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Fuzhou Chinese Speech Group and Associations: Online Debates Over the Landmarks of Manhattan Chinatown After 9/11

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Fuzhou Chinese Speech Group and Associations: Online Debates Over the Landmarks of Manhattan Chinatown After 9/11 Journal of Chinese Overseas 8 (2012) 232-264 brill.com/jco Fuzhou Chinese Speech Group and Associations: Online Debates over the Landmarks of Manhattan Chinatown after 9/11 Ann Shu-ju Chiu* Abstract After the terrorist attack of 11 September 2001, both the Cantonese and Fujianese immigrants in New York City’s Manhattan Chinatown felt the need for the reconstruction of their commu- nities. Fuzhou migrants put up their hometown website, Fujianese.com, when the City Govern- ment provided a relief fund and initiated certain projects for the rebirth of Chinatown. Discussions relating to the shaping of the webscape and landscape can be gleaned from their online debates over the cultural landmarks of Manhattan Chinatown built with the 9/11 fund- ing. In analyzing Fujianese.com, we find a sub-ethnic awareness emerging from among the Fuzhou migrants concerned about their community participation in the host society. This web- site has nurtured a sub-ethnic sentiment and strengthened the identity of its members. The online discourses are important sources of information for studying the issue of dialect grouping and territorial association. Keywords Fuzhou Chinese Associations, Hometown website, New York Analyzing the Online Discourse of the Fuzhou Chinese Speech Group Long before the Internet age, Chinese overseas had developed their clan asso- ciations with a view to improving their social life. Anthropologists writing in the 1960s first suggested that “dialect grouping” and “territorial association” provided a major framework of organization in Chinese overseas commu- nities. Maurice Freedman (1960) studied the immigrant associations of 19th-century Singapore and Lawrence Crissman (1967) analyzed the seg- mented structure of urban Chinese communities in Southeast Asia. Scholars of Chinese overseas working in the subsequent decades have been enlightened * Anne Shu-ju Chiu is Assistant Librarian at the Chinese University of Hong Kong. Her email address is [email protected]. © Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2012 DOI: 10.1163/17932548-12341238 Also available online – brill.com/jco Ann Shu-ju Chiu / Journal of Chinese Overseas 8 (2012) 232-264 233 by these pioneer works. For example, Ng Wing Chung (1992) reviewed the development of immigrant associations in Singapore, 1900-1941, Mak Lau Fong (1995) analyzed the Chinese dialect groups in early Malaya, and Him Mark Lai (2004) conducted a systematic study of the traditional Chinese asso- ciations in the United States. The emigrant villages of Fuzhou are located at the mouth of the Min River, the main artery cutting across Fujian Province and leading to the ocean. Situ- ated in east Fujian, the Fuzhou area comprises Fuzhou City and the ten coun- ties of Fuqing, Changle, Minqing, Lianjiang, Yongtai, Loyuan, Pingnan, Pingtan, Gutian and Minhou. Chinese overseas from these villages were active in Southeast Asia from the late 19th century to the 1940s. But the diasporic tradition of the new Fuzhou Chinese in New York City began only in the 1980s. Julie Chu (2010) explored the worldviews of the emigrant villagers and the goals of the aspiring potential migrants. She developed the notion of the “politics of destination.” Migration is used by the Fuzhounese as a spatial/ temporal extension strategy to be “emplaced” in the contemporary world. Kenneth Guest (2003) noted that the traditional Cantonese Chinatown since the 19th century had become predominantly occupied by a different Chinese speech group. He made a study of the physical settings, religious institutions and psychological voyage of the recent undocumented Fuzhou workers living beside the Manhattan Bridge. Through his description of flower shops cater- ing to wedding ceremonies and other rituals on East Broadway, Dale Wilson (2006) sensed that the Fuzhounese had reinvented certain rites and traditions which transformed the socio-cultural landscape of Chinatown and distin- guished their own cultural identity from that of the Cantonese or Americans. However, the information communication technology which has become increasingly important in the Fuzhou emigrant villages1 and Manhattan Chinatown2 has not received adequate attention in the above mentioned scholarly works. A new wave of Fujianese immigrants has emerged since the turn of the 21st century. In late 2004 a young Fuzhou migrant put up the website, Fujianese.com. It appealed to the recent migrants and served as a social support mechanism for a peer group.3 As pointed out by Goncalo D. Santos (2008), classical anthropological studies of kinship can be placed in a wider context to examine the friendships of contemporary young persons 1 See author’s forthcoming book review: “Julie Chu’s Cosmologies of Credit” in Asian Studies Review 36(1): 125-26. 2 See Chiu, Ann Shu-ju and Wei-an Chang, “The Internet and the Fellowship Association of Fuzhou Migrants in New York,” Journal of Cyber Culture and Information Society 21 (2011): 32-35. 3 Ibid. 234 Ann Shu-ju Chiu / Journal of Chinese Overseas 8 (2012) 232-264 developed in their lineage-villages in South China. It helps to look at human altruism, cooperation and alliance expressed in kinship rhetoric and rituals like “same year siblings” in the search for social recognition. Fujianese.com is tinged with kinship rhetoric. The themes of its various mail threads are Fuzhou orientated. Its participants use the Internet to reinforce their friendships and hometown identity. Fellow townspersons find comfort in this e-forum. They also show an interest in fellowship associations with their high school class- mates. Fujianese.com was initiated by Mr. Gao, a member of the United Fujianese Association. Its appearance in September 2004 was highly praised by the Fuk- ien American Association and United Fujianese Association (Claire Chen 2004). These traditional hometown associations wanted the website to pro- mote a positive image of Fujianese Americans, provide survival tips, and encourage the exchange of information between the immigrants and their relatives in China. These days the Fukien American Association and United Fujianese Association are the two major organizations of the Fujianese com- munities. Although the Fukien American Association was established in 1942 and has been an affiliated member of the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association (CCBA)4 since 1943, it adopts a discourse of state and culture different from that of the Cantonese. In terms of dialect and locality, it is also different from the native Taiwanese or Southeast Asian Fujianese of southern Fujian origins. Instead, it consists of a few members in eastern Fujian speaking Fuzhounese. Since the 1980s it has turned active partly due to the establish- ment of Sino-American diplomacy, but chiefly because of the increasing num- bers of new migrants from the Fuzhou area joining this community. The United Fujianese Association was established by the new Fuzhou migrants in 1990. Mr. Gao attempted to revamp the existing culture and image of his fellow Fujianese in Chinatown by setting up Fujianese.com. Its Bulletin Board System not only serves as a forum for the members’ exchanges, it also carries news on community development and announcements of activities. It provides information related to Fujianese immigrants extracted from the four major Chinese newspapers in Chinatown, viz. World Journal, Singtao Daily, Mingpao and Qiaobao. At the end of 2005 the total number of 4 Manhattan Chinatown has been a Cantonese settlement since the late 19th century. The western gold rush had ended and the construction of the Pacific Railroad was near completion. Many laborers went to New York to find jobs. They built traditional clan/hometown associations and trade associations along Mott Street and Canal Street. Since 1883 the CCBA has coordi- nated and governed these associations. It sponsored the Kuomintang in establishing the Repub- lic of China in 1911. The CCBA members celebrate the Double Ten National Holiday of the R.O.C. to reassure Taiwan that their political-diplomatic position has remained steady. Ann Shu-ju Chiu / Journal of Chinese Overseas 8 (2012) 232-264 235 Fujianese.com members was under 3,000. As of June 2007, it had grown to above 4,000. Both male and female webmasters have an equal say in adminis- trative matters. Its members include mainly restaurant workers, some students, engineers, accountants and IT professionals. Many young migrants working outside New York also share their information with dispersed fellow townsper- sons in this virtual community. For a long time anthropologists have studied Chinese overseas of different origins by means of interviews and participant observation. Based mostly on the memorial editions of the Chang Le American Association (1998, 2004), Xioajian Zhao (2008) analyzes the regional identity construction of the Changle people, who make up 80 percent of the Fuzhou population in New York City. The question is: Can such methods be improved by the use of the Internet? William Wells and Qimei Chen (1999) draw a parallel between American Thanksgiving and Chinese Mid-Autumn Festival. They think that personal interviews and participant observations tend to focus on desirable values. The interviewees express what they think is expected of them. Wells and Chen thus supplement their data with Chinese comedies, novels, poems and dramas to “unmask truths that tend to be concealed in ordinary social interactions” (1999: 555). They further use Internet sites in their analysis as these Internet exchanges are the manifestations of mainstream contemporary values as well as the artifacts of the parent culture. Robert Kozinets (2010) also sees the method of “netnography” as conducive to our understanding of cul- tures and communities. I would argue that certain print media of hometown associations (cf. Appendix) are written like eulogies at the expense of reality. The hometown websites of the immigrants, on the other hand, can inform us about their lived experiences in their resident countries. The present research was carried out via the Internet. Some interviews were conducted in Manhattan Chinatown in October and November 2006 and September 2007 to supplement my understanding of certain phenomena not visible on the webscape.
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