute moved to the location above Allan’s store, an inventory of all its property was taken. GMI Minutes, 13 November 1855. After Allan moved to his new location, the Mechanics’ Institute librarians were requested to report “what books are missing and cannot be accounted for during Mr. Allan’s sublibrarianship.” GMI Minutes, 5 February 1857. The Mechanics’ Institute moved into Town Hall rooms in March 1858 after Allan moved to Wyndham Street. GMI Minutes, 26 August 1856, 2 March 1858 and GMI Minutes of Annual Meeting, 11 January 1859.

700. [Annual Report for 1877] [cut and pasted printed report], GMI Minutes, 17 May 1878.

701. [Librarian’s Report for 1885] [cut and pasted printed report], Guelph Public Library, Minutes 21 January 1886. References to Minutes from the period after 1883, when the library became a public library hereafter noted as GPL Minutes.

702. GMI Minutes, 5 January 1864. Books were bought from Ryan, Anglim, and Miller.

703. Details of the tendered bids are not consistently recorded, for example, format and binding details of books and/ or periodicals comprising the bid, number of tenders submitted or to whom tenders were awarded. Conclusions regarding the successful tender are made based on the record of payments to booksellers in the minutes some months later. GMI Minutes, 4 March 1862. Both Miller (also spelled Millar) and Shewan submitted tenders to the Board “stating the price at which they would furnish books for the Institute.” It seems that Miller’s tender was accepted, as he was paid $38.59 for books. GMI Minutes, 1 July 1862. GMI Minutes, 2 December 1862, record tenders from Miller, Shewan, and Ryan for books and periodicals for 1863. Miller later submitted accounts for $32.79 and $24.68. GMI Minutes, 6 January 1863.

704. GMI Minutes, 7 July 1863.

169 submitted tenders. Thornton did not participate. 705 Since Anderson’s offer of $95.35 was lower than Day’s tender of $99, Anderson’s bid was accepted. A month later, Anderson informed the Library Committee that he could not “ascertain the prices of many of the books in the list submitted to be tendered for,” but offered to supply the books at 25 per cent below the publishers’ price. The Library Committee then requested Day to tender his percentage cut “it being understood that they [booksellers] will furnish a good edition—say when practicable, half calf.” Day submitted a tender offering a 28 per cent discount and he was told to go ahead and to “supply the books, if possible within a fortnight.”706 Guelph booksellers were competing not only with each other but with Toronto booksellers for the Mechanics’ Institute’s business although an attitude of caveat emptor prevailed when dealing with Toronto booksellers who offered hugely discounted books. For example, the Mechanics’ Institute received a letter from Alexander Shaw, a Toronto bookseller, offering books at 20 cents, 50 cents, and 75 cents.707 The President, George Pirie, requested a sample of the cheapest books which were sent to Guelph for the inspection of the Board. However, the Board obviously did not trust Shaw implicitly, as Pirie was mandated to go to Toronto and inspect the books to ensure that Shaw’s stock was “equal to the sample and if so to purchase the same.” 708 The Mechanics’ Institute did not use Guelph bookbinders exclusively. There are no entries for the Mechanics’ Institute in the Bindery Workbooks from 1864 until 1873 when Easton bound 27 volumes of periodicals in half roan bindings. 709 In 1874, the Library Committee of the Mechanics’ Institute was instructed to get quotes for binding magazines and periodicals. One quote received by the Committee was 40 cents per volume, about 10 cents less per volume than Easton was charging for binding, but there were other unnamed parties “yet to be heard from.” 710 Unfortunately, neither the bookbinder providing the quote nor the “other parties” are identified in the minutes.

705. GMI Minutes, 6 June 1871.

706. GMI Minutes, 15 March, 2 April, and 23 April 1872.

707. GMI Minutes, 6 December 1867.

708. GMI Minutes, 17 December 1867. Later minutes record an account for Mr. A. Shaw in the amount of $44.25. GMI Minutes, 7 January 1868. According to Hulse, Alexander Shaw was a bookseller, stationer, newsdealer, bookbinder, and proprietor of a lending library at several King Street west locations, 234.

709. BD, 30 April 1873.

710. GMI Minutes, 7 July 1874 and 4 August 1874. 170

The Mechanics’ Institute built its collection by purchasing books for the lowest cost per volume. This did not always pay off as books with cheap bindings could not withstand constant handling by library readers. Certain popular books such as Wilson’s Tales of the Borders were replaced more than once. 711 After 1883, the annual “Librarian’s Report” documented the number of books “worn-out.” Approximately four to seven per cent of the collection was “read to death” each year, although in 1888 double the books (66) were worn out reflecting an increase in readers and circulation. 712 Books that were considered salvageable were sent for repair and rebinding and others not considered worth repair were donated to other community sites of reading such as the Guelph General Hospital. 713 This translated into sales for the booksellers and repair work for the bindery. Books were re-sewn and repaired into their old cases. Even blankbooks used to record the subscribers were reused by binding newly ruled sheets into the old case. 714 The Mechanics’ Institute and Public Library regularly increased their permanent collection by binding up weekly papers and periodicals in the standard half roan with marbled paper bindings. 715 The periodical titles and binding style ordered by the library mirrored those periodicals brought to the bindery by wealthier Guelph citizens. The production of library catalogues every few years meant pamphlet binding jobs for the Guelph Bookbindery from one of the local printing offices. 716 Evidence from the Bindery Workbooks indicates that several catalogues were bound there. The Mechanics’ Institute minutes do not record a separate charge for binding in the production of the catalogue, just a cost for the “printing,” indicating that the cost of binding was factored into the printing cost, and the bindery

711. GMI Minutes, 3 June 1862. The Institute’s Committee replaced the worn out copies with a five volume set for $6.25 sold by local bookseller, John Miller. In 1883 a 12 volume set purchased at a net cost of $10.40 was ordered along with “novels in a cheap form” for $20. GPL Minutes, 4 October 1883. Macaulay’s History of England was also replaced. GPL Minutes, 16 October 1890.

712. “Librarian’s Report” [for 1888][cut and pasted printed report], GPL Minutes, 17 January 1889.

713. GPL Minutes, 5 April 1883.

714. BW, 1876-1881, 2 July and 13 October 1879, and 16 January 1880.

715. GMI Minutes, 4 June 1880.

716. According to Mechanics’ Institute/ Public Library records and the Bindery Workbooks, the following catalogues were printed: 250 catalogues, 1851; 500 catalogues, 1857; 500 catalogues, 1873; 350 catalogues, 1880; 1,500 catalogues, 1884; 500 catalogues, 1891.

171 was probably paid for the job by the printing office. 717 Accounts to be paid to Guelph bookbinders recorded in minutes of the Mechanics’ Institute and the Public Library do not always clarify the exact nature of the transaction. During the 1860s books were sent for rebinding but it is not clear whether this was to Shewan’s shop, as payments to Shewan recorded in the minutes do not specify whether the expenditure was for books, periodicals, blankbooks, or binding. 718 In a proactive move, Shewan offered to bind books at 50 cents each and repair books at 25 cents each for the Mechanics’ Institute. His offer for this substantial job was accepted and he was promptly paid $36.35 for his work. 719 The transfer of the collection from the Mechanics’ Institute to the Public Library (1883) was a perfect opportunity to take stock of its condition. According to the “Librarian’s Report” this inspection resulted in 246 volumes being sent to the bindery for repair or rebinding which were returned to the library over the next 18 months. 720 The Mechanics’ Institute and Public Library minutes record payments to bookbinders and in the annual “Treasurer’s Report” and “Financial Statement,” bookbinding sometimes appears as a line item, and other years, it is listed in the projected expenditures based on the amount spent the previous year. Several annual “Librarian’s Report[s]” of the Public Library indicates that costs for binding were between 17 and 24 per cent of the total expenditure for books. This included the cost of binding periodicals and repair and rebinding of salvageable items. Between 1883 and 1888 the cost for binding incurred by the Public Library was less than $100. For the remainder of the decade the bookbinding budget was halved but by 1891 the cost for bookbinding ($105.35) was at previous years’ expenditures. The work from the library accounted for about two per cent of Nunan’s business in 1881 and 1891. 721 Nunan’s account for the “Guelph Public Library” lists a number of binding jobs over more than a two year period (21 November 1888 to 19 February 1891). The bindery bound

717. During some years a separate budget item for binding is included in the Annual Report of the Mechanics’ Institute although that expense is probably for repair jobs and for the binding of periodicals.

718. GMI Minutes, 3 February 1863, and 7 April 1863.

719. GMI Minutes, 1 May and 5 June 1866. This could have been a combination of repairing, rebinding, and the sale of books.

720. “Librarian’s Report” [for the Year 1883], [cut and pasted printed report], GPL Minutes, 7 February 1884.

721. Nunan’s income for 1881 and 1891 according to the bindery records was $1,882.37 and $2,504.96. In 1881 six jobs for the Mechanics’ Institute were charged at $33.90 and in 1891, ten jobs from the library amounted to $58.60. 172 magazines, weeklies, miscellaneous library books, and a “Chicago Fire Report.” It also supplied blankbooks annually for use as the Library Register. 722

Guelph Business College The Guelph Business College [hereafter GBC], established in 1884 by Malcolm MacCormick, had about 100 students from four Canadian provinces and six American states. It was located on Upper Wyndham Street, a few doors north of Nunan’s Bindery. The course of study included bookkeeping, commercial law, phonography, penmanship, correspondence, business arithmetic, practical grammar, French, German, and business paper, defined as “a thorough knowledge of the nature and uses of notes, checks [ sic ], bills, invoices, receipts, drafts, account sales, bills of exchange, certificates of stocks, bills of lading etc.” 723 Students rotated through various departments that simulated the business world. For example, within the college was a post office, a railroad office, an exchange broker, advertising, insurance, and real estate offices, a “merchant’s emporium,” and a bank. 724 Nunan’s business benefited greatly from the arrival of the GBC due to its constant requirement for blankbooks and business stationery for its students to practice the rudiments of bookkeeping, correspondence, and other jobs in banks, government offices, and businesses. An early reference to “Scribbling Books” made up by Nunan for the GBC notes that they were 200 pages with printed covers and were charged at 7 ½ cents each. 725 Later on their format may have changed or the large volume of orders allowed a lower price of six cents in the early 1890s reflecting the 10 per cent discount extended by Nunan. In 1888 Nunan’s account of $87 with the GBC was mostly for ruling and cutting business forms. The GBC was not so quick to settle its accounts. In June 1889, the bill for the GBC was $237.12. Several payments between 10 January and 31 May [1889] amounting to $125 were paid to Nunan and by 10 June 1889 their account was settled. Through 1890, transactions between the GBC and the bindery continued, with the bindery providing 291 scribblers, reams of letter paper, and hundreds of daily balance sheets. The production of 50 sets [of blankbooks?] for the Practice Department and 100 sets for the

722. BW, 1881-1887, Nunan’s account, “Guelph Public Library.” The account for $81.65 from 21 November 1888 to 2 January 1890, with the bulk of the expense due to binding 31 weeklies at $1 to $1.25 per volume, was settled by three cash payments in March, December, and February. The reckoning for 27 January to 29 September 1890 was $40 and from 13 November 1890 to 19 February [1891] was $35. That account was settled for the full amount a few weeks later.

723. Bixby, Industries of Canada , 94.

724. Bixby, 94.

725. BW, 1881-1887, 31 December 1885. 173

Theory Department were expensive recurring items charged at $20 and $29 respectively. 726 Based on the amounts for jobs recorded in the Bindery Workbook, the jobs from the GBC were worth $259.54, about 10 per cent of Nunan’s total revenue for 1891.727

Municipal Government The town (after 1879, the city) of Guelph was a regular customer of the bindery from its establishment. Collectors’ rolls and assessment rolls were needed annually and other blankbooks for records of the town council, the police, and the jail were made up of sheets ruled at the bindery and then bound into sturdy books with spring-back spines that caused the book to lie flat and facilitated writing in it. Neighbouring towns and townships, and the Counties of Wellington, Waterloo, Grey, and Bruce had a constant need for similar blankbooks for recording the minutes of meetings, registering births, deaths, and marriages after 1869, and recording county court proceedings. These blankbooks were often large and heavy, bound in a traditional style in rough sheep with Russia bands of basil leather. They were expensive to produce because of the cost of paper, printing heads, and ruling, and the process of construction which required sewing each gathering and other reinforcing techniques to produce a strong binding capable of withstanding heavy use. The production of these blankbooks required a bookbinder skilled in constructing the spring-back spine, working with leather, and finishing with blind and gold tooling; bookbinders with the skills required for precise stationery binding were employed intermittently at the Guelph Bookbindery. During the period 1864-1866, Shewan’s shop manufactured a variety of blankbooks for official record keeping for the town of Guelph, Wellington County, and other townships and counties. The least expensive books produced regularly were collectors’ rolls and assessment rolls. In 1864 these were made up of generic sheets printed by a Toronto printer and covered with marbled paper covers. Early assessment rolls for the 1850s show that books were made up for each of the four wards and later bound into a single, more substantial binding after the assessment was completed. The entries in Bindery Workbook, 1864-1871, suggest that the ward “Assessment Roll” with marbled paper covers was charged at 25 cents, and other orders for

726. BW, 1881-1887, Nunan’s account, “Guelph Business College | W. McCormick”.

727. Comparing the Bindery Workbook entries for the GBC and Nunan’s account for the GBC reveals that Nunan did not keep the most accurate accounts. Entries for January and February 1891 show that not all items listed in the Bindery Workbook were entered into Nunan’s account for GBC. For example, a 64-page, Post quarto “Business Records” with a printed cover and full mottled boards does not appear in Nunan’s account for the GBC although it was a substantial job charged at $14.40. BW, 1887-1895, 30 January 1891. 174

“Assessment Books” bound into two books were charged at $1 and $1.50. 728 Other entries for multiple books of 3 ½ quires half bound in rough sheep and cloth or paper suggest that this was an item that was required annually. By 1868, the bindery was printing and ruling the sheets for the Collectors Rolls. An entry for ruling and printing sheets of “Pirie’s B[lue?] L[aid?] Medium” paper followed by an entry for binding Assessment Rolls in half rough sheep and cloth suggest that by 1868 this process was entrenched into local government practice. 729 The cost for ruling and printing at $16 and the cost of the paper at $7 reveal that this was a substantial job in time and material. Shewan benefited from large stationery binding jobs from the Registry Offices of Wellington, Waterloo, and Grey Counties. His shop manufactured Abstract Books, Memorial Books, and Indexes, often in full leather bindings with Russia bands, made up of 500 or 600 pages which were ruled and printed with headers. Shewan’s contracts for this work were lucrative. Notations in the Bindery Workbook show the value of work contracted and delivered to the Registry Offices of Wellington, Waterloo, and Grey Counties as of 30 January 1866 as $739.50, $305, and $120 respectively. The production of more blankbooks continued in 1866 with Wellington County incurring charges for $14.87 ½, Waterloo County: $160.50, and Grey County: $370. 730 Based on Shewan’s income for 1864-65 ($833.23), the accounts for these municipal officials represent more than half of his accounts receivable. While the manufacturing of these hefty books greatly contributed to Shewan’s revenue, once the books were in use, it could be several years before another one was required.

Customers from a Distance

Over the years of this survey (1864-1891) the bindery received orders from customers in other villages, towns, and cities. Binding jobs came from printers and newspaper offices, business customers, and individuals from other towns in Wellington County and beyond (See Appendix H, Figures 2 and 3). Their entries are for bibles, periodical binding of religious and secular magazines, legal and medical journals, ruling and binding business stationery, and manufacturing large blankbooks such as ledgers and hotel registers. The majority of out-of-town customers came from Elora and Fergus, where printing offices forwarded jobs for pamphlet binding, ruling,

728. BW, 1864-1871, 8 July 1870 and 3 March 1865.

729. BW, 1864-1871, 14 March and 25 April 1868.

730. BW, 1864-1871, 15 March, 26 April, 28 April, 7 July, 5 and 17 September 1866. 175 and cutting, but there was an equal amount of traffic from Berlin printers and stationers in neighbouring Waterloo County. J. H. Hacking (discussed earlier in this chapter) continued to send binding jobs to Guelph when he moved on to Acton and Clifford. Further afield, jobs came from Toronto, Tillsonburg, Walkerton, and Wingham. 731 It is more challenging to find links between individuals from a distance whose names and orders appear in the Bindery Workbooks. Perhaps young women visited the bindery on a trip to town or during a longer stay in Guelph with extended family. For example, Miss A. Inglis of Elora ordered a Popular Library book in half roan and marbled paper and paid 75 cents for it on 28 February 1891; the book was sent by mail for a ten cent fee on 20 March 1891. The increasing popularity of parlour music in many households is reflected in the orders for bound music books by many women from surrounding towns. For example, Minnie Brodie of Port Hope ordered music in half roan and cloth while Mrs. Thomspon of Georgetown and Miss Appleton of Arthur selected half morocco and cloth bindings for their music. 732 Out-of-town customers submitted their stationery orders by mail, sometimes including a sample of column headings and column widths. For example, County Crown Attorney, J. P. MacMillan of Orangeville, corresponded with Nunan requesting a blankbook with sheets printed and ruled according to a marked-up sample that he provided. It was to be lettered on the spine or the upper board. MacMillan suggested that Nunan send him a proof sheet before striking off all 25 sheets. 733 Items were returned to customers by post, by express, and by railway. In a few instances the charges for sending finished items by post to the customer are recorded. The charge for postage could be substantial, in part because the rate was calculated on the weight of the paper. In one example, ruled letterhead was sent for 19 cents to Proctor Bros. at Palmerston for a job charged at 40 cents. This represents a 47 per cent surcharge on the finished product that was absorbed by the customer. 734 Items were also sent COD. 735 Charges for items sent by express

731. For out-of-town customers in Wellington County, 28 place names are recorded in the Bindery Workbooks. Other bindery customers came from these counties of Southwestern Ontario: Brant, Dufferin, Grey & Bruce, Halton & Peel, Huron, Kent, Middlesex, Northumberland, Oxford, Perth, Waterloo, Wentworth, and York.

732. BW, 1864-1871, 24 December 1867 and BW, 1887-1895, 26 October and 13 November 1891.

733. J. P. MacMillan to Frank Nunan, 11 October 1887. Sample Sheet “Schedule of Accounts, and order on County Treasurer for accounts audited by Board of Audit for the County of Dufferin, on A. D. 188 ”. Ephemera in BW, 1864-1871.

734. BW, 1876-1881, 14 May 1881.

735. BW, 1864-1871, 12 March 1868. 176 were charged directly to the recipient and are not usually recorded in the bindery workbooks. In one exception, a bound volume of Sunday Magazine was send by express to John Phin of Hespeler for 25 cents, adding 33 per cent to the cost for Mr. Phin. 736 In some cases jobs finished for one customer were delivered through the agency of another customer in the same town, perhaps as a convenience and as a cost-saving measure. 737

Individual Customers from a Distance Two individuals from Fergus had a long history of sending periodicals to be bound at the Guelph Bookbindery. In 1879, Rev. A. D. Fordyce sent three periodicals: Home Words [for Heart and Hearth ], Presbyterian Record, and two volumes of Missionary Herald all in half roan “to pattern” bindings. 738 In 1891 he was still ordering Presbyterian Record in half roan with cloth boards, and three volumes of News of Female Missions [in Connexion with the Church of Scotland ] and one volume of Missionary Herald in half roan and marble paper boards along with repairs to “New and Old [Edinburgh?],” a “manuscript book,” and a “poll book.” 739 Fordyce himself was a prolific author of pamphlets treating subjects of teaching, education in Ontario, biographical sketches, Christian life, genealogy, and local history which were printed at a number of different shops in Elora, Guelph, Toronto, and Fergus. A. D. Ferrier, MPP, conducted business with the bindery from 1866, and possibly earlier. 740 He ordered two volumes of Sunday Magazine and one volume of Good Words in half roan and paper binding. 741 In May 1870 he ordered “Dead’s Doings” and “Franklin’s Polar Seas” in half roan bindings. A decade later he specified a half roan and cloth binding for “House of Hamilton” and a York directory in half morocco with cloth boards. 742 He ordered several

736. BW, 1864-1871, 30 January 1866.

737. BW, 1876-1881, 20 September 1880. A volume of “Transatlantic Sketches” for A. D. Ferrier was delivered to Mr. Beattie, both of Fergus.

738. BW, 1876-1881, 18 March 1879. I have been unable to trace a fourth title: Day of Days.

739. BW, 1887-1895, 2 March, 18 May, 21 July, and 1 December 1891.

740. A collection of printed minutes of the Wellington District, 1848-1850, at the Wellington County Museum and Archives, is signed “A. D. Ferrier | Guelph | 1850”. The book is a collection of pamphlets bound in half roan with marbled paper. The spine of the book has a black leather label tooled in gold with a fancy roll and lettered ‘MINUTES | OF WELLINGTON | M. DISTR. COUNCIL | OF 1848 = 49 & 50. This may have been bound in Guelph or may have been outsourced from Guelph to Hamilton or Toronto.

741. BW, 1864-1871, 5 December 1866 and 25 September 1867. The following year he ordered another volume of Sunday Magazine in half roan and cloth binding.

742. BW, 1876-1881, 6 December 1880 and 12 April 1881. 177 volumes of Sunday Magazine in half roan and marbled paper and one volume in half roan and cloth. 743 Another book ordered by Ferrier in a half morocco and cloth binding recorded as “New & Old Edinburgh” at $1.25 was most likely Cassell’s Old and New Edinburgh: Its History, Its People, and Its Places with its spine title of “Old and New Edinburgh.” 744 The account for Rev. R. L. W. Webb of Grand Valley in Dufferin County is representative of religious periodicals subscribed to by clergy such as Church Eclectic , Homiletic Monthly , “Church News,” and “Church Services.” In the case of Rev. Webb, he also had Girls’ Own Paper , “Penny Post,” and “New & Old” bound up for posterity. His account for the period 15 June 1885 to 22 April 1888 amounted to $11.95, which was about 1 per cent of Nunan’s business, but in Rev. Webb’s case, he did not settle his account until August 6, 1888 [possibly 1889]. Acton clergyman, Rev. Mr. Cameron, established a connection with the bindery in 1871 when he ordered Family Treasury and the Princeton Review in half roan and marbled paper bindings. That connection continued for more than a decade. 745

Print Shops in Halton, Wellington, and Waterloo Counties Printing offices in other towns were an important source of work for the Guelph Bookbindery reflecting the strong network among people in the print trades. Relationships between the bookbindery proprietor in Guelph and printers in Elora, Fergus, Berlin, and Preston were important in securing binding jobs for local imprints and in the production of business stationery and blankbooks. Revenue from printers, and booksellers and stationers outside of Guelph was important to the cash flow of the business. Prominent among those who outsourced work to the Guelph Bookbindery were print shops in Elora and Fergus. For more than two decades, John Shaw, publisher of the Elora Express , sent books and periodicals to be bound at the Guelph Bookbindery and ordered receipt books and passbooks made to order for his Elora customers. 746 From his own press, he sent several lots of pamphlets for binding: “Modeland,” (1867), “Teachers and Teaching,” “Stock Catalogues” and “Short-Horn Cattle” (1880), and “Directions

743. BW, 1864-1871, 5 December 1866, 25 September 1867, and 3 December 1870; BW, 1876-1881, 16 March 1881.

744. BW, 1881-1887, 7 January 1882.

745. BW, 1864-1871, 14 March 1871; BW, 1881-1887, 5 September 1884 for binding Catholic Presbyterian in half roan and marbled paper for 80 cents.

746. BW, 1864-1871. The earliest entry for Shaw is 8 April 1864. 178 for Fergus Sewing Machine,” (1881). 747 From Fergus, J. & R. Craig, printers and publishers, sent pamphlets for folding, stitching, covering, and trimming, and business stationery for ruling. 748 The relationship between stationers Boedecker & Stuebing of Berlin and Thornton is documented in Chapter 3. In fact, the Berlin firm had earlier dealings with Shewan, ordering 12 jobs for ruled blankbooks, broad folio indexes, and lettering of a dictionary during the first survey year (1865-65) which represented about 7 per cent of the total income realized by Shewan. 749 Boedecker & Stuebing ordered quantities of a variety of blankbooks from Shewan and later from Thornton which they then sold in their shops at Berlin and Waterloo. An entry for 78 German P[salm?] B[ooks?] to be bound in “full roan skivera” for 12 ½ cents per copy may refer to Die Gemeinschaftliche Lieder-Sammlung which Boedecker & Stuebing printed in 1857. 750 They continued to conduct business with the Guelph Bookbindery in 1871, but after that date their name disappears from the bindery records. Perhaps they had started ordering blank books from Toronto wholesalers such as Brown Brothers and William Warwick. Later in the century, another Berlin print shop, Rittinger & Motz, sent jobs to the Guelph Bookbindery. Publishers of a weekly newspaper, the Berlin Journal , they did extensive job printing for the German and Mennonite communities in Waterloo County. Bindery Workbook entries for the 1880s document annual publication of a German almanac, beginning with a print run of 3,000 for 1883 and rising to 5,750 copies for 1889. A separate Mennonite almanac was introduced in 1887 with a smaller print run of 850 to 950 copies. The German almanacs arrived at the bindery during the summer and were sent back to Berlin early in the fall. The charge for binding was $4.50 per thousand; Nunan was paid within days of the recorded delivery date. 751 The 32-page Mennonite almanacs were printed on one form and had a turn-around time of a few

747. BW, 1864-1871, 24 April 1867; BW 1876-1881 19 January, 3 and 28 June 1880, and 2 December 1881.

748. BW, 1864-1871, 4 September 1869 “Minutes Sabbath School Convention,” and 31 October 1870, ruling; BW, 1876-1881, 20 May 1880 “Bylaws &c Fergus Lodge no 73”.

749. BW, 1864-1871, 16 April 1864 and 2 January 1865.

750. BW, 1864-1871, 12 July 1867. Boedecker & Stuebing must have had stereotyped plates of their edition as catalogue records exist for this title with imprint dates for 1857, 1883, 1892, 1901, and 1908. The binding choice of “skivera” probably refers to skiver, a very thin (0.25 to 1 mm thick) outer grain split of leather, often used for labels. Skiver would have produced a soft and smooth binding but it would not have been very durable for an intensively used book. Roberts and Etherington, Bookbinding , 238.

751. BW, 1881-1887, 28 September 1882, 24 August 1883, 27 May 1884, 1 June 1886, 6 July 1887; BW, 1887-1895, 16 June 1888. 179 days. 752 Although high-volume binding jobs came to the bindery from Rittinger & Motz, the average annual cost for binding the almanacs was $15.74 or only about 1 to 2 per cent of Nunan’s annual revenue. As the Mennonite community expanded to Manitoba during the 1880s, printed German books followed. One entry in the bindery records reflects this migration of people and books. An order from Rittinger & Motz for 300 German books to be bound in “full cloth squares” at 11 cents per book includes the remark “sent to Manitoba.” Unfortunately, there are no details about the book title. 753 Other jobs from Rittinger & Motz were sent on to the intended customer, saving time and money for the printer and the customer. For example, a job of finishing 1,000 German hymn pamphlets, records that 100 were sent to New Hamburg within four days, while presumably the other 900 pamphlets were sent back to Berlin. 754 During the 1890s, another Berlin print shop began sending binding jobs to Guelph. Nunan’s account for Hett & Eby, covering April 1890 to December 1891, records 26 transactions, mostly for pamphlet binding of catalogues for the Waterloo Agricultural Manufacturing Co., Harris & Co. of Brantford, French and German circulars, binding three “Furniture Stock Book[s]” for Hibner & Co., several orders for Hotel Registers, and a few orders for business stationery. 755 Hett & Eby also ordered 20 boxes made up by Nunan at 19 cents each, for which Nunan recorded his cartage and time at $1 for the job. Their account was settled every few months. 756 Booksellers and stationers in other towns and villages in Wellington County and beyond ordered their stock of business stationery and blankbooks from Guelph. In communities such as Drayton and Clifford, newspaper offices continued to operate as multi-faceted businesses into the 1880s printing a weekly newspaper, doing job printing, and selling books and stationery, whereas in larger towns and the new city of Guelph, these were separate but interdependent

752. BW, 1881-1887, 9 December 1886; BW, 1887-1895, 13 December 1887; BW, 18887-1895, 13 November 1888.

753. BW, 1881-1887, 21 April 1883. “Full cloth squares” could refer to a flat back binding in bookcloth. According to Roberts and Etherington, this is a book that has not been rounded and backed before the boards are attached. See Bookbinding , 103.

754. BW, 1881-1887, 5 June 1883.

755. BW, 1887-1895, 4 April 1891. The 3,000 German circulars were printed for Harris & Co. Nunan’s account for Hett & Eby records 10,000 German circulars entered 3 November 1890 and 12,000 French circulars entered 12 November 1890 which may have been for Harris & Co. as well.

756. BW, 1881-1887, Nunan’s account, “Hett & Eby Berlin,” 12 December 1890. 180 businesses. For example, Proctor Bros., proprietors of the Drayton New Era , sent ruling and stationery binding jobs on behalf of their customers and also ordered bound periodicals perhaps for their own households or possibly for customers.757 Mr. Proctor ordered two volumes of Scribner’s Magazine and a volume of Leisure Hour in half roan and marbled paper bindings and sent along one volume of Boys’ Own [Paper] and Sunday Magazine for “put[ting] in cases.” 758 The items were returned to Drayton by express. The network of the bindery’s customers expanded when printers in other towns sent business to Guelph, as illustrated by an order from the Preston Printing House for receipt books for five separate out-of-town customers. Nunan recorded the names of the customers and the cost of postage to each one, confirming that he sent the completed job on to them. 759 During 1884-85, Preston printer William Delion’s account indicates that he was sending binding jobs to Guelph every few weeks, ordering Registers for hotels in Zurich, Berlin, Waterloo, and Elora. Between 25 February 1884 and 13 September 1884, Delion sent eleven jobs to Nunan which amounted to $81.26, paying his account by cash in three payments. The following year, Delion ordered Registers for less than half that amount ($39), which underscores the reality that once large registers were produced, it could be several years before a new one was required. In Georgetown in the late 1880s, proprietor of the Georgetown Herald , R. D. Warren, sent jobs to Guelph for stationery binding, pamphlet binding of reports, minutes, voter’s lists, and one “Trip Across the Atlantic.” He also had back issues of the Herald as well as volumes of the [ Illustrated ] London News bound by Nunan . Like printing offices in other towns, Warren sent along orders for ruling, and binding of receipt books and notebooks for his own Georgetown customers. Nunan’s reconciliation of the account for the period 1888 to 31 January [1893] includes a payment by cheque from Warren for $11.75, and the value of a subscription to the Georgetown Herald for $2 for a total of $13.75. This arrangement continued until at least 1898. 760 H. P. Moore, proprietor of the Acton Free Press , was a regular customer of the bindery according to his transactions in the 1881 records. He sent volumes of the Acton Free Press and

757. BW, 1876-1881, 16 March, 5 May, and 14 May 1881.

758. BW, 1881-1887, 3 September 1883. County of Wellington Gazetteer, 1879-80 (Elmira, ON: Armstrong & Delion, 1879), 102.

759. BW, 1881-1887, 23 February 1884.

760. BW, 1881-1887, Nunan’s account for “R. D. Warren Georgetown Herald.” 181 one volume of The Industrial World for half roan and marbled paper bindings. 761 He also sent a job on behalf of Mr. Storey for 50 “sample cases 4 pieces” to be covered in dark skiver and lettered. The job was entered in the Bindery Workbook 13 December 1881 and is recorded as delivered and paid (25 cents per case, $12.50 total) 27 December 1881. In the “Remarks” column is a notation of “9 % off” and “Mr. Storey,” but there is no recalculation of the amount, so the discount must have been applied in the 25 cent per case price. Storey was a long standing customer of the bindery. Nunan’s account with Moore during the early 1890s indicates that Moore was sending ruling jobs for a variety of forms. Nunan supplied the paper, which was a practical solution considering the distance between Acton and Guelph. Nunan made up the occasional blankbook for Moore and there are regular entries for order books with perforated pages, ruled passbooks, and ruled statements for third party customers. Moore sent a few pamphlet binding jobs, including one for a Guelph agricultural implement manufacturer, Gowdy & Co. Periodical binding sent by Moore included Harper’s Magazine , The Methodist Magazine bound in half morocco, Harper’s Young People bound in half roan, and 11 volumes of Scientific American. A job entered under Moore’s account for binding nine hymnals for Rev. Rae suggests that Nunan sent the bound hymnals on to Rev. Rae and invoiced him directly for the job. Moore settled his account every few months paying mostly by cash, and in 1893, a subscription to the Free Press with a value of $1 plus ten cents postage, was part of Moore’s payment for work done by Nunan. 762

Conclusion

This chapter has explored relationships between the Guelph Bookbindery and its customers, both in Guelph and those from a distance. Individual and communal customers selected as case studies illustrate the intersections between the bindery and those in the community who required its services for binding books and periodicals, ruling business stationery, making or customizing blankbooks for record keeping, and repair jobs. The profiles of job printers and newspaper offices highlight their importance as a steady source of stationery and pamphlet binding jobs. The individual cases include author Mary Leslie, who continually struggled to earn a living as a writer but whose lack of influential connections and knowledge of the literary

761. BW, 1876-1881, 2 May, 16 July, 24 November, and 13 December 1881.

762. BW, 1881-1887, Nunan’s account for “H. P. Moore Acton.” 182 marketplace hampered her success. Profiles of two businessmen, Charles Raymond and J. W. Lyon, indicate the large volume of locally produced promotional material that their enterprises generated which translated into pamphlet binding jobs for the bindery. The Bindery Workbooks confirm their use of print to market and sell their products. Raymond’s business generated a staggering 192,300 circulars and “Instructions” for agents and buyers of the Raymond sewing machine. Orders for account books, and business forms such as Time Sheets and Machine Report Sheets reflect how Raymond managed his enterprise systematically using written documents to maintain control of his workers and his products. 763 Raymond’s expansion into international markets during the late 1870s is demonstrated by the printing and binding of his pamphlets in several European languages. J. W. Lyon’s entrepreneurial instincts, channelled to sell and market a spectacular range of products from subscription books to real estate in Manitoba, are highlighted in pamphlets published by Lyon to instruct his agents in the fine art of selling; over 11,000 were processed at the bindery. T. J. Day, bookseller and stationer, in business from 1864 to 1904, was a serious competitor for Shewan, McCurry, and Thornton, and was ultimately successful in managing his business after the others failed, each in his turn. After 1872, when Easton assumed the bindery, Day’s role as an intermediary between his own customers and the bookbindery is apparent. He ordered blankbooks for his customers, and perhaps for his own use, and had blankbooks customized at the bindery. As the decades progressed, interactions between the bookbindery and booksellers and stationers Day, John Anderson, and Charles Nelles remained complementary. A community organization such as the Guelph Mechanics’ Institute patronized local bookbinders to bind its catalogues and periodicals, repair books, and to make up blankbooks for its records. The Guelph Business College had its textbook bound at the bindery and practice books and scribblers for the students made up by Nunan, echoing the trend of scribblers replacing slates, noted by Fleming in her study of binding in Canada, 1840-1918.764 GBC graduates would be familiar with new office practices being established, and with the record books and forms used in everyday business environments. The bindery participated in the production of the huge volume of pamphlets printed to promote Guelph industries. The independent print shops of J. H. Hacking, J. J. Kelso, and James Hough Jr. and the job printing departments of the Advertiser , the Herald , and the Mercury

763. For a discussion of the effect of the Industrial Revolution on documentary practices see David Levy, Scrolling Forward: Making Sense of Documents in the Digital Age (New York: Arcade Publishing, 2001), 64-72.

764. Fleming, History of the Book in Canada , Volume 2, 103. 183 provided constant work for the bindery throughout the period of this study. Proportions of work coming from individual print shops changed over time with the Mercury Office sending the most jobs in 1864-65, and the Herald Office sending 14 per cent of the total binding jobs in 1891. This probably reflects a concentration on job printing at the Herald Office by the end of the century, while the Guelph Mercury focused on publishing two newspapers six days a week.The percentage of binding jobs generated from all printing offices in Guelph and other towns such as Elora and Berlin also increased from a low of 15 per cent in 1870-71 to 32 per cent in 1891, reflecting the entrenched workflow that had been established between the print shops and the bindery by the 1890s. Customers from a distance show patterns and preferences similar to those from Guelph. Out-of-town printers channelled work to the bindery from their own presses and on behalf of their customers, extending the reach of the bindery even farther. Individual customers ordered items directly, by mail, submitting samples of ruling patterns. Women from a distance ordered religious and devotional texts and music as did the women of Guelph. Many relationships between the bindery and its customers continued for half a century and longer. Kelso Printing Co. (est. 1876) continued to send work there during the 1950s. The Ontario Agricultural College, later the University of Guelph, was a customer from its founding in 1874 until the 1970s. In their conversations with the author, Michael Nunan and Joan Rentoul recounted with pride relationships between the bindery and such long-standing customers.

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Chapter 7. Summary and Conclusion

Summary Past studies of bookbinding have focused on very specific aspects of the craft, its geography, or its practitioners, and have not considered the broader contexts in which the business operated or its products circulated. This study, nestled between the disciplines of history and bibliography, has answered questions regarding the Guelph Bookbindery, its business and binding practices, its print culture environment, and its social connections during the late nineteenth century by analyzing its Bindery Workbooks and other primary sources, examining stationery and letterpress items bound there, and gathering oral history accounts to reconstruct its history. Written, artifactual, oral, and digital transcriptions of the Bindery Workbooks make up the documents subjected to the rigours of the historical method to tell a story of print culture set within the field of cultural history in a nineteenth-century Ontario town. The Bindery Workbooks point to items bound at the Guelph Bookbindery which may never be located or do not survive in great numbers. Thus, in its information storage and retrieval function, the Bindery Workbooks can be viewed as a mirror of the business, its activities, and the wider community (See Appendix I). Activities recorded in the Bindery Workbooks can be further divided into the processes of production, distribution, and consumption of print in which the bindery participated, and the agency of those bookbinders and customers who formed connections in the course of business dealings, revealing a partial socio-cultural view of nineteenth-century Guelph. I now return to the areas of focus outlined in Chapter 1: the business and binding practices of the Guelph Bookbindery, the material and print culture reflected through its artifacts, and the interconnections between the bindery and its customers. The history of the Guelph Bookbindery in the production and distribution of print is bound up with that of the newspaper publishers, printers, and booksellers and stationers operating in Guelph and the surrounding towns and villages. What began as an extension of the services of a newspaper office, initially outsourced to Hamilton and then conducted in-house, later evolved from a subsidiary of booksellers’ and stationers’ shops to a separate business by the early-1870s. Between 1855 and 1872, the four proprietors identified in this study operated a multi-faceted business in a competitive environment with marginal profits and a few failures. The business was more successful after 1872 when it concentrated its efforts as a bindery and was not in competition with other booksellers and stationers. After 1880, it continued as a small

185 family business for the next century. In presenting the history of the bookbindery, based on the Bindery Workbooks and other primary sources, a portrait of the business emerges; however, a complete financial overview of the business is not possible due to incomplete records. Business practices, such as contra accounts, notes of credit, and long credit, were extended reciprocally between the bindery and its customers. The under capitalization of the bindery in the twentieth century, and Michael Nunan’s account that the bindery provided a very modest income for its owners for many years, suggest a cautious management style. The fact that transactions for several proprietors are recorded in the Bindery Workbook sequentially and not in a new blankbook, which would have been their own product, suggests an arm’s-length relationship between proprietors and workers and an attitude of frugality and continuity as the business changed hands and workers remained to carry on under a new owner. The retention of Bindery Workbooks from the previous century reflects a measure of pride in the long history of the business, as the initial surviving Bindery Workbook in the series would have been moved to several locations over the years. As the century unfolded, businesses and factories were established in Guelph, resulting in a demand for business stationery and blankbooks that is reflective of emerging bureaucratic and professional practices applied to record keeping and business management. The volume of stationery binding jobs increased as proprietors of small businesses and manufacturers required ruled billheads, writing pads, perforated cheques finished in a quarter binding, and blankbooks for record keeping. The new stationery items were produced alongside the traditional ledgers, daybooks, and indexes that were still in use. The Guelph Bookbindery bound books and periodicals for its customers, and manufactured blankbooks for its own shop and for other stationers, such as Boedecker & Stuebing of Berlin. Overall the bindery relied equally on stationery binding (40 per cent of jobs) and letterpress binding work (44 per cent of jobs) to survive. 765 Repair work and miscellaneous jobs made up the remainder, but did not produce significant revenue on a per job basis. As factories were established outside of larger cities, changes in technology and transportation resulted in improved methods of production and distribution. These factors, combined with the changing aesthetic of consumers toward purchasing items which were

765. In this analysis the binding of periodicals, most often done for individuals, is considered bespoke binding. Roberts and Etherington consider periodical binding as stationery binding, but in this period, even though the bindings were quite standard, often half roan with marbled paper boards, the periodicals were bound in small lots for individual customers. By the 1890s, however, monthly jobs for binding periodicals such as Canadian Forester could be considered stationery binding. 186 factory-made and uniform, eventually forced those in small shops to channel their efforts differently. Books in publishers’ bindings became a commodified product that could be purchased at a lower cost than books bound to personal specifications. As a consequence, binders in small shops concentrated on repair work, periodical binding, and blankbook manufacture. In Guelph, the introduction of steam presses at the Guelph Mercury in 1869 slowly forced changes in techniques to handle the binding of thousands of pamphlets and by the mid-1880s a sewing machine was used to speed up the process and to keep up with the work.766 For Nunan, the increased volume of pamphlet binding jobs offset the fewer book and periodical binding jobs by the 1890s. The downtown location of the bindery was critical because of its dependence on the nearby newspaper offices and job printers for pamphlet binding and stationery jobs. The fact that printed sheets and bound pamphlets had to be carried up and down the stairs did not seem a deterrent for its customers, and it also reflects the lack of competition from other binders for much of its business life. The third-floor premises, seemingly unchanged from the late nineteenth century, evoked nostalgic memories from customers as well as its sole employee in the 1970s. Descriptions of binding jobs in the Bindery Workbooks pinpoint the acquisition of equipment that is not recorded elsewhere, allowing an understanding of work in the shop, capital investment in the business, and the introduction of new technology. The bindery was slow to adopt new innovations, continuing to rely on hand-operated machinery and labour intensive processes to rule paper and bind blankbooks and pamphlets. Equipment was not upgraded because the volume of work could not justify investment in expensive equipment designed to produce thousands of books in a day. Harry Nunan made modest investments, probably buying some second-hand equipment as small binderies were closing and larger binderies were upgrading. While the inability to undertake large binding jobs was not a factor for most of its business life, by the 1970s the Nunan Bindery could no longer compete with printing and binding enterprises that could tender jobs at a lower cost and faster turnaround time. Without the loyalty of local customers, who continued to have their blankbooks and periodicals bound as before, the bindery would not have continued as long as it did. The identification of bindery employees adds an important dimension to this study. It reveals both the mobility and stability found among other workers in the book trades. While at least one Guelph bookbinder hailed from London, England and several binders and printers moved among various locations in Southern Ontario and the United States, others began and

766. Guelph Evening Mercury , February 6, 1869, [2]. 187 ended their careers in Guelph. Census data for 1871, 1881, and 1891, and Ontario marriage registrations show that several young women found employment at the bindery before marriage. Connections forged through religious affiliations may explain why bookbinders Payne and Nicholson, both Wesleyan Methodists in their mid-30s, arrived at Guelph in 1870. Frank Nunan’s association with the bindery is significant for its duration (ca. 1873-1937) and for the change in his status from informal apprentice to owner. His family continued to own and operate the bindery until 1978, which is not inconsistent with other extended, familial associations in the book trades during the nineteenth century, such as the two Toronto publishing houses of Lovell and Rose, and bookbinders and stationers Brown Brothers. Nevertheless, the long history of Nunan’s bindery is remarkable for a business that did not expand. Bibliographical evidence of selected Guelph bindings has identified the shop’s standards, established local bookbinding practices, and illustrated changes in style and technique due to altered skill levels and downward pressure exerted by increased print production during the decades of this survey. While blankbooks have not received much scholarly attention except as containers of rich historical data that scholars feast upon, this study brings these neglected volumes under the bibliographical lens. Whereas early bindings, such as the Guelph Assessment Roll for 1864, indicate mediocre work, books bound by Chapman and the signed binding by Nunan (discussed in Chapter 5) show a higher degree of skill. Bindings also provide clues about the introduction of equipment in the shop, such as an embossing press, a lock-stitch sewing machine, and a wire stitcher. As Juliana Stabile notes in her Toronto study, by mid-nineteenth century print had become “available to the masses.” 767 This is evident in the increasing number of pamphlets that were printed and bound at Guelph over the years of this study and the steady flow of periodicals and books brought for binding, reflecting the democratization of the public sphere as more people participated in print production and consumption. Not only were Guelphites consuming British and American periodicals and books, they were also producing their own print (see Appendix G: Guelph Imprints, 1864-1891). Guelph’s printers, bookbinders, and booksellers contributed to public discourse through their ability to fix ideas in printed form and to bind and distribute finished pamphlets. The production of local imprints is the clearest indicator of the ubiquity of print in nineteenth-century Guelph. The Bindery Workbooks identify print used as a medium to inform and persuade by local government, manufacturers, businessmen, individuals,

767. Juliana Stabile, “Toronto Newspapers, 1798-1845: A Case Study in Print Culture” (PhD diss., University of Toronto, 2002), 413. 188 religious groups, and social and fraternal organizations. By enumerating local imprints listed in the Bindery Workbooks, this study adds to the record of print production in Ontario during the historical period surrounding Confederation. The production of print has not been balanced by its survival, particularly for pamphlets. As Adams and Barker point out, survival depends on physical form, size of print run, and popularity of an item. 768 Late nineteenth-century pamphlets, printed on cheap paper, were not physically sturdy enough to withstand constant use and were discarded or repurposed due to their ephemeral nature. Survival of Guelph imprints is sporadic; of the many thousands of pamphlets printed and bound in Guelph during the period 1864-1891, the majority survive only as records in the Bindery Workbooks allowing local print production to be analyzed from its records. References extracted from the Bindery Workbooks are important for the size of print runs, formats, and binding details, and for the identification of authors, publishers, subject matter, and genres of print. Corporate entities and community groups responsible for publishing pamphlets include: agricultural societies, a bible society, a bible class association, churches, Court of Appeal, Guelph Board of Trade, Guelph Business College, horticultural societies, Guelph General Hospital, House of Industry (Refuge), insurance companies, livestock dealers, lodges, manufacturers, mechanics’ institutes, merchants, Ontario Agricultural College, realtors, a rifle association, a “saving and mutual society,” school board, societies, sports clubs, town and township councils, utilties, villages, and the YMCA. Subject areas addressed in the pamphlet format cover agricultural science, education, history, politics, and religion. Genres of print include: addresses, almanacs, bylaws, calendars, a carrier’s greeting, circulars, charters, constitutions, directories, exhibition catalogues, financial statements, hymn books, instructions, journals of proceedings, lectures, legal appeals, library catalogues, librettos, minutes, memorials, parochial magazines, periodicals, poetry, price lists, prize lists, programmes, reports, rules and regulations, sales catalogues, sermons, a “tailor measure,” and voter’s lists. The imprints also enrich our understanding of print culture in Guelph and the surrounding region. For example, 13,300 library catalogues processed at the bindery between 1872 and 1891 identify social libraries conducted by five churches in Guelph, mechanics’ institutes in Fergus, Guelph, and Hespeler, and a library in Acton, Ontario. The Guelph Mechanics’ Institute (Free Public Library after 1883) printed 3,650 catalogues in six separate printings, while libraries supported by the St. Andrew’s Presbyterian and the Dublin St. Methodist congregations each printed catalogues in large aggregate numbers (1,500 and 2,900 respectively). Several of these

768. Adams and Barker, “A New Model for the Study of the Book,” 32. 189

Sunday school libraries continued after the Free Public Library was established, perhaps because congregants were satisfied and familiar with them. A search for surviving copies yields only three copies, all at the Guelph Public Library (1873, 1884, and 1891), although its catalogues for 1857 and 1894 are extant as well. As a new catalogue replaced an earlier one, there was little incentive to keep a previous edition except as a record of institutional history. The catalogues for the Sunday school libraries are not preserved in any collection. However, records for attendance, minutes of teachers’ meetings, and reports of Sunday or Sabbath schools documented in sturdy blankbooks are housed in local and denominational archives.769 Similarly, cultural events are reflected in binding jobs for 2,800 copies of librettos in 1884 and an art exhibition catalogue, printed in an edition of 500 in 1882. The existence of two debating societies is reflected in jobs for binding 150 “Constitution & Bylaws, Catholic Literary & Debating Society,” and 200 “Constitution & Bylaws, OAC Literary Society.” The pamphlets for the OAC literary society were printed on a regular basis reflecting a steadfast society that continued to be active into the 1940s. Local history could be bolstered by locating copies of “The Royal City Institutions,” printed in an edition of 5,000 copies, the four-page pamphlet “Guelph’s 50th Anniversary” printed in an edition of 1,000 in 1877, and the many copies of minutes and reports printed by Guelph and the surrounding towns and townships. Other civic events such as the Band Tournament can be recalled from the 40-page programme printed by James Hough Jr. in an edition of 15,000 and the programme for “Clarke’s Entertainment,” which Hough printed in an edition of 2,500 in 1888. The 36-page “Prize Lists, Central Exhibition,” printed by the Herald Office in 1891 in an edition of 1,000 can be compared to earlier and later celebrations as part of the cultural history of the region. A history of Guelph’s industries can be mined from the catalogues printed and bound for the manufacturers of carriages, furniture, pianos and organs, and stoves. Agricultural history can be documented through the records of printed catalogues of farm equipment manufacturers, seed companies, livestock producers, and early pamphlets from the OAC. Finally, the presence of organized sport is evident from the 1866 printing of 200 pamphlets for the Guelph Maple Leaf Baseball Club at the Mercury Office which were folded, stitched, and trimmed at the bindery. One aspect of this study has been its focus on certain individual customers. Mary Leslie, aspiring author, had 100 copies of The Cromaboo Mail Carrier bound by Chapman. Although her attempt to market her novel as a bound copy (at a large personal expense) may have been

769. “Church Records,” Inventory of Primary and Archival Sources , 190-261. 190 innovative, it did not succeed due to her lack of connections, a changing literary marketplace that was saturated with the triple-decker romance novel and was moving beyond that genre, and rumoured objections to its wider publication in her local community. Examination of the author’s papers and bibliographical analysis of 18 of the 20 surviving copies of the novel, greatly build on the one-line entry in the Bindery Workbook to offer a wider interpretation of local authorship and book production. The Bindery Workbooks enable an inside view of the use of print by Guelph entrepreneurs. Charles Raymond, sewing machine manufacturer and leading Guelph citizen, successfully used print in several languages to promote sewing machines and to instruct new owners in North and South America and England in their use. Raymond’s company generated thousands of pamphlets that were bound at the bindery, most likely using one of Raymond’s machines. Subscription book publisher and civic booster, J. W. Lyon, controlled his vast publishing empire from Guelph. Although his lavish subscription books were produced elsewhere, Guelph printers and the Guelph Bookbindery participated in the production of promotional material. Lyon and his agents tapped into the desire of uninformed buyers to own a luxurious book with lavish illustrations and elaborate bindings. Sold in large numbers, these came through the bindery to have the proud buyers’ names stamped on the covers. The Guelph Bookbindery played an important role in the production and distribution of print through its interdependent relationship with print shops in Guelph and other towns and villages. The ongoing exchange of services was complementary and well established workflow rhythms reflected specialization within the print trades. The division of labour and the lack of competition, after the bindery narrowed its services to bookbinding and blankbook manufacture, contributed to the business’s longevity. Contra accounts between Frank Nunan and the newspaper offices during the late-1880s indicate the exchange of paper and services such as ruling and printing between them. Although Nunan faced competition from others offering the same services for brief periods, printer James Hough Jr. abandoned the binding business to concentrate on his printing concern, and J. E. Cheevers moved on after a few short years. Loyal customers and long-standing relationships were vital to the business in its final years.

Limitations of the Study The history of the Guelph Bookbindery has been posited without access to its full records. There are no apprenticeship papers, legal documents recording the sale of the business, cash books, or correspondence. The exact arrangement for binding during the early years remains unclear. Did

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Allan and Shewan employ itinerant bookbinders, or hire local binders such as McCurry and Brennan to do work as required, off-site? Did Thornton attempt to divest the bindery in 1870 to R. H. Collins, and when it failed after six weeks, resume control? Were the retail book and stationery store and the bookbindery carried out in separate locations? The assessment records do not confirm this, yet evidence in newspapers during the liquidation of Thornton’s business in 1872, suggests that the bindery was in a separate, upstairs location. The reasons for Allan’s departure from and return to Guelph and his subsequent relocation to Toronto remain a mystery. No records have been located to indicate McCurry’s whereabouts after his short business venture failed. There are no indications of why Easton left Guelph and why Chapman relocated there. No narrative or family lore surfaced regarding Nunan’s apprenticeship or his ability to purchase the business at such a young age. The transactional records of the bindery fit Bloch’s category of unintentional document with caveats regarding their trustworthiness taken into account. The brief entries in the Bindery Workbooks functioned as an aide mémoire to recall receipt of the job, customer’s name, a brief reference to title and binding details, delivery of the finished item, and payment. It is evident that some binding jobs were recorded only when the items were retrieved by their owners and not at the time the job was commissioned. In transcribing Bindery Workbook entries, a century after the fact, there is the possibility that abbreviations can be misconstrued. For example, “r.b.” is probably raised bands, and “R. bands” is probably Russia bands, but they could have been used interchangeably. Brief title citations are also problematic. For example, a popular work such as Tales of the Border could refer to a number of published editions, including an edition issued in parts that was then bound as a periodical As the discussion in Chapters 3 and 5 has pointed out, discrepancies linger between entries in the Bindery Workbooks and the physical books referred to due to short title citations and the availability of popular books in multiple editions and formats making interpretations and comparisons between workbook entries and physical objects challenging.

Suggestions for Future Research The discoveries of six blankbooks with binders’ stamps, tickets, and tooled names were moments of pure exhilaration during this research. An exhaustive search for signed Guelph bindings in archival and special collections would almost certainly be fruitful. In the course of examining titles referenced in the Bindery Workbooks, I uncovered other Ontario binders’ tickets. Such a project would extend this research by allowing comparisons in binding practices among the

192 binderies scattered throughout the province and beyond. The results would complement work done by Willman Spawn and Thomas Kinsella on British and American signed bindings. Taking another direction, the Guelph Bookbindery could be compared to other binderies, for example, the Niedecken bindery operating in Milwaukee during the same period or the Quebec City firm of Neilson operative a century before. Bell & Bradfute, binders working in Scotland during the same period, offers the possibility of another comparative study. This research could be extended to analyze the geographical reach of print, especially by mapping periodical titles to individuals who were bringing popular, religious, and professional journals to the bindery to preserve them in permanent bindings. Individual customers could be followed over several decades to partially reconstruct their libraries. A study of book titles would be more difficult because of the cryptic title references in the Bindery Workbooks and the many editions of popular titles on offer. A classification of titles such as that used by the mechanics’ institutes during the nineteenth century could illuminate the broad categories of print passing through the bindery, both local imprints and books and periodicals published elsewhere, with the cautions regarding title references mentioned earlier taken into account. 770 The Catalogue of Books for the Guelph Free Public Library (1884) and earlier printed catalogues could be useful in identifying book titles and in their genre /subject classification. This could be tested against other studies of reading that document the prevalence of novel reading and the importance of the periodical genre in the nineteenth century. Local imprints identified in this research are a fertile field for future research. As Gen Harrison explains, these pamphlets were “one of the most important means by which the public sphere was created and maintained across the nation . . . [and] they provide an invaluable insight into the social and economic conditions of the time and the everyday lives of ordinary people.” 771 Several local imprints described in Chapter 5 highlight the changing aesthetic of the genre from thin pamphlets with coloured paper wrappers to price lists with illustrated, calendered paper wrappers by the late-1880s. While the pamphlets may have less value from a binding history perspective, a deeper investigation into their content and production would reveal the

770. A classification system with 11 broad categories, developed by Robert Edwards, librarian at the Toronto Mechanics’ Institute was used by the Guelph Free Library. The categories were: I. Biography II. History III. Novels and Tales IV. Poetry and Drama V. Periodical Literature VI. Science and Art, etc. VII. Voyages and Travels VIII. Miscellaneous IX. Religious Literature X. Reference Works XI. Illustrated Works, etc. See Lorne Bruce, Free Books for All: The Public Library Movement in Ontario, 1850-1930 (Toronto: Dundurn Group, 1994), 44.

771. Gen Harrison, “Printing for Everyday Life,” in The Edinburgh History of the Book in Scotland , Volume 3, Ambition and Industry , 1800-80 , ed. Bill Bell, [333]-338 (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2007), 338. 193 communication circuit of everyday print and illuminate our understanding of public discourse and local print culture during the late-nineteenth century in an Ontario town. Although many of the imprints listed in the Bindery Workbooks have not been located, digitization projects may reclaim printed ephemera, long buried in archival collections.

Concluding Reflections The period of this study (1864-1891) encompasses a time of ubiquitous print communication in North America, before the phenomenon of mass media in the twentieth century. The genres of ephemeral print that circulated in nineteenth-century Guelph remain prevalent today, which underscores the continued existence of print as new forms of communication emerge. Although it is hard to imagine an era without telephone, radio, cinema, television, and the Internet, certain communication practices from the nineteenth century remain intact. Today, broadsides continue to be posted on utility poles in the urban core of major cities to promote events and advertise services. Catalogues and circulars are distributed with the Globe and Mail to market a vast range of consumer products such as books, alcohol, perfume, and computers; printed on calendered paper and bound with staples or adhesive, or produced more cheaply on newsprint and simply folded, such ephemera are a link to their nineteenth-century equivalent. Bookbinding has become a manufactured process that is not thought of as separate and distinct from book publishing. A century from now, as future researchers examine bookbinding at the beginning of the twenty-first century, their conclusions will mirror our current society. Information is paramount; the binding receives scant attention. Municipal assessment records are now stored in massive loose-leaf systems formatted to accept the large printouts generated by computers. Stripped of their dust jackets, which are reminiscent of illustrated book covers of the nineteenth century, hardcover books reflect a uniform and mass-produced quality; however, vestiges of the hand-binding period remain in conventions such as endbands, embossed boards and spines, and sprinkled edges. Although it seems inevitable that printed and bound books are destined in time to become oddities like 78 rpm records, eight-track cassette tapes, and cathode ray televisions, there are bookbinders who continue to work in their craft. An advertisement in the most recent Montreal Review of Books harks back to the nineteenth century. Laura Shevchenko, a third-generation bookbinder, advertises the following services: book restoration and repair, bible and siddur repair, custom binding, small run edition binding, wedding albums, thesis binding, and archival

194 boxes. 772 The same publication carried advertisements and announcements for an academic publisher, literary reviews, independent bookstores, several small presses, a writing workshop, an operatic society, an indexing service, an editors’ online directory, a “books & breakfast” event, a used-book sale, accident insurance, the 4th Annual Canadian Infertility Awareness Week, “a wine women and philosophy getaway”—a retreat for women over 35, the Quebec Writing Competition, a Lunchtime [lecture and performance] Series at Atwater Library and Computer Centre, a “conference for emerging and established children’s literature creators,” and a Facebook and Twitter link for the mRb ( Montreal Review of Books ); this material was integrated with two feature articles of authors, six poetry reviews, ten non-fiction reviews, five fiction reviews, and eight reviews of childrens’ books. Nationally, the Canadian Bookbinders and Book Artists Guild (CBBAG) boasts an international membership with its Canadian members located in every province in major cities and in smaller communities, confirming the continued presence of bookbinders and book artists within the larger, vibrant community of authors, publishers, booksellers, and readers.773 CBBAG is perfectly poised to support the resurgent interest in creating hand-crafted bindings for preserving personal documents, and to provide a venue for exhibitions of artist’s books. Browsing the “Crafts” section of a big box bookstore, I find how-to books with titles such as Vintage Collage Journals: Journaling with Antique Ephemera and Playing with Books: The Art of Upcycling, Deconstructing and Reimagining the Book . These books instruct readers how to create keepsake journals and how to transform printed and bound books into sculptures, ornaments, and objets d’art . Examples of this phenomenon are evident at the national One-of-a- Kind craft show and sale. Fibre and textile artist, Noelle Hamlyn, uses the covers of vintage books, silk, cotton and linen fabrics, and reclaimed belts to create signature pocket books (purses) with detachable handles.774 Other vendors sell handmade books, bound in the traditional or Oriental style, and still others combine illustrated covers of twentieth-century books, paper, and coil bindings to fashion new blankbooks. These examples capture the message of the dust jacket blurb of 500 Handmade Books that informs its reader that books “represent the unlimited creative possibilities for interpreting an enduring form,” concluding that “[i]n this digital age

772. Montreal Review of Books , Spring 2010, [10]. (Insert with Globe and Mail , Montreal edition, April 23, 2010).

773. Canadian Bookbinders and Book Artists Guild, Members 2010 (Toronto: Canadian Bookbinders and Book Artists Guild, [2010]).

774. Noelle Hamlyn, “Fibre and Textiles,” merchandise tag from pocket book purchased at the One-of-a- Kind Show, Toronto, December 2009, author’s collection. 195 handmade books are being recognized as vessels of humanized content, . . . touchstones of what we are as people.” 775 All of this activity is occurring in an environment that is experiencing profound change, as electronic books are gaining a foothold in the book world. Text producers, distributors, and readers are in a state of transition as authors, publishers, and booksellers negotiate new roles and new relationships in their attempts to survive in the new environment of electronic books. In the long history of books, this is reminiscent of the early days of printed books when printers produced texts that mimicked manuscript in layout, typeface, and illuminated initial letters. Developers of electronic readers have imitated the layout of the page and simulated page-turning. Earlier devices have been improved with smaller formats, longer battery life, ease of navigation, and the ability to synchronize with cellular phones and computers. The latest device to enter the field, the Kobo e-reader developed in Canada, has a “quilted back” to allow readers a tactile experience while holding the e-reader similar to a nineteenth-century reader holding a book bound in a coarse diaper- or diamond- patterned bookcloth. 776 Independent vendors offer a wide variety of cases for the iPad, reminiscent of binding choices a century ago and reflective of current aesthetics. One vendor offers over 100 options all positioned to appeal to a defined reader from corporate executives to students, with such epithets as the “Master Series, a black leather with red leather trim case, the “Tattoo Leather Case,” with air-brushed tattoos applied to the leather, and the “Checker Series,” with its plaid pattern.777 The current battle for dominance in the electronic reader market waged by Amazon, Apple, and Kobo, echoes the intensely competitive environment in the nineteenth century when publishers attempted to produce the cheapest book possible that was aesthetically acceptable to readers. As a consequence, bookbinders had to adapt by expanding their businesses to factories producing uniform, case bound books in decorative bookcloth, or find other means to offset the loss of bespoke binding jobs, such as taking on more stationery binding jobs; competition forced many amalgamations and business failures. Today as the Kindle, the iPad, and the Kobo e- readers are gaining in popularity, a new battle over the cost of electronic books has emerged between publishers and the vendors of e-books. As Ken Auletta recently concluded: “No matter

775. Maryjo Koch, Vintage Collage Journals (Beverly, MA: Quarry Books, 2004), Jason Thompson, Playing with Books (Beverly, MA: Quarry Books, 2010), and Linda Kopp, 500 Handmade Books: Inspiring Interpretations of a Timeless Form (New York: Lark, 2008).

776. Chapters.indigo.ca, “The Experience: Making the Perfect Book Even Better,” http://www.chapters.indigo.ca/kobo-eReader-experience/kobo_experience-giz.html (accessed May 5, 2010).

777. iPhone-Cases4U, 2009, http://www.iphone-cases4u.com/ipad_cases.php (accessed May 19, 2010). 196 where consumers buy books, their belief that electronic media should cost less—that something you can’t hold simply isn’t worth as much money—will exert a powerful force.” 778 Publishers must adapt to the new realities of consumer demand for e-books at an affordable price. Commercial bookbinders and book distributors with large warehouses may become obsolete as the e-book gains supremacy. However, history shows that print will continue to circulate as the new medium becomes established and bookbinding, like the art of calligraphy, will survive as an elite skill.

778. Ken Auletta, “Publish or Perish: Can the iPad Topple the Kindle, and Save the Book Business?” New Yorker , April 26, 2010, [31]. 197

Works Cited Documents and artifacts in museums and private collections are fully cited in the footnotes. I. Archival Sources

Archives of Ontario Leslie, Mary. Papers.

Guelph Public Library Archives, Guelph Public Library Assessment Rolls, City of Guelph Finance and Taxation sous-fonds, City of Guelph fonds. City of Guelph Council minutes, City of Guelph Council sous fonds. Guelph Public Library fonds. R. A. M. Stewart fonds.

Jesuit Archives, Toronto Nunan, George. Papers, 1896-1983.

Library and Archives Canada Canada. Census for 1861, 1871, 1881, 1891, 1901, 1911. Frank Nunan Bindery fonds.

United Church of Canada / Victoria University Archives at the University of Toronto United Church of Canada Board of Publication Collection.

University of Guelph Autobiography, 1896 of Prof. James Hoyes Panton, 1847-1898. Ontario Agricultural College Archives.

University of Waterloo Schantz/ Russell Family Papers. II. Published and Unpublished Sources

Trade Periodicals The Bookbinder: An Illustrated Journal for Binders, Librarians and All Lovers of Books . The Bookbinders Trade Circular . The Book-Finishers’ Friendly Circular . Books & Notions . The British Bookmaker: A Journal for the Book Printer, the Book Illustrator, the Book Cover Designer, the Book Binder, Librarians, and Lovers of Books Generally . Canada Bookseller . Canada Bookseller Miscellany & Advertiser Inland Printer Printer and Publisher

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Newspapers Clifford Arrow Elora Lightning Express Globe and Mail Guelph Advertiser Guelph Chronicle Guelph Herald Guelph Life Guelph Mercury Guelph Mercury & Advertiser Guelph Tribune Guelph Tri-Weekly Advertiser Irish Canadian Kitchener-Waterloo Record Mount Forest Confederate Norfolk Reformer Toronto Globe Wellington Mercury & Guelph Chronicle

Directories and Maps Bixby, M. G., ed. Industries of Canada: Historical and Commercial Sketches: London, Guelph, Berlin, Brantford, Paris, Waterloo, Chatham and Environs. Its Prominent Places and People, Representative Merchants and Manufacturers; Its Improvements, Progress and Enterprise . Toronto, M. G. Bixby, 1886.

Chadwick, Fred. J. Map of the Town of Guelph, From Recent Surveys and Original Maps . Guelph, ON: J. Smith, 1855.

Charlton’s Gazetteer, Business, Street and General Directory for the Town of Guelph for 1875- 6-7. Toronto: R. M. Charlton, 1875.

County of Wellington [map], 188-.

The County of Wellington Gazetteer and Directory for 1879-80. Containing Brief Notes of the Manufacturing and General Business of the County, with Full Lists of the Townships, Towns and Villages, the Residents Thereof, With Business, etc. Churches, Societies, etc., Senators, Members of Parliament, County and Township Officers, etc., etc . Elmira, ON: Armstrong and Delion, 1879.

Evans, William W. Wellington County Gazetteer and Directory for 1883-84 . Guelph, ON: W. W. Evans, 1883.

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Rutherford, Paul. A Victorian Authority: The Daily Press in Late Nineteenth-Century Canada . Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1982.

211

Rutter, Bob. “Downtown Restaurant Destroyed.” Guelph Daily Mercury , November 28, 1978.

______. “Theses Damaged in Book Bindery.” Guelph Daily Mercury , November 29, 1978.

Samford, C. Clement. The Bookbinder in Eighteenth-Century Williamsburg: An Account of His Life & Times, & of His Craft . Colonial Williamsburg, 1964.

“Schantz/ Russell Family Papers Donated to the Doris Lewis Rare Book Room.” University of Waterloo Library Newsletter 27, no. 1 (May 1996).

Schmidt-Künsemüller, Friedrich-Adolf. Bibliographie zur Geschicte der Einbandkunst von den Anfängen bis 1985 . Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 1987.

SHARP L[istserv]. http://www.sharpweb.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=22&Itemid =56&lang=en.

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Shutt, Greta M. “Diary of a Hydro Pioneer.” Guelph Historical Society Publications 8, no. 8, 1968.

Shuttleworth, Joanne. “Bound by Love for Books; People Who Value Books Turn to Guelph’s Joan Rentoul to Restore Beloved Volumes.” Guelph Mercury , March 22, 2005, B1.

Slawich, Patti. “Book Binder: [Isabel Nunan] She Carries On 1880 Tradition.” Guelph Mercury , August 1, 1970.

Stabile, Juliana. “Toronto Newspapers, 1798-1845: A Case Study in Print Culture.” PhD diss., University of Toronto, 2002.

Stallybrass, Peter. “‘Little Jobs’: Broadsides and the Printing Revolution.” In Agent of Change: Print Culture Studies after Elizabeth L. Eisenstein, edited by Sabrina Alcorn Baron, Eric N. Lindquist, and Eleanor F. Shevlin, 315-341. Amherst and Boston: University of Massachusetts Press, 2007.

Stanford, Michael. A Companion to the Study of History . Oxford, UK and Cambridge, MA: Blackwell, 1994.

Starr, Louis. “Oral History.” In Oral History: An Interdisciplinary Anthology , 2nd ed., edited by David K. Dunaway and Willa K. Baum, 39-61. Lanham, MD: AltaMira Press, 1996.

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Sterne, Howard E. Catalogue of Nineteenth Century Bindery Equipment . Cincinnati: Ye Olde Printery, 1978. 212

Supple, B. E. “The Uses of Business History. Business History [Great Britain] 4, no. 2 (1962): 81-90.

Tebbell, John. Between Covers: The Rise and Transformation of Book Publishing in America . New York: Oxford University Press, 1987.

Tippett, Maria. Making Culture: English-Canadian Institutions and the Arts before the Massey Commission . Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1990.

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Thompson, Paul. The Voice of the Past: Oral History . 3rd ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000.

Tomlinson, William, and Richard Masters. Bookcloth, 1823-1980 . Foreword by Bernard Middleton. Cheshire, UK: Dorothy Tomlinson, 1996.

Town, Laurence. Bookbinding by Hand for Students and Craftsmen. With a preface by E.E. Pullée. London: Faber and Faber, [1950].

Tremaine, Marie. A Bibliography of Canadian Imprints, 1751-1800 . Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1952.

Tryon, Warren S., and William Charvat. The Cost Books of Ticknor and Fields and Their Predecessors, 1832-1858 . Edited with an introduction and notes by Warren S. Tryon and William Charvat. New York: Bibliographical Society of America, 1949.

Two Early Nineteenth-Century Bookbinding Manuals . Reprint (1st work). Originally published: The Bookbinder’s Complete Instructor in all the Branches of Binding . Peterhead: P. Buchan, 1823. Reprint (2nd work). Originally published: The Bookbinder’s Manual . London: Cowie and Strange, 1828. New York: Garland Publishing, 1990.

Vaughan, Alex. J. Modern Bookbinding: A Treatise Covering Both Letterpress and Stationery Branches of the Trade, with a Section of Finishing and Design . New edition. London: Charles Skilton, Ltd., 1960.

[W. O. Hickok Manufacturing Company]. Between the Lines, 1844-1944: An Informal History of the W.O. Hickok Manufacturing Company Makers of Ruling Machines Since 1844 . [Harrisburg, PA: W. O. Hickok, 1944].

Wakeman, Geoffrey. Nineteenth Century Trade Binding . Oxford: The Plough Press, 1983.

Warecki, John S. “Charles Raymond and the Raymond Sewing Machine/ Manufacturing Company: The Character of Boosterism in Nineteenth Century Guelph.” Major Paper (490-6400), Department of History, University of Guelph, 1988.

213

Warwick Bros. & Rutter Limited. The Story of the Business, 1848-1923: as Told, Printed and Published on its Seventy-fifth Anniversary . [Toronto: Warwick Bros. & Rutter Limited, 1923].

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______. “Distribution and the Trade.” In The Industrial Book, 1840-1880 , Volume 3, A History of the Book in America , edited by Scott E. Casper, Jeffrey D. Groves, Stephen W. Nissenbaum, and Michael Winship, 117-130. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press and The American Antiquarian Society, 2007.

______. Ticknor and Fields: The Business and Literary Publishing in the United States of the Nineteenth Century . [Chapel Hill, NC]: Hanes Foundation, Rare Book Collection/ University Library, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1992.

Wolfe, Richard J. Marbled Paper: Its History, Techniques, and Patterns . Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1990.

Woodcock, George. The Canadians . Don Mills, ON: Fitzhenry & Whiteside, 1979.

WorldCat available through University of Toronto Library.

Zaehnsdorf, Joseph W. The Art of Bookbinding: A Practical Treatise . Second edition, revised and enlarged. London: George Bell and Sons, 1890. Repr. [London?]: Gregg Press Ltd., 1967.

Zboray, Ronald J., and Mary Saracino Zboray. A Handbook for the Study of Book History in the United States . Washington, DC: Center for the Book, Library of Congress, 2000.

214

Appendix A. Codes for Bookbindery Database

Type of material 00 miscellaneous, non-book 01 unknown, unable to classify, illegible 1 books 10 miscellaneous 101 album 102 scrapbook, stamp book 103 calendar 105 foreign language 107 annuals, birthday books 108 subscription book 11 reference 111 dictionary, lexicon 112 encyclopaedia 113 manual/ self-help 1131 domestic manuals 1132 practical medicine 1133 husbandry 1134 architecture, construction, surveying, carpentry 1135 occupational manuals—Ready Reckoner, Insurance Manual, Interest Tables 1137 pedagogy, education, instruction, teacher’s manual 1138 music instruction 115 almanac, gazetteer, directory 116 atlas 117 cookbook 118 description & travel 119 art books 12 philosophy and religion: church history, commentary 121 Bible, Psalms, New Testament 1215 language other than English 122 hymn book, Psalmody 1225 language other than English 123 prayer book, devotional 1235 language other than English 13 medicine/ dentistry/ veterinary science 14 law 15 agriculture/ horticulture/ fishing 16 history/ biography 161 description and travel 17 juvenile 171 school texts 18 literature: classics, novel, poetry 19 geography, science, mathematics, astronomy, natural history

2 periodicals/ journals/ newspapers/ tracts 02 unknown, unable to classify, illegible 20 miscellaneous 201 general, family paper 2012 illustrated paper 203 music periodical 204 trade journal, worker’s journal 2041 professional journal 205 comic, satire 206 temperance

215

207 gentleman’s magazine 208 newspaper 209 woman’s magazine 21 art 22 religion 220 tracts 221 family paper with religious overtones 23 medicine/ nursing/ phrenology 24 law 25 agriculture/ horticulture 26 current events/ politics 27 juvenile 272 religious 28 literary/ scholarly 281 review 282 student publication 29 geography/ science

3 music [printed scores and /or printed text] 03 unknown, unable to classify 30 miscellaneous 31 general 32 sacred 33 sheet 34 musical instruction, musical exercises 35 classical 36 folk, national

4 stationery 04 unknown, unable to classify, illegible 40 miscellaneous 41 blank book 410 notebook, “Scribblers” 411 up to 4 quires [1 quire = 25 sheets] [100 sheets] 412 5 to 9 quires [125-225 sheets] 413 10 or more quires [250 or more sheets] 414 business account books—day book, diary, journal, memorandum, ledger, cash book, index, bill book, invoice book, letter book, sales book, purchase book—books with substantial binding, ½ bound leather 4141 receipt book, cheque book, promissory notebook, invoice book, warehouse receipt book, stock book, order book, time book, price book—books with less substantial binding, ¼ bound leather 415 record books—register, municipal record book, collecting book, minute book, school journal, note books

42 paper 420 letter paper, sermon paper, brief paper, note paper 421 card, millboard, strawboard, folders, cover paper, blotting paper, carbon paper, Gestetner paper, manila paper 422 business stationery—weigh bill, billhead, stock certificate, cheques, writing pads, counter pads 423 government/ administrative stationery—assessment roll, collector’s roll, abstracts, class tablets, Return of Conviction, Voter’s Lists 424 envelope 425 map, plan, survey 426 ledger sheet, columnar sheet, balance sheet, expenditure sheet, statistical sheet 427 music paper

43 novelties: portfolio, pocketbook, file, scrip holder, billfold, pen, pencil, alarm clock case, razor case 216

44 label

5 locally printed items 05 unknown, unable to classify, illegible 50 miscellaneous 51 catalogue, promotional material, instruction manual, guide book, sale book 52 tract, sermon, hymn book, parochial magazine 53 circular, programme, menu, tickets, calendar, entry blanks 54 address 55 poetry 56 novel 57 newspaper, periodical, newsletter, bulletin 58 report, minutes, bylaws, prize list, voter’s list, union book, contract book, constitution 59 non-fiction, thesis

Processes 001 unknown, unable to classify, illegible, miscellaneous 10 blank book manufacture 11 stationery binding/ manifold binding 12 pamphlet binding/ edition binding 010 manufacture of miscellaneous items: book covers [loose, protective covering], cases, sample cases, portfolios, labels, blotter covers 011 lettering of novelties, books 100 new binding of books, periodicals, music 101 gilding 200 rebound, repaired, relettered 201 putting book in new cover/ case 202 sheets added i.e. in prospectus 203 cleaned, varnished

300 sale of goods 310 books, periodicals, music 320 stationery, novelties 330 bookbinding supplies 340 waste paper 350 paper, board

Techniques 1: prior to binding (manifold binding and stationery binding)

10 punching holes 20 cutting 21 rounding corners 30 ruling 31 ruled $ / ¢ 32 ruled ledger 33 ruled music 35 ruled to pattern 40 printing 50 indexing 60 numbering, pagination 70 perforating 80 folding & gathering, unfolding 81 making envelopes 90 stitching 91 stapling 92 padding 93 gluing/ gumming, lining with paper, cloth, or leather Techniques 1a: column to record more than one action

217

Techniques 2: binding and finishing (stationery binding and bookbinding) 11 sewing, stitching 111 resewing 12 pressing 13 tipping in/ inserting guards, paper, or blotters; interleaving 14 mounting 15 trimming 16 gluing 17 binding, covering 18 lettering 19 miscellaneous

Techniques 2a: additional column to record multiple processes

Binding details 1—bespoke, edition, and stationery 000 unknown, unable to classify 102 common, plain 110 full leather 112 full morocco, full goat 113 full sheep 1132 full roan 1133 full basil 1134 full skiver 1135 full rough sheep, rough goat 116 full calf 1161 tree calf 1165 full rough calf 117 full turkey [could be morocco, or calf] 118 full paste grain (roan or skiver) 119 full buffings

120 ½ leather 122 ½ morocco 123 ½ sheep 1231 ½ law sheep 1232 ½ roan 1233 ½ basil 1234 ½ skiver 1235 ½ rough sheep, rough goat 124 ½ Russia 126 ½ calf 1261 ½ law calf 1262 ½ coloured calf 1265 ½ rough calf 127 ½ buffing

130 ½ leather, cloth sides 132 ½ morocco, cloth sides 133 ½ sheep, cloth sides 1332 ½ roan, cloth sides 1333 ½ basil, cloth sides 135 ½ rough sheep or rough goat, cloth sides 136 ½ calf, cloth sides 137 ½ buffings, cloth sides

150 ½ leather, (marbled) paper sides 152 ½ morocco, paper sides 153 ½ sheep, paper sides 1532 ½ roan, paper sides 218

156 ½ calf or law calf, paper sides 157 ½ buffing, paper sides

160 ¼ bound (probably leather) 162 ¼ leather, cloth sides 163 ¼ leather, paper sides 165 ¼ roan 169 ¼ skiver

180 full cloth 181 full imitation 1812 ½ imitation 182 cloth back [spine], paper sides; cloth back 183 cloth sides [spine not specified] 1831 paper spine, cloth sides 185 Fabrikoid 1851 ½ Fabrikoid 186 ½ Fabrikoid, cloth sides 187 Fabrikoid, m. paper, m.board 188 man[ila?], cloth

190 hard covers/ misc. covers 191 hard back, flex front 192 loose 193 stiff 195 flex, limp 198 manila 199 marbled paper

200 rebound or repair 201 repair of hardware, clasps 210 full leather 220 ½ leather 230 ¼ leather 240 full cloth 245 paper 250 same cover 260 [customer] supplied cover 285 Fabrikoid 286 Fabrikoid, cloth sides 287 Fabrikoid, marbled paper

Binding details 2–bespoke, edition and stationery

101 surface embellishments: 1011 gilt 1012 label 1013 raised bands, Russia bands 1014 surface treatments: oak figure, sprinkled 102 other details: flap, elastic band, pocket, case for book/ periodical, strings 1021 spring back 103 edge details: 1031 flush 1032 squares 1034 marbled, sprinkled, coloured 1035 gilt 104 loose cover, duck cover, jean cover

200 rebinding or repair job combined with new binding job 219

Appendix B. Telephone Script

Hello, M______

My name is Greta Golick. I am a doctoral student at the University of Toronto and I am doing research on the Guelph Bookbindery.

I understand from reading articles in the Guelph Mercury that you worked with Mrs. Nunan and continued with your own business in the former bindery location.

I would like to interview you about your knowledge of the Nunan Bindery.

If you are interested in consenting to an interview, I will send you a letter outlining my research and explaining how you can participate.

If you decide that you will consent to an interview, you must return a signed form (sent to you with the letter) indicating that you understand the conditions of your participation explained in the letter and that you agree to the interview.

The interview questions will be enclosed with the letter.

I would come to Guelph to do the interview at a time and place that is convenient for you. I think the interview will take about 1 to 2 hours.

Could you provide me with a mailing address so that I can send the letter to you?

Thank you very much.

Goodbye.

220

Appendix C. Cover Letters / Informed Consent

[to be printed on Faculty of Information letterhead] [Date]

Dear ______

As a Ph.D. candidate in the Collaborative Program in Book History and Print Culture at the University of Toronto’s Faculty of Information, I am writing to invite you to participate in a project through a research interview. The topic to be discussed is the Nunan Bindery, for an historical study describing the long history of the Guelph Bookbindery with specific focus on the years 1864 to 1891. The purpose of this study is to present the history of the Guelph Bookbindery which is representative of many bookbinderies that operated in Ontario towns in the nineteenth century but may be unique in that it existed for more than a century, with the Nunan family conducting the business from 1881 until 1978. This study will look at ownership of the bindery, business models, binding practices, and customers, and will include bibliographical descriptions of a variety of Guelph imprints that were bound at the bindery.

The research is being conducted under the supervision of Professor Patricia Fleming of the Faculty of Information Studies, and if you wish to address questions about the conduct of the research to Professor Fleming she may be reached at 416-324-8347. You can also contact the Office of Research Ethics at the University of Toronto at [email protected] or call 416-946-3273 if you have questions about your rights as a participant.

You are a person with first-hand knowledge, having worked with Isabel Nunan and overseeing the transfer of some of the bindery equipment to the Canada Museum of Science and Technology and continuing to operate your own binding business at the Wyndham Street location until 2005. Your knowledge of bookbinding and your experience of working with Mrs. Nunan in the physical location of the Guelph Bookbindery would complete the picture of my study. Should you know of any other employees of the bindery who would be willing to participate in this research, I would appreciate hearing your suggestions, for the intent of this research is to gather as complete a picture of the Guelph Bookbindery as possible. No-one who worked at the Nunan Bindery would be excluded from this study.

As a participant, you will be asked for an interview at a time and place that is convenient for you. The duration of the interview will be approximately 1-2 hours. The interview will be audio taped and later transcribed; the questions (attached) will consist generally of a request for your reminiscences about the topic. The audio tapes of the interview and the transcription would be retained by me until the completion of the thesis and its successful defence (estimated May 2009), at which time they will be returned to you. If you do not wish to have the interview recorded, your wishes will be respected.

Participation in the study is voluntary, and no payment is offered for your participation. There is no obligation to complete the interview if for any reason you do not wish to continue.

If you decide to participate, the only cost will be your time. There is no identifiable risk as this is recording an oral history, and you decide how much you would like to say about a given topic. The benefit to you is that of preserving, and providing a personal perspective on an important part of Ontario book history, and recording memories that might otherwise be lost.

Should you wish to remain anonymous, that wish will be respected. The interview will take place and will be transcribed with a pseudonym as the only identifier. Records for such an interview will only be retained until the thesis for which the research is being undertaken is successfully defended (estimated May2009), after which time all notes, transcriptions, and audio tapes for the pseudonymous interview will be destroyed.

The results of this research, as mentioned, will be used in support of a Ph.D. thesis, and may also be used by scholars doing research along related lines and may also be presented to local historical societies in Guelph and Wellington County, and to academic societies.

I will be calling you when I have received your response to the attached permission form. Please sign and date the form attached to this letter to indicate whether you wish to participate in the study. I have enclosed a copy of this 221 letter and the permission form for your own records.

Should you have any questions about the study please call me at 416- 512-9380, contact me via e-mail at [email protected] or write to me at the return address indicated below.

When the thesis for which you are providing research material is complete and is accepted, you will be notified that a copy is available at the University of Toronto library and the University of Guelph library, should you wish to read it.

Thank you very much for your consideration.

Yours sincerely,

Greta Golick Faculty of Information 140 St. George Street Toronto, Ontario M5S 3G6

Cover letter amendments for informed consent

You are a person with first-hand knowledge of the Nunan bindery, being a member of the Nunan family. Should you know of any others who would be willing to participate in this research, I would appreciate hearing your suggestions, for the intent of this research is to gather as complete a picture of the Guelph Bookbindery as possible. No-one who worked at the Nunan Bindery would be excluded from this study.

222

Appendix D. Consent Form for an Interview as Described in Cover Letter

(Attached)

Please complete and return in the stamped, self-addressed envelope included.

Name:

I would be interested in taking part in an interview for Ph.D. thesis research purposes as described in the attached letter:

Yes: ______

No: ______

I can be reached at the following:

Telephone number (area code)______(number)______

Please call a.m.______p.m.______

______

Signature Date

223

Appendix E. Interview Questions for Participants in “Frank Nunan and the Guelph Bookbindery: A Documentary Investigation”

1. Please introduce yourself and describe your employment at the Nunan Bindery.

2. How many employees worked there during the time you were employed there?

3. Can you describe the physical space of the bookbindery?

4. Can you describe the bookbinding equipment in the bindery?

5. Was all the equipment being used during the time that you were employed there?

6. What bookbinding jobs were done at the Nunan Bindery when you were employed there?

7. Can you describe an expensive binding job that was done at the Nunan Bindery?

8. Can you describe the most common binding job, for example, a repetitive job that was necessary to the cash flow of the business?

9. Can you describe a typical day at the Nunan Bindery during its last year of operation?

10. What do you recall about the fire and subsequent damage to the bindery in November 1978?

11. Can you describe the business that continued in the Nunan Bindery location until 2005?

12. Is there anything else you would like to say about the Nunan Bindery?

Amended interview questions

1. Please introduce yourself and describe your relationship to the Nunan Bindery.

2. Can you recall how many employees worked there?

5. Can you recall if all the equipment being used?

6. What bookbinding jobs were done at the Nunan Bindery?

11. Do you have memories of Frank Nunan, or Harry and Isabel Nunan that you would like to share?

12. Is there anything else you would like to say about the Nunan Bindery?

224

Appendix F. Bookbindery Inventories

Table 1. Chapman’s inventory, 31 May 1880 Quantity Item description Unit cost Value=$

4 books Gold leaf @ 45 c.[ents] 1.80

3 lbs. 11 oz. [gold leaf?] @ 85 c. 3.10

Colours, gum & varnish

¾ oz. Carmine @ 65 c. 0.88 [for both inks]

¾ oz. Blue @ 55 c.

Gums, varnish & marbling colours 1.00

11 yds. No. 2 cotton headband @ 75 c. per 12 yds. 0.68

8 1/3 yds. No. 3 cotton headband @ 80 c. per 12 yds. 0.58

11 yds. No. 2 silk headband $1.20 per 12 yds. 1.10

6 yds. No. 1 silk headband $1.00 per 12 yds. 0.50

4 ¾ yds. No. 6 silk headband 0.79

2 Small morocco side labels @ 8 ½ c. 0.17

1 lot Cotton batton [batting] 0.08

¾ lb. Hemp @ 45 c. 0.35

Marble papers

20 sheets Common medium Marble paper @ 30 c per 0.25 quire

1 qu[ire] 11 English shell Marble paper @ 60 c. 0.87 ½ sheets

2 qu. 3 sheets Double crown nonpareil Marble paper @ 65 c. 1.40

2 ½ qu. Foreign Spanish super Marble paper @ 70 c. 1.75

2 ½ qu. Royal super Spanish Marble paper @ 90 c. 2.25

14 sheets Royal English Marble paper 0.70

9 pair Endpapers 0.45

38 yds. Dark green cloth 6.25

11 yds Brown cloth 1.70

225

Table 1 . Chapman’s inventory (continued)

5 yds. Dark purple cloth 0.85

2 ½ yds. Nonpareil @ 20 c. yd. 0.45

2 ½ [yds.] Brown shot 0.50

3 ¾ qu. Medium Index paper 2.70

38 Title pages 0.57

1 qu. 20 sheets Double Demy Printing paper @ 25 c. 0.45

1 qu. 9 sheets D Crown Printing paper 0.41

1 qu. 7 sheets Double Demy common Printing paper 0.39

1 qu. Misselano Chocolate 0.30

9 qu. 13 sheets Blue laid small post

7 qu. 12 sheets Blue laid large post 3.23 [for both]

170 lbs. Mill boards @ 4.12 per [hundredwt.] 7.00

20 lbs. Mill board pieces @ 1 ½ c. per lb. 0.30

19 lbs. Mill board pieces @ 1 ½ c. 0.28

1 ream Cap 14 lbs. 2.52

1 ½ qu. 17 lb. extra @ 4.60 0.30

5 ½ qu. 16 lb. [Mill #] 148 @ 2.72 0.74

4 qu. 16 [lb.] III @ 2.72 0.54

5. 18 qu. 14 [lb.] III @ 2.38 0.65

5 18 [lb.] @ 3.50 0.85

15. 15 14 Am 3.00 2.35

1 19 small post 3.80 0.19

2 24 small post [Mill 148] 4.08 0.42

1. 18 23 small post [Mill 148] 4.75 0.40

16 20 small post 3.40 2.72

7. 9 18 large post 3.25 1.17

6. 15 34 medium 7.75 2.57

10. 10 23 Demy 5.50 2.87

226

Table 1. Chapman’s inventory (continued)

3. 16 34 Medium (damaged) 0.47

18 ½ qu. 19 B L large post 4.70

8 qu. Buff small post pressing $5.28 2.08

2. 21 Olive small post pressing $3.50 0.50

2. 8 Olive large post pressing $4.25 0.50

42 sheets Magpie board @ 3 c. each 1.26

3 ½ qu. Royal coloured printing @ 6.00 1.05

1 qu. Extra blotting 0.25

9 sheets Green surface paper 0.20

3 ¾ skins Maroon roan x x @ 73 c. 2.73

3 1/3 skins Rough sheep x x @ 66 c. 2.20

3 ½ skins Rough goat 2.62

1 skin Coloured calf 3.00

1 skin Canadian law calf 1.55

1 ½ skin Red titling roan 2.10

1 1/3 skin Small morocco 1.33

¼ skin American Russia 1.50

1 skin Canadian titling skiver 0.85

20 lb. Strawboard 4.25

½ lb. Vellum cutting 0.62

10 oz [?] Vellum lacing 1.00

Table 2. Nunan’s inventory, 1 June 1881 Quantity Item description Value=$

2 reams F cap [Foolscap] 16 lb pink wrapper 6.08

6 ½ quires F cap 16 lb pink wrapper 1.00

12 ½ quires F Cap 14 [lb] k 2.00

2 quires F Cap 18 [lb] Mill 84 0.34

227

Table 2. Nunan’s inventory (continued)

7 quires F Cap 12 [lb] Pink wrapper 0.81

2 ½ quires S post 20 [lb] Mill 148 0.34

1 ream S post 20 [lb] Mill 148 3.60

2 quires S post 23 [lb] Mill 60 0.40

2 quires S post 24 [lb] Mill 148 0.42

18 ½ quires Fold blue laid large post 22 lb 4.70

12 quires Fold blue laid large post 20 lb

7 quires Fold blue laid small post 16 lb 3.23 [for both]

1 ream Medium register paper 34 lb 9.50

5 ¾ quires Medium register paper 34 lb 2.56

5 quires Royal register paper 3.25

5 quires S royal register paper 4.00

10 ½ quires H[and] laid Medium 8.65

1 ream Azure laid Demy 24 [lb] 6.00

11 ½ quires Large Post pressings 2.60

3 ¼ quires S Post Buff pressings 0.85

4 quires D[ou]ble Demy printing 1.00 paper

2 skins Maroon Roan x x 1.40

1 skin Red titling skiver 1.05

2 skins Rough Goat 1.50

6 skins Rough Sheep x x 4.20

2 ½ skins Rough Sheep x x x 2.10

1 skin Blue skiver 1.25

½ skin Basil 0.75

¾ skin Law calf 1.25

1 skin Colo[u]red law calf 3.00

1 skin Small Morocco 1.00

228

Table 2. Nunan’s inventory (continued)

1 piece of Russia 2.00

5 skins Bank skiver 5.00

1 quire Green surface paper 0.50

1 quire Chocolate surface paper 0.50

2 rolls Cloth 12.00

Head band 3.00

Side labels 0.90

[Labling?] parchment 0.80

7 quires Dbl Cap Common Marble [paper] 2.00

3 [little?] pages medium

2 ½ quires Medium Spanish [Marble paper] 1.75

1 qu. 18 sheets Nonpareil Royal [Marble paper] 0.95

1 quire English shell Royal [Marble paper]

2 qu. 8 sheets Medium Eng shell [Marble paper] 2.30 [for both]

20 sheets Medium Eng shell [Marble paper]

182 lbs. Mill Board 9.07

82 ½ lbs. Straw Board 3.70

229

Appendix G. Guelph Imprints, 1864-1891

The variety and volume of local print production are evident from this representative list of imprints. This tabulation does not include every Guelph imprint for the period, 1864-1891, nor does it include locally printed passbooks, chequebooks, and other business stationery sent to the bindery for ruling, perforating, padding, and trimming Six tables in this appendix are arranged by Guelph printers and Guelph print shops that sent work to the bindery. The entries in each table are arranged in chronological order. Reference titles are the titles recorded in the Bindery Workbooks with added information from the “Remarks” column incorporated to provide a more complete reference. Format sets out pages, number of forms, and binding details reflecting information documented in the “Instructions” column of the Bindery Workbooks. Table 1, listing J. H. Hacking’s imprints, includes items sent to Guelph from Clifford where he had his shop in 1879. Table 2, listing J. J. Kelso’s imprints, includes several from the period during which he was in business with a partner, Alexander Groff. Table 7 includes miscellaneous imprints recorded in the Bindery Workbooks under the names of individuals and groups that sent binding jobs to the bindery and includes local imprints from printers and individuals in other locations such as Berlin, Durham, Elmira, Elora, Fergus, Galt, Mt. Forest, Walkerton, and Wingham.

Table 1. J. H. Hacking imprints identified from bookbindery records [* denotes entries from incomplete and separate Daybook]

D. M. Y. Reference title Print run Format

[17. 12]. 1872* Minutes & Bylaw, Eramosa 300 Octavo

3. 2. 1873* Times & Seasons [almanac? earlier reference 920 8 ¼ sheets & cover; fold, to “doing up almanac” 9. 1 .73] stitch, cut

21. 6. 1873* Bylaws, Young Mens’ Christian Association 1,000 [no details]

12. 8 – 1. 9. Guelph Directory (7 entries in lots of 50, 12, 208 [no details] 1873* 10, 12, 27, 52, 45 = 208)

18. 12. 1876 Minutes, Nassagaweya Township 300 30 p. & cover

19. 1. 1877 Illustrated Circular for Cossitt 1,000 12 p., no cover

9. 2. 1877 Shorthorn Catalogue for C. S. Smith, Acton 100 8 p. & cover

22. 3. 1877 Illustrated Circular for Cossitt 1,700 12 p., no cover

12. 5.1877 Copy of Charter, Guelph Masonic Hall 150 16 p., no cover Company

10. 7. 1877 Voter’s List, Village of Acton 200 8 p., no cover

19. 7. 1877 Nassagaweya Prize List 300 12 p. & cover

28. 7. 1877 Voter’s List, Esquesing Township 200 68 p. (17 forms), no cover

230

Table 1: J. H. Hacking imprints (continued)

22. 8. 1877 Constitution, Knights of Pythias 100

24. 8. 1877 Constitution, Guelph Lacrosse Club 50 4 p. & cover

26. 3. 1878 Price List, Furniture, Hess Bros., Listowel 200 16 p. & cover

18. 5. 1878 Monopoly [pamphlet by Thos. Goldie?] 1,000 8 p. (1 form), no cover

23. 5. 1878 Protection for Agriculture [pamphlet by Thos. 1,000 8 p. (1 form), no cover Goldie?]

2. 7. 1878 Voter’s List, Village of Acton 200 8 p., no cover

25. 7. 1878 Bylaws & c., [etc.] for Halton Co. Tea Assn. 300 8 p. (1 form) & cover

22. 4. 1879 Battle of Worcester 250 44 p. & cover

30. 8. 1879 Constitution & c., Clifford Oddfellows 200 48 p. & cover

Table 2. J. J. Kelso imprints identified from bookbindery records D. M. Y. Reference title Print run Format

13. 12. 1876 Grocery Catalogue, Loch & Galbraith 200 10 p. & cover

31. 10. 1878 Shorthorn Catalogue 100 16 p. & cover

8. 2. 1879 Bylaws, Guelph Lodge 258 AFSAM 100 22 p. & cover

20. 2. 1879 SS Library Catalogue 500 24 p. no cover

12. 3. 1879 Price List (card), W. H. Storey [Acton] 150 Border ruled round

30. 4. 1879 Circular, J. Hogg & Son 500 Ruled with flowed[?] border all round

15. 5. 1879 Illustrated Catalogue, L. Cossitt [oblong] 1,000 16 p. & cover

6. 6. 1879 Baptism 300 18 p. no cover

23. 6. 1879 Illustrated Catalogue, L. Cossitt 1,000 16 p. & cover

8. 7. 1879 Voter’s List, Acton 200 8 p. no cover

1. 8. 1879 Annual Report, St. Andrew’s Church 250 14 p. & cover

2. 8. 1879 Nebraska at the Front 10,000 8 p. no cover

15. 8. 1879 Price List 100 8 p. & cover

2. 4. 1880 Report, St. Andrew’s Church 250 14 p. & cover

6. 4. 1880 Illustrated Catalogue, Gowdy 200 16 p. & cover

231

Table 2: J. J. Kelso imprints (continued)

28. 4. 1880 Furniture Price List, Burr & Skinner 200 half roan / cloth

31. 5.1880 Illustrated Catalogue, Gowdy 100 16 p. & cover

2. 7. 1880 Voter’s List, Puslinch 200 24 p. & cover

6. 7. 1880 Voter’s List, Acton 200 16 p. (2 forms)

14. 9. 1880 Cattle Catalogue 100 8 p. (2 forms) & cover

21. 9. 1880 Illustrated Catalogue, Gowdy 1,000 16 p. (5 forms) & cover

26. 9. 1880 Bylaws of AOUW [Ancient Order of United 200 18 p. & cover Workmen]

12. 10. 1880 Library Catalogue, Acton Public Library 200 6 p. (2 forms) & cover

26. 10. 1880 Tailor Measure 300 4 p. (1 form) & cover

26. 10. 1880 Tailor Measure 300 6 p. (2 forms) & cover

3. 2. 1881 Merchant Guide, Albert College 100 16 p. (4 forms) & cover

17 .2. 1881 Price List, Storey & Co., Acton 200 12 p. (3 forms) & cover

2. 4. 1881 Financial Statement, Township of Esquesing 250 14 p. (4 forms) & cover

19. 4. 1881 Annual Report, St. Andrew’s Church 250 20 p. (5 forms) & cover

22. 4. 1881 Illustrated Catalogue, Gowdy & Co. Forms inserted in one another

9. 7. 1881 Voter’s List, Municipality of Nassagaweya 200 14 p. ( 4 forms), no cover

27. 7. 1881 Voter’s List, Esquesing 200 42 p. (11 forms), no cover

2. 8. 1881 Voter’s List, Acton 200 12 p. (3 forms), no cover

1. 10. 1881 Illustrated Catalogue, Gowdy & Co. 1,000 20 p. (4 forms) & cover

21. 12. 1881 Council Minutes, Esquesing 250 20 p. (5 forms) & cover

24. 1. 1882 Pamphlet, Raymond Mutual Benefit Society 500 8 p. & cover

16. 2. 1882 Price List, Storey & Co., Acton 200 12 p. & cover

5. 12. 1882 Illustrated Catalogue, Marcon 1,000 34 p. (9 forms) & cover

9. 3. 1883 SS Library Catalogue, Acton SS Library 200 8 p., no cover

12. 5. 1883 Library Catalogue, St. Andrew’s Church 500 12 p. (3 forms), no cover

31. 5. 1883 A Manual of Baptist Church 1,000 38 p. (6 forms) & cover

28. 11. 1883 Instructions to Agents, J. W. Lyon 500 8 p., no cover

232

Table 2: J. J. Kelso imprints (continued)

25. 1. 1884 Seed Catalogue 1,000 34 p. (5 forms) & cover

1. 2. 1884 Instructions to Agents, J. W. Lyon 1,500 44 p. (4 forms), no cover

28. 3. 1884 Pamphlet, McBean & Co. 48 Stitch & cover

30. 4. 1884 Library Catalogue 1,500 90 p. (7 forms) & cover

5. 1. 1885 Circular for Sewing Machine, Raymond 11,500 16 p. (1 form)

20. 2. 1885 Directions, Raymond 1,000 16 p., no cover

30. 3. 1885 Circular, Raymond 2,000 16 p. (1 form)

22. 4. 1885 Circular, Raymond (Foisey & Fr) 2,000 16 p. (1 form)

28. 4. 1885 Circular, Raymond (Blank) 4,500 16 p. (1 form)

11. 6. 1885 Instructions, Raymond 1,000 16 p. (1 form)

11. 6. 1885 Instructions, Raymond 2,000 16 p. (1 form)

23. 6. 1885 Circular, Raymond 6,000 16 p. (1 form), no cover

21. 7. 1885 Circular, Raymond 2,000 16 p. (1 form), no cover

5. 8. 1885 Circular, Raymond 5,000 16 p. (1 form), no cover

21. 8. 1885 Circular, Raymond 1,000 1 form

21. 8. 1885 Circular, Raymond 2,000 1 form

28. 8. 1885 Circular. Raymond 6,000 As usual

3. 9. 1885 Circular, Raymond 4,000 1 form

8. 10. 1885 Library Catalogue, Acton 100 2 forms, no cover

15. 12. 1885 Circular, Raymond 1,500 16 p.

20. 3. 1886 Circular, Raymond 5,000 16 p. (1 form)

30. 4. 1886 Circular, Raymond 7,000 16 p., no cover

20. 5. 1886 Circular, Raymond 6,000 1 form, fold & stitch

3. 8. 1886 Circular, Raymond 4,000 16 p. (1 form)

27. 8. 1886 Circular, Raymond 11,500 16 p. (1 form), no cover

7. 1. 1887 Instructions to Agents, J. W. Lyon 500 Folded & pasted

18. 1. 1887 Instructions to Agents, J. W. Lyon 1,000 8 p., no cover

233

Table 2: J. J. Kelso imprints (continued)

22. 1. 1887 Instructions to Agents, J. W. Lyon, Pope Leo 500 8 p., no cover XIII

26. 4. 1887 Instructions to Agents, J. W. Lyon 1,000 12 p. (2 forms), no cover

8. 10. 1887 Library Catalogue, Methodist Church 150 8 p. (1 form)

15. 11. 1887 Library Catalogue, St. Andrew’s Church 1,000 20 p. (2 forms)

17. 3. 1888 Instructions to Agents, J. W. Lyon 1,000 28 p. (4 forms)

19. 6. 1890 Instructions, Raymond 5,000 16 p., no cover

15. 1. 1891 Seed Catalogue, Dudgeon 1,000 32 p. (4 forms) & cover

20. 3. 1891 Annual Statement, St. Andrew’s Church 250 26 p. (3 forms) & cover

16. 4. 1891 Catalogue, Auld & Woodyatt 400 60 p. (8 forms) & cover

6. 5. 1891 Instructions, Raymond 375 16 p. (1 form), no cover

8. 5. 1891 Instructions, Raymond 4,625 16 p. (1 form), no cover

24. 6. 1891 Bylaws, Juvenile Foresters 100 12 p. & cover

24. 6. 1891 Library Catalogue 300 12 p., no cover

21. 9. 1891 Pamphlet, Baptism 1,700 8 p., pasted

3. 10. 1891 Circular, St. James’ Church 300 8 p., no cover

24. 11. 1891 Constitution & c., Fraternal Guard 100 8 p. (1 form) & cover

30. 11. 1891 Circular, Carriage Top Company 1,000 5 forms & cover

Table 3. James Hough Jr. imprints identified from bookbindery records D. M. Y. Reference title Print run Format

8. 3. 1887 Catalogue of Stoves, Griffin & Grundy 200 20 p. (2 forms) & cover

21. 3. 1887 Price List, George Williams 1,000 12 p. (3 forms) & cover

16. 7. 1887 Bible Society Report 700 4 forms & cover

14. 10. 1887 [Saturday] Morning Sun 1,000 24 p.

21. 10. 1887 Saturday [Morning] Sun 1,000 [no details]

31. 10. 1887 Saturday [Morning] Sun 800 [no details]

10. 11. 1887 Saturday[Morning] Sun 800 [no details]

4. 11. 1887 Annual Circular, [Guelph] Business College 2,000 26 p. (7 forms) & cover

234

Table 3: J. H. Hough Jr. imprints (continued)

4. 11. 1887 [Saturday] Morning Sun 1,000 [no details]

17. 11. 1887 Saturday [Morning] Sun 800 [no details]

19. 11. 1887 Calendar, 1888 2,000 Gather & stitch

10. 12. 1887 Calendar, 1888 600 Gather & stitch

17. 5. 1888 List of Farms, J. J. Daily 8,000 48 p. (6 forms) & cover

3. 4. 1888 Programme, Clarke’s Entertainment [?] 2,500 16 p. (1 form) & cover

25. 4. 1888 Price List of Carriage Ware, J. B. Armstrong & 4,750 54 p. (8 forms)& cover Co.

27. 11. 1888 Poems [Joshua Norrish?] 1,500 56 p. (5 forms) & cover

28. 1. 1889 Illustrated Catalogue, MacGregor & Gourlay 1,000 Full cloth, flush, lettered

14. 5. 1889 Piano Catalogue 15,000 24 p. & ends, ¼ bound flush, cloth back [spine]

31. 5. 1889 Programme, Band Tournament 15,000 40 p. (3 forms) & cover

Table 4. Advertiser Office imprints identified from bookbindery records D. M. Y. Reference title Print run Format

24. 3. 1865 Catalogue, C. & A. Sharpe 2,000 Fold, stitch & trim

1. 5. 1865 Pew Book for St. George’s Church 1 Error in printing the first

12. 5. 1865 Pew Book for St. George’s Church 1 Error in first printing

13. 1. 1866 Minutes, Erin Township 250 Fold, stitch & c.

17. 2. 1866 Insurance Report 500 Fold, stitch & trim

12. 9. 1866 Dr. Howitt’s Address 1,264 Cut, fold, stitch & trim

5. 1. 1867 Minutes, Eramosa Township Council 250 Fold, stitch, cover & trim

21. 2. 1867 Circular, Raymond Cut

13. 3. 1867 Circular, Raymond Cut & trim

13. 5. 1867 Circular, Raymond Cut & trim

18. 5. 1867 Circular, Raymond Cut & trim

1. 6. 1867 Circular, Raymond Cut & trim

23. 7. 1867 Circular, Raymond 2 lots Cut & trim

235

Table 4: Advertiser Office imprints (continued)

29. 7. 1867 Circular, Raymond Cut & trim

4. 10. 1867 Circular, Raymond Trim

31. 12. 1868 Pamphlet 200 Press & trim

13. 5. 1869 Circular, Raymond 2,000 Trim on fore edge

3. 8. 1869 Pamphlet, County Show 200 3 forms, fold, stitch, cover & trim

30. 8. 1869 Circular, Raymond Press

6. 1. 1870 Almanac 5,000 Fold, stitch, cover & advertisements pasted into pages

6. 1. 1870 Almanac advertisements 2,500 Fold, stitch, trim & 20 p. of advertisements pasted in

29. 12. 1870 Bylaws, Guelph Chapter RAM 160 Fold & stitch

20. 1. 1871 Minutes, [Wellington] County Council 300 Fold, stitch & cover

17. 4. 1871 Directions for Raymond Sewing Machine & 2,000 Fold Circular

3. 5. 1871 Circular, Raymond 1,700 Fold

23. 8. 1871 Prize List, Town of Erin 300 Fold & cover

Table 5. Herald Office imprints identified from bookbindery records [* denotes entries in separate and incomplete Daybook]

D. M. Y. Reference title Print run Format

22. 7. 1865 Pamphlet 500 Cut

27. 12. 1865 Pamphlet, Municipal Council Eramosa 250 Cut

28. 4. 1866 Pamphlet, Bible Society Report 400 Trim

11. 5. 1866 Pamphlet, Minto Township 250 Trim

25. 8. 1866 Song pamphlet 1,800 Trim & press

9. 1. 1867 Constitution & Bylaws, Board of Trade 200 Fold, stitch, cover & trim

20. 5. 1867 Pamphlet, Bible Society 500 Trim & press

20. 9. 1867 Pamphlet, Temperance Society 900 Press & trim

27. 8. 1867 Pamphlet, Lecture 500 Press & trim

236

Table 5: Herald Office imprints (continued)

7. 9. 1867 Pamphlet, Lecture 1,500 Press & trim

18. 12. 1867 Pamphlet, Bell & Co. 500 Press & trim

16. 1. 1868 Pamphlet, Insurance Co. 500 Press & trim

31. 3. 1868 Prize List, Horitcultural Society 200 Press & trim

14. 11. 1868 Report of Bible Society 50 Press & trim

21. 12. 1868 Minutes, Township of Eramosa 250 Press & trim

13. 1. 1869 Report, Mutual Insurance Co. 250 Fold, stitch, cover & trim

4. 3. 1869 Prize List, Horticultural Society 200 Press & trim

13. 5. 1869 Rules of Rifle Association 108 Trim

16. 7. 1869 Sermon of Rev. Smellie 500 Press & trim

28. 7. 1869 Report of Bible Society 500 Press & trim

21. 10. 1869 Pamphlet, Col. Kingsmill’s ---g 300 Trim

6. 11. 1869 Pamphlet, Col. Kingsmill 300 Trim

31. 1. 1870 Report, Wellington Mutual Fire Insurance Co. 800 Cover & trim

31. 1. 1870 Pamphlet, Calawegan, McLeod, Wood & Co. 200 Cover & trim

2. 8. 1870 Pamphlet 160 Cut

3. 1. 1871 Bylaws, Town of Guelph 100 Fold & stitch

7. 2. 1871 Report, Wellington Fire Insurance Co. 600 Cut & press

24. 3. 1871 Horticultural Society Prize List 200 Press & cut

3. 2. 1873* Mutual Fire Insurance Co. Report Fold & stitch

12. 5. 1873* Guelph Horticultural Society 200 [no details]

[1?]. 9. 1873* Prize List, Puslinch Agricultural Society 150 [no details]

4. 9. 1873* Report of County Council 350 [no details]

14. 10. 1873* Treatise on Silver Plating 100 Fold, cover & stitch

29. 9. 1876 County Council Minutes 300 24 p. & cover

26. 11. 1876 Catholic Hymn Book 1,000 60 p., paper covers with stiffeners

18. 12. 1876 Township of Eramosa Council Minutes 250 24 p. & cover

237

Table 5: Herald Office imprints (continued)

19. 12. 1876 Constitution & c., Progress Lodge IOOF 300 62 p. & cover, certificate pasted in

19. 12. 1876 Bylaws, Patent Barrel Co. 50 8 p. & cover (pasted)

23. 1. 1877 County Council Minutes 350 26 p. & cover

23. 1. 1877 County Council Standing Rules & c. 500 8 p. & cover

10. 2. 1877 Constitution & Bylaws, St. George’s Society 400 12 p. & cover

1. 3. 1877 Public School Report 500 12 p. & cover

14. 3. 1877 Library Catalogue, Fergus Mechanics’ Institute 400 64 p. & cover

27. 3. 1877 Prize List, Guelph Horticultural Society 200 12 p. & cover

17. 4. 1877 Pamphlet, Guelph’s 50th Anniversary 1,000 4 p. & cover, pasted

5. 6. 1877 The Sense of Sin 450 8 p., no cover

7. 6. 1877 How I Became a Baptist & c. 400 8 p., no cover

9. 8. 1877 Voter’s List, Eramosa Township 200 16 p., no cover

10. 9. 1877 Prize List, Erin Agricultural Society 300 8 p. & cover

11. 9. 1877 Constitution & Bylaws, Catholic Literary & 150 10 p. & cover Debating Society

13. 10. 1877 Private Instructions to Agents, [Guelph] Mutual 60 8 p. & cover Fire Insurance Co.

14. 11. 1877 Canada, F. J. Chadwick 500 8 p. & cover

28. 11. 1877 Bylaws, Township of Guelph 500 24 p. & cover

24. 12. 1877 Carrier’s Greeting 200 Pasting on covers & cutting

16. 1. 1878 A Voice from Eternity 1,000 4 p. & cover pasted

17. 1. 1878 Constitution & Bylaws, Wellington Encampment 100 28 p. & cover No. 32, IOOF

23. 1. 1878 Human Nature What is It? 500 12 p. & cover

18. 2. 1878 Constitution, St. Andrew’s Church 250 8 p. & cover

21. 2. 1878 Court of Appeal, Thompson vs. Auger & Ritt 12 30 p. (single leaves) & cover

1. 3. 1878 Constitution & Annual Report, St. Andrew’s 250 12 p. & cover Church

238

Table 5: Herald Office imprints (continued)

1. 3. 1878 Bylaws, Knights of Malta, King David’s 100 20 p. & cover Encampment No. 2

7. 3. 1878 Guelph & Ontario Saving & Mutual Society 200 28 p. & cover

1. 4. 1878 County Council Minutes 350 44 p. & cover

25. 4. 1878 Human Nature What is It? (Evans) 1,000 20 p. & cover

9. 5. 1878 Bylaws, Waverley Lodge (Masonic) 200 8 p. & cover

29. 5. 1878 Waverley Lodge, old covers taken off [200] New covers put on, trim

4. 6. 1878 Shorthorn Catalogue, John Pipe 150 16 p. (4 forms) & cover

2. 7. 1878 Prize List 3,000 40 p. (5 forms) & cover

12. 7. 1878 Canada 500 12 p. & cover

6. 8. 1878 Voter’s List, Town of Guelph 200 106 p. & cover, 26 i/w forms cutting out and inserting sept. leaves

29. 8. 1878 Voter’s List, Eramosa 200 24 p., no cover

23. 9. 1878 Organ Catalogue, W. Bell & Co. 2,000 24 p. (3 forms) & cover

8. 10. 1878 Stock Catalogue, Wm. Bathgate 250 12 p. (3 forms), no cover

23. 10. 1878 County Council Minutes 350 28 p. & cover

26. 11. 1878 Catholic Hymn Book 1,000 60 p., paper cover with stiffeners

18. 12. 1878 Council Minutes, Township of Eramosa 250 24 p. & cover

19. 12. 1878 Bylaws & c., Patent Barrel Co. 50 8 p. & cover (pasted)

16. 1. 1879 Organ Catalogue, W. Bell & Co. 2,000 24 p. & cover

27. 1. 1879 County Council Minutes 350 14 p. & cover

6. 2. 1879 Public Burying Ground 100 4 p. & cover (pasted)

3. 4. 1879 Bylaws, St. George’s Society 500 12 p. & cover

23. 5. 1879 Prize List, Horticultural Society 225 10 p. & cover

25. 7. 1879 Exhibition Prize List 2,700 40 p. (5 forms) & cover

9. 9. 1879 Stock Catalogue 250 8 p. (2 forms) & cover

7. 1. 1880 Mechanics’ Institute Library Catalogue 350 60 p. & cover

24. 2. 1880 Public School Inspector’s Report 500 16 p. & cover

239

Table 5: Herald Office imprints (continued)

23. 3. 1880 Constitution, Bylaws, 5th Hayden Lodge, 152 100 38 p. full cloth, embossed & IOOF lettered

16. 4. 1880 County Council Minutes 350 72 p. (9 forms) & cover

5. 6. 1880 Illustrated [Catalogue], W. Bell & Co. 2,000 24 p. (3 forms) & cover

20. 7. 1880 Voter’s List, City of Guelph 200 68 p. (9 forms) & cover

24. 8. 1880 Pamphlet, Law (Coffee vs. Mitchell) 30 30 p. (14 forms) & cover

7. 9. 1880 Illustrated Catalogue, Rainer & Co. 2,000 16 p. (2 forms) & cover

31. 12. 1880 County Council Minutes 350 24 p. (3 forms) & cover

15. 1. 1880 Illustrated Catalogue, W. Bell & Co. 5,000 28 p. (4 forms) & cover

31. 1. 1881 Constitution, Ancient Order of Foresters 100 18 p. (5 forms) & cover

5. 3. 1881 Pamphlet, Fertilizing Company 5,000 12 p. & cover, last sheet perforated

11. 3. 1881 Prize List, Horticultural Society 200 8 p. (2 forms) & cover

24. 3. 1881 Cattle Pedigree pamphlet 200 28 p. (7 forms) & cover

19. 4. 1881 Appeal Book, Macdonald-Davidson 42 87 forms & cover, no folding

22. 4. 1881 Illustrated Circular, Worswick Allan 1,000 16 p. (4 forms) & cover

1. 6. 1881 Bylaws & Constitution, Constellation Lady No. 85 100 38 p. (10 forms)

5. 7. 1881 Voter’s List, Puslinch Township 200 28 p. (4 forms) & cover

18. 7. 1881 Voter’s List, Eramosa 200 26 p. (4 forms) & cover

20. 7. 1881 Exhibitors’ Prize List 500 26 p. (3 forms) & cover

15. 8. 1881 Cattle Pedigree book 500 38 p. (5 forms) & cover

1. 10. 1881 A Chapter of our Islan[d] History, Father 100 20 p. (5 forms) & cover MacDonald

4. 10. 1881 Sermon on Garfield 1,000 25 p. (5 forms) & cover

6. 10. 1881 Appeal Books 24 32 p. (32 forms) & cover

24. 10. 1881 Catholic Hymn Book, Loretto Convent 500 50 p. (7 forms) & cover

4. 11. 1881 Telegraphic Code for Flour 150 40 p. full cloth, lettered on side

19. 11. 1881 Seed Catalogue, 1882, W. H. Marcon 5,000 26 p. & cover

240

Table 5: Herald Office imprints (continued)

28. 11. 1881 Minutes & c., Township of Eramosa 250 30 p. (5 forms) & cover

2. 12. 1881 Poems on Garfield 5,000 [76?] p. (5 forms) & cover

18. 1. 1882 Pamphlet, Ottawa Iron Co. 200 Ruled & bound

15. 4. 1882 Instructions to Agents, J. W. Lyon 2,000 20 p. (5 forms) no cover

12. 6. 1882 Instructions to Agents, J. W. Lyon 2,000 14 p. (3 forms) no cover

17. 6. 1882 Illustrated Catalogue, W. Bell & Co. 5,000 28 p. (4 forms) & cover

31. 10. 1882 Catalogue of Art Exhibition, St. Andrew’s Art 500 16 p. (4 forms) & cover Exhibition

19. 9. 1883 Catalogue of Piano Fortes, Rainer, Sweetnam & 5,000 16 p. (4 forms) 2,500 with Hazleton cover

15. 1. 1884 Libretto, Choral Society 1,000 10 p. (3 forms) & cover

10. 4. 1884 Libretto, Choral Union 1,000 12 p. (3 forms) & cover

25. 4. 1884 Instructions to Agents, J. W. Lyon 1,000 12 p. (3 forms)

6. 6. 1884 Libretto, Oratorio of Creation 800 14 p. (4 forms) & cover

19. 9. 1884 Manual of Business Forms 500 Full cloth flex[ible]

15. 11. 1884 Constitution & Bylaws, OAC Literary Society 200 16 p. & cover

2. 28. 1885 Constitution & Bylaws, League of the Cross 1,000 28 p. (4 forms) & cover

13. 3. 1885 Library Catalogue, Knox Church 500 28 p. (7 forms) & cover

14. 11. 1885 Constitution & c., OAC Literary Society 200 16 p. & cover

26. 8. 1886 The Royal City Institutions 5,000 32 p. (4 forms) no cover

15. 3. 1887 Farm Advertisers (J. J. Daily) 8,000 44 p. (4 forms) & cover

30. 11. 1887 Calendar for 1888 3,000 Gather, stitch & trim

22. 8. 1889 Canadian Forester 10,000 32 p. fold, stitch & trim

20. 8. 1890 Journal of Proceedings, Order of Chosen Friends 100 56 p. (14 forms) & cover

25. 8. 1890 Success in Life 1,000 28 p. (4 forms) & cover

2. 1. 1891 Canadian Forester, January 11,500 As usual

7. 1. 1891 Prize List, Poultry & Pet Stock Show 500 16 p. (4 forms) & cover

15. 1. 1891 Minutes, Wellington County Council 500 56 p. (8 forms) & cover

3. 2. 1891 Canadian Forester, February 12,000 As usual

241

Table 5: Herald Office imprints (continued)

5. 2. 1891 Calendar for 1891, Eramosa Tinker’s? Co. 600 Gather & staple

6. 2. 1891 Officer’s Report, COCT 150 9 forms & cover

28. 2. 1891 Trade pamphlet 300 16 p. (4 forms) & cover

28. 2. 1891 C of F Ritual 200 48 p., full cloth, stiff covers

3. 3. 1891 Canadian Forester, March 12,000 As usual

11. 3. 1891 Journal of Proceeding, C of F 155 88 p. (22 forms) & cover

19. 3. 1891 Constitution & Bylaws 250 [no details]

23. 3. 1891 Ritual, C of F 500 40 p. (5 forms), full cloth, stiff covers, 65 with pocket

3. 4. 1891 Canadian Forester, April 12,000 As usual

4. 4. 1891 Appeal Book 28 29 forms & cover

7. 4. 1891 Bylaws, Wellington County[?] 200 16 p. (7 forms) & cover

9. 4. 1891 Circular, Gas Company 1,000 8 p. (2 forms)

15. 4. 1891 Circular, C of F 5,000 16 p. (2 forms), no cover

2. 5. 1891 Voter’s List for 1891, City of Guelph 206 120 p. (30 forms) & cover

5. 5. 1891 Canadian Forester, May 13,000 As usual

12. 5. 1891 Minutes, Wellington County Council 500 108 p. (14 forms) & cover

20. 5. 1891 Prize List, Central Exhibition 1,000 36 p. (9 forms) & cover

23. 5. 1891 Bylaws & c., Court of Elks 200 12 p. (2 forms) & cover

2. 6. 1891 Canadian Forester, June 14,000 As usual

6. 6. 1891 Officer’s Reports 300 80 p. (20 forms), no cover

6. 7. 1891 Voter’s List, Township of Guelph 200

9. 7. 1891 Canadian Forester, July 14,000 As usual

29. 7. 1891 Journal of Proceedings, COF Highland 850 64 p. (41 forms) & cover

5. 8. 1891 Circular, COF 10,000 16 p. (2 forms)

7. 8. 1891 Canadian Forester, August 14,000 As usual

18. 8. 1891 Constitution & Bylaws, League of the Cross 1,000 28 p. (4 forms) & cover

7. 9. 1891 Canadian Forester, September 14,000 As usual

242

Table 5: Herald Office imprints (continued)

9. 9. 1891 County Council Minutes 500 [no details]

25. 9. 1891 Constitution & Bylaws, North Shore M Co. 2,500 16 p. (2 forms) & cover

6. 10. 1891 Canadian Forester, October 14,000 As usual

8. 10. 1891 Poems, Norrish 1,000 88 p. (11 forms) & cover

9. 10. 1891 Minutes & c., BME [British Methodist?] Church 300 28 p. (7 forms) & folder

5. 11. 1891 Canadian Forester, November 14,000 As usual

20. 11. 1891 Prize List, Poultry & Pet Stock 400 20 p. (5 forms) & cover

25. 11. 1891 Calendar for 1892, Mitchell & Jackson 1,000 [no details]

26. 11. 1891 Calendar for 1892, Chas. Raymond 2,000 Gather, put on cards

1. 12. 1891 Calendar for 1892, Mitchell 1,000 [no details]

8. 12. 1891 Canadian Forester, December 14,000 As usual

12. 12. 1891 Calendar for 1892, W. F. Mitchell 1,000 Gather, tabs put on

18. 12. 1891 Calendar for 1892, Lillee & Hadden 150 Gather & staple

23. 12. 1891 Calendar 750 Pads put on

Table 6. Mercury Office imprints identified from bookbindery records [* denotes entries from separate and incomplete Daybook.]

D. M. Y. Reference title Print run Format

7. 6. 1864 County Council Report 200 Stitch, cover & trim

26. 7. 1864 Pamphlet, Municipal Council Cover & stitch

1. 8. 1864 Pamphlet, Knox Stitch & trim

6. 9. 1864 Hymn Book 300 Cloth back [spine], paper sides, cut flush

7. 10. 1864 Pamphlet, F. W. Stone 300 Fold, stitch & trim

11. 10. 1864 Pamphlet Cut

22. 10. 1864 Pamphlet Cut

24. 12. 1864 Pamphlet Cut

29. 12. 1864 Minutes, Eramosa Township Fold, stitch & trim

12. 1. 1865 Minutes, County of Wellington Fold & stitch

243

Table 6: Mercury Office imprints (continued)

31. 1. 1865 Pamphlet, Brechbill & Macfarline Cut

8. 2. 1865 Pamphlet Fold, stitch & trim

14. 3. 1865 Minutes, County of Wellington Fold, stitch & trim

13. 7. 1865 Pamphlet 450 Fold, stitch & trim

18. 8. 1865 Pamphlet 250 Fold, stitch & trim

22. 12. 1865 Knox’s Church S[unday] S[chool] Rules 109 Fold, stitch & trim

13. 1. 1866 Minutes, County Council 250 Fold, stitch & c.

2. 4. 1866 Seed Catalogue [Sharpe?] 2,000 Fold, stitch & trim

20. 4. 1866 Minutes, Bruce County Council 113 Fold, stitch, cover & trim

26. 6. 1866 Pamphlet, Base Ball Club 200 Fold, stitch & trim

23. 7. 1866 Journal of Proceedings, County Council 50 Fold, cover & trim

3. 8. 1866 Pamphlet, Provisional Council Bruce County 160 Fold, stitch, cover & trim

17. 8. 1866 Pamphlet, Journal, Wellington Council 260 Fold, stitch, cover & trim

30. 8. 1866 Pamphlet, F. W. Stone 400 Fold, stitch, cover & trim

22. 10. 1866 Bylaws, Speed Lodge 100 Fold, stitch, cover & trim

8. 12. 1866 Minutes, Provisional Council 160 Fold, stitch, cover & trim

19. 12. 1866 Minutes, Erin Township Council 250 Fold, stitch, cover & trim

29. 12. 1866 Minutes, Wellington County Council 250 Fold, stitch, cover & trim

16. 1. 1867 Pamphlet, Mutual Insurance Co. 450 Fold, stitch, cover & trim

26. 2. 1867 Minutes, Wellington County Council 263 Fold, stitch, cover & trim

15. 3. 1867 Seed Catalogue, Sharpe 3,000 Fold, stitch, cover & trim

20. 5. 1867 Minutes, Bruce County Council 160 Fold, stitch, cover & trim, paste in Engineer’s report

23. 5. 1867 Pamphlet, [Cordwainer’s?] 100 Fold, stitch, cover & trim

6. 6. 1867 Pamphlet, Bell Bros. 313 Fold, stitch, cover & trim

3. 7. 1867 Minutes, Wellington County Council 250 Fold, stitch, cover & trim

21. 9. 1867 Pamphlet, F. W. Stone 500 Fold, stitch & trim

14. 12. 1867 Minutes & Bylaws, Eramosa Township 250 Fold, stitch, cover & trim

244

Table 6: Mercury Office imprints (continued)

18. 12. 1867 Minutes, Erin 300 Fold, stitch & cover

10. 1. 1868 Minutes, [Wellington] County Council 260 Fold, stitch, cover & trim

4. 3. 1868 Minutes, [Wellington] County Council 250 Fold, stitch, cover & trim

28. 3. 1868 Minutes, Bruce County Council 152 Fold, stitch, cover & trim

21. 4. 1868 Sharpe’s [Seed] Catalogue 2,037 Fold, stitch & trim

10. 11. 1868 Bylaws, Irvine Lodge 104 Fold, stitch & trim; 4 full cloth

21. 11. 1868 Hymn Book, Knox’s, Chalmers [churches] 576 Cloth back [spine], paper sides, cut flush

21. 11. 1868 Hymn Book, Knox’s, Chalmers 24 Full cloth, cut flush

30. 11. 1868 Bylaw 94, Minto Township 200 Fold, stitch, cover & trim

15. 12. 1868 Minutes, Erin Township 304 Fold, stitch, cover & trim

15. 12. 1868 Minutes, Nassagaweya Township 415 Fold, stitch, cover & trim

19. 1. 1869 Minutes, [Wellington] County Council 260 Fold, stitch, cover & trim

6. 3. 1869 Minutes, Wellington County Council 250 Fold, stitch, cover & trim

23. 3. 1869 Reprint of pamphlet by Guthrie 300 5 forms, fold, stitch, cover & trim

1. 5. 1869 Sharpe’s [Seed] Catalogue 2,000 5 forms, fold, stitch, cover & trim

28. 7. 1869 Minutes, [Wellington] County Council 260 3 [?] forms, fold, stitch, cover & trim

3. 8. 1869 Rules, [Wellington] County Council 260 1 form, fold, stitch, cover & trim

6. 11. 1869 Hymn Book (Hooke) 5,000 24 p., fold, stitch & trim

1. 12. 1869 Bylaws, Municipal Council, Guelph Township 200 [no details]

17. 12. 1869 Journal of Proceedings of Municipal Council, 300 1 form + ½, fold, stitch, Township of Erin cover & trim

17. 12. 1869 Journal of Proceedings of Municipal Council, 400 2 [?] forms, fold, stitch, Nassagaweya Township cover & trim

8. 3. 1870 Prize List, Horticultural Society 200 Fold & cover

26. 3. 1870 Catalogue, Acton Library 200 Fold & stitch

26. 3. 1870 Catalogue, C. & A. Sharpe 2,000 Fold & stitch

245

Table 6: Mercury Office imprints (continued)

19. 8. 1870 Prize List, Town of Erin 260 Fold & stitch

2. 10. 1870 Bylaws, KOLC [Knights of the League of the 100 Stitch & cover Cross]

16. 11. 1870 Bylaws, Maple Leaf [Baseball Club] 100 Trim & stitch

13. 12. 1870 Bylaws & Minutes, Township of Erin 300 Fold & stitch

13. 12. 1870 Bylaws & Minutes, Eramosa Township 260 3 sig[nature]s

17. 12. 1870 Bylaws 300 Fold & stitch

20. 3. 1871 Council Proc[eedings] 300 Fold, stitch & c.

11. 4. 1871 Catalogue, C. & A. Sharpe 2,535 Fold & stitch

22. 5. 1871 Pamphlet, Psalm 200 Fold & cover

16. 6. 1871 Guard Rep[or]t 300 Press

20. 7. 1871 Catalogue, Mills & Goodfellow 100 Fold & press single sheet, insert guards & cover

28. 7. 1871 Minutes, [Wellington ] County [Council] 300 32 p., fold & stitch

16. 8. 1871 Prize List 4,000 Fold, stitch & cut

23. 8. 1871 Prize List, Town of Puslinch 150 Fold & cover

12. 12. 1872* Bylaws, Nassagaweya 300 Fold, stitch, cover & cut

16. 12, 1872* Journal of Proceedings, Erin 300 Making up

18. 12. 1872* Catalogue, Hespeler Mechanics’ Institute 300 [no details]

28. 1. 1873* Journal of Proceedings Bylaw 300 Making up

6. 3. 1873* Pamphlet, Raymond Mutual Benefit Society 275 Making up

7. 3. 1873* Catalogue, Marcon 2,000 Making up

22. 3. 1873* Pedigree of Cattle at Cranbry Farm, Armstrong & 150 Making up Sons

13. 6. 1873* Catalogue, Guelph Mechanics’ Institute 500 [no details]

13. 6. 1873* Bible Society Report 700 [no details]

13. 6. 1873* Price List, Burr & Skinner 208 [no details]

21. 6. 1873* Bylaws, Young Mens’ Christian Association 1,000 [no details]

4. 9. 1873* Parkinson’s Cattle List 166 [no details]

246

Table 6: Mercury Office imprints (continued)

4. 9. 1873* Stone’s Cattle List 1,000 [no details]

17. 12. 1873* Journal of Proceedings, Municipal Council of Erin 300 Fold, stitch & cover

2. 12. 1876 Seed Catalogue 1,050 36 p. & cover

3. 12. 1876 S[unday] School Bylaws, Dublin Street Methodist 100 8 p. & cover Sunday School

8. 12. 1876 Minutes, Eramosa Township 250 24 p. & cover

16. 1. 1877 Catalogue, Dublin Street Methodist S[unday] 600 8 p., no cover School

16. 1. 1877 Regulations of Guelph Public Schools 2,050 16 p. & cover

7. 2. 1877 Instructions to Agents, J. W. Lyon 500 76 p. (10 forms), no cover

12. 2. 1877 Catalogue, Allan’s Estate 1,000 28 p., no cover

14. 3. 1877 Directions for Using Fergus Sewing Machines 500 8 p., no cover, pasted

27. 3. 1877 Minutes, County Council 350 42 p. & cover

6. 4. 1877 Catalogue, Chalmers Church SS Library 500 12 p., no cover

19. 4. 1877 Early History of Guelph, Robert Thompson 2,000 8 p., no cover

27. 4. 1877 Annual Report, Chalmers Church 250 12 p. & cover

7. 5. 1877 Circular, Ontario Agricultural College 3,000 24 p. & cover

12. 5. 1877 Bible Society Report 700 16 p. & cover

31. 5. 1877 List of Minister’s Billets 600 8 p., no cover

7. 6. 1877 Prize List, Eramosa Agricultural Society 1,000 16 p. & cover

12. 6. 1877 Constitution Bylaws, Caledonian Society 325 20 p. & cover

22. 6. 1877 Bylaws, Model Farm 200 12 p. & cover

28. 6. 1877 Synopsis of School Compositions 225 16 p., no cover

8. 7. 1877 Library Catalogue, St. George’s Church S[unday] 400 24 p. & cover S[chool]

14. 7. 1877 Voter’s List, Township of Guelph 200 20 p.

18. 7. 1877 Exhibition Prize List 3,000 36 p. & cover

9. 8. 1877 Circular, Ontario Agricultural College [OAC] 7,000 24 p. & cover

10. 8. 1877 Prize List, Puslinch Agricultural Society 175 8 p. & cover

247

Table 6: Mercury Office imprints (continued)

27. 8. 1877 Voter’s List, Town of Guelph 200 64 p. (16 forms) & cover

7. 9. 1877 Instructions to Agents, J. W. Lyon 1,000 80 p. (5 forms), no cover

12. 9. 1877 Catalogue of Stock Sale, Agricultural College 600 12 p. & cover

19. 9. 1877 Minutes, County Council 350 28 p. & cover

8. 11. 1877 Bylaws, House of Industry 100 16 p., no cover

16. 11. 1877 Catalogue, Knox Church Bible Class Library 100 8 p., no cover

28. 11. 1877 Bylaws, Township of Guelph 500 24 p. & cover

15. 12. 1877 Council Minutes Bylaws & c., Township of 250 26 p. & cover Eramosa

19. 12. 1877 Bylaws & Constitution, Butchers & Cattle Dealers 50 8 p. & cover Association

8. 1. 1878 Seed Catalogue, W. H. Marcon 2,000 1,000 36 p. & cover for 1878; 1,000 36 p. & cover for 1879

17. 1. 1878 Minutes, County Council 350 44 p. & cover

23. 1. 1878 Rules & Regulations, House of Industry 500 16 p. & cover

14. 2. 1878 Sharpe’s Seed Catalogue, Hallet & Co. 1,500 32 p. & cover

26. 2. 1878 Inspector’s Report, Public Schools 500 16 p. & cover

27. 3. 1878 Bible Society Reports 700 16 p. & cover

1. 4. 1878 Minutes, County Council 350 44 p. & cover

11. 4. 1878 Directions for Raymond Sewing Machine 6,000 16 p. (12 forms), no cover

16. 4. 1878 Prize List, Horticultural Society 200 12 p. & cover

11. 5. 1878 Organ Catalogue, W. Bell & Co. 1,200 24 p. (3 forms) & cover

15. 5. 1878 German, Spanish, French & Portuguese pamphlets 4,000 16 p. (1 form) [Raymond?]

8. 7. 1878 Voter’s List, Puslinch Township 200 36 p. (9 forms), no cover

16. 7. 1878 Voter’s List, Guelph Township 200 24 p. & cover

2. 8. 1878 In Memoriam 150 20 p. & cover

5. 8. 1878 Prize List, Puslinch 200 8 p. & cover

19. 8. 1878 Stock Catalogue, Agricultural College 600 12 p. & cover

248

Table 6: Mercury Office imprints (continued)

27. 8. 1878 Prize List, Nassagaweya Fall Show 300 8 p. & cover pasted on

2. 9. 1878 Stock Catalogue, Agricultural College 400 12 p. & cover

3. 12. 1878 Bylaws, Dublin Street S[unday] School 100 8 p. & cover

6. 2. 1879 Appeal Case 30 66 p. & cover

7. 2. 1879 Appeal Case 40 64 p. quarto & cover

20. 2. 1879 School Inspectors Report 500 16 p. & cover

25. 3. 1879 Report, House of Refuge 350 12 p. & cover

29. 3. 1879 Bylaws, Catholic S[unday] School 100 16 p. & cover

2. 4. 1879 Minutes, [Wellington] County Council 350 60 p. & cover

7. 4. 1879 Circular, J. D. Williamson & Co. 4,000 8 p. pasted, no cover

16. 4. 1879 Bible Society Report 700 16 p. & cover

21. 4. 1879 Chalmers Church Report 200 12 p. & cover

29. 4. 1879 Shorthorn Catalogue, A. S. Rife 100 8 p. & cover

30. 4. 1879 List of Lands for Sale, F. J. Chadwick 150 10 p. & cover

3. 5. 1879 Illustrated Catalogue, Armstrong Carriage Co. 1,000 12 p. (3 forms) & cover

8. 5. 1879 Synod Protest & Complaints 200 8 p., no cover

19. 6. 1879 Voter’s List, Eramosa Township 200 28 p. & cover

24. 6. 1879 Testimonials & c., D. McCaig 80 8 p. (1 form) & cover

30. 6. 1879 Voter’s List, Puslinch Township 200 26 p. & cover

7. 7. 1879 Voter’s List, Guelph Township 200 24 p. & cover

19. 7. 1879 SS Library Catalogue, Dublin St. Methodist Church 500 12 p. (2 forms), no cover

22. 7. 1879 Voter’s List, City of Guelph 225 72 p. & cover, slips inserted

29. 7. 1879 Library Catalogue, Bible Class, Dublin St. 300 8 p., no cover, pasted Methodist Church

2. 8. 1879 Stock Catalogue, Ontario Agricultural College 1,000 16 p. & cover

12. 8. 1879 Voter’s List, Erin Township 200 30 p. & cover

14. 8. 1879 Prize List, Puslinch Township 250 8 p. & cover

16. 8. 1879 Prize List, Erin Township, Erin Agricultural 300 8 p. & cover, pasted Society

249

Table 6: Mercury Office imprints (continued)

22. 8. 1879 Minutes, [Wellington] County Council 350 32 p. (4 forms) & cover

2. 9. 1879 Constitution & c., Reliance Lodge IOOF 300 72 p. (9 forms), full cloth

10. 9. 1879 Bylaw No. 262 , relating to cabs 50 12 p. (3 forms) & cover

2. 10. 1879 Directions for Raymond Sewing Machine 2,000 16 p. (2 forms), no cover (2,140)

20. 11. 1879 Pamphlet in Gaelic 200 8 p. & cover, pasted

26. 11. 1879 Bible Class Association Bylaws & c., Chalmers 100 8 p. & cover stitched on Church

26. 11. 1879 Proceedings of Arbitration Committee 100 28 p. & cover

10. 12. 1879 Minutes, Township of Eramosa Council 250 28 p. & cover

3. 12. 1879 Prize List, Ontario Poultry Association Annual 400 12 p. & cover Show

16. 12. 1879 Minutes, Erin Township 300 12 p. & cover

22. 12. 1879 Circular, Ontario Agricultural College 3,000 20 p. & cover

20. 1. 1880 Minutes, [Wellington] County Council 350 20 p. & cover

3. 1. 1880 Instructions to Agents, Selling Domestic Bible 200 16 p. (1 form), no cover

26. 2. 1880 Instructions to Agents, “History of the Sea” J. W. 500 60 p. (5 forms: 3-16s, 1-8s, Lyon 1-4), no cover

6. 3. 1880 Rules & Regulations, Property Owners Association 100 8 p. & cover, pasted

15. 3. 1880 Schedule of Rates 500 16 p. & cover

24. 3. 1880 Bible Society Report 700 16 p. & cover

2. 4. 1880 Report, Chalmers Church 200 12 p. & cover

20. 4. 1880 [Guelph] General Hospital Rules 200 12 p. & cover

6. 5. 1880 Raymond Sewing Machine Instructions 5,000 16 p. (2 forms), no cover

23. 6. 1880 Voter’s List, Eramosa Township 200 22 p. (4 forms) & cover

22. 7. 1880 Voter’s List, Guelph Township 205 24 p. (3 forms) & cover

3. 8. 1880 Stock Sale, Model Farm 1,000 16 p. (2 forms) & cover

6. 8. 1880 Pamphlet, Guelph Horticultural Society 170 8 p. (1 form) & cover

11. 8. 1880 Prize List, Erin Township 300 12 p. ( 2 forms) & cover

16. 8. 1880 Prize List, Puslinch Township 250 8 p. & cover

250

Table 6: Mercury Office imprints (continued)

21. 8. 1880 Constitution, B. L. Agricultural Society 300 4 p. & cover

24. 8. 1880 Law Pamphlet, Jenks vs. Doran 19 40 p. (10 forms) & cover

26. 8. 1880 Law Pamphlet, Cowling vs. Dickson 45 60 p. (15 forms) & cover

28. 8. 1880 Central Exhibition Prize List 600 20 p. (3 forms) & cover

8. 9. 1880 Voter’s List, Erin Township 200 36 p. (9 forms) & cover

12. 10. 1880 County Council Minutes 250 26 p. (4 forms) & cover

1. 11. 1880 Library Catalogue, St. George’s Church 500 20 p. (3 forms) & cover

25. 11. 1880 Spanish Pamphlet, Raymond 1,000 18 p. (3 forms)

25. 11. 1880 Portuguese Pamphlet, Raymond 1,000 18 p. (3 forms)

1. 12. 1880 Instructions Sewing Machine, Raymond 5,000 16 p. (2 forms) & cover

4. 12. 1880 Literary Society, Model Farm 500 12 p. (2 forms) & cover

11. 12. 1880 Minutes, County Council 300 14 p. (3 forms) & cover

15. 1. 1881 Constitution, Ontario Union A & E, OAC 300 4 p. & cover

14. 2. 1881 Instructions to Agents, Domestic B[oo]k, J. W. 500 16 p. (2 forms) no cover Lyon

21. 2. 1881 Financial Statement, Puslinch Township 300 8 p., no cover, pasted

28. 2. 1881 Bylaw No. 49 Relating to Public Health, City of 1,000 12 p. (2 forms), no cover Guelph

28. 4. 1881 Marker Bylaw, City of Guelph 100 12 p. (2 forms), no cover

5. 5. 1881 Report of Water Works Commission, City of 500 88 p. (11 forms) & cover Guelph

1. 6. 1881 Price List, Burr & Skinner 400 8 p. (1 form) & cover

20. 6. 1881 Annual Report, Bible Society 700 16 p. & cover

25. 6. 1881 Rules & c., Public School 200 12 p. & cover

9. 7. 1881 Voter’s List, City of Guelph 200 64 p. (8 form) & cover

21. 7. 1881 Voter’s List, Guelph Township 200 25 p. (4 forms) & cover

10. 8. 1881 Cattle Pedigree, Ontario Agricultural College 1,000 16 p. (2 forms) & cover

13. 8. 1881 Prize List, Puslinch 250 8 p. (1 form) & cover

6. 9. 1881 Directions for Raymond Sewing Machine 3,000 16 p. (2 forms)

251

Table 6: Mercury Office imprints (continued)

3. 11. 1881 Science in Cattle Feeding, Model Farm 500 16 p. (2 forms) no cover

24. 11. 1881 Illustrated Catalogue, Inglis & Hunter 1,000 64 p. (9 forms) & cover

3. 12. 1881 Instructions to Agents, J. W. Lyon 1,000 52 p. (7 forms), no cover

24. 1. 1882 Library Catalogue, Dublin Street Methodist Church 500 12 p., no cover

1. 2. 1882 Illustrated Catalogue, Jardin Lead Works 2,000 16 p. & cover

15. 2. 1882 Circular, Model Farm 1,000 20 p. & cover

17. 2. 1882 Financial Statement, Chalmers Church 200 [no details]

18. 2. 1882 Spanish Instructions to Agents, Raymond 1,000 18 p., no cover

30. 3. 1882 Instructions for Using Raymond Sewing Machine 1,000 18 p., no cover

16. 5. 1882 Instructions to Agents, Raymond 2,000 16 p. (2 forms), no cover

24. 7. 1882 Directions for Using Raymond Sewing Machine 2,000 16 p. (2 forms), no cover

29. 8. 1882 Directions for Using Raymond Sewing Machine 3,500 16 p. (2 forms), no cover

24. 11. 1882 Spanish Directions for Raymond Sewing Machine 1,000 18 p. (3 forms), no cover

5. 12. 1882 French Directions for Raymond Sewing Machine 2,000 16 p. (2 forms), no cover, sheet inserted

14. 12. 1882 Spanish Instructions for Raymond Sewing Machine 2,000 18 p. (3 forms), no cover

12. 1. 1883 Circular & Price List, Guelph Organ & Action 2,000 8 p., no cover Factory

20. 2. 1883 Illustrated Catalogues, Organs, James & Co. 2,000 12 p. (2 forms) & cover

14. 3. 1883 Instructions for Raymond Sewing Machine 2,000 16 p. (2 forms)

15. 8. 1883 Instructions for Raymond Sewing Machine 1,100 16 p. (2 forms), no cover

5. 10. 1883 Instructions for Raymond Sewing Machine 2,000 16 p., no cover

27. 10. 1883 Catalogue of Furniture, Burr Bros. 500 8 p. & cover

30. 11. 1883 French Instructions for Agent [Raymond] 1,000 18 p. (3 forms)

30. 11. 1883 Instructions for Raymond Sewing Machine 3,000 16 p. (2 forms)

17. 3. 1884 Trees Suitable for Canada, Experimental Farm 500 3 forms, no cover

22. 3. 1884 French Instructions for Raymond Sewing Machine 1,000 18 p. (3 forms), no cover

18. 4. 1884 Instructions for Raymond Sewing Machine 3,000 2 forms, no cover

19. 5. 1884 Pamphlet, Methodist Conference 500 12 p. (2 forms) & cover

252

Table 6: Mercury Office imprints (continued)

4. 7. 1884 Instructions for Raymond Sewing Machine 500 20 p. (3 forms)

6. 8. 1884 Annual Circular, Guelph Business College 2,500 26 p. (3 forms) & insert & cover

26. 8. 1884 Directions for Raymond Sewing Machine 500 20 p. (3 forms), no cover

24. 9. 1884 Instructions for Raymond Sewing Machine 1,000 20 p. (3 forms), no cover

21. 3. 1885 Instructions for Raymond Sewing Machine 3,000 3 forms, no cover

18. 5. 1885 Library Catalogue, Dublin Street Methodist Church 500 12 p. (2 forms), no cover Sunday School

12. 6. 1885 Instructions for Reading, Campbell 100 2 forms & cover

6. 7. 1885 Instructions for Raymond Sewing Machine 1,000 2 forms, no cover

7. 9. 1885 Rambles in the North West, Prof. Panton 325 20 p. (3 forms) & cover

17. 10. 1885 Instructions for New High Arm Raymond Sewing 2,000 2 forms, no cover Machine

20. 10. 1885 Instructions, Raymond 2,000 16 p. (2 forms), no cover

6. 2. 1886 Instructions for Raymond Sewing Machine 2,000 16 p. (2 forms)

28. 5. 1886 Library Catalogue, Chalmers Church 400 12 p. (2 forms) & cover

16. 6. 1886 Directions, Raymond 3,000 16 p. (2 forms)

20. 11. 1886 Directions for Raymond Sewing Machine 2,000 16 p. no cover

28. 12. 1886 Calendar 1,000 24 p. & cover

12. 2. 1887 Library Catalogue, St. George’s Church 500 12 p. (2 forms) & cover

30. 3. 1887 French Directions for Raymond Sewing Machine 1,000 18 p. (3 forms), no cover

13. 4. 1887 Instructions for Raymond Sewing Machine 2,000 16 p. (2 forms), no cover

20. 4. 1887 Library Catalogue, Guelph Free Library 500 28 p. (4 forms)

28. 7. 1887 Proceedings Scientific Society 500 28 p. (4 forms)

22. 7. 1887 Instructions for Raymond Sewing Machine 2,000 16 p., no cover

5. 8. 1887 Instructions for Raymond Sewing Machine 500 16 p. (2 forms)

17. 12. 1887 Instructions for Raymond Sewing Machine 2,000 16 p. (2 forms), no cover

6. 6. 1888 Instructions, Raymond 2,000 16 p. (2 forms)

15. 10. 1888 Instructions, Raymond 2,000 2 forms, no cover

253

Table 6: Mercury Office imprints (continued)

4. 3. 1889 Instructions, Raymond 5,000 16 p., no cover

23. 5. 1889 Library Catalogue, Dublin Street Methodist Church 500 12 p. (2 forms)

10. 10. 1889 Instructions, Raymond 3,000 16 p. (2 forms), no cover

28. 10. 1890 Directions, Raymond 500 16 p. (2 forms), no cover

13. 2. 1891 Annual Report, Chalmers Church 300 16 p. (2 forms) & cover

26. 2. 1891 Library Catalogue, Knox Church 500 1 form, no cover

12. 3. 1891 Minutes & c., Nassagaweya Township 200 24 p. ( 3 forms) & cover

18. 3. 1891 Bylaws, City of Guelph 16 8 p. & cover

26. 6. 1891 Voter’s List, Nassagaweya Township 200 [no details]

7. 7. 1891 Voter’s List, Puslinch Township 225 28 p. & cover

9. 7. 1891 Prize List, Puslinch Township 400 8 p. (1 form) & cover

13. 7. 1891 Voter’s List, Eramosa Township 230 28 p. & cover

25. 7. 1891 Prize List, Puslinch Agricultural Society 450 8 p. (1 form) & cover

15. 8. 1891 Circular 3,000 24 p. (3 forms)

18. 8. 1891 Prize List, Brookville 300 8 p. (1 form) & cover

28. 8. 1891 Annual Report, Norfolk Street Methodist Church 350 16 p. (2 forms) & cover

14. 9. 1891 Cattle Catalogue 1,500 40 p. & cover

2. 10. 1891 Circular, Presbyterian Church 3,500 8 p., no cover

16. 10. 1891 Constitution & c., Ontario Agricultural College 200 16 p. (2 forms) & cover

18. 11. 1891 Fat Stock Prize List 500 8 p. & cover

17. 12. 1891 Minutes & c., Eramosa Township 350 52 p. (7 forms) & insert

17. 12. 1891 Financial Statement, Guelph Township 150 1 form, no cover

21. 12. 1891 Financial Statement, Nassagaweya Township 150 8 p., no cover

22. 12. 1891 Financial Statement, Puslinch Township 250 8 p., no cover

254

Table 7: Miscellaneous imprints identified from bookbindery records

D. M. Y. Responsible party Reference title Print run Format

18. 4. 1864 Col. Kingsmill Address 6 ½ bound, lettered on side

23. 4. 1864 Col. Kingsmill Address 24 ½ bound, lettered on side

29. 4. 1864 Col. Kingsmill Address 6 ½ bound, lettered on side

17. 5. 1864 C. T. Daniels Poems [William and Annie] 500 Folded, stitched & bound

17. 5. 1864 C. T. Daniels William and Annie 4 Full imitation

23. 5. 1864 Col. Kingsmill Address 6 ½ bound, lettered on side

6. 9. 1864 Knox Presbyterian Hymn Book 20 Full bound cloth, lettered on Church side

24. 3. 1865 C. & A. Sharpe Catalogue, flyleaves 1,700 Flyleaves replaced in catalogue

2. 4. 1866 Town of Guelph Bylaw No. 260 Fold, stitch & trim

27. 8. 1866 Town of Guelph Dr. Howitt’s Address 1,000 Fold, stitch, cover & trim

24. 4. 1867 J. M. Shaw (Elora) Pamphlet, Modeland 400 Fold, stitch, cover & trim

15. 5. 1867 J. M. Shaw Pamphlet, Modeland 300 Cover & trim

27. 4. 1868 Observer Office Pamphlet, Modeland 400 Trim (Elora)

21. 10. 1868 John Smith (Elora) New Dominion Song 200 Trim

4. 9. 1869 J. & R. Craig Minutes, Sabbath School 300 Fold, stitch, cover & trim (Fergus) Convention

1. 8. 1870 John Smith Pamphlet 200 Cutting

27. 1. 1871 J. & R. Craig Almanac 4,000 Fold, stitch, & cover?

25. 2. 1879 Ontario Mutual Life Instructions to Agents 200 24 p. FC 8vo, cloth, lettered & embossed

7. 3. 1879 Hallet & Co. Seed Catalogue 450 Old covers torn off, new put on & cut

26. 6. 1879 Robertson & Dewar Constitution, Bylaws &c., 240 68 p., cloth, limp, flush IOOF

19. 1. 1880 John Shaw Stock Catalogue 100 Gathered & paper fastener at corner

8. 3. 1880 James Fluety Bylaws & c., Maitland Lodge 100 Full cloth, limp, flush (Wingham) 119, IOOF

255

Table 7: Miscellaneous imprints (continued)

3. 4. 1880 Samuel Home (Galt) Town of Galt Directory 300 Full cloth, limp, flush, embossed & lettered

20. 5. 1880 J. & R. Craig Bylaws & c., Fergus Lodge 500 Bound pamphlet style, cover No. 73 lined with cotton inside

3. 6. 1880 John Shaw Shorthorn Cattle 250 20 p. (5 forms) & cover, not folded

8. 6. 1880 John Lynes Irish Dairyman 500 82 p. (11 forms) & cover

14. 6. 1880 George Sleeman Maple Leaf Rules & c. 10 Full cloth, limp

28 6 1880 John Shaw Teachers and Teaching 400 29 p. & cover

17. 5. 1881 A. D. Fordyce Pamphlet 65 Trim (Fergus)

21. 10. 1881 County of Dufferin Medium Jurors’ List 2 200 p. (3 forms); ½ R S / cloth

2. 12. 1881 John Shaw Directions Fergus Sewing 125 8 p. (2 forms), no cover Machine

23. 12. 1881 [Father] Fleck, S. J. Hymn Book 2,000 Cover, stitch & trim

29. 4. 1882 Mr. Townsend Pamphlet 750 120 p. & cover, 1 only? in (Durham) cloth

28. 9. 1882 Rittinger & Motz Almanac for 1883 3,000 40 p. (5 forms) & back (Berlin)

12. 12. 1882 Rittinger & Motz Proceedings Evangelical 300 30 p. (4 forms) & cover Lutheran’s Synod

3. 28. 1883 Rittinger & Motz Industrial Exhibition 150 12 p. (2 forms) & cover

20. 4. 1883 John Shaw Unlawfulness & c. 500 12 p. (3 forms), no cover

21. 4. 1883 Rittinger & Motz German book 300 154 p. (16 forms), full cloth, squares

5. 6. 1883 Rittinger & Motz German Hymn [Book] 1,000 20 p. (2 forms) & cover

24. 8. 1883 Rittinger & Motz German almanac for 1884 5,000 40 p. (5 forms) & back

27. 9. 1883 Stovel & Son (Mt. Pamphlet 1,000 8 p. & cover Forest)

28. 11. 1883 James Gay Pamphlet 100 18 p. & cover

16. 1. 1884 James Gay Poems 400 18 p. (5 forms) & cover

12. 2. 1884 City of Guelph Rules of the Council 55 Full cloth, lettered, embossed

27. 5. 1884 Rittinger & Motz German almanac for 1885 5,000 40 p. (5 forms) & back

256

Table 7: Miscellaneous imprints (continued)

30. 5. 1884 A[?] MacPherson School Report 300 12 p. & cover (Berlin)

7. 6. 1884 League of the Cross Address on Ireland 300 20 p. (3 forms) & cover

21. 7. 1884 John A. Rittinger German pamphlet 1,000 42 p. (3 forms) & cover (Walkerton)

15. 9. 1884 [John A.] Rittinger Synod Minutes 500 36 p. (5 forms) & folding, sheet cover

15. 9. 1884 Rittinger & Motz Family Register 50 4 p. & cover

28. 11. 1884 James Gay Pamphlets (Poems) 100 18 p. & cover

3. 3. 1885 John A. Rittinger Kirchen Ordnung Cons. 300 20 p. (3 forms) & cover

9. 3. 1885 Rittinger & Motz Latin pamphlet 1,000 20 p. (3 forms) & cover

25. 5. 1886 J. T. Lacy Bovine Virus 5,000 12 p. (1 form) & cover

1. 6. 1886 Rittinger & Motz German almanac for 1887 5,000 40 p. (5 forms) & cover

9. 12. 1886 Rittinger & Motz Mennonite almanac for 1887 850 32 p. (1 form), back on

2. 1. 1887 Guelph Snow Shoe Tickets, membership 150 Pasted in cases Club

6. 7. 1887 Rittinger & Motz German almanac for 1888 5,400 [no details]

13. 12. 1887 Rittinger & Motz Mennonite almanac for 1888 900 32 p. (1 form) & back

16. 6. 1888 Rittinger & Motz German almanac for 1889 5,000 40 p. (5 forms)

13. 11. 1888 Rittinger & Motz Mennonite almanac for 1889 950 32 p. & back

18. 3. 1889 J. W. Lyon Mexican Instructions to 50 Full cloth, embossed Agents

20. 5. 1889 Mr. Hett (Berlin) Catalogue, Waterloo 2,000 60 p. (5 forms) & cover Agricultural Manufacturing Co.

5. 7. 1889 Wm. Bell & Co. Price List 1,700 Cloth joints

19. 10. 1889 J. W. Lyon Mexican Instructions 360 Fold & stitch

18. 4. 1890 Hett & Eby (Berlin) History of the Eby Family 400 144 p. (36 forms), embossed & lettered, gilt edge

19. 5. 1890 Hett & Eby Pamphlet, Meredith’s speech 10,000 24 p. (2 forms), no cover

15. 8. 1890 Hett & Eby German almanac for 1891 5,000 72 p. (9 forms) & cover

257

Table 7: Miscellaneous imprints (continued)

21. 10. 1890 Hett & Eby Furniture Catalogue, English 5,000 24 p. (2 forms) & cover Furniture Factory

21. 10. 1890 Hett & Eby German circular, Doon 10,000 16 p. (1 form) & cover Building & Loan Society

21. 10. 1890 Hett & Eby French circular 10,000 16 p. & cover

12. 1. 1891 St. James’ Church Parochial Magazine 120 As usual

19. 1. 1891 Free Library Catalogue 500 8 forms & cover

29. 1. 1891 St. George’s Church Parochial Magazine 275 As usual

2. 2. 1891 St. James’ Church Parochial Magazine 120 As usual

17. 3. 1891 Hett & Eby Agricultural Implements, 3,500 32 p. (2 forms) & cover Harris, Brantford

29. 3. 1891 Hett & Eby Cable Code 500 ½ sheep

1. 4. 1891 St. George’s Church Parochial Magazine 250 As usual

3. 4. 1891 St. James’ Church Parochial Magazine 220; 130 As usual, 225 copies extra

21. 4. 1891 Hett & Eby German circular, Harris & Co. 3,000 32 p. (2 forms) & cover

2. 5. 1891 St. George’s Church Parochial Magazine 250 As usual

3. 5. 1891 St. James’ Church Parochial Magazine 120 As usual

11. 5. 1891 Georgetown Herald Annual Report, Halton SS 850 16 p. (5 forms) & cover

30. 5. 1891 St. George’s Church Parochial Magazine 275 As usual

3. 6. 1891 St. James’ Church Parochial Magazine 140 As usual

18. 6. 1891 Auld & Woodyatt Catalogue 27 Full cloth, lettered on back

22. 6. 1891 Dixon Parochial Magazine 100 Fold & stitch

22. 6. 1891 St. George’s Church Parochial Magazine 250 As usual

30. 6. 1891 R. Eliot (Wingham) Bylaws & c. 125 20 p., full cloth, flex

6. 7. 1891 St. James’ Church Parochial Magazine 140 As usual

3. 8. 1891 St. George’s Church Parochial Magazine 275 As usual

4. 8. 1891 St. James’ Church Parochial Magazine 140 As usual

1. 9. 1891 St. George’s Church Parochial Magazine 275 As usual

9. 9. 1891 St. James’ Church Parochial Magazine 140 As usual

258

Table 7: Miscellaneous imprints (continued)

29. 9. 1891 Hett & Eby Prayer books, German 570 336 p. (21 forms), full cloth

30. 9. 1891 St. George’s Church Parochial Magazine 275 As usual

3. 10. 1891 St. George’s Church Parochial Magazine 275 As usual

6. 10. 1891 St. James’ Church Parochial Magazine 140 As usual

4. 11. 1891 St. George’s Church Parochial Magazine 275 As usual

4. 11. 1891 Delion (Elmira) German pamphlet 2,000 70 p. & cover, 2 plates put in

6. 11. 1891 St. James’ Church Parochial Magazine 140 As usual

1. 12. 1891 St. George’s Church Parochial Magazine 200 As usual

5. 12. 1891 St. James’ Church Parochial Magazine 140 As usual

7. 12. 1891 Carriage Top Co. Price List of Tops 500 Cloth back end

259

Appendix H. Maps

Easton, Chapman, Nunan Nunan

Shewan, McCurry, Thornton, Collins, Allan

Allan

Figure 1: St. George’s Square, Guelph, ON, with locations of bookbinders’ shops indicated. Source: Fred. J. Chadwick, Map of the Town of Guelph, From Recent Surveys and Original Maps Guelph: J. Smith, 1855) (Toronto Public Library).

260

Figure 2: Map of the County of Wellington, 188- (Guelph marked with red circle) Source: County of Wellington , 188- (Canadiana, North York Central Library, Toronto Public Library).

261

Figure 3: Map of Wellington County and its surrounding counties (Guelph indicated by red circle, Elora and Fergus to the north indicated by purple circle, and Waterloo and Berlin to the west indicated by green circle) Source: Illustrated Atlas of the Dominion of Canada , 1881 [original map coloured] (University of Toronto Library)

262

Appendix I. Mirror Model

Figure 4: The Mirror Model

263