Women of the Kakawin World This Page Intentionally Left Blank Women of the Kakawin World Marriage and Sexuality in the Indic Courts of Java and Bali

Women of the Kakawin World This page intentionally left blank Women of the Kakawin World Marriage and Sexuality in the Indic Courts of Java and Bali

Helen Creese

} An East Gate Book ROUTLEDGE Routledge Taylor & Francis Group LONDON AND NEW YORK } An East Gate Book

First published 2004 by M.E. Sharpe Published 2015 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Creese, Helen, 1955– Women of the Kakawin world : marriage and sexuality in the Indic courts of Java and Bali / by Helen Creese. p. cm. “An East Gate book.” Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-7656-0159-1 (hardcover : alk. paper)—ISBN 0-7656-0160-5 (pbk.: alk. paper) 1. Javanese poetry–History and criticism. 2. Epic poetry, Balinese–History and criticism. 3. Women in literature. 4. Courts and courtiers in literature. 5. Java (Indonesia)–Social life and customs. 6. Bali Island (Indonesia)–Social life and customs. 7. Indonesia– Civilization–Indic influences. I. Title.

PL5172.C74 2004 899’.2221032093522–dc22 2004008282

ISBN 13: 9780765601605 (pbk ) ISBN 13: 9780765601599 (hbk ) For Brian, Peter, and Susan õp n/e\ Ðs r in&& meN hr w )k s Â&tt Ùl &s \Ðwi,

w Ùit Â&} s n K mtn ÓËt i n)\)tæinÎ k ÌT e\kQÑ .

For here is the soul of all that pleases the heart, the epitome of the essence of beauty, said the Poet, Originating in the doctrines of the sacred Kamatantra, kept ever secret, composed in colloquial form to give birth to tales of wonder. Mpu Dharmaja, Burning of Smara 1:23. Twelfth century, East Java Contents

List of Illustrative Materials ix Preface xi

1. Frameworks 3 The Kakawin Genre 6 Functions of Kakawin Poetry 17 The Kakawin World 28 Questions of History and Gender 33 Fact and Fiction 39

2. Like a Precious Jewel: Life at Court 44 Within the Palace Walls 46 Life Stages 70

3. A Fitting Partner: Courtship and Betrothal 88 Forms of Marriage in Kakawin 89 Forms of Marriage in the Indic Courts 110 The Relationships Between Spouses 114

4. The Time Appointed: The Ceremonies of Marriage 133 The Preparations 135 The Wedding Rituals 147

5. An Experience So Wondrous: Kakawin Sexuality 172 The Consummation of the Union 173 The Kraban Ceremonies 177 Kakawin Sexuality 182

vii viii CONTENTS

6. Nothing Is More Virtuous: Death and Loyalty 210 The Self-Immolation of Women in Kakawin 213 Sati in Historical Perspective 230

7. The Poetics of Control 245

Appendix: Textual Sources 251 Glossary 271 Notes 279 Bibliography 323 Index 335 List of Illustrative Materials

Maps The Kakawin World 2 Central and Eastern Java 9 Bali 12

Tables 1.1 Javanese Kakawin 10 1.2 Balinese and Lombok Kakawin 14 3.1 Kakawin Marriages 90 3.2 Cousin Marriage in the Majapahit Period 131

Figures 3.1 Family Relationships in the Mahabharata 122 3.2 Family Relationships According to Hari’s Lineage 125 3.3 Family Relationships According to the Tale of Sutasoma 126 3.4 Dynastic Marriage in the Majapahit Period 130 5.1 Majapahit Rulers in the Fourteenth Century 203

Photographs 1.1 Balinese palm leaf (lontar) manuscript 15 1.2 Bodhisattwa Maitreya holding a wrapped lontar book 16 1.3 A go-between presents a lover’s message on a palm leaf 16 1.4 Gusti Ngurah Jlantik, ruler of Buleleng, North Bali, with his scribe, Wayan Tuhuk 22 2.1 A princess and her attendant in conversation 50 2.2 A royal excursion 52

ix x LIST OF ILLUSTRATIVE MATERIALS

2.3 Captive women 54 2.4 Nymphs adorning themselves 58 2.5 Javanese rural landscape with hermitage and fields 67 2.6 A pregnant Devaki, mother of Kresna 73 2.7 The birth of Lawa and Kusa 75 2.8 Hariti, protector of children and goddess of fertility 81 3.1 Rama bends the golden bow to win the hand of Sita at the swayambara 97 3.2 The swayambara of Dropadi 98 3.3 Rawana abducts Sita 103 3.4 The go-between 108 3.5 The marriage of royal relatives, Bali, 1922 132 4.1 Jarasandha and the king of Cedi are regaled 138 4.2 A dancer accompanied by musicians 146 4.3 Rukmini receives a ritual blessing with holy water 150 4.4 Central Javanese bride 154 4.5 Majapahit bridal procession 158 4.6 Bridal procession 166 4.7 Rama and Sita at their wedding 168 4.8 Wedding gifts 170 5.1 Female ascetics 189 5.2 A lovelorn female ascetic 191 5.3 Arjuna the lover 198 5.4 Two lovers 206 6.1 Captive women bow before the conquering hero 228 6.2 Satyawati prepares to throw herself into the fire 233 6.3 Balinese cremation tower 235

Illustrations 1.1 A poet with a stylus and writing board 17 1.2 A nymph cradles a love poem inscribed on a pandanus petal 18 2.1 The heavenly nymphs beautify themselves 60 5.1 Arjuna tempted by the nymphs 200 5.2 The yoga of love 208 6.1 Ksitisundari throws herself onto the funeral pyre 212 6.2 Dutch representation of sati in Bali 240 Preface

For more than a millennium, the poets of the Indic courts of Java and Bali composed epic kakawin poems in which they re-created the kakawin world, the court environment in which they and their royal patrons lived. Yet their endeavors have remained relatively unmarked. Although the academic study of indigenous textual traditions was a hallmark of much humanities schol- arship in the colonial period, since World War II these traditions, including kakawin, have rarely been incorporated into more broadly focused studies of the culture and history of the Indonesian archipelago. Still produced in Bali in the twenty-first century, kakawin have remained of ongoing interest and relevance to Balinese cultural and religious identities. They also provide much of interest for contemporary scholars. The foundations of this book—the basic empirical spadework of trawl- ing the texts themselves—were laid down many years ago. In his semi- nal study of Old Javanese literature, Kalangwan: A Survey of Old Javanese Literature, published in 1974, the renowned Old Javanese scholar, P.J. Zoetmulder, relying on kakawin poetry as the major source for his own work, noted that kakawin provide a rich supply of interest- ing material for a cultural history of ancient Java. In response to his suggestion that the lengthy descriptions of royal weddings represented one such area of potential interest, I devoted one chapter of my doctoral thesis to this topic. It is a reflection of shifts in both my own academic interests and those of Indonesian and Southeast Asian studies more generally that a single chapter has now grown into a full-length book. This book is multidisciplinary in its focus. Its primary purpose is to document the experiences of women belonging to the kakawin world, although the texts, by nature, reveal more about the discourses concerning women, sexuality, and gender than about the historical experiences of individual women. More important, they reflect the ongoing construction

xi xii PREFACE and perpetuation of gender ideologies in Java and Bali, ideologies that are closely linked to and intertwined with the discourses of power that arise from the political, religious, and social institutions of their times. While the principal analytical focus of this book is more on the description of marriage and sexuality as social institutions than on the literary aspects of the kakawin genre, because the sources themselves are overwhelmingly literary I hope it will also introduce a wider audience to what is perhaps one of the world’s best-kept literary secrets—kakawin literature. In writing this book I have benefited from the advice and encouragement of many colleagues and institutions. My largest debt is to my guru, Dr. S. Supomo, who not only introduced me to Old Javanese studies and supervised my doctoral research but who, even in his retirement, has continued to provide support, encouragement, and advice as I have worked on this material. Fundamental to the completion of this volume have been the collaboration and support of my colleagues who work in Old Javanese studies, especially those involved in the “Sekar Iniket” project—an ambitious translation project of kakawin excerpts envisioned by Professor Zoetmulder, before his death in 1995, as a companion to his Kalangwan volume. Tom Hunter, Pak Supomo, Peter Worsley, Kate O’Brien, and Maggie Fletcher have generously allowed me to make use of and quote from their unpublished translations. Kate O’Brien has also allowed me to make use of her forthcoming major study of the Sutasoma. Those who work in the often-difficult field of Old Javanese studies will appreciate the value to me of such unparalleled access to so many unpublished kakawin sources. Another group of colleagues who have offered ongoing encouragement over many years is the network of scholars working in literary and gender studies in Asia and the Pacific, in Bali studies, and in Old Javanese studies. There are too many to name indi- vidually, but the ongoing interest of such a diverse group gave this project a focus when I might otherwise have been tempted to give up. Barbara Watson Andaya, in particular, has offered her unfailing support and encouragement. Special thanks are due to Robert Cribb, who not only read and commented on earlier drafts of some chapters of this book, and always listened patiently to my ideas as this project developed, but also drew the maps. Jo Sbeghen drew my attention to the importance of visual evidence and also helped in a practical way by drawing the illustration of the nymph cradling a love poem on a petal in chapter 1, and providing additional photographic material for inclusion in this book. I am also grateful to Lyn Parker, Margaret Jolly, Roly Sussex, Lene PREFACE xiii

Pedersen, and Peter Creese for comments on earlier drafts. I Nyoman Darma Putra provided assistance in obtaining photographic material in Bali. For editorial assistance, I am especially grateful to Brian Creese, Peter Creese, and Jennifer Arnold. The School of Languages and Com- parative Cultural Studies at the University of Queensland provided a supportive and collegial environment; a School Research Grant (2003) supported the illustrative material in this book. Thanks are also due to the helpful staffs of the Pictorial Section of the National Library of Aus- tralia in Canberra and the Historical Documentation section of the KITLV (Royal Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies) in Leiden. Any errors of course remain my own.

A Note on Spelling

I have sought to make this book as accessible to as wide a readership as possible by choosing not to use diacritical marks and have taken the somewhat unusual step of giving the kakawin texts English-language titles rather than their familiar Old Javanese names. Throughout this book, Indonesian rather than Sanskrit spelling is used for words of San- skrit origin, except where direct reference to Sanskrit words or titles is made. For example, the v of Sanskrit orthography is rendered as w in Indonesian languages, and no distinction is made between the different kinds of s, n, t, and d. Thus, Sanskrit Pandava is transcribed as Pandawa, Shiva as Siwa, Vishnu as Wisnu, Krishna as Kresna, and so on.

Credits

The following institutions and individuals have kindly granted permission to reproduce the illustrations used in this book:

National Library of Australia, Coffin Collection: Photographs 1.2, 2.1, 2.2, 2.3, 2.4, 2.5, 2.6, 2.7, 2.8, 3.1, 3.3, 4.2, 4.3, 4.5, 4.7, 4.8, 5.3, 6.1 KITLV (Royal Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Stud- ies): Photographs 1.3, 1.4, 3.4, 3.5, 4.1, 4.4, 4.6, 6.3 University of Leiden Library: Photograph 3.2; Illustration 6.1 Lontar Library, Faculty of Arts, Udayana University: Illustrations 1.1, 5.2 Jo Sbeghen: Photographs 5.1, 5.2, 5.4, 6.2; Illustration 1.2 Women of the Kakawin World S E A J A V A KARIMUN JAWA ISLANDS BAWEAN

KANGEAN ISLANDS S U N D A J A V A MADURA M A T A R A M S o l o R. tas R. Madura Strait BALI SEA MAJAPAHITBranJANGGALA (KAHURIPAN)

Mt Sumeru

(D A H A) BALI S t r a i t BALI Mataram

Cakranegara S t r a i t SINGASARI LOMBOK K A D I R I LOMBOK INDIAN BLAMBANGAN O C EA N

RBC

The Kakawin World 1 Frameworks

Suddenly all-enveloping darkness descended and an image of the prince emerged distinctly in the princess’s heart. She was shattered, flooded by the surging of lovesickness, overwhelmed by feelings of deep emotion.

[. . . ]

She then returned to her bedchamber, not sleeping a wink the whole night. Dejected and sighing, she tossed and turned; mystified as to what course she should take, she buried her face in the sleeping mat, Even the coolness of the mist that gently caressed her seemed suddenly scorching. Her disdain of love returned as an irresistible attack, so that suddenly everything brought her pain. (Mpu Panuluh, Hari’s Lineage 12:4–5, twelfth century, Java)1

In a scented pavilion a princess tosses restlessly, overwhelmed by feelings she cannot explain, feelings of both longing and trepidation. These feelings are a prelude to marriage, an entrée to a new world where she will soon exchange the familiarity of her childhood home for the life of a married woman. With marriage her destiny will be tied to a handsome warrior prince, the champion who has defeated all his rivals to win her hand through his courage and prowess. Her love for him will know no bounds, together they will reach the heights of passion, and she will be prepared to follow him even into death. This romantic, chivalric world that strikes a familiar chord in most of us is nonetheless far removed from Western romantic traditions,

3 4 CHAPTER 1 not only geographically, but also because this familiarity is decep- tive. For this princess belongs to the kakawin world of Java and Bali—a world conjured up through the poetic skills of generations of poets who lived and worked in the Indic courts that flourished in Java and Bali between the ninth and nineteenth centuries. Nor is this princess any ordinary princess. She is an image—a woman no one would ever meet in reality, but one who is nonetheless representative of the ideals of the society that created and perpetuated her. Real or imaginary? Fact or fiction? Or a little of both? It is these issues that this book sets out to explore. This study draws on the epic kakawin poetry tradition of Java and Bali to examine representations of women and sexuality and the institutions of courtship and marriage in the Indic courts of Java and Bali.2 Indic courts, imbued with centuries of cultural interchange with Indian, Sanskrit traditions, flourished in pre-Islamic Java between the seventh and fifteenth centuries, and from the ninth century until the late nineteenth century in Bali, where the Balinese courts maintained the centuries-old cultural and religious traditions they had shared with the Javanese before the coming of Islam. For more than one thousand years these royal courts were major centers of patronage of the arts, and the corpus of court-sponsored epic kakawin works that has survived therefore provides an ongoing literary testimony to the cultural and social concerns of court society in Java and Bali from the time of its earliest recorded history until its demise at the end of the nineteenth century.3 Kakawin are not dry historical documents but works of literary art—poems in which individual poets tried to capture the essence of aesthetic pleasure in beautiful words through the telling of tales of exceptional women and men. The major thematic concerns of kakawin poetry are war—to which little attention is given in this book—and love and marriage. Every kakawin can be read for the sheer pleasure of its story and its language. But these poems are also a rich and untapped resource for the study of the pivotal social institution of marriage in Java and Bali in premodern times. This study sets out to explore the kakawin corpus as a source for the cultural and social history of the Indic courts, and to consider gender within the texts, not only because kakawin texts lend themselves well to this purpose, but also because such a study has never FRAMEWORKS 5 been undertaken. This book is therefore partly a historical study since it deals with texts and cultures from the past, and seeks to describe marriage in a historical context. From a gender studies perspective, it takes a specific interest in the representations of women and gender ideology, partly a focus that arises out of personal interest, but one that is shaped also by the prominence of women in kakawin themselves. The major concern of this book is the experiences of the women of the court world—the kakawin world. Its focus is the noble princesses and their entourages of attendants and servants who live in the inner courts of the royal palaces in which the kakawin narratives are set. It describes their lifestyles and daily activities (chapter 2) and traces their experiences and feelings from the first moments of sexual awakening through the long process of courtship to marriage and sexual fulfillment. It discusses the forms of the marriage con- tract and the importance of political alliances and of kinship in the choice of marriage partners (chapter 3), describes the ceremonies and festivities of the wedding itself as a public celebration of the union (chapter 4), as well as the consummation of the marriage and concepts of sexuality (chapter 5), and comes finally to the often tragic consequences for royal women on the deaths of their husbands—either widow burning (sati), or total withdrawal from society to a mountain hermitage (chapter 6). Kakawin represent the public celebration of royal power and he- gemonic reach through conquest in war and marriage alliance. The women depicted in kakawin, at least those described in the public, court-sponsored epic kakawin works that have survived, represent the idealized constructions of the politically powerful, predominantly male, court elite. The world conjured up by kakawin poets is also an elite world, one bounded by the precise restrictions of the social milieu of the court. Kakawin provided exemplary models of appropriate behavior for those with close links to the court, by highlight- ing the social obligations of the men and women of the ksatriya, or warrior class, the class to which the rulers—and patrons of poetry— belonged. Not surprisingly, kakawin sources do not provide a general representation of society, but instead reflect the concerns and interests of social elites. Nearly all kakawin characters are noble, and even where commoners briefly enter the kakawin stories, they are the servants and retainers who also belong to the world of the 6 CHAPTER 1 court, and therefore do not represent the lives and interests of ordinary men and women. Although kakawin themes are familiar ones, for most readers the context is undoubtedly exotic and unfamiliar.4 This introductory chapter provides an outline of the aesthetic and cultural functions of kakawin, describes the characteristics of the genre as a whole, and explores the social roles of texts in kakawin society—considering questions of who wrote them, for whom they were written, and when and why they were composed. It also explores the methodological context of the study, situating it within the historical and gender frameworks that shape the analysis of kakawin as sources for the cultural and social history of women in the Indonesian archipelago. From chapter 2 we enter the kakawin world itself.

The Kakawin Genre

Kakawin poetry is the most ancient literary genre known in the In- donesian archipelago, stretching back to at least the ninth century in Java and beyond that to ancient India. From about the third century onward, Sanskrit influence spread from India throughout much of Southeast Asia, including the Indonesian archipelago. Maritime trade appears to have spearheaded the initial contact, but the religious and cultural riches of Hinduism and Buddhism, particularly as they were reflected in the great Sanskrit epics the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, the puranas, and Buddhist texts, were spread by priests and intellectuals by way of royal courts and religious centers. Perhaps the most striking feature of the process of Sanskritization in Southeast Asia is that it appears to have happened through a process of cultural imitation and borrowing, without any element of military or political conquest.5 A wealth of Indian cultural, social, and religious concepts blended with animist, ancestor-centered indigenous beliefs to create the rich cultures of the Indic courts that developed in Java and Bali, as well as in Sumatra and Kalimantan.6 Indian influence was particularly strong in matters of religion, philosophy, statecraft, and social organization, but it also provided a treasury of artistic and literary riches. The kakawin genre is one such legacy. The kakawin on which this study draws are long epic poems, usually hundreds of stanzas in length, written in the Old Javanese language.7 Most relate the adventures of the gods and heroes of FRAMEWORKS 7 the Sanskrit epics, the Mahabharata and the Ramayana. Kakawin poetry is a highly stylized and formalized genre of poetry. Each kakawin comprises a number of cantos written in a metrical verse form derived from Sanskrit literature, based on a set number of syllables per line, in fixed patterns of long and short syllables.8 The kakawin genre owes much to the classical Sanskrit literary traditions of India, drawing on many of the rules of Sanskrit poetics and prosody, and on Indian ideals of literary form. The word kakawin derives from the Sanskrit word kavya—the classical San- skrit court epic genre that flourished in India particularly between the fifth and fourteenth centuries.9 The kakawin genre is one of the most enduring literary traditions in Southeast Asia. The oldest known kakawin, the Old Javanese Ramayana, dates from the mid-ninth century, while in Bali the court- sponsored epic kakawin tradition flourished until the late nineteenth century, only coming to an end with the final integration of the island into the Dutch colonial empire in 1908.10 The epic kakawin that are the focus of this study divide chronologically into two dis- tinct periods: a Javanese period spanning the ninth to fifteenth centuries, and a subsequent Balinese period, from the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries.11 These two major periods of kakawin writing abut rather than overlap. Kakawin composition in Java appears to have come to an end by the late fifteenth century or early sixteenth century, by which time the last of the major Javanese Indic kingdoms, the Majapahit empire, which dominated the region between the thirteenth and fifteenth centuries, had fallen, and the Javanese Islamic courts had been established. The earliest traces of a distinctly Balinese kakawin tradition date only from the mid-fifteenth century. In Bali, where the Hindu religion and Indic court culture were maintained, not only were Old Javanese works studied and preserved, but many new kakawin works were created. The composition and study of kakawin have in fact continued in Bali until the present, but twentieth- and twenty-first-century kakawin have different thematic concerns from the epic kakawin of the traditional court world and are not included in the present study.12 The Old Javanese textual record was largely preserved in Bali rather than in Java, and it is thanks to later generations of Balinese copyists and textual experts that we have access to the Javanese kakawin that have survived. Our knowledge of the textual record of the kakawin 8 CHAPTER 1 world also owes much to the collection, both official and unofficial, of cultural artifacts, including manuscripts, during the colonial period, as well as to more recent textual documentation projects established by the central and regional Indonesian governments, particularly since the 1970s.13

Javanese Kakawin

Relatively few Javanese kakawin have survived the perilous journey down through the centuries. From the six-hundred-year period between the ninth and the fifteenth centuries, when the Indic kingdoms flourished in Central and East Java, only sixteen epic kakawin survive. The surviving works do not form a continuum of poetic endeavor. Instead, there are long gaps, sometimes of more than one hundred years, in the textual record. The majority of the surviving pre-Islamic kakawin works were composed by court poets under the sponsorship of rulers and high nobles in the Indic courts of Java. Most of them have therefore been reliably dated on the basis of the names of the royal patrons men- tioned in the texts, whose names and reign dates are also known from epigraphical records.14 Apart from the Ramayana, which dates from the Central Javanese period, all the surviving Javanese kakawin were written in East Java, most notably at the courts of Kadiri (1049– 1222) and Majapahit (1293–c. 1527). No kakawin works survive from the Singasari period (1222–1292). The last of the East Javanese works, the Observance of the Night of Siwa (Siwaratrikalpa), was composed during the reign of the Suraprabhawa (ruled 1466–1478), just as Islam began to penetrate the Javanese courts. There is some indication that kakawin composition may also have taken place outside the court. Two Javanese kakawin that probably date from the thirteenth or fourteenth century, and are didactic rather than epic in character—the Tale of Kunjarakarna (Kunjarakarna) and the Sacri- fice of Partha (Parthayajna)—appear to have been written outside the court, possibly in priestly hermitages. There are also a small number of kakawin works assumed to be of Javanese provenance that are concerned not with epic heroes but with religious philosophy, statecraft, and metrical forms, but these too are likely to have arisen from court-related concerns.15 All the Javanese epic kakawin have been used in this study and are listed in Table 1.1 (See page 10). FRAMEWORKS 9

AWWAN RBC

PAWWAN-

JANG

Strait LAMA MADUR A

Madura Mt Sumeru

Candi (KAHURIPAN) Lawi Malang Candi

Logo JANGGALA Surabaya Jalatunda Mojokerto Candi Sihgasari R.

Trowulan

S E A SINGASARI Brantas Candi Sarawana Candi

Panataran

PAHIT

(DAHA)

KADIRI

KABALAN MAJA

JAVA

Central and Eastern Java

WENGKER MATAHUN

LASEM

Solo R. Solo

Kidul

Gunung PAJANG Demak

O C E A N Mogyakarta Cambanan Candi Candi Mendut

MATARAM Candi Dorobudur

I N D I A N

50 kilometres PAGUHAN 10 CHAPTER 1 langga (r. 1016–1049) langga (r. Rajasanagara (r. 1350–1389) (r. Rajasanagara Ranamanggala (d. 1400) Ranamanggala (d. 1400) Royal Patron va ?1182–1185) (r. Kameswara teenth century, East Java teenth century, East Java teenth century, East Java teenth century, East Javateenth century, East Javateenth century, – – elfth century, East Javaelfth century, 1135–1157) (r. Jayabhaya elfth century, East Javaelfth century, 1135–1157) (r. Jayabhaya elfth century, East Javaelfth century, 1194–?1205) (r. Jayakreta teenth century, East Javateenth century, 1466–1478) (r. Suraprabhawa Time and Thirteenth century, East JavaThirteenth century, East JavaThirteenth century, (1204) Warsajaya – Place of Origin Ninth century, Central Java Central Ninth century, – Thirteenth century, East JavaThirteenth century, – Four Thirteenth century, East Ja Thirteenth century, antularantular Four Four Author Mpu Panuluh Tw Mpu Triguna Mpu Panuluh Tw Sumanasantaka Mpu Monaguna Ramayana – ArjunawiwahaBharatayuddha Mpu Kanwa Mpu Sedah/Panuluh Tw East Java Elev enth century, Air DesawarnanaArjunawijayaSutasoma Mpu PrapancaKunjarakarna Mpu T Parthayajna Four Siwaratrikalpa Mpu Dusun Mpu T – Mpu Tanakung Four Fif Smaradahana Mpu Dharmaja Hariwangsa Bhomakawya – Kresnayana

Kakawin of Siwa Table 1.1 Table Javanese Title of Work Hari's Lineage Death by Sumanasa Flower of Bhoma Tale of Kresna Tale Ramayana Ghatotkaca to the Rescue Ghatotkacasraya Marriage of Arjuna War of the Bharatas Depiction of the Districts Victory of Arjuna of Sutasoma Tale of Kunjarakarna Tale Sacrifice of Partha Observance of the Night Burning of Smara FRAMEWORKS 11

Balinese Kakawin

The Balinese period of kakawin literature can be further subdivided into a Balinese and a Lombok tradition because, from the early eighteenth until the end of the nineteenth century, kakawin poets were also based at the Balinese courts established in the western part of the neighboring island of Lombok.16 More than one hundred and fifty works that can be broadly classified as belonging to the kakawin genre and were composed largely between the seventeenth and twentieth centuries in Bali and Lombok have now been identified.17 The Balinese kakawin corpus displays a diversity that is only hinted at in the Javanese kakawin record, but which suggests that kakawin writing was widespread outside the royal courts. Approximately half of the existing Balinese kakawin works are epic kakawin. The re- maining works are shorter lyrical poems and are concerned with a variety of topics, including religious, moral, and didactic themes.18 A small number of kakawin also deal with poetics, meter, and the craft of kakawin composition, and there are a number of short lyrical texts that can be broadly described as love poems. Over half of the epic kakawin from Bali are dedicated to royal patrons, although only rarely are specific patrons named. Instead, references are made simply to the splendor and benevolence of the ruler, without further detail. A considerable number of epic kakawin of Balinese origin are dedicated not to royal patrons but to spiritual mentors, particularly the goddess of learning, Saraswati, and to the creative genius of the great poets of earlier ages. Nevertheless, a certain degree of chronological reliability for the Balinese kakawin material is possible. In addition to a number of works that can be dated on the basis of a particular patron’s name, some individual works contain a chronogram (date in words) in the introductory invocation or epilogue, providing detailed information about the time, place, and circumstances of their composition. Generations of copyists have also added to this store of historical data by incorporating their own personal notes into the copies they made. Manuscript collections both in Indonesia and abroad preserve important snapshots of textual interests in Java and Bali at specific historical moments and provide useful data concerning the provenance and dating of many Balinese works. The two major Balinese manuscript collections in the Leiden University Library, the Van der 12 CHAPTER 1 RB C

Karangasem Amlapura K A R A N G A S E M E S A G N A R A K Sibetan + Besakih

GURUN KUNG Gelgel Klungkung (NUSA PENIDA) Sidemen

B A G L I KLUNG

G I A N Y A R A Y N A I G

BADUNG Denpasar

Singaraja M E N G W I W G N E M Kut a + Pura Batukau

Bali B U L E L E N G N E L E L U B

T A B A N A N

STRAIT

J E M B R A N A

BALI

JAVA FRAMEWORKS 13

Tuuk Collection and the Lombok Collection, both dating from the late nineteenth century, also allow a terminus ante quem of the late nineteenth century—the chronological limit of this study—to be determined for a large number of texts. Only Balinese epic kakawin that focus on women, marriage, and sexuality, and that can be reliably dated, have been used in this study; they are listed in Table 1.2.

The Preservation of Kakawin Literature

The preservation of the Old Javanese literary corpus is a remarkable story. Like all Old Javanese and Balinese textual works, kakawin were inscribed with a small knife on the leaves of the tal palm (Borassus flabillifer), which were then smeared with a black inky dye. The inscribed leaves were bound into books called lontar. In the humid, tropical, and insect-ridden climate of Java and Bali, few of these palm leaf manuscripts lasted more than one hundred years. Each work that survived the journey down through the centuries therefore had to be repeatedly copied and recopied. In the case of the earliest known literary works from Java, textual preservation reflects an ongoing commitment to the significance of individual works for more than one thousand years. Equally remarkable is the fact that numerous copies of many of these works are preserved in libraries or scriptoria throughout Bali, Lombok, and, in the case of some of the earliest works, Java as well. It is probable that palm leaf manuscripts, which were commonly used throughout India and Southeast Asia for writing before paper became available, were known in Java and Bali throughout the history of kakawin literature. There are references to palm leaves (ron) in inscriptions from the late Central Javanese period, and to palm leaves or boards (ripta) in East Javanese inscriptions from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.19 Orthographically, the scripts found in Javanese and Balinese inscriptions from the mid-eighth century display a cur- sive style that may have developed for ease of writing on a palm leaf surface.20 There are also lontar-shaped books and single lontar leaves for brief messages depicted in a number of temple reliefs in Central and East Java between the ninth and fourteenth centuries.21 Although paper was introduced in Java and other parts of the Indonesian archipelago from the sixteenth century onward, in Bali and Lombok paper was not used widely until colonialism had made a direct impact in the 14 CHAPTER 1 – – – – – – – (r. 1870–1894) (r. (r. 1815–1851) (r. Dewa Agung Istri Kanya 1815–1851) (r. Dewa Agung Istri Kanya 1815–1851) (r. (Cakrawartiprabhu) (d. 1809) Surawirya (d. 1736) Royal Patron Lombok Anglurah Gede Karangasem y, Klungkung y, entieth century, Bali entieth century, 1826, Bali Nineteenth century, Nineteenth century, 1854, Lombok 1778, Bali Place of Origin Time and – Bali Nineteenth century, Agung Istri Dewa Kanya – Bali Nineteenth century, – 1816, Klungkung – Bali Nineteenth century, – Bali Nineteenth century, – Tw –Bali century, Eighteenth Ruler of the world – 1851, Klungkung –centur Eighteenth Mudha Prapanca Nirarthaka Nirarthaka Klungkung Eighteenth century, Surawiryawangsaja Author Pinaputra c. Narakawijaya Ramaparasuwijaya Khandawawanadahana Sang Anten Kresnapancawiwaha Astikayana Hariwijaya Prethuwijaya Subhadrawiwaha Abhimanyuwiwaha Pandawawiwaha Kresnakalantaka Kresnantaka Kalayawanantaka Parthayana

Kakawin Victory of Naraka Death of Kalantaka Death of Kalayawana Victory of Ramaparasu Burning of the Khandawa Forest Five Husbands of Dropadi Journey of Astika Hari's Victory Death of Kresna Victory of Prethu Marriage of Abhimanyu Journeying of Partha Marriage of Subhadra Table 1.2 Table Balinese and Lombok Title of Work Marriage of the Pandawas FRAMEWORKS 15

Photo 1.1 Balinese palm leaf (lontar) manuscript. The Abhimanyuwiwaha (Marriage of Abhimanyu), Kirtya 80, Singaraja, Bali. (Author’s photograph) late nineteenth century. Palm leaves continued to be used for letters and notes, for charms, and for memoranda, censuses, and aspects of village administration until the end of the nineteenth century.22 Curi- ously enough, there is no mention of lontar as a writing surface in kakawin texts themselves. Instead, kakawin poets are most frequently depicted using a wooden writing board (karas) and a pencil of soft stone (tanah), which could be sharpened and then blunted again in the quest for perfect poetic form. Courtiers most frequently commu- nicate their feelings of love by scratching with a fingernail on a pudak— the petal sheath of the pandanus (pandan) flower.23 Sheer physical survival was undoubtedly one aspect of the story of each kakawin literary work. The existing textual record does not simply reflect the serendipitous preservation of a random selection of kakawin, or sporadic moments of literary significance. That so many kakawin survive in multiple palm leaf manuscript copies suggests that they were considered to be works of lasting value. Other factors contributing to textual survival, however, were concerned with the religious, political, and social functions of literary works in kakawin society. The time- consuming task of manuscript production meant that only important works were recopied and preserved; and kakawin—or at least the long epic kakawin linked to royal courts—were imbued with sufficient spe- 16 CHAPTER 1

Photo 1.2 Bodhisattwa Maitreya holding a wrapped lontar book. Borobodur, Central Java, c. 800 CE. (Coffin Collection, National Library of Australia)

Photo 1.3 A go-between presents a lover’s message on a palm leaf. Pendopo Terrace, Candi Panataran, Central Java, 1375 CE. (KITLV 2/54/260a,b) FRAMEWORKS 17

Illustration 1.1 A poet sits in a pavilion inscribing a poem with a stylus on a writing board. Scene from the Dampati Lalangon (Delights of Lovers), Balinese prasi manuscript. (Kropak 240, Udayana University, Denpasar Bali) cial religious, political, or aesthetic significance to ensure both their short-term survival and their eventual incorporation into communal or dynastic memory. This status then guaranteed their careful, ongoing preservation from one generation to another, even in the face of political upheaval. We will now consider the important cultural and political functions of kakawin composition in more detail.

Functions of Kakawin Poetry

The act of kakawin composition was not merely an expression of individual creativity. Kakawin court poets, those who wrote the epic works discussed in this study, were religious functionaries at the royal courts of Java and Bali. They bore the title of mpu— “master.” P.J. Zoetmulder’s extensive studies of the Old Javanese court poets indicate that their duties included various scribal and clerical tasks, the study and preservation of religious and secular texts, and oral performance of literary works on ceremonial occa- sions.24 They appear to have been members of the royal house- hold, accompanying their masters on tours of their dominions, on hunting trips, and even into battle.25 With the exception of the Old Javanese Ramayana, the oldest surviving kakawin work and the only one dating from the Central Javanese period, all epic kakawin begin with an introductory hymn of praise (manggala) and con- clude with an epilogue in which poets speak directly to their audience. In these hymns of praise, poets offer their poems to a personal deity, extol the virtues of their royal patrons, and, while deprecat- ing their own meager efforts at composition, also outline their aesthetic and literary goals. These passages provide considerable insight into the nature and function of kakawin poets and their 18 CHAPTER 1

Illustration 1.2 A nymph cradles a love poem inscribed on a pandanus petal (pudak). Scene from the Marriage of Arjuna (Arjunawiwaha) on a Balinese lontar manuscript. (Drawing by Jo Sbeghen) craft, as well as the cult of beauty and love to which they devoted themselves. They reveal three major functions of kakawin composition—a religious function, a eulogistic or allegorical function, and an aesthetic and emotional function.

Poets and Deities—The Religious Aspects of Kakawin Composition

Homage to the deity who is the supreme god of the writing board of the kawi, who is the essence of written characters, The origin and the final goal of the poem— extremely difficult to approach is the abode of him who is himself a prince of poets. Uniting himself in a subtle state and concealed in the dust of the pencil when it is sharpened by the nail of him who tries to grasp beauty, He is caused to be present in an illusory material form by unceasing concentration of thought, in order that he may descend in the written poem as into his temple.

That is why I lay my act of worship at his feet aspiring to become a novice in the kawi brotherhood. (Mpu Monaguna, Death by Sumanasa Flower 1:1–2, thirteenth century, Java)26 FRAMEWORKS 19

Kakawin were works of literature, poems in which poets sought to evoke aesthetic delight while relating the adventures of great heroes and heroines. At the same time, the composition of an epic kakawin was an act of religious devotion, where the religious and aesthetic goals of poets could be unified. Kakawin poets were practitioners of what Zoetmulder has termed “literary yoga,” a means by which the poet could seek religious experience through meditation on aesthetic goals.27 As the introductory stanzas to most kakawin testify, in their quest to convey rapture in verse on the writing board, poets offered their work in homage to a personal deity. Each epic kakawin begins with the invocation of a tutelary deity (istatadewata). A number of different deities are worshipped, including the great gods of the Hindu pantheon, such as Siwa and Wisnu and most notably Kama (Smara), the god of love and beauty.28 In Balinese kakawin works, Saraswati, goddess of learning and knowledge, is also prominent. The deity is invoked in its manifestation as the divine presence in everything that is beautiful (langö). Through the tantric yogic practice of meditation on the deity, the poet sought union with the deity by summoning it from its immaterial (niskala) essence and causing it to assume a material (sakala) form by entering a material object, in this case the poem. Kakawin composition was thus the means (sadhana) by which union with the divine could be achieved. The writing board on which the poem was inscribed was the yantra, the receptacle to which the deity descended in material form, and the kakawin poem itself, in the words of the poets, became a “temple of words” (candi ning bhasa) at which poets devoted to the cult of beauty (kalangwan) could worship.29 The religious practices associated with kakawin composition imbued texts with a spiritual power and an ability to inspire awe and reverence in those who came into contact with them. The power of literary magic was a belief shared by many premodern literate cultures across the Indonesian archipelago and is one that has remained relevant to textual practice in traditional Bali.30 In Bali, kakawin composition revolved around a core of religious beliefs about letters. The letters or syllables (aksara) inscribed on the leaf were believed to have a divine origin and to be invested with a supernatural power that could be manipulated to influence the course of events.31 Letters, imbued with a sacred and dangerous magic power, could unleash powerful forces for misfortune and calamity if incorrectly handled. Kakawin composition was there- 20 CHAPTER 1 fore not mere storytelling, but a mystical means of communication with the divine, in which strict rules of literary asceticism applied. The supernatural power of the letters also extended to the physical text, the lontar palm leaf manuscript. Copying manuscripts, pre- serving them for future generations, was, and in Bali still remains, part of the ritual process. In the case of epic kakawin, the texts themselves reveal that poets sought to ensure spiritual well-being for themselves, for their patrons, and for all who heard their works performed. The composition of kakawin was a craft in which the poet, as an adept, was able to harness the power of the written word. Anyone participating in the hearing or reading of the text—poet, patron, or audience—could also benefit from its salutary power.32 Nowhere was this power more evident than in the relationship between poet and royal patron.

Poets and Patrons—The Allegorical and Didactic Functions of Kakawin Composition

It will be none other than the praises of Wisnu whose tale I will tell, Laid out in the form of a kakawin and given a pleasing expression that takes its place in the grooves of the writing board. Though it seems improbable I will have the power to do so, I have set my hopes on it, for I have been urged on by the commission of the lord king, Sri Dharmeswara, who has attained world-victory as King Jayabhaya, in his essence the very Self of Wisnu.

It will not be because I have a true understanding, indeed I am certain I will be recognized as a disappointment. My sole aim is to make a flower-offering of praise at the feet of Lord Wisnu, nothing else. That is why I would compose the story of the lineage of Hari, following its course, giving it poetic form, As a visible sign of being accepted as an apprentice by my king, who is known as “Lord Tender Shoots of Beauty” in the aesthetic arts. (Mpu Panuluh, Hari’s Lineage 1:2–3, twelfth century, Java) FRAMEWORKS 21

For their material well-being kakawin poets needed more than an insubstantial relationship with a deity or muse, no matter how spiri- tually uplifting, and were reliant on royal patronage. The major epic kakawin that have survived from both Java and Bali are dedicated to royal patrons, and one of the common epithets of patrons in these works is the lord “for whom one wears down the stylus” until it snaps in two or is worn away.33 The reality of the existence of these patrons can be confirmed in epigraphical and other historical records. Religious concepts of divine kingship, borrowed from Indian philosophy, were crucial features of Javanese and Balinese social struc- tures. Writing a kakawin and offering it in homage to a royal patron served also to promote both the invincibility of the king and the prosperity of the world. Individual patrons were often celebrated as incarnations of the gods and heroes invoked in the poems. They were not simply like these figures; they were regarded as divine, as portrait statues of Javanese rulers as incarnations of deities attest.34 Just as kakawin could become temples of words in praise of the gods, so too, in the material world, could they become sacred objects, part of the royal regalia of individual patrons. The literary works themselves thus served to enhance the reputation and status of the patron, to promote the king’s activities, and to ensure victories over his enemies. The relationship was reciprocal, and the supernatural power of the king also helped to ensure the success of the poet’s literary efforts. Some kakawin appear to be directly allegorical.35 Two examples, one from the early East Javanese period and one from the later Ba- linese tradition, are the eleventh-century Marriage of Arjuna (Arjunawiwaha), which may have been a nuptial poem written by the poet Mpu Kanwa for the East Javanese ruler Airlangga (ruled c. 1016–1049), and the eighteenth-century Journeying of Partha (Parthayana), written to commemorate a pilgrimage to Javanese sacred sites in 1729 by the Balinese ruler of Klungkung, Surawirya (ruled c. 1722–1736).36 In most cases, however, too few details about the specific historical context are available to be certain that direct links exist between actual historical events and the stories being told in the poems. Patrons were also directly involved in the creative dimension of kakawin composition. The writing of poetry was a skill expected of all educated members of the court, and many patrons are extolled as 22 CHAPTER 1

Photo 1.4 Gusti Ngurah Jlantik, ruler of Buleleng, North Bali, with his scribe, Wayan Tuhuk, holding a lontar, 1865 CE. (KITLV 4372) poets in their own right. The twelfth-century Javanese ruler Jayabhaya, the patron of Hari’s Lineage (Hariwangsa), not only is the source of writing boards and pencils for poets whose work he sponsors, but is also praised as a poet of such skill that he is renowned himself for the “book monuments” he builds.37 Little corroborative evidence is available outside the kakawin works themselves for literary activity at the FRAMEWORKS 23

Javanese courts. In the better-documented Balinese period, however, the two major nineteenth-century Balinese court centers, Klungkung in Bali during the reign of Dewa Agung Istri Kanya (ruled c. 1815– 1851) and the Mataram court based at Cakranagara in Lombok, were renowned as important literary centers to which poets flocked.38 However, in spite of the overt religious and didactic functions of kakawin, it would be a mistake to attach the solemnity of religion and public morality in Western traditions to the kakawin genre, for the prime public functions of kakawin were to appeal to the emotions and to entertain.

The Aesthetic and Entertainment Functions of Kakawin

When the heart is enraptured will it not give rise to lyrics of captivating beauty? (Mpu Panuluh, Ghatotkaca to the Rescue 2:11, twelfth century, Java)39

One of the major roles that kakawin poets performed was that of “soother of cares” (penglipur lara), a function shared with poets in other literary traditions in the Indonesian and Malay world.40 By capturing in verse the beauty of the natural world, the emotions of love, and the heat of battle, poets created a universe in which the audience could leave behind their everyday concerns and be trans- ported to heroic realms of war, love, and adventure, swept away by exquisite language, pleasing meter, apt metaphor, bawdy jokes, and clever allusion. In other words, kakawin were designed to entertain, to be sung and performed in public, and to appeal to a live audience drawn from all classes of society. While the “paying” audience may have been the elite members of the inner court, performances were watched by all those who could attend, whether rich or poor, vil- lager or court official. Even for the poet’s wider audience, the spiritual benefits of hearing the stories were considerable. In addition, didactic elements in kakawin, particularly those pertaining to proper conduct, or dharma, were aimed at society in general. From a dis- tance of many centuries it is impossible to gauge the extent to which ordinary Javanese and Balinese men and women actually embraced or typified the images and morality that pervade kakawin literature, but the persistence of the values of epic traditions in popular belief 24 CHAPTER 1 in contemporary Javanese and Balinese society, even until the twenty-first century, testifies to the success of the dissemination of elite values to the general population.41 Kakawin poetry crosses and recrosses the boundaries between oral and written literary forms. Although largely preserved in written manuscript form and closely associated with the literary magic associated with the power of letters and texts as ritual objects, kakawin display many features of oral traditions. They are epic poems with simple, familiar plots full of narrative coincidences united around a central theme; they deal with heroic figures; and are written in an elevated style using formalized conventions and devices.42 The nature of kakawin language also points to the importance of oral elements in kakawin composition.43 While little documentary evidence is available for earlier periods, kakawin practice in contemporary Bali integrates textual reading and interpretation with oral performance. Kakawin are read, or rather sung, in many ritual contexts, as well as in a communal textual practice called pepaosan or mabasan. Pepaosan refers to a literary study group in which two performers take part: one sings the text in the original Old Javanese language, usually from a lontar manuscript, and the other interprets the meaning for a contemporary audience by providing a paraphrase in literary or high Ba- linese.44 Other participants are actively involved in providing additional commentary and interpretation. That this present-day Balinese tradition of oral textual exegesis has a long history is hinted at in the many references to the “singing” of poetry in kakawin texts down through the centuries, and is explicitly stated in the epilogue to one of the earliest surviving Old Javanese works, the tenth- century prose version of the fourth book of the Mahabharata, the Book of Wirata. In the text the author notes that he has rendered the Sanskrit epic story into the local Javanese vernacular, and that the recital of the story took nearly a month—the precise dates being October 14 to November 12, 996 CE.45 In its most recent and most technologically advanced form, the oral interpretation of Old Javanese and Balinese texts, including kakawin, is now a regular feature on Balinese radio and prime-time television.46 Tradition- ally, however, the public recitation of kakawin stories, in which the audience could participate directly in the oral performance, encapsulated and united the three major functions of kakawin composi- FRAMEWORKS 25 tion—the religious function through the salutatory benefits of hearing the work, the allegorical and didactic function in the moral guidance inherent in the characters and plots, and the aesthetic function in the beauty of language and imagery.

The Language of Love and Beauty

I make bold to discourse on the source of your splendour: You are the manifestation of the beauty of an enchanting flower garden— Your teeth gleam with the allure of a posy of sridanta flowers, And in your gums repose the [red] handul flowers. The charm of the katirah flower finds refuge in your lips, And in your eyes is the beauty of the blue lotus; In your neck is the slenderness of the fragrant jangga vine unfurling, And it is as if your beautifully ornamented hairknot is the manguneng galuh. As for your slender body it is as the fragrant priyaka; Your arms put to shame the tendrils of the delightful asoka, Your calves eclipse the perfumed pandanus, And [your breasts] are superior to the rounded ivory coconuts as a domain of pleasure. (Anon., Marriage of Subhadra 2:7–9, nineteenth century, Bali)47

Studies of Old Javanese poetry show that the kakawin genre was strongly influenced by the kavya, or Sanskrit court epic.48 Kakawin poets incorporated into their work all the requirements of the kavya as set out in Sanskrit poetics, including those relating to the depiction of beautiful women, set against the picturesque landscape of a garden or seashore, the separation of lovers, and the enjoyment of love.49 Although kakawin poets did not neglect the other requirements of epic court poetry, particularly the long, detailed, and bloody descriptions of battles and conflicts, the kakawin genre evolved into a form of courtly romance in which relationships between men and 26 CHAPTER 1 women were preeminent, and the feminine, particularly in its asso- ciation with the natural world, was enmeshed and personified. The wider influence of Sanskrit poetics and erotics is clearly seen in the representation of women in kakawin, but Javanese and Balinese poets developed their own poetical conventions for depicting women and gave kakawin poetry its distinctive style.50 Kakawin abound with evocative descriptions of the Javanese and Balinese landscape, in which poets, seeking to emulate the work of the master poets (kawiswara), describe the natural world by losing themselves entirely in the contemplation of the landscape.51 Even on the battlefield the metaphorical universe remains that of the natural world—mountains of corpses, rivers of blood, the flashing of weapons like the sun, stars, and moon, the darkness of night in the swirling dust. The poet’s concern, however, was to capture not simply the beauty of nature, but also the beauty of women, in whom nature was perfectly embodied. Kakawin are replete with descriptions of the beautiful women of the court— almost exclusively nubile women of marriageable age. The female form and the natural world are twin elements of the same muse. The beauty of nature, reflected in and reflecting the beauty of women, thus forms the core aesthetic of kakawin poetry. Meta- phorically, women’s bodies and the natural world are mirrors. Women’s bodies evoke the natural environment: their eyes, teeth, and gums reflect particular kinds of flowers, their limbs and waists are slender vines and creepers, their shapely calves the flower of the pandanus, their breasts ivory coconuts.52 Women in kakawin are frequently depicted against the backdrop of nature in parks or gardens, which serve both to highlight and to illuminate their own beauty. Poets and wandering lovers, enraptured by the beauty of the world around them, see nature as a representation of ideal womanhood, and in turn beautiful women represent all the glories of the natural world. Nature and female beauty are so closely linked that the mere mention of an element of either in a line or stanza is sufficient to conjure an image of the whole. So pivotal is metaphor to kakawin idiom that the German Sanskrit scholar R.Th. Friederich, who visited Bali in the mid-nineteenth century and wrote the first detailed description of its literature, noted that the Balinese considered “the meaning of kakawin to be ‘to make comparisons,’ ‘to speak in comparisons.’ This is the mode in which poetry is formed; FRAMEWORKS 27 comparisons are the ornaments and marks of poetry.”53 In kakawin these comparisons invariably link the beauty of women and their sexuality to nature. Within the themes of love and marriage kakawin poets were able to give free reign to their creative genius to capture beauty. In min- iature love poems and scenic vignettes, they gave expression to the concept of langö, a word that encapsulates not merely the subjec- tive feeling of aesthetic delight but also its object, the beauty of women and the natural world. The emotions aroused by the luxuriant tropical landscape and the sensuality of women in it could scarcely be distinguished. Both allowed poet and audience to abandon themselves totally to poetic rapture. Kakawin description goes well beyond the simple physical reflection of women in nature. Extended metaphors allow women to encompass the entire landscape: the seashore, the mountains, the sky. The sweetness of a woman, for example, is comparable to a sea of honey, her eyebrows are as sharp as a reef, her disordered, tum- bling tresses are like the waves, and the whole is designed to ship- wreck the heart of anyone who seeks her charms.54 Or a poet-lover may come upon a mountain vista that transforms into the beloved he has left behind: the ground plants form her inner garment, the wisps of cloud and mist overlaying them are the silk of her outer garment; the stream forms her necklace, the sunbeams are her jew- eled ornaments flashing, the flowers become her makeup and ornaments, and the blossoming creepers are her attendants seated all around her.55 Just as nature and women’s bodies are metaphorical reflections of each other, nature is sexualized and eroticized. The natural world is prey to the same emotions and actions as humans. Separation from a beloved is portrayed in terms of withered plants and flowers deprived of rain. Casting oneself like petals into a river is the metaphor for the ultimate self-sacrifice for love. Plants and flowers reach out to attract the passing hero or exhibit real or feigned indiffer- ence. Nature also experiences the confusion of yearning. Like kakawin princesses, plants may seek to move aside to escape the tendrils of creepers reaching out to them or to shy away from the embrace of luxuriant undergrowth. More worldly creepers, on the other hand, become limp with desire, seeking passionate embraces, tossing restlessly and rustling in anticipatory sensual delight; or 28 CHAPTER 1 they reach out to the hero as he passes by to invite him to share in their physical charms. Even buildings may embody a woman: her breasts are the terraces, her heart is the doorway, her body the rafters, and her eyes the crossbeams.56 Or an abandoned refectory in a temple complex might bring to mind a woman pining for her lover, with its pale lintel sculpture like her wan face, and the encircling casuarina pines blown about in the wind reminiscent of her dishev- eled, loosened hair.57 The aesthetic and performance aspects of the kakawin genre mean that kakawin are more concerned with invoking mood than with plot or narrative.58 The dominant mood is the erotic, which, as in Sanskrit poetry, has two antithetical modes, love-in-enjoyment and love-in-separation.59 Poignant scenes of loss, separation, and longing fill stanza after stanza of all kakawin. More sensuous than romantic, love in kakawin poetry is never platonic. Instead, it is an overwhelming and irresistible force, and descriptions of lovemaking and of the natural world in kakawin are frankly erotic. Sexual passion, with its twin aspects of pain and pleasure, dominates the metaphorical universe of kakawin literature. Nevertheless, the poet’s task was to provide a sensate experience that was never wanton or licentious, but refined and courtly. In the kakawin world, the poet’s goal of union with the deity and devotion to the cult of beauty, the beauty of nature, the beauty of women, and the aesthetics of the mood of love are intertwined. With- out nature, without beauty of form, without the emotions of love, without sensuality, kakawin poetry is not possible. The centrality of discourses of love, beauty, and marriage in kakawin is so pronounced that it is almost inevitable that representations and the roles of women should dominate this study of the kakawin world and provide a focus for a critique of the gender discourse embedded in the cult of beauty itself.60

The Kakawin World

Before considering the validity of kakawin as sources for exploring social history, it is perhaps useful to define more precisely the concept of the kakawin world that is so often referred to in this study. In the first place, the “kakawin world” can be defined in purely textual terms, its scope bounded by considerations of literary form and lan- FRAMEWORKS 29 guage. Kakawin can be considered a single entity on both literary and linguistic grounds as works belonging to a single poetical genre, the kakawin genre, and written in a single language, namely, Old Javanese. Not only were kakawin texts revered for their content, but the use of Old Javanese language clearly marked them as belonging to the body of ancient and hence sacred knowledge by which society was ordered. For later generations of Balinese, the Old Javanese textual heritage from Java was seen as the most ancient and therefore the most authoritative.61 In both Java and Bali, many other textual genres were created, but Old Javanese texts were accorded a status not allowed to other language registers and genres. Neverthe- less, in this study the kakawin world encompasses a slightly broader textual corpus than simply the kakawin genre. It also incorporates a limited number of textual works, all written in Old Javanese language as well, that are products of the same Indic-centered world, and that share direct cultural and textual links to Sanskrit traditions.62 These texts include the Old Javanese prose reworkings of the Mahabharata, the parwa, and a number of philosophical and moral treatises, such as the Slokantara and Sarasamuccaya, as well as the Old Javanese adaptations of Sanskrit legal codes, including the Kutaramanawa and Swara Jambu. Sculptural reliefs from temples located in Central and East Java also lend visual evidence to comple- ment the textual sources. Second, the kakawin world is the social and cultural environment revealed by the kakawin poems themselves. In other words, it is the fictional court world created by the kakawin poets of Java, Bali, and Lombok between the ninth and nineteenth centuries. In this sense, “kakawin world” serves as a convenient term to avoid the otherwise cumbersome use of ongoing references to a literary and textual tradition that encompasses one thousand years of literary production in geographically separate and shifting court centers located on three islands in the Indonesian archipelago—Java, Bali, and Lombok. The third, and perhaps most important, definition of the kakawin world, however, is a much broader one. The long-standing and complex relationship between the Indic courts of Java and Bali is an essential component of the kakawin world story. It is a relationship marked as much by continuity as by change. For much of the pre- Islamic period, Java and Bali appear to have formed one world, sharing not only systems of government administration and periodi- 30 CHAPTER 1 cally rulers but also the religious beliefs, literature, language, and cultural forms that were the products of centuries of interaction between the Indic courts of the archipelago and India. There is archaeological evidence of direct contact between India and the north coast of Bali in the first and second centuries CE, evidence that pre- dates the earliest known records found elsewhere in the archipelago.63 Although the history of the intervening centuries is not recorded, inscriptions issued between 882 and 1016 by Balinese rulers written in Old Balinese and Sanskrit indicate that independent Indic courts existed in Bali at that time. From the late tenth century onward, however, the dissemination of Indic culture to Bali appears to have been largely mediated through Java.64 Shortly before 989 a marriage took place between the Balinese ruler Udayana and Guna- priyadharmapatni, the daughter of the ruler of East Java.65 This tenth- century dynastic marriage marked a period of closer contact between the two islands and had lasting cultural consequences. By 1016 Old Javanese had completely replaced Old Balinese as the language of chancellery in Balinese inscriptions, indicating fundamental changes in political and administrative institutions.66 These ties were further strengthened when their son Airlangga married the daughter of the Javanese ruler, Dharmawangsa. On the death of his father-in-law, Airlangga overthrew all his rivals to become ruler of East Java between 1016 and 1049. Nevertheless, until the mid-fourteenth century, the Balinese rulers remained independent, and the links between Java and Bali rested more on cultural and religious factors than on direct political control. In 1343, however, the renowned Majapahit chief minister, Gajah Mada, launched a military expedition against Bali, defeating its ruler and bringing it under direct Majapahit hegemony.67 The cultural consequences of the incorporation of Bali into the Majapahit empire were far more profound than the political ones, which lasted no longer than a century. In the wake of the Majapahit conquest, a systematic “Javanization” of the Balinese courts took place. Existing Balinese Hindu religious practice also came under the increasing influence of priests from Java, who established monasteries and hermitages in Bali and brought with them beliefs and practices that strengthened the Indic religious and cultural influences that had previously existed.68 The Depiction of the Districts (Desawarnana, or Nagarakretagama) is a kakawin account of the royal court of Majapahit written by Mpu Prapanca in FRAMEWORKS 31

1365.69 It highlights fourteenth-century Bali’s role as an important Majapahit tributary and observes that Bali is accorded a special status by the Javanese court not only because of its shared religious beliefs but also because it is said “to conform in every way to the customs of Java.”70 Not only Old Javanese and Balinese sources attest to the special nature of the relationship between Bali and pre- Islamic Java. Early European explorers to the Indonesian archipelago in the sixteenth century also remarked on it. The Portuguese writer Tomé Pires reported in 1515 that Java had ruled “as far as the Moluccas on the eastern side . . . until about a hundred years ago,”71 while Franck van der Does, a member of the first Dutch voyage to the Indonesian archipelago in 1597, echoed the information that Bali and Java were closely linked, and characterized the Balinese as “exactly like the Javanese in their customs.”72 Even in the nineteenth century, when first British and later Dutch colonial officials began to take a direct interest in Balinese affairs, the underlying cultural links between Java and Bali were still very much in evidence, in spite of the different paths their histories had taken since the fifteenth century.73 After the establishment of the Islamic courts in Java in the early sixteenth century, the common Indic literary and cultural heritage continued to evolve in Bali, where courts built on the Javanese model prevailed until the advent of colonial rule at the beginning of the twentieth century. Balinese historical traditions record that following the military conquest of Bali in 1343, a Javanese ruler, Kresna Kapakisan, was installed as ruler of Bali and founded the Gelgel dynasty, which dominated Bali until the end of the seventeenth century. Following the fall of Gelgel in c. 1650 a number of independent kingdoms developed. In the early eighteenth century, one of these kingdoms, the eastern Balinese kingdom of Karangasem, sought and won hegemony over the western part of the neighboring island of Lombok. For more than a century, these Balinese Hindu courts ruled the local Sasak population, who maintained their Mus- lim beliefs and own literary forms linked to Javanese Islamic and folk traditions. The Lombok court centers adopted the names of the earlier pre-Islamic Javanese kingdoms and became active centers of literary activity and patronage, including kakawin composition. Although Balinese society and culture developed independently after the end of direct contact with Java, Majapahit remained the corner- 32 CHAPTER 1 stone of Balinese and, later, Lombok court culture long after all ties with Java had been severed. The Balinese courts of Bali and Lombok in fact remained essentially premodern, court-based, Indic societies, relatively untouched by modernity and external influences, including Islamic and Western thought, until the late nineteenth century. In Java, on the other hand, the advent of Islam produced profound social and cultural changes. Although pockets of Hindu-Javanese religious practice and culture survived, notably in the eastern part of the island, and the epic traditions lived on in performing arts, particularly the wayang shadow-puppet theater, and in popular beliefs, in Java itself the memory of the glory of the Majapahit empire receded, and the active study of Old Javanese language and literary traditions vir- tually disappeared.74 Some knowledge of Old Javanese traditions continued into the Islamic period in Java, as attested by Modern Javanese adaptations of a number of Old Javanese kakawin texts in the eighteenth century, but the transition to Islam marked the definitive end of Old Javanese literature in Java.75 In Bali, however, the study of these traditions continued. History does not record whether the kakawin and other textual works of Javanese origin were known in Bali soon after the time of their original composition, or were brought to Bali during the Majapahit period as apocryphal Balinese legends attest. Whatever the case, later generations of Balinese scribes and scholars ensured the survival of the pre-Islamic, Javanese textual tradition, which remained of ongoing relevance to their spiritual and philosophical worldview, and more important, they contributed both to the study of classical Old Javanese literary texts and to the creation of new works.76 The political, cultural, and literary continuity between pre-Islamic Java and Bali until the late nineteenth century justifies the postula- tion of a kakawin world that encompassed literary products spanning nearly a thousand years and supports the use of texts from Java, Bali, and Lombok for the discussion of marriage and gender in the Indic courts. The resilience and continuity of the kakawin tradition are extraordinary and cannot be attributed merely to either a common language or a simplistic resonance with Sanskrit Hindu literary and cultural traditions that endured for centuries amongst a conservative court elite. Kakawin do not just represent a literary continuity among Java, Bali, and Lombok. Instead, they are the political-cultural artifacts, the tangible evidence of a dynamic, FRAMEWORKS 33 transregional system of cultural exchange, borrowing, and imitation that spanned more than a thousand years.77 This political-cultural system, whose genesis lies in the processes of transculturation that spread Indian influence throughout Southeast Asia in the early centuries of the common era, forms the core of the kakawin world. But even if the concept of the kakawin world is acknowledged as valid, we still must confront the problem of what the sources tell us about the reality of court society.

Questions of History and Gender

You should be indulgent, Prince of Poets, when you hear me, As tradition may contain much that is false. But let us hold fast to those who are wise then. Perhaps something is lacking, or possibly there is too much—do not blame me for it! (Mpu Prapanca, Depiction of the Districts 39:3, fourteenth century, Java)

Documentary sources for the history of the Indonesian archipelago before the period of European contact in the early sixteenth century are extremely scant, and therefore writing the history of the region for this period is rather like trying to put together a jigsaw puzzle from which most of the pieces are missing. The study of this history has been based on a limited body of archaeological and epigraphical data and a handful of textual works preserved in later copies, mainly from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Most concrete historical data for the political and social history of ancient Java and Bali have come from the royal inscriptions issued intermittently between the fifth and fifteenth centuries. The inscriptions deal largely with the endowment of freeholds and royal grants, and tangible historical evidence gleaned from them comprises little more than a list of the reign dates of various rulers, together with some limited information about broad social struc- tures and economic conditions.78 Although recent work on the early economic history of Java, supported by archaeological excavations of ancient port cities, has provided new insights into economic exchanges and networks and material culture, the fragmentary nature of the sources has meant 34 CHAPTER 1 that documenting even crucial premodern political, diplomatic, and military events has proved difficult. Only with the arrival of Europe- ans from the late fifteenth century onward, and the establishment of the Dutch East India Company, the Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie (VOC), in the early seventeenth century, does more extensive documentation become available to allow for more detailed historical analysis and reconstruction. The result, however, is a par- tial history of the premodern and early modern periods, one that focuses more on the political and economic history of the Dutch colonial presence than on the history of the archipelago itself. A broad overview of the history of the great Indic civilizations of the Indonesian archipelago was laid down by Dutch historians during the colonial period. N.J. Krom’s study of Hindu-Javanese history, originally published in 1926, remains the standard work for pre-Islamic Java, while for Bali a comprehensive history has never been written.79 Later epigraphical studies have brought to light supplementary chronological data, and wider studies of the ancient history of the Southeast Asian region have provided additional comparative detail, but these studies have had only a limited impact on expanding our knowledge of the Indic kingdoms of the archipelago.80 For Javanese and Balinese history there is little trace of the political, administrative, and economic documentation that is character- istic of most other premodern states. Earlier generations of historians were able to fill in some details by utilizing the handful of indigenous chronicles that dealt with historical figures and mirrored West- ern conceptions of “historical” texts. The most important of these were the kakawin account of the fourteenth-century Javanese realm of Majapahit, the Depiction of the Districts, and the Book of Kings (Pararaton), a prose work detailing the origins and history of the Javanese kingdoms of Singasari-Majapahit in the thirteenth to fifteenth centuries. Because of its apparent historical character, the Depiction of the Districts has occupied a special place in Indonesian historiography and has been the major source of our knowledge of Javanese cultural and social history.81 Most other indigenous sources, however, were considered too mythological, fantastic, and ahistorical to be useful tools for analysis. As this study demonstrates, however, this narrow focus has meant that valuable textual resources have been underutilized or overlooked. Global interest in social and gender history in the second half of FRAMEWORKS 35 the twentieth century has so far had little impact on studies of the premodern and early modern states of the Indonesian archipelago. Since Indonesian independence and the creation of the Indonesian nation-state in 1945, mainstream academic interests in Indonesian studies, as is the case elsewhere in Southeast Asia, have centered on contemporary historical, political, and development issues rather than regional or early histories.82 Similarly, most studies on gender in Indonesia have focused on contemporary society. From time to time, the boundaries have been pushed back to earlier periods, but historical studies of women’s experiences remain the exception.83 In contrast to the study of women’s history in other parts of the world, in the Indonesian context the absence of women’s history arises less from the fact that the study of women has been overlooked or ne- glected than that scant attention has been paid to social history of any kind. Indeed, focusing on women may allow gender-inclusive histories of the premodern period to shape the research agenda from the outset.84 The most prominent contributor to the study of premodern and early modern gender history in Southeast Asia is Barbara Watson Andaya, whose work on various aspects of gender history in Indo- nesia and in the region more broadly has made a significant contri- bution to the understanding of the roles and positions of women of the region as a whole.85 Andaya’s interest in the early modern period has allowed her to focus on the comparatively source-rich period dating from after the time of European contact in the early sixteenth century. The present book attempts to push these boundaries back farther by incorporating earlier, indigenous literary sources. For the early history of Java and Bali, the main sources are the inscriptions. Concerned as they are with the administrative and religious functions and practices of public affairs, these epigraphical sources provide only fragments of information about women. Only two studies of early Java have touched on women, though neither is specifically concerned with gender issues. Nancy van Setten van der Meer describes in passing the roles of women in Javanese agrarian society in the period from the fifth to the fifteenth centuries, while Antoinette Barrett Jones comments briefly on the position of women in her study of the Javanese inscriptions of the tenth century.86 Both these studies confirm that women held various official positions and that they were able to rule independently over their own territory, to 36 CHAPTER 1 inherit and to own land, and to dispose of property. One inscription dating from 907 CE even mentions a woman presiding over a legal case. Women took part in official ceremonies and were the recipi- ents of ceremonial gifts both as individuals and in conjunction with their husbands who held office. These varied roles of women indicate that rank took precedence over gender in traditional Indone- sian societies. Since all social and political relationships were hierarchical, inevitably there were always some powerful women at the top who occupied more important and influential positions than lower-ranking men, even becoming rulers in their own right.87 These fragments of data have been used to emphasize the historical roots of the relative sexual equality and gender complementarity of women that are apparent in more contemporary contexts in Indonesian and Southeast Asian societies but do little to provide a context for the broader study of women in history. In the absence of additional detailed data, the specific roles and functions of women in early Indonesian society have therefore remained obscure. Although indigenous sources do not lend themselves well to the writing of detailed political histories, both Java and Bali in fact have rich written manuscript traditions that do allow for certain kinds of history writing. The kinds of texts that were deemed significant enough to be preserved down through the centuries in Java and Bali were literary and religious works. In the absence of the usual tools of the historian’s trade, such as narrative histories, censuses, trade records and statistics, and official administrative records, we must look beyond narrow classifications of “historical” and “literary” texts in order to expand our knowledge of the Indonesian past. Rather than recording political events and the historical figures who spearheaded them, this history must instead focus on textual, often literary, representations of social and cultural institutions. The sources have remained largely inaccessible to modern historians of Indone- sia because the texts are written in a variety of classical and literary Javanese and Balinese registers, languages that require specialized study. Nevertheless, the indigenous textual record, of which the kakawin corpus forms but a small part, is an untapped resource that can now be revisited with new and more critical questions and more inclusive lines of historical inquiry. The kakawin literary corpus has been known to Western scholar- ship since the early nineteenth century, when Thomas Stamford Raffles FRAMEWORKS 37 produced the first English-language translation of a section of a twelfth- century kakawin, the War of the Bharatas (Bharatayuddha), in his History of Java.88 Throughout most of its history, the field of Old Javanese literature has been based on the methodology of classical philology, with its focus on the reconstruction of original texts and little attention paid to broader concerns or wider contexts. In spite of the centrality of women in kakawin works, only passing references are made to women in Old Javanese scholarly literature, generally within the limited discussion of plot outlines. The explicit sexuality integral to the descriptions of women in kakawin presented particular problems for earlier generations of Old Javanese scholars, who regu- larly omitted the more graphic sexually explicit and sensual sections of kakawin from their translations. As a result of a combination of puritanical distaste and the difficulty of the interpretation of the language in the sensual descriptive passages in which kakawin women were largely portrayed, long sections of kakawin works could be eas- ily dismissed as “interpolations,” and the focus of their concern— sexuality—ignored or passed over in silence. A new feminist reading of the kakawin corpus that provides a focus on women’s concerns in the premodern period is warranted and timely. With their thematic and aesthetic interests in women and sexuality, kakawin are ideal sources for considering gender history in premodern Java and Bali. The challenges of undertaking a new reading of the kakawin sources in order to consider women’s experiences parallel those faced by feminist historians of other early civilizations, particularly classical Europe and ancient India.89 In the sources dealing with these periods, although there are abundant representations of women, there is little concrete information about their lives because women were largely absent from the public arena and had few recognized roles beyond the domestic sphere. Scholars of the ancient world are therefore faced with representations that are largely the products of patriarchal social systems and represent the interests and ideas of educated male elites.90 A similar profusion of discourse and imagery about women is found in Javanese and Ba- linese sources, although we can be less confident that these representations are exclusively male. Indigenous literary traditions throughout the Indonesian archipelago are characteristically anonymous, and the languages in which they are written do not distinguish gender. There is therefore rarely 38 CHAPTER 1 any clear indication of whether the authors of individual works are men or women. Nonetheless, considerable evidence exists to sug- gest that the majority, if not all, of the extant Old Javanese court- sponsored kakawin works were written by male poets. Internal textual evidence and manuscript colophons (the endnotes attached to manuscripts by copyists) indicate that official writing was usually the work of male scribes and clerics, who, like kakawin poets, were required to assist their masters in administrative tasks and matters of diplo- macy and to serve them through their writing skills. Works important enough to have been preserved in royal libraries and copied and recopied for centuries can probably be attributed to those whose profession it was to write. Only male poets were at liberty to leave the court, to go wandering along hill and shore to absorb themselves in the contemplation of nature and write the kinds of scenic descriptions with which epic kakawin abound. Only male poets appear to have owned the writing board and stylus that were the poet’s tools of trade. Only male poets appear to have benefited from royal patronage. The professional role of the poet in fact appears to have been a male preserve. Yet there is sufficient evidence for limited female literacy in kakawin to warrant caution.91 Nineteenth-century sources indicate that in Java and Bali, elite women were involved in various literary tasks, including sponsor- ing and writing literary and religious works.92 The nineteenth-century Balinese queen Dewa Agung Istri Kanya is extolled in several texts as the goddess of knowledge Saraswati and praised for both her patronage of literary activities and her proficiency in the sci- ences and arts.93 There is an isolated example of one female copyist working in Lombok in the late nineteenth century, who notes in the colophon that she is making a copy of a manuscript to while away the time while her husband, a merchant, is traveling in Bali.94 As in other aspects of social intercourse, rank appears to have been a more important consideration in literacy than gender. However, there are too few supporting sources to be certain about the social and struc- tural constraints on female literacy in reality. No kakawin works survive that can be attributed to a female author with certainty, and no concrete evidence is available concerning the access to writing by women in earlier historical periods or in other geographical loca- tions, including pre-Islamic Java. Within the kakawin texts themselves, all educated people, both FRAMEWORKS 39 men and women, are depicted as literate, although women’s writing appears to have been largely “social” writing, confined to the composition of lovers’ laments and messages of secret assignation, written on nonpermanent surfaces such as the leaves of the pudak petal and sumanasa flowers, or the panels of buildings, where might be found “improvised poems and carefully conceived pen-names.”95 Kakawin women were also involved in maintaining oral traditions. Ladies in waiting are reported to have composed songs and lyrics of olden times as well as ancient stories collected together and passed on by word of mouth.96 On the other hand, access to sacred scrip- tures and other religious and political writings is assigned to heroes in kakawin, and only rarely to women, usually only to those who have embraced the religious life and become ascetics (kili).97 In the kakawin world, women of the court are never engaged in professional writing activities or study. On balance, it is unlikely that there are any authentic women’s voices in the kakawin textual record that might have provided us with women’s views of the world around them. If a distinctively women’s writing ever existed in the Indic courts of Java and Bali, it has now been irretrievably lost. It seems reasonable to proceed on the assumption that the kakawin used in this study were written by men. The kakawin view of women is therefore essentially a male view, that of the poet as voyeur with his beautifully phrased and lyrical exposition of the female body, his heroic accounts of victory in war and in love, and his exposition of the control of women and their sexuality through marriage.

Fact and Fiction

At first glance, each kakawin might appear to be little more than a fictional representation of the adventures of Sanskrit heroes and heroines, set against an Indian background. A closer reading of the texts, however, shows that this is not the case, and that it is indeed possible to enter the social world of the Javanese and Balinese courts through these literary works.98 In spite of Indian protagonists, place names, and topographical features, and the formal poetical requirements that echo Sanskrit poetics and call for descriptions of beautiful women, of scenery, of the separation of lovers, and of the enjoyment of love, what is found in kakawin is rarely Indian. As a 40 CHAPTER 1 result of the intricate complex of shared notions of literacy and textuality, those familiar with classical Sanskrit literature will cer- tainly recognize resonances in kakawin poetry. In other words, a great deal has been absorbed in broad outline from Sanskrit, but in the detail and the development of the narratives there is a world of difference between Indian accounts of the heroes and their adventures and those created in Java, Bali, and Lombok. The ways in which these differences are played out, and the images and representations of women and men in the texts, allow glimpses of Indo- nesian rather than Indian society.99 The reliability of kakawin sources as representations of Javanese and Balinese court life is linked to broader processes of intercultural contact with India. Indebted though they were to the literature of India, Javanese and Balinese kakawin poets did not blindly follow their Sanskrit models but produced a style of Old Javanese kakawin poetry with its own characteristics of both form and content. For example, Old Javanese kakawin poets adopted the long and short syllables of Sanskrit verse forms, a completely artificial distinction in Indonesian languages. On the other hand, they were more than mere copyists, creating their own meters and adapting Sanskrit verse techniques to their own needs. More than half the meters found in kakawin are not found in Sanskrit literature and hence may be assumed to have had their origin in Java or Bali. The Sanskrit language also offered kakawin poets a rich repertoire of synonyms and near synonyms with which meter could be manipulated and in which poetic ideas could be expressed.100 Yet in all its essentials Old Javanese remained an Indonesian language. Words borrowed from Sanskrit were themselves subject to the rules of Old Javanese gram- mar, and new forms were created through the Old Javanese system of affixation.101 The same process of adaptation from Indian models that charac- terizes the structure and form of kakawin applies also to their themes and dramatic content. Various scholars have turned their attention to the representation of contemporary life in Java and Bali as depicted in literary works. These discussions, dealing mainly with the physical world—the flora and fauna, the seasons, the countryside, the city and royal palace, the reckoning of time—demonstrate that although the names of the heroes, kingdoms, rivers, and mountains may be Indian, the world the poets are actually describing is a Javanese FRAMEWORKS 41 or Balinese one.102 What has been shown to be true of the physical setting of the poems is equally true for many of the social mores and cultural and social institutions they describe. Although kakawin poets were familiar with the myths, legends, and stories from Sanskrit literature, most epic kakawin take Indian themes only as a starting point. Even where an individual kakawin can be traced to a particular Sanskrit source, there is no question of the mere translation or retelling of an Indian story, and kakawin poetry abounds with episodes, events, and characters—many of them women—unknown in Indian sources. Because the Sanskrit features of kakawin poetry are so evident, an understanding of the processes of literary adaptation is crucial to assessing the validity of kakawin as representations of the kakawin world of the Indonesian archipelago. The major sources of kakawin literature are the Sanskrit epics, the Mahabharata and Ramayana. The original prose versions of the epics, the Old Javanese parwa, date from the late tenth and early eleventh centuries.103 Sanskrit quotations scattered throughout the texts show that they were directly dependent on the Sanskrit texts. In their adaptations, which aimed “to transform the epic into the vernacular,” the compilers made relatively few changes and additions.104 At the same time, they considerably reduced the Sanskrit texts.105 Although they still retained the main detail of the Sanskrit epics, the resulting prose works are succinct to the point of terseness. These brief prose summaries were then expanded into long epic kakawin by later generations of poets. In the later Balinese period of kakawin composition, poets relied heavily on Javanese literary traditions, particularly the parwa. In fact, the majority of Balinese kakawin dealing with epic themes draw directly on these pre-Islamic Javanese sources, and many Balinese poets note that their explicit purpose is to render the prose stories of the epic heroes related in the parwa into poetic form. Be- cause the epic traditions from which most kakawin poets drew their stories provided only a bare outline of the narrative events, they had to draw on their own environment, the court world in which they lived and worked, for the detail needed to compose kakawin that were often several hundred stanzas in length. The reworking of epic themes into kakawin form—whether directly from Indian traditions or via the Old Javanese parwa—thus affords the principal source of information about the kakawin world. Although we cannot claim that kakawin describe the reality of 42 CHAPTER 1

Javanese and Balinese court society, this study assumes that kakawin provide more than mere literary imaginings. Kakawin poets documented how society should be rather than how it actually was. They involved their fictional characters in recognizable social and cultural practices and set them in the local environment. The religious, political, and didactic functions of kakawin composition helped to ensure that the poems encapsulated an imaginary world that was not widely divergent from the experiences of the audiences for whom they were intended.106 Kakawin provided models for appropriate standards of male and female behavior, and poets drew from everyday experience to affirm idealized social norms and to provide moral guidance to all. It was essential that the poems reflected and embodied the social reality of their time or they would lose their force. In spite of their fictional nature, the wealth of detail that kakawin provide about the everyday lives of women in the kakawin world, as well as about the institutions of elite marriage, allows this study to begin unlocking the history of women in the Indic courts of Java and Bali. The first task, the one this book has set itself, is a fairly modest one, namely, that of documenting and describing the representations of women and the marriage rituals and ceremonies in which they participate that are found in the kakawin texts. This study necessarily presents a composite picture of kakawin women drawn from a number of individual texts composed in Java, Bali, and Lombok over a period of many centuries. Although no two descriptions of women and their experiences are exactly alike, similar passages—in an infinite number of variations on the same theme—can be found in nearly every kakawin, and there is a certain uniformity about the representations of women throughout the history of the kakawin world.107 As a literary genre, kakawin poetry demands the inclusion of metaphorical and stylistic features and particular poetical tropes that serve to distinguish it from other literary genres and to ensure that each work is marked by conventional traits. Moreover, court scribal conventions that presumably supported the preservation of only the most orthodox texts may have served to flatten or obliterate texts that showed significant differences. At the same time, the subjects of this study—the domestic lives of women and the social institutions of courtship and marriage—were highly conservative, and, as in other world cultures, it is unlikely that they would have changed greatly before the dawn of the modern era. FRAMEWORKS 43

Each description of the roles and lifestyles of the women of the kakawin world can therefore be considered representative of the genre as a whole, and the similarities in the representations of women do not diminish the value of the social and cultural data about marriage provided by the kakawin poems. Above all, kakawin are rich sources of culturally and historically specific ideas about women and about gender. The pages that follow might perhaps best be described as a literary ethnography, one that uses fictional informants and literary texts to focus on the social practices surrounding courtship and marriage and to touch on the place occupied by women in the kakawin world. In addition to textual examples scattered throughout this study, each section in the following chapters is introduced by a thematically linked extract from one of the kakawin texts. These extracts are included not only to provide access to the detail provided by kakawin at first hand but also to evoke the kakawin world in its own terms, in the language of love and beauty of the kakawin poets themselves—a sense that description alone would fail to convey adequately. Ultimately, it is impossible to know how kakawin women actually lived. This study does not, and cannot, seek to describe the “real” experiences of “real” women. Rather, its aim is to examine discourses about them, to describe the social institutions in which they are most commonly involved, particularly marriage, and to consider power relations of gender in these representations. At the same time, by setting aside notions of absolute truth and trusting what the texts have to say about women, it is possible to gain some insights into their lives in the women’s quarters, their views of love, and their experiences of courtship and marriage.108 Bibliography

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