sign in sign up
<<
Home , Amaxades, Aratos, Arriana, Didymoteicho, Drama (regional unit), Echinos

www.ssoar.info

Greek : a region populated by Christians and in the European Mediterranean Kandler, Hermann

Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article

Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Kandler, H. (2007). Greek Thrace: a region populated by Christians and Muslims in the European Mediterranean. Europa Regional, 15.2007(2), 75-86. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-48097-0

Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Deposit-Lizenz (Keine This document is made available under Deposit Licence (No Weiterverbreitung - keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Redistribution - no modifications). We grant a non-exclusive, non- Gewährt wird ein nicht exklusives, nicht übertragbares, transferable, individual and limited right to using this document. persönliches und beschränktes Recht auf Nutzung dieses This document is solely intended for your personal, non- Dokuments. Dieses Dokument ist ausschließlich für commercial use. All of the copies of this documents must retain den persönlichen, nicht-kommerziellen Gebrauch bestimmt. all copyright information and other information regarding legal Auf sämtlichen Kopien dieses Dokuments müssen alle protection. You are not allowed to alter this document in any Urheberrechtshinweise und sonstigen Hinweise auf gesetzlichen way, to copy it for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the Schutz beibehalten werden. Sie dürfen dieses Dokument document in public, to perform, distribute or otherwise use the nicht in irgendeiner Weise abändern, noch dürfen Sie document in public. dieses Dokument für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke By using this particular document, you accept the above-stated vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, aufführen, vertreiben oder conditions of use. anderweitig nutzen. Mit der Verwendung dieses Dokuments erkennen Sie die Nutzungsbedingungen an. Greek Thrace – a region populated by Christians and Mus- lims in the European Mediterranean

Hermann Kandler

Zusammenfassung Griechisch-Thrakien – eine von Christen und Muslimen bewohnte Region im europäischen Mittelmeerraum Seit dem Vordringen der Osmanen auf europäisches Territorium im 14. Jahrhundert konnte sich im Südosten des Kontinents eine islamisch geprägte Bevölkerung etablieren, die über Jahrhunderte diesen Raum prägten. Erst seit der Gründung überwiegend christlich ausgerichteter Nationalstaaten auf dem Balkan seit dem 19. Jahrhundert wurden die islamischen Bevölkerungsgruppen mit ethnisch-türkischer Ausrichtung zu Minderheiten, deren Beziehungen zu den mehrheitlich christlich geprägten Nominalvölkern aufgrund regionaler historischer Entwick- lungen oftmals schwierig sind. Die Muslime in Griechisch-Thrakien, vom Bevölkerungsaustausch zwischen Griechenland und der Türkei 1923 ausgenommen, blieben in den folgenden Jahrzehnten dabei immer politischer Spielball Griechenlands und der Türkei. Die Betonung des Türkischen in der Minderheit erweckte bei den Griechen immer wieder das Bild der Minderheit als fünfte Kolonne der Türkei, was besonders während der Militärdiktatur (1967-1974) und darüber hinaus zu Einschränkungen der Minderheitenrechte führte. Nach dieser Phase der Repressionen gelang es der Minderheit sich in der Weltöffentlichkeit Gehör zu verschaffen und mithilfe internationaler Organisation wie der EU, Griechenland zum Überdenken seiner Minderheitenpolitik zu bewegen. Der Prozess der Gleichstellung von Christen und Muslimen in Thrakien ist jedoch noch nicht abgeschlossen. Das christlich-muslimische Thrakien zeigt, welche spezifischen Beziehungsmuster sich in einer gemischtreligiösen Bevölkerung entwickeln können, die sich in charakteristischer Weise von monoreligiösen oder geschlossenen Gemein- schaften abheben. Somit lässt sich die indigene muslimische Bevölkerung in Thrakien nicht mit westeuropäischen Migrantengesellschaften vergleichen, allein, weil die thrakischen Muslime wie ihre christlichen Mitbürger die Region als ihre Heimat empfinden und somit ein anderes Selbstverständnis ausbilden konnten als z.B. muslimische Migranten in Westeuropa.

Muslime, Christen „Vertrag von Lausanne“, Bevölkerungsaustausch, Griechen, Türken, gemischtreligiös, Sadık Ahmet, Griechisch-Thrak- ien

Abstract After the Ottomans advanced into European territory in the 14th century, an Islamic population was able to establish itself in the south-east of the continent and shaped the region for centuries. It was not until the largely Christian national states were established in the Balkans as of the 19th century that the Islamic population groups with Turkish ethnicity became minorities whose relationships with the Christian majority are often difficult owing to historical regional developments. The Muslims in Greek Thrace remained a political football for and in the decades that followed, with the exception of the population exchange between Greece and Turkey in 1923. The emphasis on Turkish in the minority repeatedly revived the image of the minority as fifth columnists for Turkey among the , which resulted in curtailments of the minority’s rights, particularly during the military dictatorship (1967-1974) and beyond. After this phase of repression, the minority succeeded in gaining an audience in the world’s public and getting Greece to rethink its minority policy with the help of international organisations and the EU. However, the process of achieving equal treatment for Christians and Muslims in Thrace is not finished yet. Christian-Muslim Thrace shows the specific relationship patterns that can develop in a mixed-religion population, which have different characteristics from mono-reli- gious or closed communities. This means that the indigenous Muslim population in Thrace cannot be compared to Western European migrant societies because both the Muslims in Thrace and their Christian compatriots see the region as their homeland and have therefore been able to develop a different identity from that of Muslim migrants in Western , for example.

Muslims, Christians, , population exchange, Greeks, Turks, mixed religion, Sadık Ahmet, Greek Thrace

Christian and Muslim populations words, more or less closed communi- perceive and claim it as home and thus in the Balkans ties living alongside each other. This is do not wish for integration in the above In a speech on 10 February 2008, Turk- more pronounced in the Netherlands, for sense. It is only to be expected that the ish prime minister Erdoğan called for instance, where the term “pillarisation” understanding of cultural and religious the Turks living in Western Europe not was coined to describe the social segre- diversity, which has formed there over to become assimilated. It is statements gation. time, differs from that in Western Euro- like this that keep discussions on how However, the question is whether dis- pean immigrant societies. to integrate Muslims into our occiden- cussions on integration can be held in a South East Europe, in particular, of- tal Christian society alive. Integration place where indigenous populations with fers up a whole range of different forms is needed to prevent the pillarisation of different cultural and religious charac- of Christian and Muslim coexistence, society and all its consequences, in other ters have grown into a region together, the latest case being Kosovo. Although

75 Kosovo’s declaration of independence Muslims and Christians – the his- and is highly valued in the historical on 16 February 2008 is contested inter- torical development of the minor- consciousness, not just of the Turkish nationally and is only being recognised ity situation in Greek Thrace Muslim population in Thrace, but also in step by step, it was the only chance to The case study of Thrace in the north- Turkey (Dede 1975, p. 48). The 10 years avoid a further escalation of the conflict east of Greece (Fig. 1) features histori- that followed, however, showed that this between the Serbs and Albanians, since cal and geographical singularities, which Thrace at the intersection of Greece, Serbia was not prepared to grant minor- have led to the formation of a society that and the declining Ottoman Em- ity rights to the Albanians in its autono- differs enormously from developments pire had no chance to develop as an indi- mous republic. The historically-founded in other countries. As elsewhere in the vidual state. claim to Kosovo on both sides – it was Balkans, the society was based on the The population exchange between settled by Albanians and is seen as the organisation of the Ottoman state and, Greece and Turkey (Lausanne 14/7/1923) home of Serbian nationalism by the more specifically, on its system. meant a significant break for Thrace. Serbs – prevented any idea of peaceful This state organisational form was based According to Article 2 of Appendix A coexistence. Ahtisaari’s report stresses on the guarantee of considerable au- of the convention signed by the Grand Na- that: “A history of enmity and mistrust tonomy for individual “national” (millet tional Assembly of Turkey and the Greek has long antagonised the relationship = Turkish for “population”) or ethnic or government on 30 January, the “compul- between Kosovo Albanians and Serbs” religious groups in the . sory exchange of Turkish nationals of the (Ahtisaari 2007, p. 80). Now the ques- Apart from their declaration of loyalty, Greek Orthodox religion established in tion is whether the new state of Kosovo they were often bound to the Sublime Turkish territory and Greek nationals of will find ways of integrating the Serbian Porte in by taxes alone. The state the Muslim religion established in Greek minority. thus stood out from other state structures territory” (Art. 1) does not include: And although Bosnia and Herze- of the time in terms of tolerance, al- a) “The Greek inhabitants of Constanti- govina is well on the way to becoming though it differed from modern, pluralis- nople and a modern, democratic state, it cannot tic social systems in many respects. The b) The Muslim inhabitants of Western be described as nation-building. Inte- foundations of an indigenous European Thrace” (quotation from Whitman gration is not an issue in its society. In- Islam were laid when the Ottomans con- 1990, p. 45), the region of Thrace, stead, the state consists of a three-fold quered Thrace in the 14th century. which was separated from the Turkish religious and ethnic structure, with the In urban areas in particular, the per- part of Thrace by the still unchanged Croats generally linked to Catholicism, centage of Turkish Muslims was very frontier of the /Meriç riverbed the Serbs to Orthodoxy and the Bos- high during the consolidation phase of ever since the Lausanne Treaty (Dale- nians to “Muslims in an ethnic sense” the Ottoman Empire in the 16th century. gre 1994, p. 134). (Steindorff 2007, p. 108). The social The number in the provincial capital of The terms “Greek” and “Muslim” (but principle of integration has never had Gümülcine () is estimated at not Turkish) still provoke discussions a tradition in Bosnia either. During the 87 % (Dede 1975, p. 27). Greek sources about the legality of the use of the na- Ottoman era, “the groups lived side contradict this, quoting the traveller Be- tional ethnic name of “Turkish” in of- by side in an organised manner with lon du Mans (1546), who claimed that ficialdom today (e.g. German newspa- boundaries that were never questioned” “Greeks and a few(!) Turks lived” in the per FAZ 28/3/2008). At the time of the (Steindorff 2007, p. 105). in the 16th century (Kandler 2007, p. treaty, however, there was no differentia- Albania could be taken as a successful 11). The population estimates are popu- tion made between national and religious example of integration with its Muslim larly used to prove one particular group’s designations. “Rum” means “Greek majority (70 %) and Christian minor- natural, historical right to live in Thrace Orthodox members” in Turkish while, ity. But in this case too it is debatable or to contradict the opposing view. although “Muslim” refers to the faith, whether integration strategies were The Ottoman reform policy of the 19th from the foreign viewpoint of the Greek ever or ever had to be implemented. century (Tanzimat) granted non-Mus- Christians it naturally meant the Turks Since the beginning of the Ottoman lims further freedoms. In the prospering (Aarbakke 2000, p. 48). “Greeks” were era, syncretism has been common in economic sectors, in particular, they took Christians. “Muslim” was a common the Balkans (Schmidt 2007, p. 96), over a leading role: In 1912, for instance, synonym for Turk from the viewpoint of particularly in Albania. This was re- the Komotini bank and trading company the Christians in the Balkans. However, flected in the creed of early Albanian comprised 33 Greeks, six , the choice of name did not meet with any nationalism as well – “The Albanians’ four and only three Turks (Liapis opposition back then. After all, every- religion is Albanianism!” – and was 1993, p. 24). This unequal participation body knew who was meant, there was no consistently championed in the Stalin- of the population groups in socially high- Turkish national feeling in Thrace at that ist-led Albania of Enver Hoxha where ly regarded professions is still noticeable time and the new Turkish state preferred any religious or cultural deviation was today in the economic structure of Thra- the term “Muslims”, partly to distance nipped in the bud (Cela 1997, p. 141). ce. After Thrace was assigned its current themselves from the Ottoman clerics Thus, integration is not necessarily an borders in the peace treaties of Istanbul living in Thrace (e.g. the group of “150” issue in Albania. and Bucharest (1913), a separate Western scheming against Atatürk) (Panagiotidis The Balkan states with a Christian-Is- Thrace state was formed in the border- 1995, p. 148). lamic society could be regarded as the lands of today’s Greek Thrace (Fig. 1). These stipulations meant that the Mus- “clashing civilisations” of Huntington’s Although it barely existed two months, lim minority developed differently from cultural fault lines (1997, p. 331). it was seen as the first Turkish republic other minority groups in the Balkans.

76 Europa Regional 15(2007)2 Thrace – Geographical survey

Edirne

Arda

B ULGARIA Orestias

Erythropo ta m o

1709

Kolyll Mikro Derio 1267 dam Echions X a n t h i Myki i K r u o 1489 io m Dymi il p Asomatoi F 1085 s Y 1202 a R h o d o p i 1400 t Seleron o Komotini E v r o s Kyria Toxotes Arisvi E Diomidyeia Tychero Lake Amaranda K a v a l a Genisea Vistonis Pagouria 874

Xylagani K vros Evlalon Peplo E Sariye Feres N (Arogi) e R s 628 t o

Nea Peramos U

Thasos T

Theologos A e g e a n S e a

Limenaria

Altitudinal belts in metres International border Areas of investigation > 1000 District boundary Komotini 0 25 50 km Dymi 500 - 1000 Pagouria Main road Sariye (Arogi) IfL 2007 250 - 500 Draft: H.Kandler, after C.Lienau Cartography: K.Schmidt-Hellerau < 250 Railway Edited: P.Mund

Fig. 1: Greek Thrace Source: own design

Although the minority enjoyed special minority “which lived side by side the refugees who had come to Thrace before privileges with their rights as Greek na- Greeks with little integration …” (Aar- 1923 and for Greeks evacuated from Asia tionals, their situation was always closely bakke 2000, p. 48). Since the minority Minor. This phase meant a considerable bound up in Greco-Turkish relations as a found it difficult to identify themselves redistribution of agricultural property. counterbalance to the Greeks remaining with the secular mother country of Tur- Between 1923 and 1924, 8,245 rooms in in Istanbul and on the islands. And when key, their community became increas- the countryside and 5,590 in urban areas the Greek minority in Turkey dwindled ingly pillarised within the Greek state. belonging to Muslims were seized for the to almost nothing, Thrace became a “The traditional attitudes connected to new citizens. Mosques and schools were third bone of contention between Ath- the Ottoman model of closed commu- also used as emergency accommodation. ens and Ankara, along with Cyprus and nities did not dispose people towards Although these measures also affected the Aegean question, although all three integration, and the stereotypes each local Christians, the refugees trauma- problem areas were interlinked. The un- community (Christians and Muslims tised by the war in Asia Minor saw the rest in Cyprus as of the 1950s therefore [author’s note]) held of each other would local Muslims as ethnic relatives of the had a negative impact on the treatment help to preserve the differences” (Aar- hated Turkish Turks and treated them of the and Greece bakke 2000, p. 48). as such. Local Muslims were ordered as well. Greek Thrace faced its first crucial to give parts of their homes to the refu- As long as the minority saw itself as test shortly after the Treaty of Lausanne gees – without any consideration for the Muslim, the Greek state granted them was ratified when the Greek government women’s privacy – even though there rights and supported them as a religious seized accommodation and land for the were Greek-owned properties available.

77 ly because many went to try their luck in the central areas of Greece or abroad. Population development from 1912 to 1924 The settlement issue was initially re- Ethnic group Population Increase/ solved, up until the 1950s. The minority Decrease even benefited from their loyalty during 1912 1924 the (1944-1949) on the absolute % absolute % % side of monarchist Greece. As a result, Greeks 87,000 36.7 189,000 62.2 117.2 Greece granted them guaranteed free- dom of religion and free self-designation Turks 111,000 46.8 84,000 27.6 -24.3 as “Turks”. Turkish-speaking grammar 35,000 14.7 23,000 7.6 -34.3 schools were opened, for instance, which Other groups 4,000 1.8 8,000 2.6 44.4 is why many minority citizens still talk of the “golden ’50s” today. This fact is Total 237,000 100.0 304,000 100.0 important to note because Greece’s be- haviour towards the minority changed. Tab. 1: Population development in Western Thrace from 1912 to 1924 Source: acc. to Schultze 1935, p. 173 The reasons for this lay in a combina- tion of the revolt in Cyprus and This meant that in some instances two tlers – mainly from Eastern Thrace – to the expulsion of the Greek minority from families had to live in one room. Locals settle on land taken from “Greek Muslim Istanbul in 1955 and 1964 and from the who refused were beaten and driven citizens” (Schultze 1935, p. 174). During of and . away (Dede 1978, p. 212). Livestock and this phase, towns and villages alike were Greece began to view the minority as harvests were distributed among the new expanded with colonist settlements and not merely being of a different faith, but arrivals, along with the land, and the new settlements were founded. Very few as potential placeholders for Turkey on Muslims were generally left with noth- new settlements were built in the yaka, Greek soil. The minority, in turn, became ing. In some cases, local families had to the “lower slopes of the ”, in aware of the potential revanchism of the provide for the refugees and the animals other words, the piedmont zone of the Christians or Greeks, causing many to they brought with them (Dede 1978, p. Massif in the traditional tobac- strengthen their Turkey-orientated atti- 214). Although these developments were co-growing area, where the resident pop- tudes, which led to the beginnings of ne- doubtlessly not planned, they were toler- ulation “made full use of their right to glect and discrimination (Dalegre 1991, ated by the authorities, something that remain in the country” (Schultze 1935, p. 51). still rankles in the memories of the mi- p. 175). However, there was a planned in- This neglect was one of the reasons for nority today. terior colonisation in the former marsh- the ever greater emphasis on the Turkish The flood of around 110,000 immi- land and steppe of the orta kışla (Turk- aspect of the minority and the associated grants continued until 1928 (Tab. 1). The ish for “middle winter camp”), in other turning to Turkey the antagonist. Back change in the ratio of Greeks to Turks words, the former winter pastures of the in 1959, Yiannis Kapsis warned of a “fa- also forced the economic dominance of nomads between the coast and natical group of Turks who were striving the Christians, which was already no- the mountains (Planhol). The new set- for autonomy” (Aarbakke 2000, p. 138). ticeable during the Ottoman era and was tlements were often built between two But it was not until the time of the Greek ultimately reflected in the social struc- Muslim villages, which became influ- junta that it became clear in which areas ture as well. It is therefore not surpris- enced by them over time. This tactical the minority were disadvantaged. ing that the new population structure Graecising was also documented in the Due to neglected education, in partic- was used as a political tool. The “fresh changed place names. After 1923, Otto- ular, the minority fell behind the Chris- blood from ” was supposed to man place names were changed to or back tian majority. The education protocol increase the homogeneity of the popula- to Greek names (e.g. Gümülcine became from 1968 specified that lessons were to tion in the north of Greece, in particular, Komotini and Sapçı Sappes), places were be taught in the pupils’ native language, and to strengthen “notions of national renamed at will (Sendelli became Dymi) with the exception of a few subjects unity” there as well (Ginarakis, quo- or were named after the home communi- (history, and citizenship). tation from R. 1930, p. 404). The area ties of the immigrants from Asia Minor However, because second-rate teach- was to be deliberately Graecised by ex- (Fanari from Fanari/Fener in Istanbul) ers were appointed, most of whom had panding industry and settlements. The or given the adjective “new” (Nea Zanta been educated in Turkey, the required rebuilding of Thrace thus consisted of from Zanta near Rize). standard of teaching could no longer be the establishment of tobacco factories The fact that the new settlements were guaranteed. Clauses in the bilateral pro- in Kavala, , Xanthi and Komotini meant to force the old communities into tocols on education from 1952 and 1968, (Dede 1978, p. 93). The necessary funds the background politically still remains which granted the authorities the right were raised by taxes, which brought in the collective memory of the minor- to control and veto the introduction of suffering to the Muslims affected by ity. This became an issue again in 1995 books, meant that the Turkish textbooks the seizures and dispossessions in par- when the arrival of 50,000 Pontic Greek from Turkey that were still available in ticular. The outward appearance of the Orthodox refugees (Ileri 5/1/1996, p. 1) 1955 were copied many times over. In Thracian towns changed just as that of from the war-torn areas of the Caucasus the 1990s, it was discovered with bitter- the rural areas did. The provision of 20 was announced. Ultimately, far fewer ness that pupils were learning that “peo- million drachmae enabled 20,000 set- refugees actually settled in Thrace, part- ple walk” (Ileri 26/5/1995a, p. 4). As a

78 Europa Regional 15(2007)2 Muslims and discrimination in day-to- Komotini (Thrace) - mixed-religion quarter day life. He also started discussions on School-leaving qualifications of Christians and Muslims the appointing of muftis by the Greek 1995 government and the legal status of reli- gious foundations (Kandler 1998, pp. 7 28-31, Aarbakke 2000, pp. 359ff.). It is University of applied 11 sciences/university 2 thanks to Sadık Ahmet that the difficult 2 situation of the minority population was made public outside Greece and Turkey. 27 The official name of the minority was Secondary school 16 (Greek) 2 always dependent on ’ political 1 Christians (male) stance regarding Turkey. Whereas the Christians (female) government demanded that official in- Muslims (male) Upper secondary stitutions of the minority be designated school (Turkish) 7 Muslims (female) “Turkish” and not “Muslim” in 1954, it 6 IfL 2007 has been opposing the use of the term Draft: H. Kandler Design: P. Mund 12 “Turkish” since 1967. Athens’ disregard Lower secondary 15 for the minority – also fuelled by Turkey school 20 – caused the conscious feeling of other- 22 ness to be strengthened to such a degree 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 that initial attempts by Greece to help the Percentage minority were brusquely rejected by their representatives. “If they won’t let us call Fig. 2: Christians and Muslims with school-leaving qualifications in a mixed-religion quar- ourselves Turks, they are denying us our ter of Komotini origins. We are loyal citizens of Greece, Note: secondary school (Turkish) = Turkish-speaking Celal Bayar grammar school, second- but we are Turks and demand the right ary school (Greek) = Greek-speaking grammar schools (also for Turks) Source: own survey; random sample to call ourselves Turks” (quotation from Whitman 1990, p. 15). The population is result, the percentage of pupils from the fact that Athens is refusing to approve clearly turning to Turkey, the motherland minority with high school-leaving quali- the textbook “Our Turkish(sic!) Book” (anavatan): “Those who say that Turk- fications is still significantly lower today (Türkçe kıtabımız), partly because of ishness in Western Thrace is not related than that of their contemporaries from the simple reason that the title contains to Turkishness in Turkey have hostile in- the majority, as shown by a survey in a the word “Turkish”. At the same time, tentions” (Ileri 1/12/95, p. 4). mixed-religion quarter of Komotini (Fig. the minority’s representatives make it Now, both the terms “Turk” and 2). New teaching syllabuses are only clear that they are against the importing “Muslim” are used as synonyms in eve- taking hold there slowly, partly because of school literature from Turkey because ryday life. But it was not until 2007 and the Greek education policy is in need of the topics are not suitable for Western 2008 that the European Court of Hu- a general overhaul (Apogevmatini tis Thracian primary schools – which is man Rights ruled that the minority had Kyriakis, 13/12/1998, p. 4), which, in why they favour the publication of their the right to use the adjective “Türk” turn, has a particularly strong impact on own books: “We are people of the same (Turkish) when naming their organisa- economically underdeveloped areas such country (“vatan” = Turkish for “state”, in tions (e.g. İskeçe Türk Birliği = Turkish as Thrace. The number of school leavers other words, Greece) and share the same Union of Xanthi), abolishing a decree completing secondary school was below destiny. We love our country as much as of the Greek Court from 1996 (ABTTF average throughout the economic region anyone”, hence the majority should not 27/3/2008, German newspaper FAZ, see of Eastern and Thrace, par- regard the minority as a threat (ABTTF above). In light of the fact that the mi- ticularly in Nomos Rodopi (Rhodope = Avrupa Batı Trakya Türk Federasyonu nority does not form an ethnic entity, but Prefecture). There, the average was 27 = Federation of Western Thrace Turks in is ethnically divided into “Muslims, Po- graduates per 1,000 inhabitants – the av- Europe 14/4/2008). These words conceal maks and Roma” (Whitman 1990, p. 2), erage for Greece as a whole was 39 per a trusting attitude, which would have the , which is spoken 1,000 inhabitants (Lienau & Katsaros been hard to imagine 20 years before by all, is the bond uniting the different 2004, p. 26). when the minority felt it “offensive” to ethnic groups. However, the question re- The fact that Frangoudaki (University be addressed as “Greek citizens” (Ileri mains as to whether the victory in Stras- of Athens), who was in charge of a new 10/5/1996, p. 1). At the beginning of the bourg actually constituted progress in education syllabus, and Stavropoulos, 1980s, one decade after Greece’s return improving the minority’s quality of life prefect of Rhodope at the time, spoke to democracy and at the time of the coun- or whether it was merely a victory of po- frankly about the weaknesses in minor- try’s entry into the EU (1984), the minor- litical prestige, in the face of the minor- ity education for the first time in 2002 ity politician Sadık Ahmet (1947-1995) ity’s cultural diversity. shows that the country is now becoming first spoke openly about the violations The revoking of Greek nationality, in aware of the responsibility. The minority against the granted minority right, as accordance with Article 19 of the Greek also acknowledges this. But in a dispute well as the rejection of the self-designa- Constitution, is a far more serious mat- over school books, they also criticise the tion “Turk”, the expatriation of Thracian ter. During the junta era in particular

79 (1967-1974), “a person of non-Greek the 1980s thanks to minority politician Thrace ethnic origin leaving Greece without the Sadık Ahmet (Aarbakke 2000, p. 357), Employment structure 2004 intention of returning may be declared and Turkey tried to instrumentalise the as having lost Greek citizenship” (no. minority as a “co-national spearhead” Prefecture Economic Sector (%) 3370/1955, Chapter B, Section VI, Art. (Seewann 1995, p. 8). This, in turn, ex- 19 “Citizenship Code”), which could, of cited fears among the Greek population. I. II. III. course, be applied easily to Greek citi- Many Christians were all ready to “get Rodopi 49.6 15.4 35.0 zens with Turkish Muslim origins. The over the Nestos (western border of Thra- Xanthi 28.4 26.7 44.9 semi-official justification for the expatri- ce) in time” if Turkey were to invade. ation was that these citizens were work- In 1988 and 1990, violent clashes ac- Evros 27.6 16.9 55.6 ing against Greece – difficult to believe tually occurred. Protest marches by the Tab. 2: Employment structure in Thrace in the case of minor children (Aarbakke Muslim minority and a lawsuit against Source: acc. to Lienau & Katsaros 2004, pp. 22-24 2000, p. 583). In 2005, the Greek parlia- Sadık Ahmet resulted in militant Greek ment allegedly confirmed that 46,638 nationalists attacking shops owned by of companies (Kavala, Komotini, Xanthi Muslims had been stripped of their na- Muslim citizens. The US State Depart- and Alexandroupolis) (Tab. 2). But all the tionality before Article 19 was repealed ment therefore judged Thrace to be one economic sectors have characteristics of in 1998 (ABTTF 27/5/2005). I saw for of the future hot spots of the 21st century the peripheries: Agriculture is character- myself that Muslims from Greek Thrace (Kandler 2007, p. 10). This unrest was ised by smallholdings and fragmented had difficulties entering the country that also a wake-up call for Greece. This, ownership as well as inefficiency and year, which shows that the abolition of along with pressure from the interna- obsolete production methods. Trade and the law did not immediately mean repa- tional public, the decline of the political industry show below-average company triation for those affected. Since 2006, overreaction after Sadık’s death and the sizes, insufficient and sometimes obso- ABTTF has provided a form in the Turk- appeasement policy between Greece and lete facilities and below-average labour ish section of its website for those who Turkey – especially following the earth- productivity. lost their citizenship because of Article quake diplomacy of the two former for- Labour-intensive agricultural sectors 19. The organisation passes the forms on eign ministers Georgios Papandreou and (such as tobacco growing) and industry to the European Court of Human Rights Ismail Cem as of 1999 – enabled Greek (food and beverage) dominate the re- (www.abttf.org 1/1/2008). On 16/6/2007, to turn gradually to its Muslim gion’s economy and are characterised by the application by expatriates affected by minority (Kandler 2000, pp. 286ff., a largely unskilled workforce. Rhodope Article 19, which was rescinded in 1998, Aarbakke 2000, p. 680). Thrace is no Prefecture (Nomos Rodopi), home to the to be repatriated was accepted by the longer a bone of contention between two settlements looked at below, shows Parliamentary Assembly of the Council Greece and Turkey. the greatest deficits in development by of Europe (ABTTF 18/5/2007). far, even compared to the other prefec- Obstacles to private development Geographical aspects of the tures. This economic underdevelopment (acquiring land, building houses, public mixed-religion region of Thrace is clearly reflected in the population sector employment, acquiring driving The changes in minority policy in Greece, growth, which showed a slight plus in licences, loans and credit, Ahmet 1989, which have been taking place for some Xanthi, in the west of the region, but was pp. 39-44) from the authorities were also 15 years now, are of course only slowly negative in the Turkish-Bulgarian border the order of the day well into the 1990s. becoming reflected in the structure of area (for 1981-1994, Dalegre 1994, p. “Cultural bureaus” – in reality, branches Greek Thracian society. However, this 141). of the Foreign Office in the prefecture is not only because the process of gain- capitals – brought this out of the back- ing trust and the growing together of two Thracian cultural zones taking ground. population groups takes time, at least at Rhodope Prefecture as a case study On the other hand, the Greek state’s in- an official level, but also because the re- In the 19th century, an occupation with tervention in religious matters of the Mus- gion itself has to fight general economic mountainous settlement areas gave rise lim community includes complex prob- underdevelopment as well as the problem to the view that specific natural condi- lems, such as the legality of the appoint- of bi-communality. tions limit the living space of a popula- ing of muftis by the Greek government As part of the economic region of tion (Ratzel, quotation from Brunnbauer or the controlling of minority religious Eastern Macedonia and Thrace, Thrace 2007, p. 17) and thus determine their cul- foundations. These were once treated in- belongs to the Greek peripheries and, as tural way of life. This geographical deter- ternationally as violations too but, from such, has deficits in development com- minism was put into perspective by pos- today’s viewpoint, cannot necessarily pared to the central regions. The percent- sibilism, according to which the environ- be regarded as deliberate discrimination age of people in primary employment ment sets constraints on people, but can (Aarbakke 2000, pp. 359ff.). was the highest of all the economic re- also enable a wide range of possibilities In this area, in particular, it is becom- gions of Greece in 2001 (17 %: Greece as in the area concerned (Brunnbauer 2007, ing clear how Turkey exploited the situa- a whole 8 %) and the percentage of those p. 18). This can be seen in the western tion in Thrace for its foreign policy ma- in the tertiary sector was one of the low- part of Greek Thrace (Xanthi and Rho- noeuvres. After all, it was Turkey with est (56 %: Greece as a whole 69 %). Only dope) where many distinct similarities its strict, secular stance that refused all the secondary sector was above average can be identified between clearly classi- contact with the muftis until the issues (27 %: Greece as a whole: 23 %) due to fiable geographical areas and a specific became part of the minority protest in recent efforts at a selective establishment cultural form. This is so marked that it

80 Europa Regional 15(2007)2 Nomos Rodopi (Thrace) Natural zones and religious affiliation around 2000

R I A A G L B U X a n t h i Organi Kehros

I

Pandrosos Dymi Asomatos Gratini Karidia Polyanthos Kalchas Iasmos Sostis KOMOTINI Nea Zanta Thrylorio Arriana Amvrosia Arisvi Egiros Kosmio Lake Salpi Vistonis Ag.Theodori II Pagouria Lofari Amaranta Sapes N.Kallisti N.Sidirochori III Miranda Strymi Mesi Xylagani E v r o s Fanari Krovyli Sariye (Arogi) Proskinites

Maronia A e g e a n S e a

0 10 20 km

Natural regions Administrative structure Inhabitants Religious structure I Mountain region (Balkana) KOMOTINI Prefecture (Nomarchia) > 40 Christian II Lower slopes of mountains (Yaka) SAPES District capital (Eparchia) 40 - 600 Muslim Mesi III Foreland (Orta Kiºla) Municipality (Koinotita) 600 - 3000 Mixed religion < 3000 Areas of investigation International border IfL 2007 Draft: H.Kandler District boundary Cartography: K.Schmidt-Hellerau Komotini, Dymi, Pagouria, Sariye (Arogi) Edited: P.Mund Municipality boundary

Fig. 3: Geographical and administrative classification in Rhodope Prefecture, taking religious beliefs into account Source: own design can almost be described as typing of the the yaka, and the “modern” Turks in the built right next-door to existing Muslim respective population group (Fig. 3). In towns and ova (Ileri 13/6/1997). settlements. These generally straggling, an epic poem, for instance, the Muslims The figure shows the distribution of planned settlements differ greatly from from Thrace are separated into “inhab- mono-religious and mixed-religion com- the traditional, mostly pure Muslim nu- itants of the mountains, yaka (summer munities, which noticeably match the cleated villages of the lower mountain pastures) and ova” with an awareness of geographical zones: mountains, balkana zone (yaka) in terms of physiognomy, the differing ethnicity (Ileri 19/1/1996, (I = the Rhodopes), the yaka (II = lower but also with respect to the cultural and p. 2). And although the minority want to slopes of the mountains) and the ova or social structure of their populations. Two appear as one entity to the outside world, orta kışla (III). It covers the marshland communities, Dymi (yaka) and Pagouria they are aware of internal differentia- and steppe, which were improved for and (orta kışla), are compared below as case tion into in the mountains, the later by the from the 1920s studies. These represent distinctly oppo- traditionally well-regarded Osmanlıs of onwards. Their settlements were often site types of Thracian settlements, which

81 is why there are no examples from the other two zones – the Rhodopes and the Dymi (Thrace) coast – at this point. Professional and educational structure of the under-40s and over-40s 1998 Dymi 16 Dymi (see Fig. 3) is a nucleated Muslim Farmers 92 village. Traditional building methods Shepherds predominate, with courtyards protected 3 Employees in 6 from sight by high walls. Like the other local services 13 yaka villages, Dymi stands on an alluvi- Sailors al fan at the discharge point of a seasonal 6 2 watercourse right at the beginning of the Wage workers (town) 2 foothills. The village centre consists of Commuters to Greece* 1 a square surrounded by a mosque, café 1 Under-40s and hairdresser’s and is ornamented Commuters to the EU 16 Over-40s with a fountain which was donated by 1 family members working in Germany, Commuters to Turkey 9 as was the minaret of the mosque. The Education in Turkey IfL 2007 courtyards are mostly bordered by a one Draft: H. Kandler 11 or two-room house where tobacco is No information Design: P. Mund sometimes stored during harvest time. 0 5 10 15 20 25 100 The surrounding walls incorporate the * Outside Thrace Percentage courtyard into the living area, especially in summer, whether it is where house- Fig. 4: Professional and educational structure of the over-40s and under-40s in Dymi work is done, children play or the fam- Source: own design ily sleep on particularly hot nights. In terms of character, Dymi thus resembles dominance of cherry orchards right near many European countries and the associ- many older villages in Western Anatolia the village is noticeable (particularly ated drop in prices. (Höhfeld 1991, p. 32). The school, café during the flowering season), while to- Only few big farmers risk modernis- for young people and single homesteads bacco fields shape the farming land one ing their businesses because profession- belonging to more wealthy farmers are kilometre away. The village livestock, al diversification is more pronounced outside the old centre of the village. particularly sheep, is kept in the moun- among the under-40s and a large number In terms of population structure, tains in summer and let out in the har- of them were or are employed in far-off Dymi is a classic example of a yaka com- vested fields in winter. The traditional regions of Greece, Turkey or Western munity. According to its own censuses, way of life is reflected in the farming. Europe (Fig. 4). the village had 394 inhabitants in 1994, The main product grown in the yaka is Traditional patterns determine life in which represents an absolute increase in tobacco, which takes up the majority of the village as well as the farming. The population of just 17(!) inhabitants since the 400 dönum (around 400 ha) that con- topics under discussion in the café are 1920 (Aydınlı 1971, p. 343) and indicates stitute the village’s arable land. Although not just concerned with day-to-day busi- the high rate of outward migration from the cultivation of tobacco may safeguard ness, but also with moral issues, while Thrace since the mid-1960s. Neverthe- a family income “as nothing else can” – the speakers consume tea or juice – not less, the generative behaviour has more in relation to the small farm sizes (75 % alcohol. The contact person there is the similarities with developments in tra- between 2-15 ha) (Lienau 1989, p. 144) imam who has a leading role as mediator ditional farming societies in Anatolia – oriental tobacco growing is time- and teacher. (Wittwer-Backofen 1987) than with a consuming and labour-intensive. The The view of Turkey is particular in- state on the southern periphery of Eu- whole process of planting and cultivating teresting owing to the numerous connec- rope. Most men marry between the ages (growing in cold frames, frequent irriga- tions between the village’s inhabitants of 20 and 24 years and women between tion, bedding out, frequent cleaning of and family members working and study- 14 and 19 years. Only very few – gener- the fields, transplanting the flowers and ing in Turkey. ally young men and women with gram- labour-intensive sorting procedures) is The people feel close to Turkey and mar school qualifications or university in family “hands” in both senses of the are interested in Turkish domestic poli- degrees – said they wanted to marry late word. Tractors are barely used on small- tics and sporting events. Their solidarity (>24 years) or not at all. The difference er areas of land. Even in 1995, almost with Turkish policy is always conspicu- in age at which women marry and have every third household used mules, don- ous, even in cases of hotly disputed ac- their first child is also characteristic. Al- keys or horses as working animals. It is tions, as in the case with the . And most 60 % of women give birth to their debatable how long tobacco farming can whenever tensions arise with Greece, the first child one to two years after getting continue there, in spite of EU subsidies people tend to agree with Ankara’s posi- married. Of these, around 40 % give and a changeover to more robust hybrids tion. In sports, their “natural” affinity to birth in the first year after marriage. and first-class Virginia tobacco (Diyalog Turkey becomes particularly apparent. A Dymi is also a textbook yaka com- 6/2/1998, pp. 3-4), in light of the declin- study shows that even school pupils tend munity in terms of its economy. The pre- ing demand, anti-smoking campaigns in to favour Turkish culture and Turkey.

82 Europa Regional 15(2007)2 Pagouria (Thrace) Ethno-religious and functional structure 1998 Mesi Christian cemetery M a c h in e r

Cotton sy 1 Mosque h 2 Muslim primary school e d s Komotini Muslim cemetery 3 Church 4 Christian primary school 5 Pavilion for women’s meetings 6 Garage for agricultural machinery 6

Bakery 1 2 Café 5 Grocery store Machinery storage area 3 4

Memorial Water tower Sheep pen Play area Cotton Bus stop Cereal crops Petrol station Cotton Sheep pens

Muslims V

Settlement for o s

refugees from v

Christians o

the Caucasus z i s Farm building Around 50 units (since 1996) 0 50 100 m

Neo IfL 2007 Sidirochoron Draft: H.Kandler Cartography: K.Schmidt-Hellerau Edited: P.Mund

Fig. 5: Pagouria – ethno-religious and functional structure (1998) Source: own design The Turkish national team deeply rooted the awareness of a congru- extended with new buildings for refugees is more popular (45 %) than the Greek ence between area and population group from the Caucasus (Fig. 5). Although team (36 %). The inhabitants of Dymi is in Thracian society. Its construction is there were still a few pastures left in support Galatasaray or Beşiktaş Istan- seen as a deliberate religious provocation 1998 between the village and the bul, or sport the colours of Trabzonspor. against the Turkish Muslim sovereignty Vosvozis (Fig. 5) – relics of the former This solidarity in the fan cult area is in the area (Ileri 12/12/1997, p. 2), even semi-nomadic economy – the driving particularly significant since the attitude though many Christians by no means re- force of agriculture is cotton, the symbol towards Greece practically takes a back- gard the chapel as a place of pilgrimage of the orta kışla, which is reflected in the seat. These demonstrations of sympathy and the Metropolitan Bishop of Komoti- appearance of the village with its spa- are often regarded as by the ni saw its building as “a thrust against cious machinery stores and wide streets Christians. But hardly anyone is demand- Islam“. for the outsize cotton harvesters. ing annexation to Turkey, if only because The situation of the Christian areas in they enjoy all of the EU rights, unlike the Pagouria the higher part of the village, dominated Turkish EU citizens in Turkey. The spaciously laid out colonist village of by the church and the water tower, sym- The collective identity of the yaka Pagouria is situated in the foreland (orta bolises the – on average – economic and inhabitants comes across in particular kışla) and is a clear contrast to Dymi (see social supremacy of the Christian popu- whenever the government takes meas- Fig. 3). It was built in the early 1930s on lation. The Greek colonisation helped to ures that may be seen as arbitrary to- the boundary of an existing Bulgarian create a clear Christian hegemony, which wards the “Turks”, such as the seizure of Muslim village. The plural ending “-a” is expressed in the number of homesteads land belonging to yaka farmers to build indicates the original dual-centred struc- (1996: 41 Christian, 20 Muslim) as well a university campus near Komotini in ture of the village, although the part with as in the share of agricultural land (Fig. 1978, of which a third has been built at traditional buildings now only makes up 6). most. one quarter of the whole village since the In their everyday working lives and The case of a small church between Muslims have either left the village or private lives, the villagers talk to each Dymi and Folea – in the middle of the have moved into larger modern houses other, help each other and share joy and yaka in Muslim territory – shows how themselves. In the 1990s, the village was hardships. They attend village festivals

83 their homes in Asia Minor. Thus, Pagou- meant that only few pupils were able to Pagouria ria, as other mixed-religion settlements, learn Greek to a standard that allowed Percentage of agricultural land owned by Christians and makes an ideal field of investigation for them to go on to further education and Muslims linguists researching language develop- professional careers in Greece. The con- By size of farm ment and language interference between sequence of this was that young people Percentage Turkish and Greek as representatives of went on to further education in Turkey 100 different language families. In conversa- or even found jobs and homes there, after tions between native Greek and Turkish completing their final year of school at 80 speakers, words from the other language the latest. Some of these citizens ran the quickly slip in and are understood. I was risk of losing their nationality in accord- also able to observe that speakers do not ance with Article 19. These educational 60 Muslims just take over single words – often un- difficulties have resulted in a curious Christians intentionally – but that syntactic shifts situation, which is not that uncommon, 40 occur during speech. Turkish sentences whereby Muslims from Greek Thrace are not infrequently formed with Indo- living and working in Germany as Greek

20 European word order. nationals can speak German and Turk- But it has to be remembered that the ish, but not a single word of Greek. Turkish language is surviving in an en- Many women lack sufficient knowl- 0 0-10 11-50 51-100 101-300 vironment shaped by Greek culture and edge of Greek. A random test in a mixed- IfL 2007 Size (ha) Draft: H. Kandler does not share the fate of languages of religion quarter of Komotini showed that Design: A. Müller purely cultural minorities which, in only 41.3 % of Muslim women under- some cases, practically have the status of stood Greek (1996: 70.8 % of Christian Fig. 6: Pagouria – percentage of agricultur- an old custom (such as Upper and Lower women understood Turkish). This is al land owned by to Christians and Muslims by size of farm Sorbish in the German state of Saxony). partly because many parents tradition- Source: own design Turkish is the language of everyday use ally gave priority to their male children and is struggling for official recognition. when it came to education. Older wom- together, pay their respects to the others This survival has several reasons: en, in particular (1996: >40), but also on religious festive days or on the occa- Since the 1950s, in particular, when men, did not have to worry about go- sion of bereavements and drink ouzo or Greece started holding the Muslim mi- ing about their daily business in public rakı together – alcohol is not taboo in nority – as Turkish charges – partly re- (shopping, school, visiting authorities) the cafés. On the other hand, both the sponsible for the expulsion of Greeks since the service providers either spoke Imam and the Pope complained jointly from Turkey and later even controlled Turkish or employed staff with Turkish about low attendance at services and and oppressed them as fifth column- language skills. the farmers complained jointly about ists of the arch enemy, the forced situa- This means that Thrace is truly bilin- the new EU directives. These findings tion has strengthened the bond between gual. aim to show that daily life can be shared the minority and their mother country While the process of convergence is together. The fact that explosive topics (“anavatan” in Turkish). Since Turkish still underway at an official level, the on Greco-Turkish relations can be heat- was propagated as a national-ethnic con- way in which people interact on a private edly debated yesterday and today with- figuration characteristic during the era of level shows far more experience. A few out causing long-term quarrels shows Sadık Ahmet in the 1980s, it has gained indications are listed here in brief: that this mixed-religion community has an important function as an identity- The appearance of Muslim women developed mechanisms over the dec- giver – supported by the regional media in mixed-religion communities, particu- ades enabling them to live together. And (newspapers and later radio stations) larly younger women, has more similari- cases such as the Imia-Kardak dispute in – which was to overcome ethnic differ- ties with that of Christian women than in 1995, when Greek and Turkish warships ences between Pomaks, Athinganoi and mono-religious communities. surrounded the islets in the Aegean and Osmanlıs. It is therefore understandable Religious activities in public places the villagers soon said that the “ships that attempts in the 1990s on the part of enjoy mutual respect and are celebrated were just cruising around”, prove that Greek organisations to make Pomak – a together on occasion (funeral services, they have long-standing experience of language without a fixed writing system presents and congratulations on the oth- the others, which outsiders do not share. – a basis of identity for the Pomaks to re- ers’ festive days). Muslim school pupils The people live together according to the lease them from the Turkish association and folklore groups even take part in the motto: “In the village community, eve- met with only little success. festivities on 25 March, the anniversary ryone has enemies among Muslims and The bilaterally negotiated education of Greek independence from the Ottoman Christians alike” (Kandler 2007, p. 81). protocols permitted the use of Turkish Empire. And the funeral service of Sadık Language is not an obstacle to daily literature. Although it may have been Ahmet in 1996 was followed closely by communication. Most of the Muslims unsuitable from a teaching point of view, the fairly Islam-critical Greek-speaking living in Thrace can speak at least a few it nonetheless imparted the Turkish lan- local press – not out of spitefulness or words of Greek and the Turkish language guage standards from Turkey. journalistic voyeurism, but out of genu- is not foreign to older Greeks, in particu- The emphasis on the Turkish lan- ine sympathy (Kandler 2007, p. 95). lar, who grew up side by side with Mus- guage and the limited options available The attempt at assigning religious lims or who came into contact with it in for non-native speakers to learn Greek phenomena in Christianity and Islam

84 Europa Regional 15(2007)2 to shared roots is interesting. Easter minds of the Greek population and to put Südosteuropa-Mitteilungen, Vol. 3, pp. (slaughter of the lamb) is comparable to this into practise in everyday dealings 79-85. the Festival of Sacrifice,kurban bayramı, with the minority. There is hope that the Ahmet, S. (1989):Grievances and re- for instance. irritations, which are still the order of the quests of the Turkish-Moslem minor- On a business level, communication day, such as the curtailing of Turkish ra- ity living in Western Thrace, Greece. between Muslims and Christians is a dio stations by a new Greek media law Turkish Review 3, Vol. 15, pp. 37-44. matter of course. Many shops welcome (ABTTF 3/8/2007), will at some point be Apogevmatini tis Kyriakis. Katis, K.K. their customers in their native language. seen in a more relaxed way. (ed.): Ekpaidevsi, ora miden (=Ausbil- Competition and partnership do not The current situation, as presented dung, Stunde Null), 13.12.1998, p. 4. keep to religious boundaries. However, in brief, raises the hope that Christians Aydınlı, A. (1971): Batı Trakya faciâsi- religious principles do form invisible and Muslims will continue to grow to- nin iç yüzü (= Das innere Bild der boundaries, which are observed very gether. The Greek authorities appear to Tragödie Westthrakiens), Istanbul. closely by both sides. There are hardly have recognised the importance of this. Brunnbauer, U. (2007): Ökologie, Ge­ any interfaith marriages. There are ap- Karamanlis, Greek Prime Minister since sell­schaft und Kultur in den Rhodopen: parently some interfaith couples, but 2004, said that the government has set christliche und muslimische Haushalte they no longer live in Thrace owing to the improvement of minority settlement im späten 19. und frühen 20. Jh. In: the strict moral code there. areas in Western Thrace as a goal be- Steinke, K. & Ch. Voss (eds.): The Po- The two-class status is persisting the cause of the region’s future alone, and maks in Greece and Bulgaria. A mod- longest at a political level. A local Muslim that “Muslims have to share in national el case for borderland minorities in the politician said: “Among 50,000 Chris- developments …” (ABTTF 29/9/2007). Balkans. München, pp. 15-47. tians I have only ten serious enemies. But Cela, E. (1997): Albanian Muslims, hu- at a political level, we are second-class man rights, and relations with the Is- citizens” (Kandler 2007, p. 97). Since lamic world. Südosteuropa-Mitteilun- 2006, Ilhan Ahmet, a Thracian Muslim, Literature and sources gen, pp. 149-144. has been a member of the Greek parlia- Aarbakke, V. (2000): The Muslim Mi- Dalegre, J. (1991): La minorité musul- ment, Ahmet Hacıosman is Vice-Prefect nority of Greek Thrace, Bergen. mane turcophone de Thrace occi- of Rhodope (ABTTF 25/11/2006) and ABTTF = Avrupa Batı Trakya Türk Fed- dentale: Système d’enseignement et Gülbeyaz Karahasan was the first Thra- erasyonu identité culturelle. La transmission cian Muslim woman to run for the office Greece had annulled the citizenships du savoir dans le monde musulman of Prefect for the Xanthi-Kavala-Drama of 46638 persons!, 27.5.2005 périphérique, pp. 51-63. region. Election of Ahmet Hacıosman caused Dalegre, J. (1994): La Thrace grecque, discomfort amongst some people, region frontière. Cahiers d’études sur Conclusion 25.11.2006. la Méditerranée orientale et le monde The aim was to show that a settlement Turkish Broadcasting is prohibited in turco-iranien, Vol. 17, pp.133-153. area, which is lived in by communi- Greece, 3.8.2007 Dede, A. (1978): Balkanlar’da Türk ties from different ethnic, cultural and Ministerpräsident Karamanlis: „Wir istiklāl hareketleri (= Die türkischen religious backgrounds, is perceived werden das Minderheitenprogramm Freiheitsbewegungen auf dem Bal- and claimed as home by both in equal umsetzen“, 29.9.2007. kan). Istanbul. measures. This situation, as found in The problem of 19. Article has come Diyalog: Tütün piyasında reform (= Greek Thrace, cannot be explained us- to order in European Council Par- Die Reform im Tabakhandel), 3-4., ing the common conception of integra- liamentary Assembly (PACE), 6.2.1998. tion (or assimilation), which is explic- 16.8.2007. Hillmann, K.-H. (41994): Wörterbuch itly acknowledged as being a “dynamic, 19. madde mağdurları için bilgi for- der Soziologie. Stuttgart. lengthy and … differentiated process of mu (= Informationsblatt für die Höhfeld, V. (1990): Dörfer zwischen growing together” (Hillmann 1994, p. durch Paragraf 19 Benachteiligten, Gunst und Ungunst. Die moderne Ent­ 56), but which implicitly assumes that 1.1.2008). wicklung ländlicher Siedlungen in a society is expanded with new groups. Batı Trakya Türk Azınlığı’nın Avrupa der Türkei. Geographie heute 12, pp. Taking this definition, integration cannot İnsan Hakları Mahkemesi’nde za- 31-37. be achieved in Thrace in the foreseeable feri (= Sieg der westthrakischen tür- Huntington, S. (61997): Kampf der Kul- future. Integration in the Western Euro- kischen Minderheit vor dem euro­ turen, Die Neugestaltung der Welt- pean sense is not wanted. Christians and päischen Gerichtshof für Menschen- politik im 21. Jahrhundert. München/ Muslims are not yet treated as equals. rechte), 27.3.2008. Wien. But despite this, both groups see Thrace Yunan Devleti, azınlık eğitimini yok Ileri. Batı Trakya Türklerinin haftalık fi- as their homeland, unlike some immi- etme stratejisi uyguluyor (= Der grie- kir gazetesi, Halil, S., gen. Haki (ed.): grant societies in Western Europe. chische Staat hat keine Strategie, die Ben de yönetim tanımıyorum (= Ich Unlike in Western and Central Eu- für die Ausbildung der Minderheiten verstehe die Verwaltung auch nicht), rope, the goal in Thrace must be to build geeignet ist), 4.4.2008. p. 4, 26.5.1995. trust by putting an end to the subliminal Trakya gazetesine (= An die Zeitung classification into “same origin” (omog- Ahtisaari, M. (2007): Martti Ahtisaari’s Trakya), p. 4, 1.12.1995. enis) and “foreign origin” (allogenis) – Report on Kosovo’s Future Status, 26 Başarılar dileriz (= Wir wünschen Er- in this case Greek and Turkish – in the march 2007. folg), p. 1, 5.1.1996.

85 Güller dererek (= Beim Rosenpflück- Lienau, C. & G. Katsaros (2004): Ost- bien in Bosnien-Herzegowina. Südost­ en), p. 2, 19.1.1996. makedonien und Thrakien. Der Nord­ europa-Mitteilungen, Vol. 5-6, pp. Yandık Allah‘ım, yandık (= Wir bran- osten Griechenlands im Wandel. In: 103-113. nten, mein Gott, wir brannten), Geographische Rundschau, Vol. 7/8, Wittwer-Backofen, U. (1987): Siedlung 10.5.1996. pp. 22-28. und Friedhof. Eine methodische Stu­ Ehinos = Şahin ziyareti (= Besuch R., E. (1930): Lo scambio obligato- die zur Aussagekraft demographischer = Şahin), p. 4, 13.6.1997. rio delle popolazione tra la Grecia e und paläodemographischer Parameter Yunan papazları (= Griechische la Turchia. Oriente Moderno t. 9, pp. bei kleinen Populationen. Mainz. Popen), 12.12.1997. 397-418. Kandler, H. (1998): Sadık Ahmet Panagiotidis, N.M. (1995): Mousoulman- (1947-1995) – politischer „Spaltpilz“ iki meionotita kai ethniki syneidisi (= Griechisch-Thrakiens. Orient, Vol. 2, Muslimische Minderheit und nationales pp. 285-307. Bewusstsein). Alexandroupolis. Kandler, H. (2000).: Die anatolische Schmidt, F. (2007): Religion in Alba­nien. „Bruchlinie“. Chance für ein neu- Südosteuropa-Mitteilungen, Vol. 5-6, es Fremdbewusstsein bei Türken und pp. 94-102. Griechen. Orient 1, pp. 65-82. Schultze, J.H. (1935): Die neugriechische Kandler, H. (2007): Christen und Mus- Kolonisation Westthrakiens. Ihre geo­ lime in Thrakien. Münster. graphischen Erfolge und Fehlschläge. Liapis, A.K. (1993): Komotini and the Geographischer Anzeiger Vol. 36, pp. surrounding area. An outline, history, 172-178 and pp. 198-207. archaeology, places of interest, transl. Seewann, G. (1995): Einführung. Min­ from the Greek by Whitehouse, D. Ko- derheiten als Konfliktpotential in motini. Ostmittel- und Südosteuropa. München, Dr. Hermann Kandler Lienau, C (1989): Griechenland. Geo­ pp. 3-8. Seminar für Orientkunde Johannes Gutenberg Universität graphie eines Staates der europäischen Steindorff, L. (2007): Religion und Na- D 55099 Mainz Südperipherie, Darmstadt (= Wissen- tionswerdung: Das Beispiel der Bos- [email protected] schaftliche Länderkunden 32). niaken (Muslime), Kroaten und Ser­

86 Europa Regional 15(2007)2