THE CULTURAL LINKS OVER THE HIMALAYA RANGES IN THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD

Xu CHAOLONG*

Among the prehistoric cultural complexes in the , the neolithic culture in the valley, represented by about three dozen sites located on the elevated flats of the Karewa clay above the marshy flood plain of the river Jhelum such as Burzahom and Gufkral etc., has been known as the most distinctive. Out of these sites, Burzahom stands out as a representative of the cultural sequence in the valley and provides the most useful materials for comparative studies with other regions. Burzahom was discovered by de Terra and Paterson in 1935, but its signi- ficance for the study of the prehistory in the had not been recognised until the result of the serious excavations carried out by the Archaeological Survey of India came out in the beginning of 1960. The most noticable aspect of these studies is that the main cultural traits of the site show a hitherto unknown distinctiveness so that some scholars call it non-Indus or non-Baluchistan. Among the features of the complex, certain outstanding cultural traits like the bone tools, the rectangular perforated stone knives (harvesters), the pit-dwellings and the practice of burying dogs with their masters, etc., have been considered to be particularly alien to the Indian tradition. Therefore in order to trace out their origins and affinities, most scholars have compared them with contemporary cultures outside of India. Upon comparing, the neolithic Yang-Shao culture and the chalcolithic Lung- Shan Culture in the north of China have always been in focus in terms of extraregional relationships with the Kashmir region〔Pande 1970, Dikshit 1982,

Thapar 1985〕. Up to now however, no precise analyses have been made on the subject and the comparison therefore always remains ambiguous and conceptual. The comparison seems understandable to some extent insofar as the specific cultural traits are concerned, for all of them did exist in the above-

* Full-time Lecturer, Ibaraki University.

12 ORIENT THE CULTURAL LINKS OVER THE HIMALAYA RANGES IN THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD

mentioned cultural complexes in the north of China. The Yang-Shao culture is dated approximately from around 5000 to 3000 B.C. and is known to have been distributed over the vast plain along the middle stream of the Yellow River. Following the Yang-Shao culture, the Lung-Shan culture, which spreaded across the region of the middle and lower Yellow river valley, had

lasted from 3000 to 2000 B.C.〔Shao 1984〕. On the other hand, the absolute date for the early stage of Burzahom is assigned to around 3000 B.C. accord- ing to the results of carbon-14 dating. Therefore, it is possible to connect the neolithic culture of Burzahom at least chronologically with both the late Yang-Shao culture or the early Lung-Shan culture. When we discuss a possible cultural linkage between two regions, be- sides the similar cultural traits, we must also take into consideration the geographical conditions within the two concerned regions. The distance between the north of China and the Kashmir valley is roughly 3000km even in straight distance. The distance is by no means easy to travel even today, not to mention in the prehistoric period, for the geographical conditions between the two regions are the most complex in the world. The Tibetan Plateau has those highest mountains in the world, and the Himalaya Ranges on its southwest edge and the vast Taklamakan Desert on its north are two main obstacles for the prehistoric travelers to be overcome. So far, no acceptable explanation has been given as to how those cultural traits of northern China could have come to appear on the other sides of the Himalayas and it is not known at all how the interactions took place between the two regions in the prehistoric period. In order to indicate a possible route through which the cultural diffusion seems to have spread, some scholars point out the series of passes which link the Gilgit valley with Wakhan and Chinese Turkistan.〔Thapar 1985: 41〕. Some others even consider that Kashmir, Potwar and Swat regions are separate extensions from one long

cultural tradition of the Yang-Shao neolithic culture〔Mughal 1972〕. These ideas seem to have been suggested by the spreading course of from the north-west of India into China in historic times. All these ideas might be reasonable but we must not forget that every aspect of the situation in prehistoric times could have been extremely different from those in the period when Buddhism penetrated into East Asia almost 3000 years later! Contrary to the above tendency of looking for external influences, there is a proposition to consider the cultural development to be a result of local

Vol. XXVII 1991 13 circumstances. For instance, noticing that the main cultural trait, the ceramic industry, is not obviously comparable with any Chinese neolithic pottery, the Allchins consider that the "Burzahom Neolithic" appears as a local adaptation to the special environment of the mountains, although they also point out the possible influence from northern China〔Allchin and

Allchin,1982:116〕. Despite the suggestions of influence from inner China, except for some rough comparisons of cultural phenomena, no one has indicated in detail the cultural background of the possible route along which the cultural traits from northern China might have flowed into the Kashmir region over the Himalaya mountains. In the current studies on the origins of the neolithic culture in the Kashmir valley, one region has not received any attention from most scholars although it adjoins the Kashmir valley. This region is none other than the Tibetan Plateau. It is probably due to the severe environment (including the height of the mountains and the cold weather, etc.), that no one could have even imagined that there might be a possibility of a cultural connection over the high Himalaya mountains in that early times. Nevertheless, recent archaeological progress in the Tibetan plateau has thrown some encouraging lights on the above-mentioned possibility.

Karuo: the Comparable Neolithic Culture on the Tibetian Plateau

In recent years, the archaeological research in the Tibetan region has made surprising progress. So far as the prehistoric culture of the region is concerned, several important excavations of prehistoric sites have provided many significant results which not only show that the prehistoric culture of the region has some strong relations with these contemporary cultures in the interior of China to the east, but also reveal that there used to be a close connection with the west, over the Himalaya Ranges. Among those prehistoric sites, Karuo is the most significant one in terms of cultural links with the Kashmir Valley. Karuo is located 12km out of Qamdo city to the south, near the rural village locally called Karuo (Karuo means "castle" in Tibetan) 〔fig. 1〕. It is situated on the flat terrace in a valley where the Lan-Cang River and the Karuo River join and then flow to the south. The site has a height of 3100m

14 ORIENT THE CULTURAL LINKS OVER THE HIMALAYA RANGES IN THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD

above sea level and therefore is discribed as the highest neolithic site in China. The site was discovered in 1977 and was excavated for two seasons from 1978 to 1979. The cultural sequence has been divided into the early phase and

the late phase and is suggested to have lasted about 1000 years 〔with 4955±100

BP for the early phase and 3930±80 BP for the late phase refering to C-14

data〕. By analysing the materials unearthed from the site of Karuo, the author came to notice that they show some strong affinities to those of the Kashmir Valley in most of the cultural traits. Therefore, a comparative study is attempted below and is aimed at drawing out a new set of cultural links over the Himalaya Ranges in the prehistoric period. The comparative study will be concentrated on the stone tools, the bone tools, the pottery and the dwelling patterns, all of which are main cultural traits known from both areas.

The Stone Tools

At Karuo, the category of stone tools is divided into groups: polished tools (6.4%), microlithic tools (8%) and roughly chipped tools (85.6%). All of them were made of jadeite volcanic rock, silicious serpentine, slate, and riverpebble They were in use throughout the early to the late phases

〔Karuo 1985: PI, XLI-XLIV〕. From the point of view of a comparative study, the polished tool is most worthy of consideration. The polished tool basically includes handaxes, chisels, drills, pestles, polishers, pounders, harvesters, maceheads (ring-stones) and balls. Grindstones are reported to have been found in number. The ground stone handaxe (or chisle) with rectangular cross-section and harvester are the most important of the polished stone tools and they should be the first objects for the comparative study. Little information about the stone tools can be drawn out of the restricted contents of the excavation report of Burzahom, nevertheless, some descriptions of the polished stone tools are still useful for comparative purpose. Accord- ing to the report, the main types of stone tools are axes, chisels, adzes, pounders, maceheads, points and picks, etc. The excavators have emphasised that the stone axes are typologically different from their southern or eastern

counterparts 〔IA 1960-61: 11〕. In contrast, comparing them with the objects from Karuo, it may be easy to recognise that the stone axes with a pointed- butt and smoothly polished cutting edge particularly have resemblance with

Vol. XXVII 1991 15 those of Karuo 〔IA 1960-61: PI. XVIII: A; Karuo 1985: fig. 59:9, 13-15). Particularly the so-called harvester (rectangular and semilunar knives with small holes on the side opposite to the cutting edge) found at Burzahom used to be traced to the Yang-Shao culture in northern China where it was in common use. The same harvester used at Karuo as one of the main tools of the stone industry, proves to be the closest original source for those found

at Burzahom〔Fig. 2; Karuo 1985: fig. 61:8, 10, 20〕. In the meantime, what this means is that the effort trying to trace out the origin of these har- vesters up to remote northern China is no longer necessary. Besides the axes and harvesters, the polished stone-ring (macehead) also should be mentioned for at Karuo the same stone-rings were used frequently

〔Fig. 2: IA 1960-61: PI, XVIII: B; 1961-62: PI, XXXVIII: B; Karuo 1985: fig.

62:3, 11〕.In addition to them, the double-edged pick-axe at Burzahom has its counterpart in the stone category of Karuo. It should also be pointed out that the stone ball is the same as that used by the neolithic people of Karuo

〔Karuo 1985: fig. 62-2; PI. XXXV: 5-7〕. As for chipped stone tools, it is true that at Karuo the chipped tools show an overwhelming percentage among the stone assemblage. On the other hand, the report on the excavations at Burzahom does not mention whether there were chipped stone tools. For this reason, one might get the impression that the stone assemblage of the site merely consists of polished stone tools. However, this seems unlikely. In fact, some Indian archaeologists who have the access to the materials from the site have provided samples

of chipped tools in their theses 〔Kaw 1979: PI, IV; Thapar 1985: fig.

14: upper〕. At Gufkarl, which is regarded to have a similar cultural sequence with Burzahom, chipped celts also are reported to have been used side by side with polished tools 〔IA 1981-82: PI. X: A]. Finally, it is said that the microlithic element seems to be missing at Burzahom while this type of tool was in use at Karuo. This phenomenon remains doubtful, for the excavation report has too many uncertain and incomplete parts. We can see this in the case of chipped stone tools. They are not mentioned at all in the report although they did exsist in the stone category both at Burzahom and Gufkarl. Meanwhile, at Sarai Khola, the site which is always compared with Burzahom, microlithic tools were also used together with polished stone tools. It seems hard to understand that the neolithic people of the Kashmir Valley only made polished stone

16 ORIENT THE CULTURAL LINKS OVER THE HIMALAYA RANGES IN THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD

tools without making any chipped and microlithic tools. To solve this problem, we probably still have to recheck the stone category and wait for more details to come out from the materials unearthed at the sites in the Kashmir Valley.

The Bone Tools

The bone tools found at Burzahom are well known for their wide range from points, awls, needles, scrapers and harpoons. At Karuo, the bone typology shows an organized and developed industry. The main types can be arranged into needles, awls, points, indented blades, scrapers, pointed- chisels, knife blades with an edge grooved to receive microliths, etc.〔Karuo

1985: fig. 63; PI, XLVII-XLVIII〕. With regard to the bone tools at Burzahom, particularly the needles, points, scrapers and pointed-chisels bear an obvious resemblance to those found at Karuo 〔Fig. 2〕. Apparently, both of them were made in a similar technique and had the same function as well.

The Pottery

In the prehistoric period, as the most important cultural trait, pottery always not only represented the level of handcrafts but also was symbolic of the affinities within any society that is based on a common cultural tradition. Interesting enough, the pottery category of Burzahom shows some surprisingly close affinities with those of Karuo, although it does have some of its own distinctiveness. The pottery of Burzahom is generally hand-made (mostly ring-built), thick in section and coarse in fabric. The colours of the surface are predomi- nantly grey, dull-red, drab, buff and brown. The actual color probably depended on the various temperatures reached in the firing-process. A variety of colors indicate that the technique of firing pottery was poorly developed. Black burnished ware of medium fabric is known to occur at the later stage, Period II 〔IA 1961-62: 19〕. The arrangement of forms includes some simple rimless bowls, globular pots with out-turned and obliquely cut rim or with splayed-out rim, and high-necked pots with a pinched rim, etc. At Karuo, the similar tendency can be clearly observed in the pottery. According to the report, the pottery is totally hand-made with a coiling

Vol. XXVII 1991 17 technique and coarse both in fabric and finish. Most of them are ill-fired. At the earlier stage, darkish grey or grey ware were predominant with dull-red ware coming next. Black burnished ware of fine sandy fabric occurs

at the later stage 〔Karuo 1985: 139-145〕. Regarding the form of the pottery, it would be inappropriate to compare those of Karuo precisely to that of Burzahom on the whole, due to the fact that the detailed information on the complete arrangement of pottery forms of Burzahom is unavailable at present. However, even according to the ill-published documents, some evidence still can easily be drawn out for comparative purpose. To indicate the similartities clearly, the most comparable examples are displayed in Fig. 3. As we can see from the comparison, there is a surprising affinity in forms emerging between the two groups of pottery. Insofar as the typology is concerned, there can be no doubt that those forms of the pottery from both sites

belong to a same tradition〔Fig. 3〕. Besides the forms of the pottery, the technique of pottery formation at Karuo was also obviously shared by the neolithic people of Burzahom. At Karuo, a clay band always can be seen around the neck of a pot or the middle part of the body of vases. With regards to the function of the band, the reporter explains that in the finishing process, the band was needed to glue two separate parts of one vessel together as well as to strengthen the combining part of the finished vessel. Probably this technique was necessary only because the advanced wheel-turning technique had not yet been in- troduced into the pottery making process. This technique seems to have been one of the outstanding innovations in the ceramic industry of Karuo

〔Fig. 4〕. In the Kashmir Valley, the same technique was in use in producing pottery although it seems not as popular as that in Karuo according to the published documents. In spite of the fact that the evidence is limited, this can be typically indicated by the famous high-necked pot found at Burzahom

〔Fig. 5; IA 1960-61: PI. XVI: B〕and a sherd found in period IA of Gufkral

〔IA 1981-82: fig. 5: 27〕. Judging from them, it is evident that the same technique of pottery formation was fully established in the Kashmir Valley. Compared with the technique of pottery formation, the method of decorating the pottery can even be more suggestive. At Burzahom few pieces of painted pottery were found in the complex (except for the famous pot with a horned-deity on the surface, which is supposed to be an import

18 ORIENT THE CULTURAL LINKS OVER THE HIMALAYA RANGES IN THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD

from the Kot Dijian Culture of the upper Indus Valley). On the whole, Burzahom pottery is not painted, the decoration is chiefly composed of crude incised, pinched and fingertip designs, used variously. At Karuo, pinched and incised designs were most popularly practised

on the rim of pots and the middle part of the surface of vases〔Karuo

1985: fig. 67-70〕. On the pinched slender clay band, around the rim or the

body of vessels, the potters always pressed some oblique notches in neat

rows by using some kind of small rollers made of bone or horn〔Fig. 6: A, B〕. At Burzahom, of great importance, is the pinched decoration with oblique

notches seen on the rims of some pots and vases as shown in Fig. 3〔IA 1961-

62: fig. 5: 16-18, 21-2〕. Meanwhile, at Gufkral, pinched designs around the

rims of pottery are also reported〔Fig. 6-C: IA 1981-82: p. 23; fig. 6: 8-9, 25〕. Also at Karuo, below the rim of the outer face of some vessels, is a row of

fingertip designs always arranged around the neck〔Fig. 5-B, 7; Karuo 1985

PI. LIII: 2; PI. LIV: 3; PI. LVI: 3〕. The same is the case of Burzahom

(Fig. 5-A and Gufkral〔Fig. 7〕). Triangular incisions were very popular at Karuo, but it was also found decorated externally on pottery with precisely same style at Burzahom. The most comparable samples are shown in Fig. 3

〔IA 1961-62: fig. 6: 14〕.

The Dwelling Pattern

As the author mentioned above, like other cultural traits, the dwelling pattern in the Kashmir Valley also shows alien characteristics from its counter- part in the subcontinent. However, on the other side of the Himalayas, Karuo provides significant evidence of dwelling patterns which can be rightly compared with that of Burzahom. The author believes that the deep pits found at Burzahom have been incorrectly classified as all being dwellings. Upon this point, the version proposed by R.K. Pant sounds appropriate. He claims that the period I of Burzahom yields some small conical pits used only for winter storage of killed game. According to him, those so-called steps and arched corridors found in some circular pits, are due to superimposition of pits cutting into each other. Only rectangular or squarish pits with post-holes were used for

residential purposes〔courtesy Agrawal 1982: 103〕. In fact, the rectangular or squarish pits are much shallower than the circular ones and they may be

Vol. XXVII 1991 19 best called chambers. These pits were dug relatively shallowly into the ground, generally 10 to 30cm deep with numerous post-holes of almost equal diameter in or around and have had a stone-built oven in the center. Concerning the function of those pits, one phenomenon needs to be noted. As Kaw has observed, at Burzahom, the squarish pit chambers were found to be located mostly in the central part of the settlement with the

circular dwelling pits on the periphery〔Kaw 1929: 222〕. This situation may not mean, as Kaw would like to suggest, that the chambers were centrally located in order for accommodation of more members or because of their comfortable residential function. Instead, it probably implies that the pits and the chambers had different functions in the period. At Karuo, although the area of excavation was limited, a concentration of the rectangular dwell-

ings can still be observed within the trenches extending to 1000sm〔Karuo

1985: 7〕. This hints at what the whole plan of the site might have been and even suggests that the absence of a deeper circular pit at the site was most likely due to the limited excavation area. At Karuo, the dwelling patterns are different from the early phase to the later phase. In the early phase, three patterns were in use, concave- based; semi-subterranean and plane-based. The plans are round, squarish and rectangular. The floor surface of most dwellings is brick-red. Some of them have no entrance passage. In most dwellings, there was a hearth at the center. In the later phase, there was a change in the dwellings. The base of walls were constructed of boulders in uneven size and thickness and no adhesive materials were found between the boulders〔Fig. 8-1〕. Meanwhile, the surface of walls was neat and mostly plastered with mud. As for the main dwelling pattern of Burzahom, the rectangular and squar- ish dwellings with numerous post-holes both inside and around were most

developed and have a precise resemblance to those at Karuo〔Fig. 8-3, 9〕.

The bigger squarish dwelling with a square stone-oven in the center is almost

identical to that of Karuo〔Fig. 10, 11〕. The surface of most dwellings was covered with a thin coat of red materials. However unlike at Karuo where the colour of the floor was caused by the baked clay dropped from the roof or the wall, in Burzahom it was the result of using red ochre. Interestingly enough, the process of the development in dwellings at Burzahom shows a similar trend with that of Karuo. As mentioned above, in the later phase, dwellings with boulder walls made their appearance at Karuo. At Burzahom

20 ORIENT THE CULTURAL LINKS OVER THE HIMALAYA RANGES IN THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD as well as at Gulkarf, in the later stage boulder walls began to be used to strengthen the base of the chamber〔Fig. 8-2; IA 1960-61: PI, XIV: B; IA

1961-62: PI. XXXVI: B; IA 1981-82: PI. IX: B〕.

At Burzahom, it is reported that in close proximity to some chambers, shallow storage-pits 60 to 90cm in diameter were found which yielded animal bones and pottery. This phenemenon is also known at Karuo〔Karuo 1985:

22-48〕.

Conclusion

We have seen some clear evidence showing that Burzahom in the Kashmir Valley and Karuo on the east Tibetan plateau share a common tradition in the prehistoric period. Following this result of observation, we would be able to say that a hitherto unknown cultural tie which connected the Tibetan Plateau and the Kashmir Valley over the Himalaya Ranges already existed in the prehistoric period. Although the cultural links undoubtly had existed over the Himalaya Ranges at least in the third millennium, according to the evidence already detailed above, the route on which the cultural links established must also be traced out. Concerning this problem, there are several geographical factors which need to be emphasized. First of all, the longest river on the Tibetan plateau, the Yalu-tsang-Pu River (Tsangpo) is worthy of consideration. It has its origin from Mount Gangrnpochi in the south-west of the plateau. The river flows along the Himalaya ranges to the east until Pomi county where it turns to the south and is known as Brahmaputra crossing through Assam and Bangladesh to empty into the Bay of Bengal. The present main highway, which connects the interior of China and the highland, starts from Chengdu (the capital of Sichuan Province) and extends to Lha-Sa. After passing Lha-Sa, it leads to the west up to Kashghal in Xinjiang. It is well known in China that the highway was built along the Yalu-tsang-Pu valley where caravan paths were annually used by traveling nomadic tribes in ancient times. This route must have played a very important role for ancient peoples traveling from the east (or even from the inner part of China) to the west across the highland since it earned the name "the musk and silk road" in historic times. It is noteworthy that this route also passes by Qamdu city near which Karuo is located. On the west of the Plataeu,

Vol. XXVII 1991 21 the longest river in the Indian subcontinent, namely the Indus, rises in the same area with the Yalu-tsang-Pu. The area thus connects the two long rivers, and thereby the long route that starts from the east of the Plateau and down to the Kashmir valley in the west is formed along the river valleys. In the prehistoric period, this upper highland route must also have been frequently used by those people who traveled between the Kashmir Valley and the Tibetan Plateau. From Mount Gangrnpochi where the Yalu- tsang-Pu rises, there are two accesses for descending to the Indian subcon- tinent. The Keerh-Ch'u, the first ributary of the Indus gives a passage tthat leads to the Kashmir Valley. Along the Keerh-Ch'u dell, the passage runs into the Indus dell. After entering the Indus dell, if we continue moving along the dell up to Marol, we will encounter a tributary named Suru flowing down from Nunkun. From Marol turning to the south and keeping going up along the Suru river, it is easy to approach the ancient lake bed Karewa where Burzahom is located. It is true that, to enter into the Indus Valley from the Tibetan Plateau, this route was not necessarily the only route. For instance, the upper stream of Sutlej also provides a key access to descend to Punjab. Nevertheless, so far as the neolithic cultures of both Kashmir and Karuo are concerned, the Yalu-tsang-Pu, the Keerh-Ch'u, the Indus, the Suru route was the most responsible for the establishment of the cultural links between the Vale of Kashmir and the Tibetan Plateau over the Himalayas. As all evidence indicates the cultural traits of the Kashmir Valley bear the strongest relations with those of Karuo, we have every reason to believe that the above-mentioned route had been frequently traveled by the neolithic people living on the highland. With regards to the origin of the neolithic culture in the Kashmir Valley, according to the present archaeological evidence both in Indian Side and Chinese Side, it will be proper to consider that the neolithic culture in the Kashmir Valley was at least mostly a product of the cultural penetration from the Tibetan Plateau. Thus, we could trace out the roots of the 'alien cuture' in the Kashmir Valley from the nearby Tibetan Plateau. It has been well known that the neolithic people in the Kashmir Valley had contacts with the Kot Dijian people in the Indus Valley. This is es- pecially indicated by the imported Kot Dijian pot at Burzahom. Since the cultural links over the Himalayas have been confirmed, we have now to consider also the cultural influence from the Indus Valley into the Tibetan

22 ORIENT THE CULTURAL LINKS OVER THE HIMALAYA RANGES IN THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD

Plateau beyond the Kashimir Valley. Probably it may be too early to say if there was any reciprocal penetration of the Indus cultures into the Tibetan plateau through the route between the Kashmir and Karuo, however, since the Harappan people had traveled as far as Shortughai to the north on the upper Amu Darya in central Asia, traveling east to the Tibetan plateau would probably have been even easier. Therefore, we have enough reason to expect that some cultural influences from the Indus valley will be found on the Tibetan plateau in the coming years not far from now.

Bibliography

Allchin, B. and R. Allchin. 1982 The Rise of Civilization in India and Pakistan. Cambridge. De Terra, H. and Paterson, T.T. 1939 Studies on the lce Age in India and Associated Human Culture. Washington D.C. IA (Indian Archaeology) 1960-61 Excavation at Burzahom, District , p.1. 1961-62 Eicavation at Burzahom, District Srinagar, pp.11-21. 1981-82 Excavation at Gufkral, District , pp.19-25. Kaw, R.N. 1979 The neolithic Culture of Kashmir. Essay in Indian Protohistory, (eds) D.P. Agrawal and D.K. Chakrabarti, Delhi, pp.219-227. Karuo: 1985 "Karuo: A Neolithic Site in Tibet". Tibet Autonomous Region and Dept. of History of Sichuan University, Bejing. Shao, Wangping 1984 The Yang-Shao Culture in the midddle Yellow River Valley, in 'Archaelogical Excavations and Researches in New China', The Institute of Archaelogy, CASS, Bejing, pp.41-68. 1984 The reconsideration of the Lung-Shan Culture, in 'Archaeological Excavations and Researches in New China', The Institution of Archaeology, CASS. Bejing. pp.97-105. Thapar, B.K. 1985 Recent Archaeological Discoveries in India. UNESCO.

Vol. XXVII 1991 23 24 ORIENT THE CULTURAL LINKS OVER THE HIMALAYA RANGES IN THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD

Fig. 2 Comparison of the stone and bone tools found from Bruzahom and Karuo

Vol. XXVII 1991 25 26 ORIENT THE CULTURAL LINKS OVER THE HIMALAYA RANGES IN THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD

Fig. 4-A High-necked pot with a clay band around the neck (Karuo).

Fig. 4-B High-necked pot with two clay bands around the neck (Karuo).

Vol. XXVII 1991 27 Fig. 5-A High-necked pot with a clay band around the neck (left). Jar with a row of fingertip design below the rim (right) [both from Burzahom]

Fig. 5-B Jar with a row of fingertip design below the rim (Karuo)

28 ORIENT THE CULTURAL LINKS OVER THE HIMALAYA RANGES IN THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD

Fig. 6-C Pottery sherds from Gufkral

Vol. XXVII 1991 29 Fig. 6-A Pot with pinched slender clay band around the rim (Karuo)

Fig. 6-B Pot with pinched slender clay band around the rim (Karuo)

30 ORIENT THE CULTURAL LINKS OVER THE HIMALAYA RANGES IN THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD

Fig. 7-A Pottery sherds from Gufkral

Vol. XXVII 1991 31 Fig. 7-B Bowl with a row of fingertip design below the rim (Karuo)

Fig. 8-1 Squarish pit chamber with boulder-based wall (Karao)

32 ORIENT THE CULTURAL LINKS OVER THE HIMALAYA RANGES IN THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD

Fig. 8-2 A boulder-based wall found at Burzahom

Fig. 8-3 Squarish pit dwellings with post-holes found at Burzahom

Vol. XXVII 1991 33 Fig. 9 Squarish pit dwelling with post-holes inside and around (Karuo)

Fig. 10 Squarish pit dwelling with a stone-oven in the center and post-holes around (Karuo)

34 ORIENT THE CULTURAL LINKS OVER THE HIMALAYA RANGES IN THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD

Fig. 11 Bigger Squarish pit dwelling with a stone-oven in the center and post- holes around (Burzahom)

Vol. XXVII 1991 35