A NOTE ON NOMADS IN SOUTHERN SINAI

Toshimichi MATSUDA*

Pastoral nomads in the Middle East have not been treated so much by historians. But various problems, including aspects of pastoral nomads, their social structure, the relations between nomadic and sedentary societies, and between tribes and state and so on have been discussed, mainly by anthropologists.(1) The present article deals with nomads living in Southern Sinai during the age of the Mamluk dynasty. As for the nomads in Sinai, there is an elaborate work by Dr. Clinton Bailey.(2) In his article he discusses the dating of the arrival of the various Bedouin tribes in Sinai and Negev by using the manuscripts of St. Catherine. Recently H. Stewart has also discussed and developed the same theme with several criticisms of Bailey's article.(3) He suggests that more work on the basis of the Mt. Sinai manuscripts must be done. Therefore, I have mainly exploited a group of documents and manuscripts preserved in the Monastery of St. Catherine on Mt. Sinai. I also had a chance to peruse the microfilms in the custody of University. These documents were photographed by an American expedition in 1950. In this collection, there are some interesting documents about the Bedouin tribes and they are numbered 186, 187 by Atiya in his hand list and described by him as 'Treaties'.(4) They deal with agreements between the Bedouins and the Monastery during the Mamluk period. Therefore, I will introduce them in translation. These documents are valuable because, although they deal with local Sinai, they also describe circumstances of the nomads there very explicitly.

I

Before discussing the nomads in Southern Sinai, I shall summarize the nomads in the Middle East as described until now in order to help my

* Researching Staff, Toyo Bunko Library

56 ORIENT A NOTE ON NOMADS IN SOUTHERN SINAI

understanding of them. Some definitions or classifications were attempted, but there was difficulty in trying to arrive at a tidy definition. Recently more improved studies have been made. Douglas L. Johnson(5) and Jean- Luc Krawczyk(6) define nomads as follows. As far as a society only raises animals, that society is pastoral. And if it utilizes some regularized movements to do it, that society is nomadic. So pastoral nomadic society is: 1. The organized seasonal movement of herds and people throughout the year, or only part of the year, to obtain grazing for animals. 2. The concentration of time and effort to the management of the animals which are the basis of the economy. 3. The use of portable dwellings year-round by virtually the entire population. 4. The day-to-day relations and political control vis-a-vis a centralized state structure. These points will become clear when examining the problem of defining the degrees of purity of various modes of pastoral nomadism. So "pure" nomads practice no agriculture, and live in portable dwellings the year round. "Semi-nomads" plant a few crops around their base camp, but they still engage in extensive seasonal migrations and live in portable dwellings the year round. But there is inherent difficulty in trying to arrive at a clear definition. The term lacks precision and it is always exceedingly difficult to decide what groups should or should not be described as "semi-nomadic". Most usages of this term are based on a consideration of the role that agriculture plays in its economy. That is, occasionally a tribe, or part of a tribe, will do its own sowing and harvesting in areas within the tribal territory that are especially favorable to agriculture. A much more common means is to own the crops in an oasis that is worked either by slaves or by a peasant class, with the nomads returning at harvest time to collect rents.(7) Pastoral nomads in Western Asia are sharply distinguished from nomads in the great open steppes of Central Asia, or the deserts and the arid steppes of Arabia. Thus, they were enclosed in blocks of deserts, semi-deserts, steppes, and highland countries within the general sweep of civilization.(8) The term "semi-nomad" has been used particularly by historians for any form of nomadism in West Asia other than true Bedouin nomadism. Moreover semi-nomadism formed part of tribes or tribal confederations which

Vol. XXVII 1991 57 included a strong sedentary element. It also enclosed nomadism, at least is its most typical form, though many integrated tribes do include semi- nomads as well as nomads and sedentariness.(9)

II

The nomads in Sinai during the period of Mamluks Until now important studies on the nomads and their way of life have been published in various languages. There are studies emphasizing the desert and the nomadic element, but the relationship between sedentary societies like cities or villages and nomads must be considered.(10) Firstly, considering from the point of view of the sedentariness of nomads, there were nomads who immigrated from the to various districts by serial conquests and race migrations, and settled in the cities or villages. On the other hand, the nomads who didn't settle completely after immigration and continued the life of semi-nomadism and semi-agriculture were called 'urban.(11) Although these 'urban coexisted with the rural societies and cooperated with the political authority, on the other hand they usually had a dangerous aspect like attacking villages, Meccan pilgrims, or caravans in the case of where the central power weakened. Therefore, the success or failure of the countermeasures against the 'urban decided the fate of the government.(12) The 'urban appearing in the documents of St. Catherine made living spaces of their own in Southern Sinai. Some of them depended only on pastoral nomadism, and others depended on partial nomadism, agriculture, transportation and so on. And once a year, at the beginning of spring all the tribes gathered to seek bersim (Egyptian clover) for the food of camels and sheep. At the period of the Islamic conquest, or soon after, the peninsula of Sinai was inhabited exclusively by the tribe of Awlad Slayman, or Bani Slayman, together with the monks. The Sawaliha and the 'Ulayqat, the latter originally from the eastern Syrian desert, were then living on the borders of and in the Sharqiya or eastern district of the Delta, from whence they were accustomed to making frequent inroads into this territory in order to carry off the date-harvest and other fruits. Whenever the inunda- tion of the failed, they migrated in great numbers to these mountains

58 ORIENT A NOTE ON NOMADS IN SOUTHERN SINAI

and pastured their herds in the fertile valleys. After long wars the Sawaliha and the 'Ulayqat succeeded in reducing the Awlad Slayman. Then other Bedouin tribes arrived in these areas. Most of them arrived there after the thirteenth century.(13) All that the historians could know about southern Sinai was five tribes-the 'Ayaydah, 'Ulayqat, Awlad Sa'id, Muzayna, and Sawaliha. Sawaliha was the principal tribe, and was divided into several branches; Awlad Sa'id, Qurashi, 'Awarima, Rahami. But two smaller tribes, the Bani Wasil and Hamadha antedate them. 'Ulayqat is much weaker in number than Sawaliha.(14) Among them, the tribes such as al-Salihi, al-'Arimi, al-Sa'idi, 'Ulayqat, Awlad Rahmi were influential. They played important roles when they concluded treaties with the Monastery. Therefore, I suppose that these tribes made up a loose confederation even in the Mamluk period. The extent of a tribe's territory varies according to its size, political power, mobility, wealth and prestige. Clinton Bailey shows a map of Sinai in which discrete territories are allocated to the various tribes.(15) Probably, these territories are not arbitrary, but relatively well defined according to existing topographical landmarks such as wells, wadis, depressions, mountains, etc. The possession of wells and the domination of oases and villages fall within the limits of defining territoriality. Broadly speaking, Bedouin are not fussy about boundaries, they don't need worry much about rights to even a large area of sterile gravel plain, but the title to wells, arable land or date palms is another matter. Therefore, it seems plausible that often the tribe claims not so much to control a clearly bounded territory, but defined points in it and paths leading through it. Furthermore, from the sources during the period of the Mamluk dynasty, we cannot only follow the obscure extent of each tribe's territory. Naturally each tribe attempted to control a territory containing enough resources to sustain it, but also it will be true that the tribes migrated freely, seeking pasture.(16) It is described in the Codex No. 688(17) that the tribes servicing the Monastery were permitted to pasture freely from east to west in Southern Sinai.(18) It is also described in document No. 187 that in the spring all the tribes gathered to seek bersim.

The relationship between the nomads and sedentary societies A pastoral nomadic economy cannot usually stand alone and survive

Vol. XXVII 1991 59 for very long without access to a sedentary and agricultural economy. It must instead acquire agricultural products and tools to remain viable in its own right. A pastoral nomadic group may engage in some form of limited agriculture in areas within its territory that are particuraly favorable for it.(19) In Wadi Faran there were vineyards, dateyards, and farms belonging to the 'urban. Wheat was cultivated there, and the 'ushr was imposed. A few ghafirs(20) were appointed to the farms mentioned above, and they received 80 half silver coins and two locally-made clothes in reward for it every year.(21) Occasionally, a pastoral nomadic group exacted some form of tribute from the sedentary farmers in their midst or demanded a portion of the crops in return for protection from the raiding of pastoral nomads from other surrounding areas. This practice is generally regarded as a parasitic feature of pastoral nomadism, but it may also be viewed as a simple business proposition in which the nomads receive a much needed product (grain), while the farmer in turn gets a scarce commodity (security in a turbulent environment).(22) For example, persons who wanted to cultivate the farms belonging to the Monastery must make a contract for the tenantcy (dustur) with the Monastery. The share of the Monastery is one qirat(23) for each ten qirat of land. And the 'urban gain one qirat as protective fee.(24) Gennerally, as the nomads had mobile power and arms, they were often employed in the guard (khafir, ghafir) of the village by contract. They offered supplementary troops as fighting groups to the government and carried out protection (himaya) against definite areas and collected protective fees for the safeguard of travellers and pilgrims. Some of them were given rizq land as a protective fee, and at the village of al-Fayyum they took protective fees from the taxes which were collected from each village as a tax for guards (rasm al-khafir). It is generally said that in West Asia the possessor of protection (himaya) must maintain public order, keep the safety of villages and farms, and take responsibility to protect caravans. This himaya already had been practiced commonly in the Buwayhid dynasty. Diwan al-himaya was established in central government, and that the right of portion was divided from the Amir al-'Umara' to indivisuals means that the himaya was the right originally belonging to the state. On the other hand, the armies who were given iqta' by receiveing the donations of land

60 ORIENT A NOTE ON NOMADS IN SOUTHERN SINAI from rural landlords and by protecting commercial activities, gradually had obtained personal protection (himaya). Later nomads also acquired this personal himaya, and it became common in the villages of Egypt.(25) This typical example is found in the manuscripts. That is, Bani Sulayman had the himaya of Tur, and they collected tihwa wahida (food) from the passengers who came from the direction of over land, and collected a half silver coin from each person who came by sea.(26) It is described in the documents and manuscripts about the assignment of roles of the ghafir and its rewards. From case(1), al-Sawaliha, al-'Ulayqat, al-Nuqay'at, Awlad Sa'id, al-Baraghisha, al-'Awarima, Awlad Sayf were in the service of the ghafir for the Monastery. They recieved 80 Egyptian silver coins and local materials for four garments at the end of every year. Then some 'urban also were employed as the ghafir of the farms them- selves. For example, there were vineyards, dateyards, and farms of 'urban in Wadi Faran, where a few ghafir were in service as the guard. Their rewards were 80 half silver coins, two local garments every year. As to the other roles of 'urban, they are described below. (1) al-Salihi, al-'Arimi, Awlad Rahma, al-'Ulayqat, Awlad Sa'id had to bear the responsibility for protecting the seashore of Tur, the vineyards and the dateyards of Wadi Faran, Abu Shariman Monastery, and its monks. (2) al-Fari' living in half of Wadi Faran had to bear the responsibility for Abu Tuwayra Mountain and al-Makhfa Monastery situated to its rear, and for the monks and peasants living in Rimhan, Salla, al-Maghayr, and al- Sawahin. (3) Awlad Bazi' had to bear the responsibility for the areas of al-Tina and al-Satla. (4) al-Sa'id had to guarantee the goats of peasants, animals for agriculture, their vineyards, houses, and farms. (5) Awlad Muhsin had to bear the responsibility for anyone who harmed peasants. (6) Bani Wasil living in Tur had to transport salt and dry fish to the Monastery of St. Catherine. Speaking additionally about salt, anyone who entered the vineyards of the Monastery was fined 40 gold coins as a fine. It was given to the monks who bought salt with it. As to this 40 gold coins, al-'Aid had to bear the responsibility for it. Sometimes the men who attacked monks were fined 10 gold coins instead of one camel, and the monks

Vol. XXVII 1991 61 received the salt equivalent of it. (7) al-Salihi, Awlad Sa'id, al-'Ulayqat, Hadra, al-Nufay'at, al-Tarabin, Tamim, and Tibba had to transport grains, beans, and harvested grains of the amir al-hajj. On the other hand, the 'urban who participated various works of the Monastery were permitted to pasture freely from east to west as their right.(27)

The relationship between the state and the nomads As to the intervention of the state authority in Sinai, some interesting affairs were described in the documents of the St. Catherine. Before examining, I will describe the outline of the provincial administration. Until the end of the reign of Sultan Baybars in the Mamluk period, amirs of the Mamluks were appointed to main Syrian cities as the na'ib. By this affair, the system of the provincial administration by na'ib was established. But in the age of Baybars in the coastal areas of Syria, Niyaba and Wilaya were not distinguishes strictly. On the other hand, the Egyptian provincial governor corresponding to the Syrian na'ib was called wali.(28) Al-Qalqashandi mentioned that there were 15 walis in Upper and Lower Egypt. They are as follows.(29) (Upper Egypt) (Lower Egypt) wali al-Bahnasa wali al-Sharqiya wali al-Ushmunayn wali al-Manuf wali Qus wa-Ikhmim wali al-Gharbiya wali Uswan wali al-Buhayra wali al-Jiza wali wali Itfih wali Ushmum wali Manfalut wali Dimyat wali Qatya In Egypt the whole country had been divided into wilaya since the early Islamic period. In the Fatimid period, 'amils or walis were appointed to the four wilayas. This provincial administration should have been past on to the next . But there is little confirmation by historical sources that these areas were governed by walis except wali Qus, wali al- Sharqiya and wali al-Gharbiya. Dr. Rabi' and Dr. Sato(30) mention that the reason is that the whole area of Egypt probably had been ruled by iqta,

62 ORIENT A NOTE ON NOMADS IN SOUTHERN SINAI holders. But it is confirmed by the decree (marsum)(31) issued by Sultan 'Adil in the year 592 A. H. that wali were appointed in Sinai.(32)

Sultan Baybars paid attention to establishing this system and it was regulated in his age. In the decree issued by Baybars in the year of 658 A. H.,(33) it is mentioned that his order is directly communicated to walis and na'ibs as follows. wali al-Sharqiya wali Ayla wali al-Qulzm wali al-Tur wali Muqta'i al-Sahil (both sides of the coast of the Golf of Suez) This decree gives orders to these walis and na'ibs that the protection of the monks and their properties, the protection of the awqaf of the Monastery, and of the persons coming and going to Cairo must be carried out, and they must not disturb farmers and harvestmen going and returning to their farms. And if a robbery occurred, he must catch the criminal and bring back the stolen things to the possessor, and so on. Then it urges that the 'adl of Sultan is performed equally. Like this their duties extended from administration to civil and criminal cases. The tribal chief (shaykh, shaykh al-'arab) functioned to a significant degree as an intermediary between tribe and state. To some extent, indeed, his functions made him an official of the state. Some marsums issued by Sultans describe that these orders rule the chiefs (mashaykh al-'urban).(34) Almost of all the contents are prohibitions of hostilities against the monks and the Monastery, all injustices, extortions of money and goods, predations and so on. Therefore, the chiefs took responsibility for those who made injustice in each tribe, and they usually took one camel from persons who did wrong as in case (1). In Sinai, it is considered that the faqihs only supervised the laws instead of qadis like G. Bear indicated.(35) In case (2), the trouble between Bani Wasil and the Monastery was solved in the presence of the faqih. It is not clear by historical sources what kind of carrier this faqih had. But according to Bear, it is not so difficult to suppose that he was probably not a jurist who is known as 'ulama'. Therefore, it means that the laws which ruled the nomads in Sinai in daily life were customary laws known as 'ada(36) rather than shari'a. 'Ada covers the law spectrum limited by

Vol. XXVII 1991 63 time and area, and usually it is unwritten law. These 'ada weren't acknow- ledged as law sources of shari'a. However, they were acknowledged by authorities of the state. Finally, the social structure in Southern Sinai can be grasped by understanding the relationship between nomads, the Monastery, and authority of the state. The treaties between the nomads and the monastery were contracted when the hostilities of nomads became intense and the Monastery was forced to close, forcing the nomads to hold consultation (shura). The reason which these treaties were contracted was that the nomads agreeded on the importance of the Monastery in this area. But we cannot easily understand such a pattern of behavior of the nomads which accepted the treaties after the hostilities and returned coolly to daily life. It is clear that, there was not only a relationship between the nomads and the Monas- tery but also the intervention of authority of the state. Therefore, the coexistence between the nomads and the Monastery involving the authority of the state can be seen in these cases.

Appendix

Case (1)……Treaty between the Monastery and the nomads This case is a treaty concluded between the Monastery and the nomads, in Muharram, 822 A. H. The head persons for adjustment of this treaty were Shaykh al-'arab,(37) 'Isa of al-'Ayid and his nephew Shaykh Khatir. Of the 'urban,(38) Mashayikh of al-Sawaliha, al-'Ulayqat, al-Nuqay'at, al-Awlad Sa'id, Awlad Muhsin, Awlad Rahmi, al-Rutaylat, al-Qararisha, al-Baraghisha, al-'Awarima, Awlad Sayf were present at the making of this treaty. They had undertaken the ghifra of Dayr Tur Sina (the Monastery of St. Catherine). From the Monastery, aqlum (priest)(39) al-Shaykh Barthaniyus, ruhban (monks) were presented with them. Furthermore, of each tribe described above, a few representatives attended. The contents of this treaty will be introduced below. * Opening the Monastery according to the old custom ('ada) and the last treaty. * The 'urban must not disturb the visitors of the Monastery. * They must not disturb the caravans coming and going to Cairo and Ghaza. They are obliged to protect those caravans.

64 ORIENT A NOTE ON NOMADS IN SOUTHERN SINAI * They must stop speaking ill of the Monastery and the monks. * They must return to the customs that have been practiced for a long time under the rule of the Monastery. * They must not disturb the businesses of the monks. And no matter what, they must not get into trouble with the monks. If a man among the 'urban gets into trouble with them, he must pay one camel to the shaykh. If he doesn't have any camels, a man in his tribe chosen instead of him must pay one camel. And if he also doesn't have camels, one camel is taken from his tribe. * al-ghafir(40) who has been getting into trouble, and who works only for bribes and for favorable persons, becomes a disbeliever (khain din Allah). He will be dismissed from the ghafir and he must pay one camel to the shaykh. * If the man who is obliged to pay one camel to the shaykh for his trouble went to the monks and forced that price, he must pay two camels to the shaykh. * When a tribe could not do their duty for the monks, a few tribes must do it...... (41) * A man who opposed the priests, kidnaped them from the gate of the Monastery, hit them, got into trouble has his name written by the shaykh and has one camel taken. * A man who made misfortune and confusion for the archbishop (al-ra'is al-usquf), the gatekeeper (al-bawab), and the monks, must pay one of his camels or his tribe's camels to the shaykh. * A man who threw stones at the Monastery, cut the ropes of buildings, pissed on the buildings, set fire to the gate, must pay one camel to the shaykh. * (After carrying the loads to the Monastery, in reward for it) they receive one qadah(42) of (wheat) and salt, but they must not demand any for their brothers and their friends. They also must not say that they came yesterday, must not demand for the next day. They must return to their place after recieving their food. * 'Arab must not ask for money, wheat, blankets, or another things. * When the monks are walking to the vineyard and for their own sake, 'arab must not disturb them. The shaykh takes one camel from the man

Vol. XXVII 1991 65 who breakes this rule. * A man who climbed the fence of the vineyard and jumped into it, or entered it without permission of the monks, must pay one camel for the shaykh. There are not al-ghafirs in the vineyard of the Monastery like a vineyard of 'arab. * When the monks are going to pick up dates, 'urban must not follow them without permission. 'Urban must not force to go to the vineyards and other places with monks saying "I'll guard you.". The man who broke this rule must pay one camel to the shaykh. * They must not leave any goods with the monks without permission. * Except when the monks wanted to go with 'urban, they must not go to Cairo and Tur from the Monastery with the monks. * When 'urban got into trouble before the sight of a farmer, even if he denied it, the witness of the farmer becomes true. * When an 'arab visited the mountain (Mt. Sinai) with his wife, no more than half qadah of (wheat) and salt are given. They must not demand food and bread from the Monastery. * As to the man who got into trouble, if he had done that before, the shaykh can take double fines (jarima) for this time and the last. * Even if there was a man among the 'urban who got into trouble and was arrested and was put into the prison in Cairo and died there, the monks are guiltless about that, so the cause cannot be pursued. * If the head of the monks (ra'is al-ruhban) came to the Monastery, any 'urban must not disturb him, and must not ask for any goods. If they showed hostility, they must pay one camel for the shaykh. * If the man among the 'urban who did wrong stole in the vienyard at night and escaped, in case there is no witness, he must swear by putting his five fingers on the Qur'an and his tribe must support him. * The 'urban who transport wheat, flour, and so on to the Monastery, can enter the Monastery only up to the gate. If something was lost there, they must pay one camel to the shaykh. * If the man belonging to Awlad Sa'id did something unfair, and didn't atone for it, Fari' must take responsibility. If the man belonging to Fari' also did something unfair and didn't atone for it, they must take respon- sibility on themselves.

……

66 ORIENT A NOTE ON NOMADS IN SOUTHERN SINAI

* When the monks transport wheat, barley, dry fish, the representative of monks chooses persons among the ', and do it with them. But no one must disturb them until their loads arrive at the Monastery or Mt. Sinai. * As a protective fee for al-Sawaliha, al-'Awarima, the monks must pay 80 Egyptian silver coins and local materials for four clothes instead of two clothes made of Nabulus material at the end of every year. Also, as the protective fee for al-'Urayqat, they must pay 80 silver coins and materials of good quality for clothes. And for Awlad Sa'id, they must pay 80 silver coins and material for four clothes. Those are divided among the Awlad Sa'id every year. They must lay the guard of the Monastery and the protection of the monks on themselves, and must overpower the men who did wrong or disturbed the monks. * They must not demand the food for their horses and camels from the monks. And the monks have no obligations except giving one qadah of (wheat) and salt to each gathering 'urban. By concluding these agreements, they must not oppose this treaty and the former one. The things expressed in this treaty became their rights and obligations. Then the guards of the donkeys of the Monastery (ghafir hamir al-dayr) are attended to this treaty. They are Hasb al-Nabi b. Ahmad and his friend Hamad b. Sa'id. They are sons of the moderate shaykh 'Abd al- 'Aziz, choosen under the shaykh Khatir. These two agreed, according to the

old custom, to guard (ghifara), and the distribution of food as reward for it was agreed upon by the monks. Those were four half silver coins,(43) and a quarter qadah of wheat for each person. The work of the guard (ghifra) is only supervision of the donkies of the Monastery and the hiring of donkies. They must not go with the monks from Tur to the vineyards and must not follow them except the monks wanted them to. They put a condition on themselves, when they made troubles and mistakes, they must retire from the ghifra. …… In the year 822 A. H., Friday, 4 Muharram.

Case (2)……Treaty between the nomads and the Monastery, No. 187(44) In the age of Markis, the abbot of the Monastery of St. Catherine in the year 866 A. H., was closed for the reason of unfair treatment of the nomads. After that, the abbot Markis and the monks were in agreement. Therefore, they went to the three Bedouin tribes, al-Salihi al-'Arimi,

Vol. XXVII 1991 67 al-Sa'idi, al-'Ulyqat, and made a counsel for the Monastery. Then the monks returned to their Monastery to reopen it in accordance with the old customs continuing from old times. Soon the abbot and the monks de- manded a large caravan. Thereupon the caravan led by a group of nomads mentioned above went to the Monastery. When the caravan arrived at the Monastery safely, the monks entered at first into it, then the 'arabs followed them. Just then, they found that there was no salt nor any other things in the Monastery. Therefore, the 'arabs asked the monks why there was no salt in the Monastery. They answered that the 'arab(45) Bani Wasil had the obligation to bring salt and dry fishes, but they had been increasing the price, and at last didn't bring them. Anyway, as they couldn't be patient without salt, the abbot Markis sent a monk to the monks in Cairo, and in- formed that there was no salt in the Monastery. As soon as the monks in Cairo heard the news, they made preparations and went to the 'urban. Because at that time spring had just begun, it was the season of bersim (Egyptian clover), and all the 'urban were gathering to seek bersim. The monks who went to the 'urban from Cairo included a representative of the abbot Daniyal, priest Zusimas, and Harasimus, monks Akakiyus, Qustandi, Quzma, Jarbi, Arsaniyus, Yuwakim, 'Abd Allah, and al-Yas. When they reached the 'urban, they exchanged greetings with the 'urban, and they said, "Ya, our guards (ghafir), we did the counsel with the 'urban, then we reopened the monastery. As soon as the caravan arrived at the Monastery, the monks and 'urban entered it, and they found there was no salt. Therefore, the abbot sent a letter to Cairo, then sent us to you, and wanted to inform the news to you." Then the gathering 'urban said, "Ya, monks, welcome. Before your arriving, the news reached us. We know that the 'arab Bani Wasil has the obligation to carry salt and dry fishes. If anyone belonging to Bani Wasil does not obey this matter, we will oppose them." And this matter was decided by al-fatiha (the first sura). The names of the 'arabs who gathered for this decision are as follows. Nahid b. Musa and 'Isa b. Sharbak from Bani Sulayman, Nabiq b. Ziyada 'Ulayqi of the Bedouin and Mufarrij b. 'Awad b. Salma from Awlad ' al-'Awarima, 'Umar b. 'Abd Allah and Qatifa Ariq b. Sultan from Awlad Sa'id, b. Sa'id from al-Huraysi, the Bedouin Ahmad b. Ghadanfir b. 'Umar Aliqi, Ahmad b. Hamid b. Mahfud from al-'Awarima, Salim b. Sa'id b. Hamad 'Aliqi and the Bedouin Hassan b. Muhassan, Kulayb b. Awlad b. Muslim

68 ORIENT A NOTE ON NOMADS IN SOUTHERN SINAI from al-'Arimi and 'Ubaid b. 'Ali b. Shahin and Muslim b. Saqr b. Ramadan from al-'Arimi, Badr b. Nasr b. Hamad from Awlad Rahma, the Bedouin Ahmad b. Hamid 'Ulayqi, Khalil b. Salim, Khalid b. Saqr Muhammad b. 'Abd Allah Barghishi, 'Abd Allah from Bani Sulayman, the Bedouin Shatwi b. Hurmas, and many other 'arabs. They gathered together, and all of them witnessed that the Bani Wasil have the obligation to carry salt and dry fishes, but have no other obligation. They also confirmed that the Bani Wasil carry these things to the Monasetry, eat lunch, and take money, and then have to go back their places. Then, the gathering 'urban read the fatiha of the Qur'an three times and decided about the Bani Wasil. Therefore, the 'urban said to us, "Ya monks, please go back safely to the Monastery. And write letters to abbot Markis not to worry about this matter, and that from now on it is no longer your matter, it has become our responsibility for the sake of the Monastery which has given passersby facilities and given the poors food and clothes. After your going back, in the presence of the faqih, we sent the letter to the Bani Wasil about the matter agreed upon between the monks and us. If they don't obey it, we know how we make them obey. We will write a letter to the ghafirs of the Monastery staying at Tur and Wadi Faran, namely Mansur b. Muhammad of 'Arimi, Hasan b. Sulayman of al-Sa'idi, 'Arim b. Mubalak of al-'Ulayqat about this matter. Soon you will know what will happen among the Bani Wasil. We know by the decree from Sultan al-Zahir that all of Wadi Faran originally belonged to the Monastery, and its date palms and farms all to the Monastery, also Dahab and its town, and from al-Maqafis to al-Shurum all belongs to the Monastery. We hope that good news will reach you. We witnessed as described above that the Bani Wasil have the obliga- tion to carry salt and dry fishes. We had heard it from our elders. If they didn't obey this, it would be our responsibility, so please don't worry about this matter. We don't think that the Bani Wasil will disobey our letter. (Backside of the paper) We know the Bani Wasil are staying at al-Tur. Although, al-Salihi, Awlad Sa'id, al-'Ulayqat, Hadra, al-Nufay'at, al-Tarabin, Tamim, al-Tibba have the obligation to carry grains, beans, harvested grains of al-amir hajj. But you bring salt and dry fishes and service to the monastery. You don't have the obligation to carry grains and harvested grains of al-amir hajj, so

Vol. XXVII 1991 69 you must remember the service for the Monastery and carry salt and dry fishes. All things depend on the rights as they were before.

Notes

(1) Douglas L. Johnson, The nature of nomadism, Department of Geography Research Paper N. 118, 1969, University of Chicago. Emanuel Marx, The tribe as a unit of subsistence: Nomadic pastoralism in the Middle East, American Anthropologist, vol. 79, No. 2, 1977. Cynthia Nelson, The desert and the sown, Berlekey, CA., 1973. (2) Clinton Bailey, Dating the arrival of the Bedouin tribes in Sinai and the Negev, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, vol. XXVIII, 1985. (3) Frank H. Stewart, Notes on the arrival of the Bedouin tribes in Sinai, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, vol. XXXIV, 1991. (4) Aziz Suryal Atiya, The Arabic Manuscripts of Mount Sinai, Baltimore, 1955. (5) Douglas L. Johnson, op. cit. (6) Jean-Luc Krawczyk, Pastoral nomads as primary historical actors: The case of eleventh century Syria, Ph. D. thesis presented to the University of Calfornia, 1987. (7) Douglas L. Johnson, op. cit., p. 11. (8) M. Rowton, Enclosed nomadism, JESHO, vol. XVII-1, 1974, p. 1. (9) ibid. p. 2. (10) Tsugitaka Sato, State and society in medieval (in Japanese), Tokyo, 1986, p. 272. (11) ibid., p. 272. (12) ibid., p. 272. (13) J. L. Burckhart, Travels in Syria and Holy Land, London, 1822, pp. 554-561. (14) Clinton Bailey, op. cit., p. 22. (15) ibid., p. 22. (16) F. H. Stewart, Bedouin Boundaries in Central Sinai and Southern Negev, Wiesbaden, 1986, p. 1. (17) Atya classified as "Codex" in his handlist. These are manuscripts about agree- ments between the Monastery and the nomads. (18) Codex 688, f. 38. (19) Jean-Luc Krawczyk, op. cit., p. 90. (20) ghafir is from an Egyptian dialect. It is khafir in literary Arabic. (21) Codex 688, f. 38. (22) Douglas L. Johnson, op. cit., pp. 11-12. (23) 24 qirat=1 fiddan, 1 qirat=265m2 (24) Codex 688, f. 38. (25) Tsugitaka Sato, op. cit., pp. 40-41. (26) Codex 688, f. 38. Nothing was collected form the passersby going in the direction of Cairo. As for tihwa wahida, it is supposed that it means some sort of food judging from the meaning of these words. (27) Codex 688, f. 38, Case (1), Case (2). (28) Tsugitaka Sato, op. cit., p. 163. (29) al-Qalqashandi, Subh al-A'sha fi Sina'a al-Insha, al-Qahira. 1963, vol. IV, pp. 26-28.

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(30) Tsugitaka Sato, op. cit., p. 163. H. Rabi', al-Nuzm al-Maliya fi Misr Zaman al-Ayyubin, al-Qahira, 1964. (31) "Marsum" is also a classification in Atya's handlist. These are documents issued by authorities of the state. (32) Marsum No. 11. (33) Marsum No. 17. (34) Marsum No. 58, 67. (35) G. Baer, Village and city in Egypt and Syria: 1500-1914, in "The Islamic Middle East, 700-1900: Studies in economic and social history," ed. by A. I. Udovitch, Priceton, 1981, pp. 595-652. (36) "ada", in Encyclopaedia of Islam, new edition. (37) I transrate shaykh al-'arab as shaykh, but he is the chief of each tribe. (38) If I add one word about the difference between 'urban and 'arab, both words are used with the meaning of nomad, however 'urban is used as a collective noun about nomad and nomadic tribes, and 'arab is used as a word indicating a normadic group consisting of each nomadic person. (39) The hierarchy of members of the monastery is as follows. ra'is al-dayr (abbot), ra'is al-usquf (archbishop), usquf (bishop), aqlum (priest), rahib (monk). (40) See note (20). (41) This part is not clear. It is impossible to read. (42) One qadah is 0.48 litres. (43) On the nisf fidda (half of silver coin), the silver coin in common use during the Mamluk period in Egypt was called nisf fidda colloquially. See Stanford J. Shaw, The financial and administrative Organization and development of Ottman Egypt 1517- 1798, Princeton, 1962, p. 65.

(44) This document is 32cm×22.5cm. Judging from the contents, it is considerd that it was recorded by a monk. On this document, see Q. A. Qasim, Ahl al-zimma fi Mist al-'usur al-wusta, al-Qahira, 1979, pp. 201-204. (45) An 'arab ascribed the word Bedouin is probably a pure pastoral nomad. And other 'arabs are semi-nomads.

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