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Re-Tweeting Election #Ge11 Aodhán O Ríordáin TD
Re-Tweeting Election #ge11 Aodhán O Ríordáin TD 1 Re-Tweeting Election #ge11 Introduction The 2011 General Election was the first Twitter Election in Ireland. The appetite for increased engagement, accountability and interaction via the social media platform followed the resignation of Defence Minister Willie O’Dea in February 2010, in part because of a carefully composed tweet. By January 2011, Twitter was part of the daily political discourse, as candidates posted their thoughts, policies, pictures and links in the competitive war to raise profiles and attract eyeballs. The beauty of Twitter is that it allows your ‘followers’ to view you in a different lens from the normal political script, and to engage with you on a variety of topics political, personal, trivial and even philosophical. It also allows politicians break some news at appropriate times, and share views on national events without the constraints of a formal press release. This ebook is based on all the tweets published over the course of the General Election campaign, from the announcement of Labour’s motion of no confidence in the government to the day of the election result. It is important to consider that the commentary on the tweets was completed in the months immediately after the election in February 2011, when my memory of events and emotions was still raw and fresh, and not two years later. Therefore, the commentary provided is frozen in 2011 and has not been altered to take account of two years in government and developments in 2013. The tweets and reflections are frozen in time. -
Irish Political Review, January, 2011
Of Morality & Corruption Ireland & Israel Another PD Budget! Brendan Clifford Philip O'Connor Labour Comment page 16 page 23 back page IRISH POLITICAL REVIEW January 2011 Vol.26, No.1 ISSN 0790-7672 and Northern Star incorporating Workers' Weekly Vol.25 No.1 ISSN 954-5891 Economic Mindgames Irish Budget 2011 To Default or Not to Default? that is the question facing the Irish democracy at present. In normal circumstances this would be Should Ireland become the first Euro-zone country to renege on its debts? The bank debt considered an awful budget. But the cir- in question has largely been incurred by private institutions of the capitalist system, cumstances are not normal. Our current which. made plenty money for themselves when times were good—which adds a budget deficit has ballooned to 11.6% of piquancy to the choice ahead. GDP (Gross Domestic Product) excluding As Irish Congress of Trade Unions General Secretary David Begg has pointed out, the bank debt (over 30% when the once-off Banks have been reckless. The net foreign debt of the Irish banking sector was 10% of bank recapitalisation is taken into account). Gross Domestic Product in 2003. By 2008 it had risen to 60%. And he adds: "They lied Our State debt to GDP is set to increase to about their exposure" (Irish Times, 13.12.10). just over 100% in the coming years. A few When the world financial crisis sapped investor confidence, and cut off the supply of years ago our State debt was one of the funds to banks across the world, the Irish banks threatened to become insolvent as private lowest, but now it is one of the highest, institutions. -
Crisis and Change in Ireland (ARI)
Area: Europa ARI 79/2011 Date: 28/4/2011 Crisis and Change in Ireland (ARI) Raj Chari* Theme1: The 2011 Irish election must be placed in the context of both the economic and the political crisis that preceded the vote in order to examine its results and consider Ireland’s future in Europe. Summary: After years of economic growth during the ‘Celtic Tiger’ boom, Ireland fell into economic decline as a result of its financial crisis in 2008. Ireland’s fall can best be understood as home-made, fuelled by speculation and lax regulation of the financial sector. In the context of this economic and financial crisis, Ireland then suffered a political crisis in which the Fianna Fáil (FF) government coalition lost legitimacy, prompting an early election on 25 February 2011. Unsurprisingly perhaps, a new coalition government comprised of Fine Gael (FG) and Labour came into being as a result. A major issue to be addressed by the new government relates to the renegotiation of the interest rates on the EU/IMF bailout agreed in December 2010. However, what remains unclear is how much this new government’s hands are already tied and whether or not the EU seeks to renegotiate the terms of the deal. Analysis: The Economic and Political Context For almost a decade before 2008, the ‘Celtic Tiger’ gained the attention of the world: after being a laggard in the EU economy throughout much of the 70s and 80s, from the late 90s Ireland was one of the fastest-growing EU economies and represented a model for growth. -
Report on Annual Report 2015
TITHE AN OIREACHTAIS AN COMHCHOISTE UM FHORFHEIDHMIÚ CHOMHAONTÚ AOINE AN CHÉASTA TUARASCÁIL BHLIANTÚIL 2015 _______________ HOUSES OF THE OIREACHTAS JOINT COMMITTEE ON THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE GOOD FRIDAY AGREEMENT ANNUAL REPORT 2015 PR Number: Committee unique identifier no. Table of Contents 1 Content and Format of Report 2. Establishment and Functions 3. Meetings, Attendance and Recording 4. Number and Duration of Meetings 5. Witnesses attending before the Committee 6. Committee Reports Published 7. Travel 8. Report on Functions and Powers APPENDIX 1 Orders of Reference APPENDIX 2: List of Members APPENDIX 3: Meetings of the Joint Committee APPENDIX 4: Minutes of Proceedings of the Joint Committee 1. Content and Format of Report This report has been prepared pursuant to Standing Order 86 (3), (4), (5) and (6) (Dáil Éireann) and Standing Order 75 (3), (4), (5) and (6) (Seanad Éireann) which provide for the Joint Committee to- undertake a review of its procedure and its role generally; prepare an annual work programme; lay minutes of its proceedings before both Houses; make an annual report to both Houses. At its meeting on the 21 January 2016, the Joint Committee agreed that all these items should be included in this report covering the period from 1st January 2015 to 31st December 2015. 2. Establishment of Joint Committee. The Dáil Select Committee, established by Order of Dáil Éireann on the 8 June 2011 was enjoined with a Select Committee of Seanad Éireann, established by Order of Seanad Éireann on the 16 June 2011, to form the Joint Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement. -
Papers of Gemma Hussey P179 Ucd Archives
PAPERS OF GEMMA HUSSEY P179 UCD ARCHIVES [email protected] www.ucd.ie/archives T + 353 1 716 7555 © 2016 University College Dublin. All rights reserved ii CONTENTS CONTEXT Biographical History iv Archival History vi CONTENT AND STRUCTURE Scope and Content vii System of Arrangement ix CONDITIONS OF ACCESS AND USE Access xi Language xi Finding Aid xi DESCRIPTION CONTROL Archivist’s Note xi ALLIED MATERIALS Allied Collections in UCD Archives xi Published Material xi iii CONTEXT Biographical History Gemma Hussey nee Moran was born on 11 November 1938. She grew up in Bray, Co. Wicklow and was educated at the local Loreto school and by the Sacred Heart nuns in Mount Anville, Goatstown, Co. Dublin. She obtained an arts degree from University College Dublin and went on to run a successful language school along with her business partner Maureen Concannon from 1963 to 1974. She is married to Dermot (Derry) Hussey and has one son and two daughters. Gemma Hussey has a strong interest in arts and culture and in 1974 she was appointed to the board of the Abbey Theatre serving as a director until 1978. As a director Gemma Hussey was involved in the development of policy for the theatre as well as attending performances and reviewing scripts submitted by playwrights. In 1977 she became one of the directors of TEAM, (the Irish Theatre in Education Group) an initiative that emerged from the Young Abbey in September 1975 and founded by Joe Dowling. It was aimed at bringing theatre and theatre performance into the lives of children and young adults. -
Palestine in Irish Politics a History
Palestine in Irish Politics A History The Irish State and the ‘Question of Palestine’ 1918-2011 Sadaka Paper No. 8 (Revised edition 2011) Compiled by Philip O’Connor July 2011 Sadaka – The Ireland Palestine Alliance, 7 Red Cow Lane, Smithfield, Dublin 7, Ireland. email: [email protected] web: www.sadaka.ie Bank account: Permanent TSB, Henry St., Dublin 1. NSC 990619 A/c 16595221 Contents Introduction – A record that stands ..................................................................... 3 The ‘Irish Model’ of anti-colonialism .................................................................... 3 The Irish Free State in the World ........................................................................ 4 The British Empire and the Zionist project........................................................... 5 De Valera and the Palestine question ................................................................. 6 Ireland and its Jewish population in the fascist era ............................................. 8 De Valera and Zionism ........................................................................................ 9 Post-war Ireland and the State of Israel ............................................................ 10 The UN: Frank Aiken’s “3-Point Plan for the Middle East” ................................ 12 Ireland and the 1967 War .................................................................................. 13 The EEC and Garret Fitzgerald’s promotion of Palestinian rights ..................... 14 Brian Lenihan and the Irish -
Fianna Fáil: Past and Present
Fianna Fáil: Past and Present Alan Byrne Fianna Fáil were the dominant political prompted what is usually referred to as party in Ireland from their first term in gov- a civil-war but as Kieran Allen argues in ernment in the 1930s up until their disas- an earlier issue of this journal, the Free trous 2011 election. The party managed to State in effect mounted a successful counter- enjoy large support from the working class, revolution which was thoroughly opposed to as well as court close links with the rich- the working class movement.3 The defeat est people in Irish society. Often described signalled the end of the aspirations of the as more of a ‘national movement’ than a Irish revolution and the stagnation of the party, their popular support base has now state economically. Emigration was par- plummeted. As this article goes to print, ticularly high in this period, and the state the party (officially in opposition but en- was thoroughly conservative. The Catholic abling a Fine Gael government) is polling Church fostered strong links with Cumann at 26% approval.1 How did a party which na nGaedheal, often denouncing republicans emerged from the losing side of the civil war in its sermons. come to dominate Irish political life so thor- There were distinctive class elements to oughly? This article aims to trace the his- both the pro and anti-treaty sides. The tory of the party, analyse their unique brand Cumann na nGaedheal government drew its of populist politics as well as their relation- base from large farmers, who could rely on ship with Irish capitalism and the working exports to Britain. -
Guide to the 30 Dáil for Anti-Poverty Groups
European Anti-Poverty Network (EAPN) Ireland Guide to the 30th Dáil for Anti-Poverty Groups ‘EAPN Ireland is a network of groups and individuals working against poverty and social exclusion. Our objective is to put the fight against poverty at the top of the European and Irish agendas’ Contents Page Acknowledgements 2 Introduction 2 The Parties 4 Dáil Session Guide 5 A Brief Guide to Legislation 7 Dáil Committees 9 The TD in the Dáil 9 Contacting a TD 12 APPENDICES 1: List of Committees and Spokespersons 2: Government Ministers and Party Spokespersons 1 Introduction This Guide has been produced by the European Anti-Poverty Network (EAPN) Ireland. It is intended as a short briefing on the functioning of the Dáil and a simple explanation of specific areas that may be of interest to people operating in the community/NGO sector in attempting to make the best use of the Dáil. This briefing document is produced as a result of the EAPN Focus on Poverty in Ireland project, which started in December 2006. This project aimed to raise awareness of poverty and put poverty reduction at the top of the political agenda, while also promoting understanding and involvement in the social inclusion process among people experiencing poverty. This Guide is intended as an accompanying document to the EAPN Guide to Understanding and Engaging with the European Union. The overall aim in producing these two guides is to inform people working in the community and voluntary sector of how to engage with the Irish Parliament and the European Union in influencing policy and voicing their concerns about poverty and social inclusion issues. -
University of Copenhagen
The General Election of 2011 in the Republic of Ireland: All Changed Utterly? Little, Conor Published in: West European Politics DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2011.616669 Publication date: 2011 Citation for published version (APA): Little, C. (2011). The General Election of 2011 in the Republic of Ireland: All Changed Utterly? West European Politics, 34(6), 1304-1313. https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2011.616669 Download date: 30. Sep. 2021 The general election of 2011 in the Republic of Ireland: all changed utterly? Word count: 4,230 Conor Little, European University Institute Email: [email protected] This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in West European Politics on 1 November 2011, available online: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/01402382.2011.616669 Full citation: Little, C. 2011. ‘The general election of 2011 in the Republic of Ireland: all changed utterly?’, West European Politics 34 (6): 1304-1313. Acknowledgement I would like to acknowledge the contribution of the late Professor Peter Mair (1951-2011) to this election review article, both as Editor of West European Politics and as this author's mentor at the European University Institute. 1 On 9 March 2011, the 31 st Dáil (the lower house of the Irish parliament) convened for the first time and elected Enda Kenny of Fine Gael as Taoiseach (prime minister) by 117 votes to 27. Breaking with tradition, a depleted Fianna Fáil party did not propose an alternative candidate and abstained from the vote. Kenny's election brought to an end Fianna Fáil's fourteen consecutive years in Cabinet on the back of three successful elections in 1997, 2002 and 2007. -
Press Release
Press Release 17 November 2009 De Valera, Einstein, and the future of advanced research Lecture: Saturday, November 21, 8pm, Trinity College, Dublin What use is advanced research? Especially during a recession? Why has Barack Obama promised to spend more than 3% of GDP on research and development, and to treble the number of science research fellowships? And can advanced research help to re-position Ireland as a ‘smart economy’? It was during the depressed 1930s that a mathematician-turned-politician, Éamon de Valera, established the Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies (DIAS). The DIAS was modelled on another institute born during another depression: Princeton’s Institute for Advanced Study (IAS), established in 1930 in the aftermath of the great Wall Street crash. Funded by philanthropists, it was designed to help the US kickstart its 3rd-level programme for education and research, by generating ideas that would ‘change how we think’. (DIAS remains exchequer-funded, but the founding legislation left open the possibility of an endowment.) Fundamental to the vision behind both institutes was the belief that you change the world, not by following pre-set conventional lines, but in ‘the pursuit of interesting things’. It helps if your first faculty member is Albert Einstein – and Princeton tempted the Nobel physicist from Germany in 1932. Similarly, Dublin’s first appointment was another big name Nobel physicist: Austrian emigré Erwin Schrödinger, who remained a professor at DIAS from 1939 until his return to Austria in 1956. Significantly, the two institutes embraced both the sciences and the humanities from the outset. Princeton now has four schools – historical studies, mathematics and physics, natural sciences, and social science – and Dublin has three: theoretical physics, cosmic physics and Celtic studies. -
'Votegate' Irish Independent Political Team Cormac Mcquinn, Fionn
Investigation: The political scandal that became known as ‘Votegate’ Irish Independent Political Team Cormac McQuinn, Fionnan Sheahan, Kevin Doyle, Philip Ryan and Hugh O’Connell In October 2019, an investigation by the Irish Independent revealed a matter of grave political and legal significance and immense public interest by disclosing TDs were acting in breach of their Constitutional duties in Dáil votes. The initial investigation of one incident of bad practice led to a floodgate of allegations that saw our reporters review more than 50 hours of Dáil footage. Several other examples were uncovered, leading Ceann Comhairle Sean Ó Fearghail to tell the Dáil that what the Irish Independent exposed had “eroded public confidence in how our National Parliament conducts its business”. He said it was “sobering to reflect on the voting irregularities” and insisted that “under no circumstances can they be allowed to happen again”. The so-called ‘Votegate’ affair also led to renewed scrutiny of working arrangements in Leinster House and in particular the system of clocking in for the purposes of expenses. The Irish Independent highlighted how some TDs missed votes despite being ‘clocked in’. A story about Michael Healy Rae being at a funeral while also registered as attending the Dáil gained huge traction. The spotlight also fell on Fine Gael’s Dara Murphy who was double-jobbing in Europe while marked present in Leinster House. In light of the seriousness of the issues, two members of the Opposition frontbench resigned, four TDs apologised on the Dáil record for their behaviour and three separate investigations were initiated within the Houses of the Oireachtas. -
2001-; Joshua B
The Irish Labour History Society College, Dublin, 1979- ; Francis Devine, SIPTU College, 1998- ; David Fitzpat- rick, Trinity College, Dublin, 2001-; Joshua B. Freeman, Queen’s College, City Honorary Presidents - Mary Clancy, 2004-; Catriona Crowe, 2013-; Fergus A. University of New York, 2001-; John Horne, Trinity College, Dublin, 1982-; D’Arcy, 1994-; Joseph Deasy, 2001-2012; Barry Desmond, 2013-; Francis Joseph Lee, University College, Cork, 1979-; Dónal Nevin, Dublin, 1979- ; Cor- Devine, 2004-; Ken Hannigan, 1994-; Dónal Nevin, 1989-2012; Theresa Mori- mac Ó Gráda, University College, Dublin, 2001-; Bryan Palmer, Queen’s Uni- arty, 2008 -; Emmet O’Connor, 2005-; Gréagóir Ó Dúill, 2001-; Norah O’Neill, versity, Kingston, Canada, 2000-; Henry Patterson, University Of Ulster, 2001-; 1992-2001 Bryan Palmer, Trent University, Canada, 2007- ; Bob Purdie, Ruskin College, Oxford, 1982- ; Dorothy Thompson, Worcester, 1982-; Marcel van der Linden, Presidents - Francis Devine, 1988-1992, 1999-2000; Jack McGinley, 2001-2004; International Institute For Social History, Amsterdam, 2001-; Margaret Ward, Hugh Geraghty, 2005-2007; Brendan Byrne, 2007-2013; Jack McGinley, 2013- Bath Spa University, 1982-2000. Vice Presidents - Joseph Deasy, 1999-2000; Francis Devine, 2001-2004; Hugh Geraghty, 2004-2005; Niamh Puirséil, 2005-2008; Catriona Crowe, 2009-2013; Fionnuala Richardson, 2013- An Index to Saothar, Secretaries - Charles Callan, 1987-2000; Fionnuala Richardson, 2001-2010; Journal of the Irish Labour History Society Kevin Murphy, 2011- & Assistant Secretaries - Hugh Geraghty, 1998-2004; Séamus Moriarty, 2014-; Theresa Moriarty, 2006-2007; Séan Redmond, 2004-2005; Fionnuala Richardson, Other ILHS Publications, 2001-2016 2011-2012; Denise Rogers, 1995-2007; Eddie Soye, 2008- Treasurers - Jack McGinley, 1996-2001; Charles Callan, 2001-2002; Brendan In September, 2000, with the support of MSF (Manufacturing, Science, Finance – Byrne, 2003-2007; Ed.