Hope in the Lord: Introduction to 1-2 Thessalonians1 John B. Polhill

John B. Polhill is the James Introduction We have two accounts of Paul’s found- Buchanan Harrison Professor of New Paul’s Thessalonian epistles both deal at ing of the Christian community at Testament Interpretation at The South- length with questions related to the Thessalonica. The first is Luke’s account ern Baptist Theological Seminary. Dr. Parousia (Second Coming) of Christ. The in Acts 17:1-9. Acts 17:10-15 tells of the Polhill has taught at Southern since Thessalonians seem to have had serious work at Berea, and Acts 17:16 of Paul’s 1969. He has written numerous articles questions in this area. The two letters look arrival in Athens. The same period of mis- and a widely acclaimed commentary on at Jesus’ return from very different per- sionary activity is covered by Paul’s own Acts in the New American Commen- spectives. 1 Thessalonians is quite pasto- account in 1 Thessalonians 1-3. The Lukan tary. The article printed here is from his ral. In the letter Paul sought to comfort and Pauline versions are quite distinct. most recent book titled Paul: The Man and assure the Thessalonians about Jesus’ They supplement one another and will be and His Letters (Broadman). coming. In 2 Thessalonians he was less examined separately. patient. Some were spreading the false word to the church that the day of the Thessalonica (Acts 17:1) Lord had already occurred, and Paul After leaving Philippi, Paul, Silas, and addressed the problem more forcefully. Timothy proceeded along the Egnatian The Thessalonian epistles are the earli- Way toward Thessalonica. A journey of est extant Pauline epistles. Paul estab- approximately 100 Roman miles, it took lished the Thessalonian church during his them through the towns of Amphipolis second mission, after leaving Philippi. The (32 miles from Philippi) and Apollonia (31 time was around A. D. 50. The two epistles miles from Amphipolis, 38 miles from were written in close proximity to the Thessalonica). Amphipolis was a large founding of the church, perhaps within town. In previous years it was the capital six months from Paul’s departure from the of the first division of Macedonia. But, city. The two seem to have been written Paul did not stop to witness there. He close together. They are strikingly similar headed for Thessalonica. With a popula- in both language and content. tion of 65,000 to 100,000, it was the largest The first part of this essay will exam- city of Macedonia.2 ine Paul’s establishment of the work in Thessalonica was an important com- Thessalonica and the period of his minis- mercial center located on major land and try immediately following, including his sea routes. The Egnatian Way ran through work in nearby Berea and his flight to the center of town. The city grew up Athens. It is possible that Paul wrote his around the best natural harbor in first Thessalonian letter from Athens. The Macedonia. The ancient town of Therme remainder of the essay will introduce the had been located there. In 315 B.C., Thessalonian correspondence. Cassander, one of Alexander’s generals, who succeeded him as king of Macedonia, Establishment of the Church organized Therme and a number of sur- at Thessalonica rounding towns into his new capital. He 22 renamed his new capital Thessalonica for reflected in the names of the local officials his wife, who was also Alexander’s half- whom Luke mentioned in Acts 17:6, 8. He sister. In the second century B.C., called them politarchs (NIV, “city offi- Macedonia allied against Rome and was cials”), a local term that only seems to defeated at the battle of Pydna (168 B.C.). have been used in Macedonia. The name The victorious Roman general Aemilius has been found on some 70 inscriptions Paullus organized all of Macedonia into in Macedonia, 28 of them from Thessa- four administrative districts with Thessa- lonica alone. The number of politarchs at lonica as capital of the second. In 146 B.C. any one time seems to have varied, but Macedonia was made a Roman senatorial Thessalonica appears to have had 5 in province with Thessalonica as capital. The Paul’s day. They were the main public city befriended Julius Caesar and subse- officials, responsible for maintaining quently Octavian and Antony at the time records, keeping the peace, convening the of the republican war. It was rewarded for town council, and maintaining good rela- its loyalty in 42 B.C. by being granted the tions with the Roman provincial officials.4 status of a free city, a status that was re- confirmed by Octavian in 31 B.C. In A.D. Paul’s Relationship with the 15 Octavian (now “Augustus”) removed Thessalonians According to Macedonia from senatorial provincial sta- Acts 17:2-16 tus and placed it directly under his own Establishing the Church (17:2-4). rule (imperial provincial status) because Upon arriving in Thessalonica, Paul of Macedonian unrest over the heavy pro- preached in the synagogue, as was his vincial taxes. (Unlike senatorial provinces, custom. For three sabbaths he “reasoned” imperial provinces were under the direct with them from the Old Testament scrip- control of the emperor and had one or tures, seeking to demonstrate that Jesus more legions stationed within them.) In was the expected Messiah. Luke gives no A.D. 44 the emperor Claudius removed details, but probably Paul employed such the legions, returning Macedonia to its texts as those used by Peter in his sermon former senatorial provincial status. at Pentecost (Acts 2:16-35), by himself at The significance of all this is that Pisidian Antioch (Acts 13:16-41), and per- Thessalonica’s fortunes were very closely haps the Servant passages which Philip tied to Rome. From the time of Augustus, shared with the Ethiopian eunuch (Acts a temple had been established there to 8:30-35). As was generally the case, the venerate Julius Caesar. By Paul’s day a members of the synagogue eventually cult had been established in Thessalonica turned on Paul, but not before he had for the worship of the goddess Roma.3 made many converts. Three categories of Thessalonica was never made a Roman converts are mentioned: “some” Jews, “a colony but remained a free Greek city. This number” of God-fearing Greeks, and a siz- meant that the local Greeks maintained able number of prominent Greek women their own legislative and governing pre- (v. 4). Many such Gentile women, like rogatives, were exempt from the provin- Lydia, seem to have been attracted to the cial taxes, had their own rights of coinage, Diaspora synagogues. and had no Roman troops within their The breach with the synagogue is indi- borders. The city’s Greek government is cated in Acts 17:5-9 by the account of the 23 Jews stirring up a mob against Paul. The the person of the emperor. Everyone was separation probably occurred a consider- expected to take an oath of loyalty to the able time before the mob incident. Luke’s emperor. When viewed superficially, the reference to three sabbaths (17:2) most Christian message about Christ the King likely refers to Paul’s initial period of wit- could be seen as seditious; it had been so ness in Thessalonica, which occurred in taken in the case of Jesus (cf. John 19:12). the synagogue. Paul must have continued The politarchs of Thessalonica found on in Thessalonica for some time after themselves much in the situation of Pilate separating from the synagogue. An exten- with Jesus. On the one hand, the charges sive period of ministry in Thessalonica is were unsubstantiated. On the other, there indicated by the Philippians sending him was an angry mob and a politically sensi- aid there “again and again” (Phil 4:16) and tive accusation. They arrived at a solution by his having to support himself in that they probably viewed as a reasonable Thessalonica with his own hands (1 Thess compromise. No one suffered any physi- 2:9, 2 Thess 3:8). cal harm and the peace was preserved.

The Mob (17:5-6a). Jason (v. 9). Eventually the Jewish opposition did The politarchs had Jason “post bond” force Paul to leave Thessalonica, a pattern and then dismissed the Christians. Luke all too familiar from Paul’s first mission- did not specify the terms of the bond. The ary journey. This time the Jews did not act larger narrative would suggest that Jason alone. They incited the Gentile population was asked to guarantee that there would against the Christians. Specifically, they be no further disturbances to the peace. It enlisted some “rabble from the market- may have specified that Paul and Silas place.” This riffraff succeeded in provok- were to leave the city. Jason’s role in the ing a full-scale riot. The mob rushed to the incident is significant. He seems to have house of a certain Jason, who was evi- been a Christian of considerable social dently a Christian with whom Paul and standing and the church apparently met Silas had been staying. Not finding the in his house. He was its patron. It is pos- missionaries, they dragged Jason and sible that his house was an urban insula, some of his fellow Christians off to the an apartment with a workshop on the politarchs. ground floor and living quarters in the upper floors. If so, Paul may have worked The Charges (17:6b-8). in Jason’s workshop and slept in his Much as at Philippi, there were mul- living quarters above.5 It would have tiple charges, but only one that would been the location for Christian assemb- have raised the alarm of the magistrates. ling and witness after the expulsion from This was the charge that the Christians the synagogue. were “defying Caesar’s decrees” by pro- claiming that there was another king. Ministry in Berea (17:10-16). Roman emperors were very nervous The Thessalonian Christians sent Paul about their job security. Both Tiberius and and Silas out of the city under cover of Augustus issued decrees against persons night, evidently because they were still who made any predictions pertaining to being sought by their persecutors. We are 24 not told of Timothy’s whereabouts at the to join him there as soon as possible time. He was later present with Paul and (vv. 15-16). It is unclear why they did not Silas in Berea (v. 14). Berea was southwest accompany him to Athens. They may of Thessalonica about 50 miles. It was not have been working elsewhere in the located on the Egnatian Way but some- vicinity when the mob arose and forced what off the beaten path at the foot of Paul’s hasty departure from Berea. Mt. Bermion in the Olympian mountain range. In the second century B.C. it had Paul’s Relationship to Thessalonica been capital of one of the four divisions According to 1 Thessalonians 1-3 of Macedonia and was still a sizable city Half of 1 Thessalonians is devoted to in Paul’s day. Paul’s relationship with the church (chap- At Berea Paul continued his procedure ters 1-3). Paul reminded the Thessalonians of preaching first in the synagogues. Luke of his coming to them and establishing the provides no time references; so it is not church (1:4-2:16). He also told them of his clear how long Paul spent in the city. The worry about them after his departure and Jews of Berea are described as being “more of the events leading up to the writing of noble” (“refined”) than those of Thessa- the epistle (2:17-3:10). There are significant lonica. Not just on sabbaths, but daily they differences between Paul’s account in 1 joined Paul in study of the scriptures to Thessalonians 1-3 and Luke’s account in confirm the truth of his claim that Jesus Acts 17:1-16. Some would see them as was the Messiah. The same three groups irreconcilable contradictions. We would responded as at Thessalonica (v. 12, cf. v. maintain that the two accounts are com- 4), only this time “many” of the Jews came plementary rather than contradictory. to faith in Christ. Paul’s ministry in Berea was curtailed Paul’s First Preaching (1:4-2:16). by the coming of Jews from Thessalonica. Paul reminds the Thessalonians of how As at Thessalonica, they stirred up the he came to them after being insulted and “crowds” against the Christian mission- made to suffer at Philippi (2:1-2, cf. Acts aries. Nothing is said about the involve- 16:16-24). He spoke of how he came with ment of the Berean Jews. It seems that the deep conviction and in the demonstrable “crowds” were the Gentile populace. The power of the Holy Spirit (1:5; cf. 1 Cor 2:4, picture is thus very much like that of Gal 3:3). In 1:9-10 Paul summarized his Thessalonica; the Jews as the instigators, initial preaching at Thessalonica. It is clear the Gentile populace as the bulk of the from 1 Thessalonians that the church con- mob. The text of Acts 17:14 is somewhat sisted mainly of Gentiles. Paul’s first uncertain, and the meaning of the best preaching to them is an example of his reading is unclear. It says that Paul went gospel for Gentiles. They were called as far as the coast. This could mean either upon to turn from dead idols to the one that he went to Athens by sea or along the true and living God.6 They were informed coastal land route. Whichever means of of the resurrection of Christ, of the travel he took, he arrived there alone, hav- Parousia hope, and of the coming judg- ing left Timothy and Silas behind in Berea ment. In verse 10, Paul mentioned Christ’s (v. 14). At Athens Paul sent instructions Parousia for the first time in the epistle. It back to Timothy and Silas that they were continues to have a prominent place 25 throughout the entire letter (cf. 2:19, 3:13, At 2:17-20 Paul shifts from the events 4:13, 5:2, 5:23). of his founding visit to his concern for the In 1 Thessalonians 2:3-12 Paul reminds Thessalonians after being forced to leave the Thessalonians of how he sought to them. He states that he attempted “time model selfless ministry and genuine pas- and again” to come see them, but “Satan” toral concern when he was with them. His always hindered him. One wonders what motives were pure. He did not seek to Paul meant by this Satanic hindrance. In please people; he did not flatter; he early Christianity “Satan” was sometimes showed no greed. He provided gentle, employed as deliberately veiled language loving care for the Thessalonians, like a for Rome. One wonders if the charge of nurse cooing over her children (2:7). Paul sedition and Jason’s bond may not continues his family metaphors in verses have formed the Satanic barrier to Paul’s 11-12, where he speaks of how he had also returning to Thessalonica. been a father to them, instructing them in In 3:1-5 Paul continues to inform the the Christian life through words of com- Thessalonians of his intense desire to see fort and encouragement. He did not want them. He was worried about them, espe- to be a burden to them; so he supported cially about how they were bearing up himself with his own manual labor (2:9, under the persecutions they were bound cf. 2 Thess 3:8). to be experiencing. He tells of how he sent Paul’s ministry in Thessalonica was not Timothy as his personal envoy, to make easy. He experienced strong opposition up for his absence, to bring him back a (2:2). The Thessalonians likewise had personal report about his beloved come to share in these same sufferings Thessalonians. The sending of Timothy is (1:6, 2:14-16). Just who the persecutors perhaps the most serious of the supposed were is unclear from Paul’s comments. He conflicts between Acts and Thessalonians. described them as “your own country- It will be remembered that Acts left Timo- men” and likened them to the Jews of thy and Silas in Berea when Paul went to Judaea who persecuted the churches there Athens (17:14-16). Acts does not mention (2:14). “Your own countrymen” seems to the pair rejoining Paul until Paul’s arrival be more a political than a racial designa- in Corinth (18:5). But, in 1 Thessalonians tion and could embrace both Jews and 3:1-2, Paul stated that he sent Timothy from Gentiles, as in Acts 17:5-9. In any event, Athens. The accounts are not irreconcil- the Thessalonian endurance in the face of able. Timothy’s travels may have been persecution was well known and served more extensive than either Acts or 1 as an example for Christians throughout Thessalonians indicate. The two together Macedonia and Achaia (1:7). They were may furnish the whole picture. more than an example, however. Paul First Thessalonians 3:6-10 rounds out indicates that they had become active Paul’s recapitulation of the events that participants in the Christian mission preceded his writing of the epistle. Timo- themselves (1:8, cf. 4:10). thy came back from Thessalonica with good news: the Thessalonians were still Paul’s Relationship with the faithful to Paul and firm in the faith. Over- Thessalonians After Leaving Them come with relief and joy, Paul wrote 1 (2:17-3:10). Thessalonians. He was perhaps still in 26 Athens when he sent off the epistle, quite Those tempted to idleness (2 Thess 3:11) possibly again through the agency of Timo- may have come from the ranks of the thy. The first three chapters of 1 latter.7 Thessalonians fit the genre of a “friend- The Thessalonians probably experi- ship” letter. What Paul could not express enced considerable social disruption in personal presence he attempted through when they were converted. They needed his letter. His strongest desire, of course, to be integrated into a new community. was to see them in person, and that request This would explain Paul’s extensive use became the opening petition of a prayer for of “family” language in 1 Thessalonians. the Thessalonians as he concluded this The word “brother” occurs 18 times in the personal portion of the epistle (3:11). letter, proportionately the heaviest density for any Pauline epistle. Paul described Introduction to the himself with a striking variety of family Thessalonian Letters terms. He depicted himself as being gentle Several issues have occupied the atten- like a nurse (2:7); he encouraged them like tion of recent research in the Thessalonian a father (2:11). They were his children (2:7, epistles. A matter of particular promi- 11). Separation from them was like being nence has been the situation of the orphaned (NIV, “torn away,” 2:17). 1 church—its racial and social composition, Thessalonians is permeated with the lan- its religious background, and the nature guage of encouragement and comfort, of the persecution it faced. Also much dis- even in the hortatory sections of the epistle cussed is the integrity of the two letters, (cf. 4:18, 5:11). It is in every respect a pas- especially whether 1 Thessalonians 2:13- toral epistle through which Paul sought 16 might be an interpolation. Closely to integrate the Thessalonians into their related is the debate over the authenticity new Christian family.8 of 2 Thessalonians and the occasion for The need for pastoral care was the more that epistle. A final area of research has urgent because the Thessalonians were been the genre of the epistles. facing intense persecution (1 Thess 1:6, 2:14, 3:3-4; 2 Thess 1:4-6). The nature of Social Composition of the Church the persecution is debated. The account The Thessalonian church seems to have in Acts indicates that Paul’s persecution been primarily Gentile in composition. in Thessalonica was at the hands of a This is indicated by Paul’s summary of his Gentile mob that had been incited by initial preaching in 1 Thessalonians 1:9- Jews (Acts 17:5-9). First Thessalonians 10, which is aimed at Gentiles, urging seems to point to the local Gentiles as the them to abandon their idols and embrace main persecutors of the Thessalonians, es- the one true God. Likewise, the emphasis pecially 2:14, which speaks of “your own on sexual purity would point toward countrymen.” The “countrymen” may those with a pagan background (4:3-8). have included Jews, as is possibly indi- The church seems to have been somewhat cated by the strong anti-Jewish polemic mixed socially, having wealthier members that follows in 2:15-16. like Jason and the noble women (Acts What was the basis of the persecution? 17:4) together with a significant number Robert Jewett suggests that it might be from the working class and urban poor. linked to the ancient Thessalonian cult of 27 the Cabiri. A local religion that venerated duction of an epistle at 2:13. According to a slain hero, it was historically associated this view, 1 Thessalonians 2:13-4:1(2) is a with the working classes. Its symbol, for fragment of a separate letter inserted into instance, was a hammer. In the first cen- 1 Thessalonians. The fragment deals pri- tury the Cabirus cult was appropriated by marily with Paul’s relief over the good the aristocracy and made into an official report brought by Timothy. It is usually civil religion. This left the working class seen as written after the remainder of 1 feeling abandoned. The resulting vacuum Thessalonians.11 made Christianity particularly attractive Most interpreters maintain the integ- to them. The eschatological aspect of the rity of 1 Thessalonians. A significant num- Christian message was especially appeal- ber, however, argue that 1 Thessalonians ing with its promise of social redress. In 2:13-16 is an interpolation. This is based Jewett’s view, this “millenarian” aspect of primarily on its strong polemic against Thessalonian Christianity was seen as the Jews, which is viewed as being revolutionary by the authorities and pro- unlikely for Paul, who never gave up on voked the persecution.9 One does not his fellow Jews (cf. Romans 9-11).12 On the need to postulate a millenarian move- other hand, one must remember that Jews ment to account for the persecution of incited the mob at Thessalonica and the Thessalonian Christians. The local “drove [Paul] out” (v. 15; cf. Acts 17:5-9). emperor cult would itself have furnished Also, 1 Thessalonians 2:14-16 is not sufficient basis for the persecution of the directed against Jews in general but Christians. Thessalonica prided itself on against the Jewish persecutors of the its close relationship with Rome.10 The Christians.13 cult of Caesar was initiated there very Very few scholars argue against the early, during the time of Augustus. There integrity of 2 Thessalonians. One of the are Thessalonian coins from that period few who has is Walter Schmithals, who which depict Julius Ceasar, designating argued that our present two Thessalonian him as divus (“divine”). The Acts account letters are a composite of four originally may actually mute the seriousness with separate letters. In his view, Paul’s first which the Thessalonian politarchs took letter to Thessalonica consisted of 2 the Christian threat to their Roman con- Thessalonians 1:1-12 + 3:6-16 and was pri- nections. The local persecution made marily a warning against false teachers Paul’s pastoral care to the new Christian and idleness. It was followed by a second family all the more urgent. letter in which Paul had to defend him- self against Gnostics in the church (1 Thess Integrity of the Epistles 1:1-2:12 + 4:2-5:28). In a third letter, Paul A scholarly minority have argued that countered the Gnostic claim that the day the present form of 1 Thessalonians is a of the Lord had arrived (2 Thess 2:13-14 + composite of two letters. This is usually 2:1-12 + 2:15-3:3). A fourth and final letter based on the observation that the epistle expressed Paul’s relief that the situation has a second thanksgiving at 1 Thessa- had been resolved (1 Thess 2:13-4:1). lonians 2:13. It is argued that thanks- Schmithals based his reconstruction on the givings occur normally at the beginning assumption that Paul was contending of Paul’s letters, thus indicating the intro- with Gnostics at Thessalonica.14 Hardly 28 anyone has been convinced that Paul perhaps an early form of Gnosticism. fought Gnostics in 1 Thessalonians, Finally, it is argued that the writer of 2 although a number who deny the Pauline Thessalonians does not “encourage;” authorship of 2 Thessalonians would see rather, he “commands” (3:6, 10, 12). The Gnosticism as the target of that epistle. pastoral Paul of 1 Thessalonians has given way to the authoritarian voice of his 2 Authorship of 2 Thessalonians Thessalonian imitator.15 A number of contemporary scholars In support of Pauline authorship it is argue that 2 Thessalonians was not writ- argued that the language and style of the ten by Paul. Generally it is argued that a letter are thoroughly Pauline, even in the disciple of Paul wrote the letter in the lat- two-thirds of 2 Thessalonians that does ter part of the first century during a time not parallel the first epistle. The similari- when Christians were experiencing severe ties are easily accounted for if Paul wrote persecution. Arguments against Pauline the two in close proximity.16 The patristic authorship of 2 Thessalonians run along evidence unanimously favors Pauline several lines. First, the close similarity authorship; no early canonical list of between 1 and 2 Thessalonians is noted. Paul’s epistles omits 2 Thessalonians or Fully a third of the actual phraseology of questions Paul’s having written it. Per- 2 Thessalonians is paralleled in 1 Thessa- haps the key issue is the occasion for the lonians. Even unusual structural details epistle, especially the controversial are identical, such as the occurrence of a eschatological section (2:1-12). When the second thanksgiving (1 Thess 2:13, 2 Thess later church fought eschatological enthu- 2:13). This is seen to be slavish imitation siasm or Gnosticism, it never seems to by a later writer. It is also noted that the have incorporated the sort of apocalyptic two epistles deal with the same themes— schematic that one finds in these verses. persecution, the Parousia of Christ, and They are more easily accounted for on the the problem of idleness. Yet, they deal assumption of Pauline authorship than with these themes in different ways. First otherwise. Thessalonians encourages hope in the Lord’s return; 2 Thessalonians stresses the The Occasion for the Epistles delay of the Parousia. The tone of 1 Thessa- The occasion for 1 Thessalonians has lonians is warm and pastoral; 2 Thessa- already been treated for the most part lonians is harsh and judgmental. Second under the earlier discussion of 1 Thessa- Thessalonians 2:1-2 and 3:17 deal with the lonians 1-3. Paul sent Timothy from Ath- issue of forgeries. This is seen as a “diver- ens as his personal envoy to Thessalonica. sionary tactic” on the part of the imitator. Timothy had returned to Paul, perhaps It is also argued that the emphasis on still at Athens, with a good report about holding to the teachings that have been the loyalty and steadfastness of the passed down is more indicative of the Thessalonians (3:1-10). Joyful at the good sense of tradition of a later age than of news, Paul wrote 1 Thessalonians, prob- Paul (2:15, 3:6). Some would argue that the ably sending it back by Timothy. Timothy problems of a realized eschatology (2:1-2) brought him fresh news about the situa- and of disorder in the church (3:6-15) tion in the church. The church was still reflect the problems of the later church, experiencing persecution, and Paul 29 sought to encourage and fortify them. On this theory, they would have been Also, Timothy may have reported about written at the same time, with 2 Thessa- problems within the fellowship of a sexual lonians going to another Christian group nature, and Paul addressed that issue as than the main Thessalonian congrega- well (4:3-8). It is possible that the Thessa- tion—to a Jewish minority at Thessalonica lonians had sent Paul a letter by way of (Harnack), or to the church of Berea Timothy. In three places (4:9, 4:13, 5:1) (Goguel), or to Philippi (E. Schweizer).18 Paul used a set phrase “now concerning” There is no canonical reason why 2 (Greek, peri de) which may indicate points Thessalonians could not have been the at which he was picking up questions they earlier epistle. Writings were arranged in had raised. Two of the questions con- the canon according to length and not cerned the return of Christ (4:13, 5:1). Evi- according to chronological considerations. dently, some members of the congregation There are, however, good reasons for see- had died, and there was concern about ing 2 Thessalonians as coming after 1 Thes- their involvement in the Lord’s return. salonians. Second Thessalonians 2:15 Paul dealt with the issue at some length, refers to a letter Paul had previously writ- assuring them that the dead and the liv- ten the Thessalonians. The most natural ing would both participate fully in the assumption is that the letter was 1 Thessa- Parousia and encouraging them to be alert lonians. It is also easier to account for the and prepared for that event (4:13-5:11). austerity, the tone, and the different There is considerably more divergence eschatological emphasis of 2 Thessalon- of opinion about the occasion for 2 ians on the assumption it was subsequent Thessalonians. Even those who believe in to 1 Thessalonians. Paul’s treatment of the Pauline authorship disagree on the reason Parousia in 1 Thessalonians led some in for its composition. A number of scholars the church to conclude that the Parousia maintain that Paul wrote 2 Thessalonians had already come. Along with the escha- before 1 Thessalonians. They base this on tological excitement the tendency several observations. First, it is argued that increased for some to be indolent and gen- the note of persecution is much stronger erally disruptive. The fervor of the apoca- in 2 Thessalonians (cf. 1:4-10) while the lyptic group may have heightened the persecution seems to be past in 1 Thessa- uneasiness of outsiders about the Chris- lonians. Second, it is noted that Paul tians and led to stronger persecution. seemed to be learning about the problems Learning of these new developments, of idleness for the first time in 2 Thessa- Paul, now located in Corinth, wrote 2 lonians 3:11-12, whereas they are not Thessalonians. He assured the suffering treated as something new in 1 Thessa- Thessalonians by reminding them that lonians 5:14. A final argument claims that God would vindicate them over their per- the eschatology in 2 Thessalonians is secutors (1:5-10). He introduced an apoca- closer to Jewish apocalyptic and hence lyptic program about the events of the end more primitive than that of 1 Thessa- time that had not yet occurred in an effort lonians.17 Others would explain the dif- to counter those who argued that it had fering eschatological treatment of the already arrived (2:1-12).19 Realizing the epistles on the basis of Paul’s having writ- severity of the problems created by the ten the two letters to two different groups. indolent and disruptive members, he 30 urged the others to shun them if they Paul sought to teach them by his own per- failed to contribute their fair share (3:6- sonal example. He used the language of 15). It was probably a matter of months, friendship throughout the letter, and even perhaps only weeks after the writing of his exhortations to follow a Christian the first letter, sometime around the end lifestyle were marked by a strong note of of A.D. 50 or beginning of A.D. 51. We do encouragement and consolation. Some not know what effect the letter had on the have noted the setting of the epistle in the Thessalonians. We do know that the community’s experience of being perse- church continued to be supportive of cuted. They would categorize the letter as Paul’s mission. Two Thessalonians accom- one of consolation, with its strong empha- panied Paul to Jerusalem with his later sis on following Paul’s example in remain- collection for the saints, Secundus and ing steadfast through persecution.22 Aristarchus (Acts 20:4). Aristarchus was It is probably wise to avoid rigid cat- with Paul when the apostle departed on egorization of Paul’s epistles. Examination his voyage to Rome to appear before of his letters through the lenses of ancient Caesar (Acts 27:2). rhetorical devices and epistolary conven- tions has helped us focus on them in a new The Genre of the light. Paul adapted his epistles to fit the Thessalonian Epistles specific occasions he was addressing. This Recent literary analyses have looked at was certainly true of both Thessalonian the Thessalonian epistles from two differ- epistles. Both were aimed at formation of ent perspectives with much the same the new Christians, consoling and encour- results. Some have analyzed them by the aging them. Though the tone of the two canons of ancient rhetoric. There is a gen- is quite different, ultimately both were eral consensus that 1 Thessalonians fits the occupied with primarily pastoral concerns. epideictic category of rhetoric with its emphasis on example and praise. Wana- 1 Thessalonians maker outlines the epistle according to the Study Outline of 1 Thessalonians divisions of formal rhetoric, just as Betz I. Opening of the Letter 1:1-10 did for Galatians. In 2 Thessalonians Paul A. Salutation 1:1 made less of an attempt to hold himself B. Thanksgiving 1:2-10 up as an example. He devoted less space II. Paul’s Relationship with the to praise of the Thessalonians, and he was Thessalonians 2:1-3:13 far more directive in seeking to change A. Paul’s Initial Ministry in their behavior. Accordingly, Wanamaker Thessalonica 2:1-16 places 2 Thessalonians in the category of 1. His pastoral care 2:1-12 deliberative rhetoric and outlines it 2. His thanksgiving for their accordingly.20 steadfastness in persecution Others have categorized 1 Thessalon- 2:13-16 ians according to its epistolary genre. B. Paul’s Continuing Concern for the Meeks and Malherbe describe it as a Thessalonians 2:17-3:13 paraenetic letter, a basically hortatory let- 1. His longing to see them 2:17-20 ter which sought to aid the Thessalonians 2. His joy over Timothy’s good in their process of community building.21 report about them 3:1-10 31 3. His prayer for them 3:11-13 “peace.” Paul lists “hope” last in both III. Paul’s Pastoral Advice for the places, probably for emphasis, since the Thessalonians 4:1-5:22 Thessalonian assurance in the Christian A. Purity, Both Sexual and Social 4:1-8 hope was one of the primary concerns B. Living the Quiet Life in Mutual of the letter. In verse 5 Paul speaks of Love 4:9-12 how the Thessalonians had “imitated” C. Taking Comfort in the Coming of him. Serving as a model for the young the Lord 4:13-5:11 Christians is an emphasis Paul continues, 1. Assured about the dead in especially in 2:1-12. The Thessalonians, of Christ 4:13-18 course, imitated Paul in their suffering for 2. Ready for the Lord’s return Christ (vv. 4-6), and Paul will return to that 5:1-11 theme later in the epistle (2:14-16, 3:3-4).24 D. Living in Peace with One Another Likewise, he has occasion to mention 5:12-15 again the Thessalonian participation in the E. Heeding General Admonitions Christian mission in their own province 5:16-22 and throughout the world (vv. 7-8, cf. IV. Conclusion of the Letter 5:23-28 4:10). Finally, in verse 10, as Paul summa- A. Prayer for Blamelessness at rizes his initial preaching to them, he con- Christ’s Coming 5:23-24 cludes with a reference to Christ’s return B. Exchange of Greetings, Reading and the coming judgment, which becomes the Letter 5:25-27 the central emphasis of the entire letter C. Grace Benediction 5:28 (4:13-5:11).

Highlights of 1 Thessalonians Paul’s Initial Ministry in Opening of the Letter (1:1-10) Thessalonica (2:1-16) In both Thessalonian letters Paul listed Paul’s reference to the style of his Silas and Timothy as cosenders. This ministering among the Thessalonians in was appropriate, since both had worked 2:1-12 has often been seen as the apostle’s with Paul when the church was first estab- reply to his critics. For example, Schmi- lished. Timothy had continued to be thals saw Paul responding in these verses Paul’s personal representative with the to charges of his Gnostic opponents that church. Paul usually began his letters with he was weak and lacking in personal pres- the “grace and peace” benediction. In 1 ence. It is more likely that Paul was hold- Thessalonians “peace” also occurs at the ing himself up as an example, urging that end of the letter (5:23), thus bracketing the Thessalonians follow him in their own Paul’s concern throughout the letter for selflessness and devotion to others. Paul’s the peace and consolation of the perse- use of family terms throughout this pas- cuted Christian community.23 sage was also a means of solidifying his As is often the case, Paul’s opening friendship with them. The passage is not a thanksgiving introduces themes that are response to opponents but a good example prominent in the body of the letter. The of epideictic rhetoric.25 Paul was also per- triad of faith, love, and hope (v. 3) occurs haps distancing himself from the type of again toward the letter’s end (5:8), form- popular philosopher of the day who ing a bracket for the entire epistle, just like preyed on the unsuspecting and gullible.26 32 In 2:9 Paul refers to his example of hon- and whatever terms the politarchs had est work. He toiled “night and day” so as laid down in connection with the bond not to burden anyone. His tentmaking paid by Jason. The latter may well have would have been considered demeaning been the “Satanic hindrance” to which to the upper classes in his day. As a Paul was alluding; it may be that he could Roman citizen Paul probably shared more not himself return to Thessalonica. Paul of an upper than lower class perspective knew that the Christians left behind in himself. He probably saw his work as Thessalonica would continue to experi- demeaning (cf. 2 Cor 11:7). But he also ence local hostility. He was concerned for shared the philosopher’s ideal that it was both their safety and their stability in better to earn one’s keep in degrading the faith. He longed to hear from them. work than to be dependent on anyone.27 Unable to go himself, he sent Timothy as He must keep himself free to preach the an extension of himself. Timothy returned gospel with no strings attached (1 Cor to Paul with the best possible news: the 9:15-18). The fact that Paul resorted to self- Thessalonians continued firm in their support at Thessalonica indicates that he commitment to Christ and their devotion spent some time there. It is also quite to Paul. possible that his workshop was a place of witness for him. Philosophers like Paul’s Pastoral Advice: Purity (4:1-8) Socrates were known to have carried on The whole of 1 Thessalonians 4:1-5:22 discussions in the context of the work- is “paraenetic,” that is, advice about the shop. Paul may well have engaged in ac- living of the Christian life. Paraenesis was tive witness as he worked at his tents.28 a traditional form of Greek moral teach- ing and was often quite general in nature. Paul’s Continued Concern for the In 1 Thessalonians Paul’s paraenesis is Thessalonians (2:17-3:13) mostly quite specific, closely related to With the exception of Romans, 1 Thes- actual circumstances in the life of the salonians has the longest section devoted Thessalonian church. The sources for to Paul’s personal affairs of all his Paul’s information were certainly Timo- epistles.29 In the lengthy treatment of his thy and possibly a letter from the Thessa- personal circumstances in Romans 15 Paul lonians. The first two verses of chapter sought to introduce himself to the church. four introduce the whole paraenetic sec- In 1 Thessalonians he was concerned with tion. Note the encouraging pastoral man- strengthening the Thessalonian commit- ner with which Paul broaches the subject. ment to Christ and with solidifying his He reminds them of how he instructed own relationship with them. He sent them in Christian living when with them Timothy as his own personal envoy, an and he commended them for their having extension of himself.30 He wanted to heeded his teachings (4:1-2). return to Thessalonica, but “Satan” had The first subject Paul addresses was hindered him (2:18). The best commentary sexual purity (4:3-8). Pagan and Biblical on this whole section is the account of morality were miles apart in the area of Paul’s forced departure from Thessalonica sexuality, and Paul frequently had to deal in Acts 17:5-9. Paul left Thessalonica with matters of sexual behavior when abruptly because of the threat of the mob addressing Gentile converts. There are 33 several obscurities in the Greek of this with their own hands. No able person was passage, particularly the word translated to be dependent on others. in verse 4 as “body” by the NIV. As the A majority of the Thessalonians may NIV footnote indicates, the word can also have come from the impoverished work- be translated “wife.” The Greek word ing classes. (In 2 Corinthians 8:2, Paul behind these translations literally means spoke of the “extreme poverty” of the “a vessel.” If translated “wife,” it would Macedonians.) During the imperial tie in with the reference to taking advan- period, Rome often provided a grain dole tage of one’s brother in verse 6. The mean- to maintain peace among the masses, and ing would be that one is to honor his own some of the Thessalonians may have once marriage and not covet the wife of his benefited from the Roman welfare system. brother. The more likely meaning of “ves- Very possibly the Thessalonian Christians sel,” however, is “body,” and in particu- lived in a close-knit community. They may lar the male sex organ. Some of the pagan have regularly shared a common table. cults of Thessalonica made extensive use The community may have depended of the phallus in their symbolism. This especially on the largesse of wealthier was true of the Cabirus cult and of the members like Jason. But, such benefactors worship of Dionysus to whom a temple were unable to support the entire commu- was dedicated in Thessalonica.31 Paul nity. They may have been the ones who may have deliberately alluded specifically raised the question with Paul. They to the male member to remind the Thessa- wanted to know the limits of this “broth- lonians that for Christians its proper place erly love.” Paul’s answer is that there is was not in the excesses of the pagan cults no limit to Christian compassion but there but only within the sanctity of a solid is also no place for Christian parasites. Christian marital commitment. Everyone was to bear their own share. His urging them to lead the “quiet life” and Paul’s Pastoral Advice: Living the to “win the respect of outsiders” may Quiet Life (4:9-12) indicate that some of those who were not In verse 9 Paul used the phrase “now doing their fair share had become socially about” (Greek, peri de), which may indi- disruptive in their indolence. Their disor- cate that he was addressing an issue raised derliness may have raised concern in the by the Thessalonians, perhaps through a non-Christian community about whether letter or through Timothy. The question this new group might not be a threat to concerned “brotherly love” and may the peace and security of the city. have specifically applied to the area of financial assistance. Paul spoke of how Paul’s Pastoral Encouragement: they already loved their fellow Christians The Dead in Christ (4:13-18) throughout Macedonia (v. 10). This prob- At 4:13 Paul begins a long treatment of ably referred to monetary support. Paul the return of the Lord, which extends to urged them to continue in this worthy 5:11. Paul dealt with two separate aspects endeavor, but in verses 11-12 he of the Parousia—the place of dead Chris- “adjusted” his advice somewhat. Chris- tians in it (4:13-18), and its timing (5:1-11). tian benevolence did not mean the sup- Paul seems again to be responding to a port of those who were unwilling to work question raised by the Thessalonians: 34 “now concerning (peri de) those who fall Paul begins by assuring the Thessa- asleep.” Apparently there was concern lonians of the reality of the resurrection that those who had died would in some (vv. 13-14). Christians are not hopeless like regard miss out on the Parousia of Jesus. pagans. The resurrection of Christ is the It is not clear what prompted this concern. precursor of the resurrection of those who Scholars differ widely on the question. are in Christ. Paul described the dead as Some have suggested that a group of those who “fall asleep.” This is a euphe- Gnostics or “charismatics” at Thessalonica mism for death and not Paul’s discussion were teaching a thoroughly realized of the condition of believers between eschatology which left no place for a res- death and resurrection.34 Paul does not urrection. This perturbed the Thessalon- discuss that issue here. In verse 16 he ians who had heard Paul speak of the described the dead simply as “the dead resurrection of the dead. Paul thus wrote in Christ.” What did Paul mean when he these words to reassure them of the real- stated that God would “bring with Jesus ity of resurrection.32 The problem with this those who have fallen asleep in him” (v. view is that Paul did not polemicize 14)? Probably he meant the same thing as against a realized eschatology in 1 Thessa- in 2 Corinthians 4:14, where he spoke of lonians. He addressed not an erroneous God raising the dead with Christ and pre- eschatology but a deficient eschatology. senting them in his presence.35 The easiest explanation for the Thessalon- Paul expresses his main concern in ian misunderstanding is that Paul had not verse 15. He assures the Thessalonians dealt with the place of dead Christians that the living will have no precedence when he first preached in Thessalonica. over the dead at the coming of the Lord. Some have argued that Paul was so caught He describes this as a word from the Lord. up in his own expectation of the Lord’s Exactly what he had in mind is uncertain. imminent return that he had not even con- There is no saying in the Gospels to this sidered the possibility that some Chris- effect. Some have argued that Paul is tians might die before the Parousia.33 It is referring to a revelation which he had more likely that Paul had not dealt at any personally received from the risen Lord. length with the issue. He had stressed the It is more likely he was referring to an Lord’s return; he did expect it soon. But actual teaching of Jesus, either one that is some Christians had died after Paul’s lost, or a tradition like John 11:25-26.36 departure, and it raised a real concern In verses 16-17 Paul summarizes the with the Thessalonians about the place of events that would occur at the Parousia. the dead in the events of the end time. Christ would descend from heaven, They may not have questioned the reality accompanied by a “loud command,” “the of an eventual resurrection. They may voice of the archangel,” and “the trumpet simply have worried that those who died call of God.” In apocalyptic literature a might be left out of the immediate events divine command is often associated with surrounding Christ’s return. Paul gave no theophanies and with the coming day of details as to what those events might the Lord. The voice of an archangel like- involve. His concern in 1 Thessalonians was wise is connected to theophanies.37 Paul not to provide instruction in eschatology but does not specify the identity of the arch- comfort for bereaving Christians. angel. Michael has been suggested, the 35 only archangel denoted by name as an Paul’s Pastoral Advice: Ready for archangel in the New Testament (Jude 9). the Lord’s Coming (5:1-11) Trumpets are a major item in apocalyptic If 4:13-18 emphasizes the aspect of literature. One need only recall the seven comfort for the believer in the Lord’s trumpets of Revelation 8-11. At the blast return, 5:1-11 focuses on the aspect of of the seventh trumpet, God sits down on judgment. For Paul Christ’s Parousia and his throne for his eternal reign (Rev 11:15). the day of the Lord were one and the same In 1 Corinthians 15:52 Paul spoke of the event, and a major aspect of the day of blowing of this “last trumpet” as preced- the Lord is the divine judgment of man- ing the resurrection. Here also the dead kind.40 Much like the Old Testament are depicted as rising at the trumpet’s prophets, Paul warns that for those who sound. They rise “first.” Then only do the were unprepared the day of the Lord living rise. Note that Paul included him- would be darkness and not light. Evi- self among the living—“we who are still dently the Thessalonians had inquired alive” (v. 17). He expected the Parousia to about the time of the Parousia. Paul does occur during his own lifetime. Apparently, not provide any time table for them but he saw the dead as being transformed simply repeats what he evidently had when they rise from the grave (cf. 1 Cor already taught them: the Lord’s return 15:51-52). One would assume that the liv- would be sudden and unexpected, like a ing are likewise transformed as they rise thief breaking into a house during the in the clouds to meet the Lord.38 An inter- middle of the night. The image is a famil- esting detail is that the clouds are con- iar one. Jesus used it in his “Parousia nected with the ascent of believers into parables” to warn of the sudden return of heaven rather than with the Lord’s descent. the Master (Luke 12:39, Matt 24:43). The The significant matter is that believers will image became a standard description in meet the Lord in the air “and so will be early Christianity for the unexpectedness with the Lord forever.” Interpreters differ with which the Parousia would take place as to whether the believers should be seen and the need to stay alert (cf. 2 Pet 3:10). as “meeting” the Lord in the air and then Paul has unbelievers in mind when he escorting him to earth, or whether they warns against a false sense of security. are to be seen as joined by the Lord in their Destruction would come suddenly like own ascent into heaven.39 Paul gives no labor pains in childbirth. The language is details. He was not interested in detailing that of the Old Testament prophets. the apocalyptic drama but only in com- Jeremiah admonished Israel about its false forting the Thessalonians. Hence, his last sense of security (Jer 6:14), warning them statement about the Parousia was that all, of the destruction facing them as God both the living and the resurrected, will meted out his judgment. It would be sud- meet the Lord at his coming and would den and painful like a woman in child- “be with him forever.” Paul emphasizes birth (Jer 6:24, cf. Isa 13:8). Jesus used the the assurance of the believer’s eternal same image to depict the “Messianic existence in the presence of the Lord. He woes” of the final times (Mark 13:8, Matt urges the Thessalonians to comfort one 24:8), but in Thessalonians the emphasis another with the same assurance (4:18). is on the suddenness and unexpectedness of the coming judgment. It is much like 36 the parables of Jesus that warn of the need virtues of faith, love, and hope. The triad to be prepared for the master’s return also appears—in the same order—in 1:3. (Luke 12:42-46) and to be watchful while In 3:6 Paul spoke of how Timothy had the bridegroom delays (Matt 25:1-13). One brought him a report on the faith and love wonders if Paul’s warning might have of the Thessalonian Christians. Hope was had a specific group in mind (e.g., the missing. Perhaps it was not omitted by Thessalonians depended on Rome for accident. The Thessalonians were unsure peace and security). In the light of the about some aspects of the Christian hope. coming judgment it was a false security, a Now, having dealt with the Christian hope claim for peace which ultimately was no extensively in the epistle, Paul may have peace at all.41 trusted that their armor was complete In verses 4-8 Paul assured the Thessa- with the full Christian triad. lonians that they need not fear the com- Verses 9-11 are Paul’s final words of ing of the Lord, because they are children encouragement with regard to the Lord’s of the light and not of the darkness. The coming. The Thessalonians were chosen image of the thief at night probably led for salvation (cf. 1:4); they need not fear him to this vivid contrast between those the coming judgment (v. 9). Verses 10 and who belonged to the darkness and those 11 round off Paul’s discussion of the who walked in the light. It was a common Parousia. Verse 10 harks back to the refer- and widespread religious metaphor. For ence to those who are “asleep” in the Lord example, the Essenes of Qumran claimed (4:13) and Paul’s assurance that whether to be the “sons of light,” describing their dead or alive at the Lord’s return, all enemies as “the sons of darkness.” Paul Christians would join him and be with employed a paraenetic complex which he him forever. Verse 11 parallels 4:18: Paul’s used in other places as well. He spoke of purpose had been the same in both sec- belonging to the light (v. 5), staying alert tions of his discussion about the Lord’s and awake (v. 6), avoiding drunkenness return—to encourage the Thessalonians and revelry (v. 7), and putting on the about the Christian hope. The form may armor that befits the children of light (v. have been that of traditional ethical teach- 8). Exactly this same group of motifs ing. The purpose was to comfort and occurs in Romans 13:11-14. The same com- strengthen the Thessalonians. It was a plex is found in Ephesians, where it is fully thoroughly pastoral concern. developed: the children of the light con- trasted with children of darkness (Eph 5:8- Living in Peace with One Another, 13), an appeal to wake from sleep to the General Admonitions, Epistolary light of Christ (Eph 5:14), the need to avoid Conclusion (5:12-28) drunkenness (Eph 5:18), and a call to put The whole section 5:11-15 may relate to on the whole armor of God (Eph 6:10-20). the problem of the “idle” addressed in The image of the divine armor is found in verse 14. The word translated “idle” liter- Isaiah 59:17 and in a more developed form ally means “disorderly” and could refer in the Wisdom of Solomon 5:17-20. Paul to some in the church who, though depen- developed it most fully in Ephesians. In dent on the church, were doing their “own Thessalonians he used the armor imagery thing,” neither following the leadership to emphasize the three essential Christian of the church nor bearing their own share 37 in providing for the church’s common life. Come 2:3-12 The problem seems to have exacerbated C. Thanksgiving for their Election by the time Paul wrote 2 Thessalonians, and Prayer to Stand Firm 2:13-17 and Paul addressed it in more severe D. Prayer for Mutual Empowerment terms there (2 Thess 3:6-15). 3:1-5 Verses 16-22 are the sort of general III. Appeal to Shun the Disorderly 3:6-15 paraenesis one often finds at the end of A. Shun the disorderly 3:6, 3:14-15 Paul’s letters. The assorted sayings were B. Follow Paul’s Example 3:7-9 probably not directed to any specific prob- C. Earn One’s Own Keep 3:10-13 lems in the church. First Thessalonians has IV. Conclusion to the Epistle 3:16-18 two benedictions, Paul’s customary con- A. Prayer for God’s Peace 3:16 cluding “grace benediction” of verse 28 B. Paul’s Autograph 3:17 and the “peace benediction” of verse 23. C. Grace Benefiction 3:18 Paul’s praying that the Thessalonians would experience God’s peace may link Highlights of 2 Thessalonians up with 5:3. The world has its many false Introduction (1:1-12) promises of peace; only God brings true Paul’s second letter to Thessalonica peace. Only God can “sanctify.” To be begins very much like the first. The first sanctified means to be set apart. God had verse of the two epistles is identical set the Thessalonians apart in Christ; he except for the addition of the word “our” chose them (1:4). And, he would remain to “Father” in 2 Thessalonians. In the true to his calling them; he would keep thanksgiving of 2 Thessalonians Paul them as his own, blameless until the com- again commends the Thessalonians for ing of Christ. Paul thus ends with a final their faith and love for referred to their assurance that they will share in Christ’s experiencing persecution. The unique Parousia. element in the thanksgiving of 2 Thessa- lonians is Paul’s detailed treatment of 2 Thessalonians God’s judgment. The emphasis is on Study Outline of 2 Thessalonians God’s vindicating the Thessalonians by I. Introduction 1:1-12 punishing their persecutors. Both the A. Salutation 1:1-2 length and intensity with which Paul B. Thanksgiving and Prayer 1:3-12 depicts the divine judgment would 1. Thanksgiving for Thessalonian indicate that the persecution of the steadfastness 1:3-4 Thessalonians had intensified. The clos- 2. God’s judgment on their est corresponding passage in 1 Thessalon- persecutors 1:5-10 ians is 2:13-16, where Paul spoke of God’s 3. Prayer that God will be wrath upon the Jews who had persecuted glorified in the community Christians. Paul’s prayer for the church 1:11-12 was a regular feature in many of his II. Appeal Not to Be Shaken by False epistles, and he included one at 1:11-12. Reports 2:1-3:5 There is no corresponding prayer in 1 A. False Reports That the Day of the Thessalonians. The second epistle is cer- Lord Has Come 2:1-2 tainly no “slavish imitation” of the first, B. End-Time Events Which Have Not as some have claimed who question Paul’s 38 being its author. set himself up in God’s temple and claim to be God himself (v. 4). He will parade as Appeal Not to be Shaken by False God, working all sorts of miraculous Reports (2:1-3:5) deeds but would actually be the incarna- Paul’s words about the Parousia in his tion of Satan himself (v. 9). He will lead first letter seem to have been distorted by many astray who had not followed the some. They were proclaiming that “the truth, and God would confirm them in day of the Lord has already come” (2:2). their mass delusion. They would suffer Paul urges the Thessalonians not to be un- condemnation for their wickedness (vv. settled by such a teaching, even if its 10-12). The lawless one will not prevail. proclaimers claimed a basis in prophecy He will be utterly destroyed by Christ at or in a letter supposed to have come from his coming (v. 8). Paul himself. It is not clear who this group Paul’s purpose in employing this was or what was the basis of their teach- apocalyptic language is clear. He wanted ing. They may have possibly been some to assure the Thessalonians in the face of millenarians who were claiming that the an unsettling eschatological teaching. He end of the world was at the door. They reminds them (v. 5) that certain events may have been “super-spiritualists” who will take place before the return of maintained that they were already per- Christ. Since these had obviously not yet fected in the Spirit, had already “arrived,” occurred, the claim that the day of the and had nothing further to await in the Lord had arrived was patently false. In future. Whatever their teaching, they seem particular, Paul employs the figure of the to have claimed Paul’s backing for their Anti-Christ, a feature found both in Jew- views. The most likely explanation for ish apocalyptic thought and elsewhere in Paul’s reference to a letter purported to the New Testament. Paul never used the have come from him (v. 2) is that they were term “Anti-Christ.” In fact, the term is claiming that Paul’s treatment of the found in the New Testament only in the Parousia in 1 Thessalonians supported Johannine epistles (1 John 2:18, 2:22, 4:3; 2 their viewpoint. Paul replies that he said John 7). There it refers to false teachers no such thing, either by word of mouth who were denying the incarnation of or by letter. He then proceeds to set forth Christ. The idea of the Anti-Christ is also the proof that the day of the Lord had found in Revelation in the figure of the indeed not yet arrived. arrogant beast that sets itself up as God, Paul counters the false eschatology by performing many apparent miracles and presenting a mini-apocalypse of events leading the masses astray (Rev 11:7, chap- which would precede the Lord’s return. ters 13 and 17). The basic concept is that There would be a period of great “rebel- the Anti-Christ is the antithesis of Christ, lion,” and this would accompany the com- the incarnation of Satan. He is a figure of ing of the “man of lawlessness” (v. 3). Paul the last days who will delude the masses, says that this lawless one was now being pretending to be God, leading them in a held back by a “restraining power” (vv. mass rebellion against all religion and 6-7), but eventually the restraint would be authority. removed, giving him full room to do his The figure of the Anti-Christ has roots lawless work (v. 8). The “lawless one” will in the Old Testament—in the king of 39 Babylon, who aspired to be above God (Isa the events of the final times. The early 14:12-14), in the arrogance of the prince church fathers suggested that the of Tyre who called himself God (Ezek “restraining power” was the Roman pres- 28:2). It seems to have fully developed ence, particularly the law and order that during the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, it maintained. This understanding was who in 167 B.C. sought to stamp out the very much in keeping with Paul’s teach- worship of God and install the cult of Zeus ing about the purpose of government in in the Jerusalem temple (Dan 11:31, 36-37; Romans 13:1-5. Paul may have kept the 1 Macc 1:54; 2 Macc 6:2). Antiochus’s reference to Rome veiled so as not to raise attempt to replace the worship of God the suspicions of the authorities by his with his own cult in the Holy Place of reference to its eventually being “taken God’s temple came to be designated as the out of the way” (v. 7). A less common view, “desolating sacrilege” or “abomination of also traceable to the church fathers, sug- desolation.” Jesus used this image in his gests that Paul’s mission was the restrain- teaching on the events of the end time ing power. God would hold back the (Mark 13:14). In the same discourse he events of the end until the full number of warned of false Messiahs who would the nations had been reached with the employ signs and wonders to lead people gospel.43 This is an attractive possibility. astray (Mark 13:22). Scarcely a decade Its main problem is that Paul expected to before Paul wrote 2 Thessalonians, the be alive at the Parousia (1 Thess 4:17); he Anti-Christ concept had experienced a surely did not expect to be “taken out of fresh stimulus in the attempt of the the way” before Christ returned. Some emperor Caligula in A.D. 40 to set up his have suggested that the restraining power image in the Holy of Holies in Jerusalem, might be Satan,44 or God himself. Paul an attempt thwarted only by his timely would probably have agreed with the assassination (Josephus, War, ii, 184-203; latter. What or whoever the restrainer Ant., xviii, 261-309).42 Paul had taught the might be, God himself ultimately is in Thessalonians previously about this com- control of all history. ing incarnation of evil and the mass Second Thessalonians has no section rebellion he would organize (v. 5). Obvi- corresponding to 1 Thessalonians 2:17- ously, these events had not yet occurred, 3:10, where Paul detailed his personal re- and Christ would not return until they had lationship with the church. It does, taken place; the day of the Lord had not however, have a second thanksgiving yet arrived. (2:13-15), corresponding to 1 Thessalon- Paul also reminds the Thessalonians ians 2:13. Paul urged the Thessalonians that they knew what was holding the man to stand firm, holding to the teachings of lawlessness back (vv. 6-7). The Thessa- which he had brought them by “word of lonians may have known what Paul mouth” (when with them) and “by letter” meant by this “restraining power” (v. 6) (1 Thessalonians). The teaching he was or “restraining person” (v. 7). Unfortu- most concerned with was that about the nately, we do not. Obviously Paul was Lord’s return. If the Thessalonians held to speaking of something or someone that Paul’s teaching on that subject, they was holding the “lawless one” back, keep- would realize that the Parousia could not ing him in check and thus also delaying yet have come. Just as in the first epistle, 40 Paul concludes this initial portion of the ployed urban poor, who were dependent body of the letter with a benediction (2:16- on the wealthier members of the congre- 17, cf. 1 Thess 3:11-13). It is perhaps not gation to provide for them.45 This may by accident that Paul did not mention well have been the pattern of household the Lord’s return in the benediction of churches like that of Lydia and perhaps 2 Thessalonians as he had in the first Jason, where the heads of the households epistle (1 Thess 3:13). There was enough served as patrons or benefactors for the eschatological fervor in the church already church that met in their homes. Robert without adding fuel to the fire. Jewett has suggested another possible organization for the congregational life of Appeal to Shun the Disorderly the working class. He postulates that they (3:6-15) may have met in the urban insulae, the In addition to the confusion over the apartment complexes of the inner city Lord’s return, the problem of disorderli- where shops were located on the street ness seems to have escalated at Thessa- level with crowded living spaces on the lonica. In all probability the two were upper floors. He sees them as perhaps related. The disorderly group were likely renting their own meeting space and gath- the same as those who were claiming that ering together daily to partake of their the day of the Lord had arrived. Paul meals. This makes sense of Paul’s instruc- describes them with a word that literally tions that those who did not work should means “disorderly” (Greek, ataktos; 3:6, not be permitted to eat (v. 10). Such a rule 3:7, 3:11, cf. 1 Thess 5:14). The NIV trans- implies that the church had community lates the word as “idle,” and idleness was control over such matters. It also implies surely part of their problem. Paul accuses that it was a shared enterprise, with all them of not doing their share in commu- doing their part in support of the commu- nity support (vv. 7-10), of not abiding by nity life.46 Paul perhaps worked in a shop his teachings (v. 6), and of being general below their meeting place. They would “busybodies” (v. 11). Throughout Chris- all have been familiar with his personal tian history, groups that emphasize the example of doing his part in the material imminent return of the Lord have been support of himself and the community known to abandon their livelihood and (vv. 7-9). cease normal human activity. This could The problem obviously reached serious have happened in Thessalonica. Just proportions as is indicated by Paul’s bid- exactly what their full agenda was we do ding the rest of the congregation to shun not know. We do know that they were the disorderly members (vv. 6, 14). In 2 generally disruptive to community life. John 10, the Elder advised the members They had become a burden to the larger of his churches to avoid those who denied fellowship. They presented a bad image the incarnation. In Thessalonica the prob- of the Christian community to outsiders lems seem to have been more social than (1 Thess 4:11-12). They also probably were theological, but probably involved both the eschatological enthusiasts whose dimensions. In any event, Paul’s advice speculations were unsetting the church. not to associate with them was primarily It has been recently suggested that the intended to shake them back to their disrupters came largely from the unem- senses and return them to the truth (vv. 41 14-15). 8 Malherbe, Paul and the Thessalonians, 34- Like 1 Thessalonians, the second epistle 60. has two concluding benedictions, a grace 9 R. Jewett, The Thessalonian Correspon- benediction (v. 18) and a “peace” benedic- dence: Pauline Rhetoric and Millenarian tion (v.16). Also like 1 Thessalonians, Paul Piety (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1986). concluded the letter with his own per- 10K. P. Donfried, “The Cults of Thessa- sonal autograph. In 1 Thessalonians he lonica and the Thessalonian Correspon- urged the congregation to pray for him, dence,” New Testament Studies 31 (1985) exchange a “holy kiss,” and see that 336-356. everyone heard the letter (5:25-27). In 2 11Murphy-O’Connor, 110-111. Thessalonians Paul insisted that he was 12B. Pearson, “1 Thessalonians 2:13-16: A writing the final greeting in his “own Deutero-Pauline Interpolation,” Harvard hand,” probably to authenticate its con- Theological Review 64 (1971) 79-94. For the tents against those who were claiming he argument that the grammatical structure had said or written things which he had of 1 Thessalonians 2:13-16 does not ac- not (2:2). cord with the remainder of the epistle, see D. Schmidt, “1 Thess. 2:13-16: Lin- ENDNOTES guistic Evidence for an Interpolation,” 1 Reprinted with slight adaptation from Journal of Biblical Literature 102 (1983) 269- chapter ten of John Polhill, Paul and His 279. Letters (Nashville: Broadman and 13K. P. Donfried, “Paul and Judaism: 1 Holman Publishers, 1999). All rights re- Thessalonians 2:13-16 as a Test Case,” served. Used by permission. Interpretation 38 (1984) 242-253. For fur- 2 R. Riesner, Paul’s Early Period: Chronol- ther arguments against an interpolation ogy, Mission Strategy, Theology, trans. see J. W. Simpson, “The Problems Posed Doug Stott (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, by 1 Thessalonians 2:15-16 and a Solu- 1998) 337-341. tion,” Horizons in Biblical Theology 12 3 J. Murphy-O’Connor, Paul, a Critical Life (1990) 42-72. (Oxford: Clarendon, 1996) 114-116. 14W. Schmithals, Paul and the Gnostics, 4 G. H. R. Horsley, “The Politarchs,” in The trans. J. E. Steely (Nashville: Abingdon, Book of Acts in its First Century Setting, 1972) 123-218. Vol. 2: Graeco-Roman Setting (Grand Rap- 15J. C. Beker, Heirs of Paul: Paul’s Legacy in ids: Eerdmans, 1994) 419-431. the New Testament and in the Church To- 5 A. J. Malherbe, Paul and the Thessalonians. day (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1991) 72-74. The Philosophic Tradition of Pastoral Care See also J. A. Bailey, “Who Wrote II (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1987) 5-33. Thessalonians?” New Testament Studies 6 God is at the center of Paul’s teaching in 25 (1979) 131-145. 1 Thessalonians. See R. F. Collins, “The 16For a comprehensive discussion of Theology of Paul’s First Letter to the the authorship debate and a thorough Thessalonians,” Louvain Studies 6 (1977) defense of Pauline authorship, see C. A. 315-337. Wanamaker, The Epistles to the 7 W. Meeks, The First Urban Christians: The Thessalonians. A Commentary on the Greek Social World of the Apostle Paul (New Ha- Text (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1990) 17- ven: Yale University Press, 1983) 173-174. 28. 42 17R. W. Thurston, “The Relationship the New Testament 52 (1993) 71-91. “The Sound of the Trumpet: Paul Between the Thessalonian Epistles,” 25G. Lyons, Pauline Autobiography: and Eschatology,” Bulletin of the John Expository Times 85 (1973) 52-56. Toward a New Understanding (SBL Rylands Library 67 (1985) 766-782. 18Bailey, 140-141. Dissertation Series, 73; Atlanta: Others argue for an embodied inter- 19Jewett argues that the millenarian Scholars, 1985) 177-221. mediate state: D. E. H. Whiteley, The enthusiasts were responsible for the 26A. J. Malherbe, “‘Gentle as a Nurse’: Theology of St. Paul (Philadelphia: “realized eschatology” at Thessa- The Cynic Background of I Thess. Fortress, 1964) 233-273. Still others lonica, “A Matrix of Grace: The ii,” Novum Testamentum 12 (1970) maintain that Paul had no view Theology of 2 Thessalonians as a 203-217. of an intermediate state but saw Pauline Letter,” in Pauline Theology, 27R. F. Hock, “Paul’s Tentmaking and believers as rising immediately at Vol. I: Thessalonians, Philippians, the Problem of His Social Class,” death to be with the Lord: H. M. Galatians, Philemon (Minneapolis: Journal of Biblical Literature 97 (1978) Shires, The Eschatology of St. Paul in Fortress, 1994) 63-70. See also in the 555-564. the Light of Modern Scholarship (Phila- same volume the article by E. 28R. F. Hock, “The Workshop as a So- delphia: Westminster, 1966) 77-102. Krentz, who maintains the pseud- cial Setting for Paul’s Missionary Many would argue for a develop- onymity of 2 Thessalonians, argu- Preaching,” Catholic Biblical Quar- ment in Paul’s eschatology from the ing that its main theme is apoca- terly 41 (1979) 438-450. concept of resurrection at the lyptic judgment, written to assure 29I. H. Marshall, “Pauline Theology in Parousia in 1 Thessalonians to that Christians who were experiencing the Thessalonian Correspondence,” of immediate transformation at severe persecution (“Through a in Paul and Paulinism: Essays in death in 2 Corinthians: e.g., F. F. Lens: Theology and Fidelity in 2 Honour of C. K. Barrett, ed. Hooker Bruce, Paul: Apostle of the Heart Set Thessalonians,” 52-62). and Wilson (London: SPCK, 1982) Free (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 20Wanamaker, 49-51. See also S. 179. 1977) 300-313. Walton, “What Has Aristotle to Do 30M. M. Mitchell, “New Testament 35For a thorough exegesis of the pas- with Paul? Rhetorical Criticism and Envoys in the Context of Greco-Ro- sage, see J. Plevnik, Paul and the 1 Thessalonians,” Tyndale Bulletin 46 man Diplomatic and Epistolary Parousia: An Exegetical and Theologi- (1995) 229-250. Conventions: The Example of Timo- cal Investigation (Peabody, MA: 21W. Meeks, The Moral World of the thy and Titus,” Journal of Biblical Lit- Hendrickson, 1997) 65-98. First Christians (Library of Early erature 111 (1992) 641-662. 36R. H. Gundry, “The Hellenization of Christianity; Philadelphia: West- 31Riesner, 373-375. Dominical Tradition and Christian- minster, 1986) 125-130; A. J. Mal- 32C. L. Mearns, “Early Eschatological ization of Jewish Tradition in the herbe, “Exhortation in 1 Thessa- Development in Paul: The Evidence Eschatology of 1-2 Thessalonians,” lonians,” Novum Testamentum 25 of I and II Thessalonians,” New Tes- New Testament Studies 33 (1987) 161- (1983) 238-256. tament Studies 27 (1981) 137-157. 178. 22J. Chapa, “Is First Thessalonians a 33G. Luedemann, Paul, Apostle to the 37This whole section draws from Jew- Letter of Consolation?” New Testa- Gentiles: Studies in Chronology, trans. ish apocalyptic. In apocalypses such ment Studies 40 (1994) 150-160. F. S. Jones (Philadelphia: Fortress, as 4 Ezra, the resurrection of the 23J. M. Bassler, “Peace in All Ways: 1984) 201-238. dead and the rising of the living are Theology in the Thessalonian Let- 34Paul never deals clearly with this simultaneous, as in 1 Thessalonians. ters,” in Pauline Theology, Vol. I, 71- issue, and it has been the basis of See A. F. J. Klijn, “1 Thessalonians 85. much discussion. Some argue that 4:13-18 and its Background in 24J. L. Sumney, “Paul’s ‘Weakness’: An Paul believed in a disembodied “in- Apocalyptic Literature,” in Paul and Integral Part of His Conception of termediate state” between death Paulinism, 67-73. Apostleship,” Journal for the Study of and resurrection: e.g., B. Lindars, 38J. Gillman, “Signals of Transforma- 43 tion in 1 Thessalonians 4:13-18,” Frame, James Everett. A Critical and Thessalonians. Sacra Pagina. Col- Catholic Biblical Quarterly 47 (1985) Exegetical Commentary on the legeville, MN: Liturgical Press, 263-281. Epistles of St. Paul to the Thessalon- 1995. 39W. D. Davies maintains that “being ians. The International Critical Williams, David J. 1 and 2 Thes- with the Lord forever” implies one Commentary. Edinburgh: T. & T. salonians. New International Bib- has reached the final abode (Paul Clark, 1912. lical Commentary. Peabody, MA: and Rabbinic Judaism [London: Milligan, George. St. Paul’s Epistles to Hendrickson, 1992. SPCK, 1958] 296). the Thessalonians. London: Mac- 40T. L. Howard, “The Literary Unity millan, 1908. of 1 Thessalonians 4:13-5:11,” Grace Wanamaker, Charles A. The Epistles Theological Journal 9 (1988) 163-190. to the Thessalonians. A Commentary 41D. Georgi, Theocracy in Paul’s Praxis on the Greek Text. The New Inter- and Theology, trans. D. E. Green national Greek Testament Com- (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1991) 25-31. mentary. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 42For a full discussion of the Anti- 1990. Christ, see F. F. Bruce, 1 and 2 Thessa- lonians (Word Biblical Commentary; Based on the English Text Waco, TX: Word, 1982) 178-188. 43J. Munck, Paul and the Salvation of Best, Ernest. The First and Second Mankind (Richmond: John Knox, Epistles to the Thessalonians. 1959) 36-52. Harper’s New Testament Com- 44P. S. Dixon, “The Evil Restraint in 2 mentaries. New York: Harper and Thess. 2:6,” Journal of the Evangelical Row, 1972. Theological Society 33/34 (1990) 445- Hiebert, D. Edmond. The Thessalonian 449. Epistles: A Call to Readiness. Chi- 45R. Russell, “The Idle in 2 Thess. 3.6- cago: Moody, 1971. 12: An Eschatological or a Social Marshall, I. Howard. 1 and 2 Thessa- Problem?” New Testament Studies 34 lonians. The New Century Bible. (1988) 105-119. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1983. 46R. Jewett, “Tenement Churches Martin, D. Michael. 1, 2 Thessalonians. and Communal Meals in the Early New American Commentary. Church: The Implications of a Form- Nashville: Broadman and Hol- Critical Analysis of 2 Thessalonians man, 1995. 3:10,” Biblical Research 38 (1993) 23- Morris, Leon. The First and Second 43. Epistles to the Thessalonians. Re- vised edition. The New Interna- Selected Commentaries on the tional Commentary on the New Thessalonian Epistles Testament. Grand Rapids: Eerd- mans, 1991. Based on the Greek Text Neil, William. The Epistles of Paul to the Thessalonians. The Moffatt New Bruce, F. F. 1 and 2 Thessalonians. Word Testament Commentary. New Biblical Commentary. Waco, TX: York: Harper and Brothers, 1950. Word, 1982. Richard, Earl J. First and Second 44