The Women’s International League for Peace The Control Arms Foundation of India (CAFI) and Freedom (WILPF) is an international non- was established in 2004 by a group of concerned governmental organisation (NGO) with National citizens from diverse parts of India who are Sections covering every continent, an International committed to finding solutions to end ongowwing Secretariat based in Geneva, and a New York office armed violence caused by small arms in the focused on the work of the United Nations. region.

Since our establishment in 1915, we have brought CAFI was founded on the belief that lasting ­together women from around the world who are peace can be achieved by curbing small arms united in working for peace by non-violent means proliferation and the excessive diversion of and promoting political, economic and social justice the world’s resources towards the products of for all. militarisation. CAFI believes that security must unite disarmament and development and that Our approach is always non-violent, and we use women are crucial to leading this change. ­existing international legal and political frameworks to achieve fundamental change in the way states ­conceptualise and address issues of gender, ­militarism, peace and security.

Our strength lies in our ability to link the international and local levels. We are very proud to be one of the ­ first organisations to gain consultative status (category B) with the United Nations (UN), and the only women’s anti-war organisation so recognised.

MORE ARMS THAN MAHISHASURA WILPF Geneva WILPF New York CAFI Rue de Varembé, 1 777 UN Plaza, New York B 5 / 146, First Floor Case Postale 28 NY 10017 USA Safdarjung Enclave 1211 Geneva 20 T: +1 212 682 1265 New Delhi - 110 029 A FEMINIST CRITIQUE ON MILITARISM IN INDIA Switzerland India T: +41 (0)22 919 70 80 T: (011) 46018541/ 26166234 E: [email protected] E: [email protected]

www.wilpfinternational.org // www.cafi-online.org A JOINT PUBLICATION OF CAFI AND WILPF Executive Summary

The nexus of militarization, structural violence and the discourses of masculinity surrounding the nuclear gendered inequality can appear as a theoretically dense industry, its role in structural violence in India and how construct too complex to relate to the material world. the nuclear economy impacts women. In no small part this challenge is intensified by long In “Machismo and Gun Culture in the Cow Belt States” held assumptions that have regarded the experiences Index we will look at the experience of Bihar and Uttar and contributions of women as irrelevant or peripheral, Pradesh, and discuss the small arms industry and the ignored gendered dynamics of power and the larger Executive Summary ...... 3 nexus of gun culture, black market arms economies structures of violence. At a time where security spending and the militarization of civilian cultures. In “The Armed What is Militarism ...... 4 is dwarfing social spending in India and violence against Forces (Special Powers) Act: Militarism and Impunity women continues unabated, it is critical that feminist Militarism, Violence Against Women and the Blurred in Northeast India”, we will examine one of the most analysis seeks to take so called “women’s issues” and to militarized regions in the world, exploring how intense Boundaries of “Conflict” ...... 9 connect gendered violence and inequality with the larger military saturation and protracted conflict has rolled-back dynamics of patriarchal power and militarization. Big Guns: Gendering Defence and Weapons Spending ...... 12 the traditionally high social status of women in the region. Machismo and Gun Culture in the Cow Belt States ...... 25 There is a rich body of work by Indian and international We will consider the multiple ways in which women suffer feminists on militarization and the experiences of women and respond in turn. The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act 1958: Militarism and Impunity in in conflict, much of which is drawn upon here. This paper Finally, in “Taking Back Security: India’s Record will seek to expand upon this work, to link theory and Northeast India ...... 31 on International Norms” we will explore normative national trends and to critique the growth of the military frameworks on gender, disarmament and security and Taking Back Security: India’s Record on International Norms . . . . . 38 industries and militarized cultures in India from a feminist India’s record on implementation. By focusing on the perspective. Conclusion ...... 44 UN Security Council Resolutions on Women, Peace and The first two sections of the paper will introduce some Security, the Arms Trade Treaty and Recommendation Bibliography ...... 46 key theoretical concepts on militarism, gender and 30 (2013) of the CEDAW Committee, we will show that About the Author ...... 51 structural violence. In “What is Militarism?” we will these mechanisms provide leverage for advocates of explore militarism as both a gendered and a gendering inclusive responses to security and the prevention of process that dictates the ordering of political priorities, violence against women. and privileges exclusionary cultural norms and social The complexity and diversity of India, and the contextually values. In “Militarism, Violence Against Women and specific nature of gendered violence and power means the Blurred Boundaries of Conflict”, we will explore the that this paper is by no means comprehensive in its gendered nature of violence and show how structural © The Human Rights Programme of the Women’s International peace through bridging global and local efforts to implement a examination of these issues. Neither is it within the scope League for Peace and Freedom and The Control Arms Foundation holistic and transformative human rights approach. violence is reified in the militarized structures and of India The Human Rights Programme monitors the human rights bodies to of this paper to fully situate the issues presented within institutions which inflict harm in manifold ways. ensure their integration of the women peace and security agenda, their historical, or post- colonial context. However, by About The Control Arms Foundation of India social justice and disarmament from a gender perspective in order The Control Arms Foundation of India (CAFI) was established in to duly address the human rights of women on the ground. With these key theoretical foundations in place, the connecting some key theoretical ideas on the gendered 2004 by a group of concerned citizens from diverse parts of India paper will then look at macro level national trends in implications of contemporary national trends on defense who are committed to finding solutions to end ongowwing armed Based in Geneva, the Programme focuses on WILPF’s active violence caused by small arms in the region. participation in the human rights system. We bring WILPF’s defense and security spending. In “Big Guns: Gendering and armaments spending; weapons proliferation; and international message and we strengthen the participation of Defense and Weapons Spending”, we will consider state responses to armed conflict, this paper will shed some CAFI was founded on the belief that lasting peace can be achieved Sections and national partner organisations in the human rights by curbing small arms proliferation and the excessive diversion of mechanisms using our Integrated Approach, this is, raising resources dedicated to arm imports and the emerging light on how the current state of militarization also has its the world’s resources towards the products of militarisation. CAFI awareness on the causal relationship between human rights, trend towards building an export weapons base in India. roots in gendered inequality in India today. believes that security must unite disarmament and development and disarmament, the Women, Peace and Security agenda, social We will ask how such militarized national priorities that women are crucial to leading this change” justice and gender equality. contribute to gender inequality. In “Made with Viagra: About the Human Rights programme of WILPF Author: Sharna de Lacy Gendering India’s Nuclear Weapons”, we will examine As part of WILPF, the Human Rights programme promotes a Cover photo: Akshay Mahajan/Flickr progressive gender-perspective in preventing conflict and creating Design and layout: WILPF

02 03 basic social welfare, health, and gender equality programs all experience quantifiable funding Box 1 decreases as military spending increases, and interest in “national security” begins to be What is Gender? privileged over “human security” concerns such as The distinction between “gender”, and how it differs from food availability.5 In this sense, militarism is a form but is closely related term “sex” can be confusing. Put in of structural violence that endorses the prioritization simple terms, “sex” refers to the biological characteristics that define men and women, and “gender” refers to the of defense needs over essential human needs and socially constructed roles, behaviors, activities, and attrib- public services.6 This structural divestment in social utes that a given society considers appropriate for men and women. and public infrastructure disproportionately affects women and the most vulnerable strata of society Aspects of sex will not vary greatly between different socie- ties, while aspects of gender may vary greatly. As a social who depend on the goods of the state for basic construct, gender is a concept that individuals can freely in- needs and social mobility.7 teract with, but it is also something that is socially, culturally and political ascribed. Although the term gender is typically conflated with ‘women’, both men and women are gen- dered, and expected to conform to masculine or feminine norms – for what it means to be a “real man”, or a “good Militarism also dictates the ordering of political woman”. priorities, cultural norms and social values. The Indian Peacekeepers on duty. primacy of militaristic ideals infiltrates state, These constructs provide a cultural structure for biologi- Credits: In the Bag Solutions/ Flickr cal differences, and for framing power relations. Gendered corporate, and social cultures and even our norms govern the material basis of relationships, the distri- individual beliefs.8 To fully understand this dynamic, bution and use of resources, privileges and authority within the home and society which privileges masculine rule in we need to understand the relationship between patriarchal structure. gender and militarism.

As Cynthia Enloe writes:

What is Militarism? “Militarization is never simply about joining a military. It is a far more subtle process. And it sprawls over far more of the gendered Militarism is a nationally endorsed set of policies, and the adoption of traditionally military functions social landscape than merely those peaks practices and cultural values that give preeminence within domestic policing organisations.3 Also an clearly painted a telltale khaki […] the more to the military establishment and militaristic ideals important marker is a tightening control over the militarization transforms an individual or a (such as rigid hierarchal distributions of power, range of possible gendered identities men and society, the more that individual or society masculine authority, obedience, the use of violent women are permitted to occupy. Not only can we comes to imagine military needs and militaristic force, identification of internal values in opposition observe increasing restrictions on women and presumptions to be not only valuable but to an “enemy other”).1 socially prescribed “femininities”, but we can also also normal. Militarization, that is, involves note a deepening homophobia and challenges to cultural as well as institutional, ideological, and men who do not conform to militarized notions of economic transformations.”9 The military serves as both an ideological framework masculinity.4 and a functional object, which operates to advance and protect patriarchal power structures.2 You may Thus, militarization is as much an organized recognize visible features of militarization such as: The extensive, and very often unchecked process, as it is an organic cultural one. It draws heightened language of “national security”, the expansion of defense and security departments upon gendered constructions to buttress itself, curtailing of civil and political rights, devolution of has material implications for other state priorities. which once fomented becomes an ordinary norms of transparency and democratic oversight, These departments are often shielded from public invisible feature of the social landscape. It is ballooning defense and security spending, or the scrutiny by national security laws, and justified by with these gendered dynamics that we are expansion of paramilitaries, intelligence services, nationalistic rhetoric of defense. The provision of concerned. Child salutes at military graduation in Libya Child salutes at military graduation in Libya 04 Credits: UN Photo/ Iason Foounten 05 Feminist international relations scholarship been described as “tough” or “masculine” and as noted earlier, militaristic values are defined in understands militarism as an “extreme variant of have strongly endorsed the role of the military and opposition to the “other”, and so are associated patriarchy, a regime characterized by discourses aggressive military action. (implicitly or explicitly) enforced “traditional” and practices that subordinate and oppress women, gender roles. The role women as a group within as well as non-dominant men, reinforcing existing the militarized state is to uphold and perform their social divisions and hierarchies of class, gender, Although a few women may occupy top positions feminine gender roles, as auxiliaries, as sexual race and ethnicity.”10 Thus militarization is a process through their performance of masculine norms, as objects, as dutiful wives and patriots, or as passive that both exploits and reinforces inequalities. This the examples in Box 2 illustrate, within the highly victims, lacking any independent agency and in need process of reorganizing the state and civil society militarized paradigm, feminine norms (such as of protection from the militarized state.15 for the “production of violence”11 particularly passivity, interdependence, nurturing) are not seen disadvantages women because, as French as “separate-but-equal”. Instead feminine norms are philosopher Sylviane Agacinski observes: “[it] is actively devalued and even admonished.14 We can Processes of militarization transcend formal warfare always the difference of the sexes that serves as a see this kind of gender polarization emerge because but are most visible during conflict. For women, the model for all other differences, and the male/female legitimate public space they are permitted to occupy hierarchy that is taken as a metaphor for all inter- Box 2 shrinks as conflict breaks out and they are pushed ethnic hierarchies.”12 back into private spheres. In such contexts women Talking Tough: as a group commonly come to represent empty vessels in which cultural ideals are poured into in Militarism is particularly associated with Hegemonic order to spur and maintain acceptance of the armed violent forms of masculinity, often described project. As Rita Manchana writes: as “hegemonic masculinity”. As Sandra Vai Masculinity in explains: “[Militarism] relies upon its opposition and competition with subordinate masculinities State Discourse “It is precisely at the time of dramatic shifts in and femininities. Hegemonic masculinities at once gender roles, brought about by the societal upheaval Destroy This Mad Brute—Enlist (1917 by H.R. promote a particular organization of the political Rhetoric from state officials can offer some insightful attendant on conflict, that the impulse to promote Hopps) exploits overtly racist image of the enemy order and reinforce unequal relationships between illustration of the dynamic of hegemonic masculinities in women’s social transformation and autonomy is “other” and the pure, helpless female image (a the militarised state. Take for example, the comments of men and women in order to promote the legitimation Pakistani president Yahya Khan during the Indo-Pakistan war circumscribed by the nationalist or communitarian reference to the rape of Belgian civilian women by of masculine authority.”13 when he huffed “if that woman [Indra Ghandi] thinks she is project itself. For these projects need to configure German soldiers). The image implies not only the going to cow me down, I refuse to take it”. The presence of a woman as head of state presented a potentially women as the guardians of the community’s weakness of the woman, but also the imperative castrating and humiliating force, and so served to increase accepted and acceptable distinct cultural identity of masculine military action to defend her honor. It stakes, necessitating (by this logic) the escalation to violent The militarized state often adopts identifiably force in order to preserve the preeminence of hegemonic and tradition, thus circumscribing the processes of plays to essentialist notions of the female as victim, hegemonic masculine overtones, employing masculinity. desirable change and even pushing back women.”16 and the male as protector as means to bolster language and behaviors that overtly reference Or in 1998, following the explosion of five nuclear devices, military recruitment. the imperative of masculine prestige (see Box 2). Shiv Sena’s leader Balasaheb Thackeray reasoned, “we had to prove that we are not eunuchs”. Thus, violent force In wartime we find heightened gender dualities in Although we find that the male person is more The female image in wartime propaganda is becomes the logical enforcer of masculine privilege, and loaded images of “real men” who put on the uniform likely to experience social and political pressures ever-greater displays of military might propel militarized instructive as it reveals the multiple ways in which states into lethal competition. for the good of their country and “their” women. to pursue and conform to hegemonic masculinity, the gender is exploited within the context of war. But highly militarized gendered imagery can also be the construct itself is not restricted to biological More recently, in the lead up to a much anticipated high The female body becomes the marker of cultural observed within peacetime contexts and is used for sex. Indeed, the few women who have assumed level meeting between Prime Minister Manmohan Singh identity and the boundary of the imagined nationalist and Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, Prime Minister political gain or commercial profit. An advertisement positions of political power and influence have Sharif reportedly called his Indian counterpart “dehati aurat” community. Such imagery may manifest in the by weapons manufacturer Bushmaster, features a legitimized their presence in spaces typically – or village woman. The remark itself, a throwback to Prime passive, pure victim whose limp body inspires Minister Singh’s own comparable quip on national Indian 223-calibre semiautomatic rifle accompanied by the reserved for males by conforming to the supremacy television, and a clear signal that weakness and inferiority young men to risk their lives, or as the devious loaded caption “consider your man card reissued”. of hegemonic masculine privilege. Consider the are embodied by not only women, but also lower class manipulator, capable of snatching away victory with women. The weapon is commercially available in the United personas of Margaret Thatcher, Condoleezza Rice, her manipulative feminine ploys. Consider how States, which has the highest rates of private gun Megawati Sukarnoputri and Indira Gandhi. All have the American recruitment poster depicted above

06 07 ownership, gun related deaths and incidences of which gives preeminence to military ideals and lethal domestic violence in the world.17 The link dominates state discourses and resources.18 As Militarism, Violence Against Women between gun ownership and ideal masculinity within a process, rather than an identifiable end point, this image is unambiguous and illustrates the clear it extends beyond the barracks and high political coupling of arms and violence with hegemonic office to inform our cultural norms and values. and the Blurred Boundaries of masculinity. It is intensified during times of armed conflict, but transcends the barriers of traditional warfare “Conflict” and creeps into the everyday priorities and the Thus, “militarism is at once a gendered and actions of the state. The reconfiguration and gendering process that [endorses] particularly exploitation of gendered constructs, as we shall violent hyper-masculine identities and behaviours,” see in the following sections, has particularly grave Violence against women (or “gender-based of public spaces, the denial of adequate sexual consequences for the realization of women’s rights. violence”) is a symptom and a function of and reproductive health care, the experience of

1. Colleen Burke (1998). Militarism and Women. The Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom, UK. Available at: http:// patriarchal power structures, which is intensified by the wife beaten by her husband, or murdered for ec.europa.eu/justice_home/daphnetoolkit/files/projects/1998_043/women_and_militarism_1998_043.pdf the forces of militarization and may be perpetrated a dowry price; right through to extreme forms by individuals, state actors, or institutions.19 As of sexual violence, victimization, and premature 2. Ibid it was elaborated in the historic Beijing Platform death resulting from the destruction of basic social 3. Mama, A. (2012). Beyond Survival: Militarism, Equity and Women’s Security. Lecture for the 10th Anniversary of the Prince Claus Chair for Action (1995), “violence against women is the infrastructure during warfare. in Equity and Development. Available at: http://www.iss.nl/fileadmin/ASSETS/iss/Documents/Academic_publications/3_mama.pdf manifestation of the historically unequal power 4. Conway, D. (2008). The Masculine State in Crisis State Response to War Resistance in Apartheid South Africa. Men and Masculinities, relations between men and women which have 10:4, 422-439. led to domination over and discrimination against In expanding such a definitional standard we are 5. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (2007). SIPRI Yearbook 2006: Armaments, Disarmament and International Security. women by men and to the prevention of women’s also able to reconfigure what our understanding of Published in print and online by Oxford University Press. Available at: www.sipriyearbook.org full advancement.”20 So understood, violence “security” is so as to reveal the hitherto concealed 6. Christie, D. J., Wagner, R. V., & Winter, D. A. (Eds.). (2001). Peace, Conflict, and Violence: Peace Psychology for the 21st Century. En- against women is an instrument of power that is feminine experience of insecurity (which often glewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall deployed to reinforce patriarchal hierarchies and eclipses causalities of war), and the structures that 7. Seguino, S. (Janurary 31 2014). Feminist Economists Respond To The Recent IMF Discussion Note Women, Work, And The Economy: masculine privilege.21 perpetuate such violence. As Valerie Hudson et al. Macroeconomic Gains From Gender Equity: Part 2. AWID – Friday Files. Available at: http://www.awid.org/News-Analysis/Friday-Files/ Feminist-economists-respond-to-the-recent-IMF-Discussion-Note-Women-Work-and-the-Economy-Macroeconomic-gains-from-Gender- write, “the death toll of Indian women due to female Equity-Part-2 infanticide and sex-selective abortion from 1980 to Though violence may most easily be recognized the present dwarfs by almost fortyfold the death 8. Cynthia Enloe. (2007). Globalization and Militarization: Feminists make the link. Rowman & Littlefield. as a direct act of physical force, feminist scholars toll from all of India’s wars since and including its 9. Cynthia Enloe (2000). Maneuvers: The International Politics of Militarizing Women’s Lives. University of California Press, p 3-4 seek to identify violence as a structurally imbedded bloody independence”, and as such, any “account 10. Mama, A. (2012). Beyond Survival: Militarism, Equity and Women’s Security. Lecture for the 10th Anniversary of the Prince Claus Chair continuum of violence.22 Violence in this sense of security that does not take into account gender- in Equity and Development. can be understood as existing along a spectrum. based violence is an impoverished account of 23 11. Lutz, C. (2002), The Homefront: A Military City and the American 20th Century. Boston: Beacon Press. Along this spectrum we can locate the experiences security.” of common street harassment and the gendering 12. Agacinski, S. (2001). Parity of the Sexes. New York: Columbia University Press.

13. Sjoberg, L., Via, S. (Eds) (2009) Gender, War, and Militarism: Feminist Perspectives. Praeger Publishers, p 43

14. Caprioli, M., & Boyer, M. A. (2001). Gender, Violence and International Crisis. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 45:4, 503–518.

15. Cynthia Enloe (2000). Maneuvers: The International Politics of Militarizing Women’s Lives. University of California Press; Kaplan, L. (1994). Woman as Caretaker: An Archetype That Supports Patriarchal Militarism. Hypatia Special Issue: Feminism and Peace, 9:2

16. Manchanda R. (Ed) (2001). Women, War and Peace in South Asia: Beyond Victimhood and Agency. Sage publications, New Delhi, p 11

17. Alpers, P., Rossetti, A., Wilson, M., & Royet, Q. (2013). Guns in the United States: Firearms, Armed Violence and Gun Law. Sydney School of Public Health, The University of Sydney

18. Mama, A. (2012). Beyond Survival: Militarism, Equity and Women’s Security. Lecture for the 10th Anniversary of the Prince Claus Chair in Equity and Development, p 34

08 09 Much scholarship and feminist activism has driven incarceration programs,30 and subjected - and the broader cultural contexts that cultivate With this general theoretical base in mind, in the sought to illuminate the experience of women to institutionalized sexual violence.31 Thus, men such violence. Crucially, we need to understand following sections of this discussion paper we will and girls in armed conflict. Such work identifies are as much the objects of violence within these the gendered nature of violence and the means in examine some key trends and explore the linkages rape and sexualized violence not as peripheral, harmful structures as women. Indeed women’s which particular constructions of gender are shaped, between women’s insecurity and militarization in but as an explicit strategy of war that arises from buy-in to cultures of militarization is essential to promoted, and exploited to foster violence from the India today. the normalized condition of masculinized violence its success and women themselves often act as home and the street, to the barracks and the great against women during peacetime. As Sara Meager crucial reinforcers of the status quo.32 However, halls of decision making. writes on the use of rape as an instrument of while nuance is vital, we cannot ignore the ubiquity war: “sexual violence, as with all forms of political of masculinized violence and its disproportionate violence, must be understood not as an end in impact on the lives of women. Nor can we ignore itself, but as a means to an end”, and power “is how the gendered nature of violence and power the end which violence is one of the means.”24 informs to the behavior and configuration of the For women, whose bodies are deeply politicized militarized state. metaphorical and material markers of communal or 19. Moser, C. O., & Clark, F. (Eds.). (2001). Victims, Perpetrators or Actors? Gender, Armed Conflict and Political Violence. Palgrave Mac- millan. national identities, sexualized violence against them becomes a highly profitable strategy to attack that Indeed, the relationship between violence 20. United Nations, Beijing Declaration and Platform of Action, adopted at the Fourth World Conference on Women, 27 October 1995. 25 community.” experienced by women and girls and militarized 21. Anglin, M. (1998). Surviving Gendered Structures of Violence Feminist Perspectives on Structural Violence. Identities: Global Studies state violence is closer than one might intuitively in Culture and Power, 5: 2; Farwell, N (2004). War Rape: New Conceptualizations and Responses. Affilia 19:4 expect. An emerging evidence base, spearheaded 22. Ibid Though such extreme sexualized violence emerges by scholars at the Women Stats Project, suggests 23. Hudson, V., Caprioli, M., Ballif-Spanvill, B., McDermott, R., Emmett, C. (2009). The Heart of the Matter: The Security of Women and as an effective instrument of power during conflict, that there is a direct and significant relationship the Security of States, International Security, 33: 3, pp. 7-45 it does not eventuate at the commencement of between state violence and women’s insecurity.33 24. Meager, S., in Freedman, J. (Ed) (2012). Engaging Men in the Fight Against Gender Violence, Case Studies from Africa: Militarized hostilities, or end once a peace agreement is This research indicates that gender empowerment is Masculinities and the Political Economy of Wartime Sexual Violence in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Palgrave Macmillan signed.26 Indeed, while “wartime” rape has become correlated with a state decision to use force,34 and 35 25. Manchanda R. (Ed) (2001). Women, War and Peace in South Asia: Beyond Victimhood and Agency. Sage publications, New Delhi, p a core focus for international actors and donors can predict the severity of such force. Inversely, it 11. intervening in conflict settings, by separating this explains that greater gender equality is associated experience from the constant experience of violence with a reduced preference for the use of force in 26. Goldblatt, B., & Meintjes, S. (1998). Dealing with the Aftermath: Sexual Violence and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Agen- da, 13:36, 7-18; Dobash, R. E., & Dobash, R. P. (Eds.). (1998). Rethinking violence against women (Vol. 9). Sage Publications women are subjected to is to ignore its prevalence resolving international disputes.36 Researchers also in post-conflict contexts.27 find that states with high gendered inequality are 27. Ward, J., & Marsh, M. (2006). Sexual Violence Against Women and Girls in War and its Aftermath: Realities, Responses, and Required Resources. Briefing Paper Prepared for Symposium on Sexual Violence in Conflict and Beyond not only more likely to be belligerent international citizens and regional neighbors, but that gendered 28. Anglin, M. (1998). Surviving Gendered Structures of Violence Feminist Perspectives on Structural Violence. Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power, 5: 2, p 147 To identify violence against women as dependent inequality is a better predictor of state violence on masculine supremacy and masculine violence than level of democracy or level of wealth.37 Though 29. Cowen, D., & Siciliano, A. (2011). Surplus Masculinities and Security. Antipode, 43:5, 1516-1541 is not to suggest men are inherently violent. As preliminary, this growing body of evidence compels 30. Brewer, R. M., & Heitzeg, N. A. (2008). The Racialization of Crime and Punishment Criminal Justice, Color-Blind Racism, and the Politi- Mary Anglin writes: “[t]o speak of ‘gendered us to take the complex relationship between cal Economy of the Prison Industrial Complex. American Behavioral Scientist, 51:5, 625-644 structures of violence’ is not to suggest that gender inequality and militarization seriously, and to 31. Scarce, M. (2001). Male on Male Rape: The Hidden Toll of Stigma and Shame. Basic Books women are always the victims, but instead to call regard the feminine experience of insecurity not as 32. Manchanda R. (Ed) (2001). Women, War and Peace in South Asia: Beyond Victimhood and Agency. Sage publications, New Delhi attention to the differential effects of coercive peripheral, but central to security in general. processes on women and men, girls and boys. 33. See: http://womanstats.org/researchandpapers.html It is to address the ‘naturalizing [of] power’ 34. Marshall, M. G., & Ramsey, D. (1999). Gender Empowerment and the Willingness of States to Use Force. Unpublished research paper, through hegemonic interpretations of biological/ Thus, when talking about violence against women, Center for Systemic Peace. Available at http://www.members. aol.com/CSPmgm/ social difference and their embodiment in cultural we must be attentive to the spectrum of structural 35. Caprioli, M., & Boyer, M. A. (2001). Gender, Violence and International Crisis. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 45:4, 503–518 practices.”28 Indeed men’s (often racialized) violence, and its relationship to the state. We need gendered identities and bodies are exploited for the to look further than violence as something that is 36. Caprioli, M. (2000). Gendered conflict. Journal of Peace Research, 37:1, 51–68 29 prosecution of warfare, targeted for highly profit only perpetrated against bodies, to the structures 37. Hudson, V., Caprioli, M., Ballif-Spanvill, B., McDermott, R., & Emmett, C. (2009). The Heart of the Matter: The Security of Women and the Security of States, International Security, 33m 7–45.

10 11 Big Guns: Gendering Defence and Weapons Spending

We will now turn our attention to national trends and India one of the world’s most lucrative markets for their relationship to women’s experience of violence military products.”42 in India. Let us first examine current developments in defense, security and weapons spending. While currently taking position as the largest importer of arms, India is fast gearing towards In 2012, total military spending in India was liberalization in order to cultivate local private US$46.125 million, or 2.5 per cent of total GDP, an industries capable of competing in the export increase of 17 per cent from 2011.38 At such pace, market. The most recent iteration of the Defense IHS Jane’s has predicted that India is set to become Procurement Policy (2013) aims to create conditions the world’s fourth-largest defense spender by 2020, favoring domestic weapon production over imports 39 Indian Aero Show 2011 when it is estimated to reach $65.4 billion. India is and to provide greater opportunities for private Credits: Subharnab Majumdar/ Flickr also currently the largest importer of arms, accounting sector participation.43The gradual liberalization of for 14 per cent of total global arms imports, at policy settings over the past decade is generating a US$4.6 billion price tag for the 2012-2013 gold rush conditions and encouraging established financial years.38 Recent data from the Stockholm manufacturing, oil and tech companies such as order to expand into weapons development and and public weapons development companies are International Peace Research Institute found that Wipro Ltd44, Bharat Forge45 Ltd and Reliance take a share of a market worth billions. moving to flex their muscles in global markets and India’s major arms imports have increased by 111 Industries46 to partner with foreign companies in drum up international business. In October 2013, per cent between 2004–2008 and 2009–13, making the Defense Research & Development Organization it the world’s largest importer, followed by China Box 3 This rapid private expansion is joining an existing (DRDO), and partners Tata Power and Bharat and Pakistan.40 As much as 70 per cent of the total public defense industrial base under the Department Electronics joined the Aerospace and Defense defense budget is dependent on foreign companies Partners in Crime: of Defense Production, which comprises thirty Exhibition (ADEX-2013) in Seoul to showcase Akash and with unrelenting expansion of defense spending, nine Ordinance Factories and Defense Public surface-to-air missile (SAM), Tejas Light Combat and its growing position as an economic power, India Official Corruption Sector Undertakings and the manufacture of “arms Aircraft (LCA), Pragati surface-to-surface missile is a boon for global weapon producers.41 As the and ammunition, tanks, armored vehicles, heavy (SSM), sonar, battlefield radars, and identification- Boston Consulting Group (BCG) writes in its report and the Arms Trade vehicles, fighter aircraft and helicopters, warships, friend-or-foe (IFF) systems.50 making a case for expanded defense sector growth in submarines, missiles, ammunition, electronic India: There are significant invisible social development costs extracted equipment, earth moving equipment, special alloys by the arms trade. The global cost of corruption in the defense and special purpose steels.”47 In many respects India is seeking not only to sector is estimated to be at least $20 billion a year, and as a primary arms importer with a poor record on corruption, India is meet its own military requirements, but also to “Defense budgets have risen at about 17 percent considered “high risk” . The arms trade is estimated to account capitalize on the growth of the private defense for more than 40 per cent of global corruption – where a select [year-on-year] since 2007. The ratio of capital privileged few determine multibillion dollar arms contracts, which In terms of number of people employed, the size and security sector in a globalized market, which expenditure within the overall defense spend is also are routinely protected by the veil of ‘national security’, making of the Indian Defense sector is comparable to big has expanded dramatically in the past decade.51 the arms trade a perfect storm of for corrupt activities . going up from about 40 percent in [financial year] global players like France and the UK. But India’s However, we should remain skeptical not only of ‘08 to 47 percent in the last financial year. With India is no stranger to corruption in the arms trade. In the 1980s capacity has lagged,48 and so its decision to ramp the value placed on the preparedness to act against several very large equipment purchase programs and 1990s, then prime minister, Rajiv Gandhi and key defense up defense industries and weapons development the existential threat of external aggression, but of officials were implicated in the so-called “Bofors scandal”, and already in the pipeline, this ratio will certainly rise accused of accepting 640 million (US$9.8 million) from Swedish from its current position requires significant funding imbedding proliferation, war and profit in national further. Compared to world average growth rate company Bofors for winning a bid to supply India’s 155 mm injections, including an expected US$80 billion and international economies. We must also be field howitzer. The case lead to the defeat of Gandhi’s ruling in military spend of about 4 percent, this makes Indian National Congress party in the November 1989 general spend on Capital expenditure by 2015.49 With alert to how such economies of violence depend elections. such significant cash injections abound, private on the subordination and insecurity of women. For

0612 13 instance, by comparing the levels of investment India rejected recommendations to increase health 38. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (2013). SIPRI Yearbook 2012: Armaments, Disarmament and International Security. Published in print and online by Oxford University Press. in localizing defense industries with the USD$5.9 and education spending, address inequity of access billion allocated to the Ministry of Health & Family issues and develop a Human Rights Plan to address 39. Cited in: Chandramohan, B. (2013). India’s Defence Budget: Implications and Strategic Orientation. Future Directions International Welfare, or the USD$13 billion52 allocated to sexual and reproductive health rights or measures 40. Siemon T. Wezeman and Pieter D. Wezeman (2013). Trends in International Arms Transfers - 2013. Stockholm International Peace Re- programs relating to women in the 2013 Union to eliminate violence against women.56 This was the search Institute, Stockholm. Available at: http://books.sipri.org/files/FS/SIPRIFS1403.pdf Budget,53 we can derive some sense of the flow on same year the military received a 17 per cent jump 41. Ibid impacts for gender equality. in its budget. 42. Bhattacharya, A., & Vasishth, N. (2012). Creating a Vibrant Domestic Defense Manufacturing Sector. The Boston Consulting Group, Inc.

Furthermore, the Working Group on Human Rights We cannot consider these issues in isolation. 42. Ibid, p 13 in India 2012 status report found: “every 60 minutes Adopting a gendered perspective is imperative to 43. Ministry of Defense (2013). Ministry of Defense, Defense Procurement Procedure June 1, 2013 two women are raped, and every six hours a young understand the direct implications for women and 44. See: http://www.wipro.com/industries/aerospace/ married woman is found beaten to death, burnt or the most vulnerable in society and to unravel how driven to suicide.”54 National Crime Record Bureau gendered discourses are exploited to promote and 45. Bharat Forge, Press release 7 February, 2013, available at: http://www.bharatforge.com/press/Bharat_Forge_Elbit_JVC.pdf statistics show reported crimes against women protect the industrial military complex. 46. See: http://www.defensenow.com/news/519/agreement-between-french-dassault-and-indian-reliance-industries-limited.html has increased 902.1 per cent for the period 1971- 2012, and is continuing to rise.55 Bearing in mind 47. See: Department of Defense Production http://ddpmod.gov.in/index1.php?lang=1&level=0&linkid=4&lid=11 that such trends can be indicative of improved In the following section, we will explore masculine 48. Bhattacharya, A., & Vasishth, N. (2012). Creating a Vibrant Domestic Defense Manufacturing Sector. The Boston Consulting Group, reporting cultures, it remains a source of concern discourses in the nuclear industry and its role in Inc that during the 2012 Universal Periodic Review at structural violence in India. 49. Nayan, R. (2013). Defense Industrial Base: Evolution the Way Forward. Defense and Security Alert. Available at: http://www.idsa.in/ the UN Human Rights Council the government of system/files/DIB_Nayan.pdf 50. See: http://www.aadexpo.co.za

51. Mandel, R. (2001). The Privatization of Security. Armed Forces & Society, 28:1, 129-151

52. Figures cited at USD Conversion Rate February 28, 2013

53. Union Budget of India 2013-2014 Ministry of Finance, Government of India, New Delhi. Budget Summary available at: http://indiabudg- et.nic.in/ub2013-14/bh/bh1.pdf

54. Working Group on Human Rights in India and the UN (2012). Human Rights in India: Status Report 2012

55. National Crime Records Bureau Ministry of Home Affairs (2012). Crime in India 2012

56. Cited in: Working Group on Human Rights in India and the UN (2012). Human Rights in India: Status Report 2012

Manipuri women in Imphal Credits: Lecercle/ Flickr

14 15 Made with Viagra: Gendering India’s Nuclear Weapons

One aspect of the Indian defense position that is Despite standing on precarious legal grounds, too opaque to quantify with any accuracy is its India’s arsenal is still expanding and now includes nuclear program. India is among nine nuclear armed a constellation of powerful vested interests that states (including Israel), and rather than striding extends beyond the nuclear and defense research towards disarmament as some other major players establishments to public and private companies are, India is seeking to modernize its nuclear and universities. It is believed that India’s nuclear weapons program.57 capabilities now include:

India is estimated to now have 80–100 nuclear >> Land Based Ballistic Missiles: Nuclear-capable warheads, and over the past decade has been short-range ballistic missiles Prithvi 1 and Agni investing in developing the “trifecta” of nuclear -1, Agni -2 and Agni -3. Agni -5, and the Agni capable delivery vehicles, including land- and 6 are currently under development both have sea- based missiles, strategic bombers and intercontinental range. submarines.58 In the face of increasing international >> Strategic Bombers: Mirage 2000H p Jaguar IS coalescence towards full disarmament, India (with Shamsher and the Sukhoi Su-30MKI are believed to powerful international support) is working to scale be nuclear capable. up its own nuclear program.59 >> Sea based ballistic missiles: Nuclear-powered ballistic missile submarine, the Arihant, planned Although India positions itself as a “responsible for 2013 will be equipped with 12 Sagarika (K-15) nuclear power” and has a “no-first-use” policy,60 missiles armed with nuclear warheads.62 it has not signed the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty or the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) , the principle instruments currently Thus, it is clear that despite historically being a regulating nuclear non-proliferation. The refusal to strong leader in the field of universal disarmament, enter into multilateral agreements enables India India has strayed far from this path. In national to position itself as righteous in its possession of discourse India perceives nuclear capabilities as a nuclear weapons while arguing it is not contravening natural right, a crucial component of its burgeoning international law. However, a 1996 advisory role as a global power and even guarantor of judgment by the International Court of Justice development.63 Former President Abdul Kalam held suggests that states can no longer hold this an “abiding faith in the military-industrial complex contradictory position, finding that: “the threat or as the motor of progress [and] often extolled

India Point Nuclear Power Plant use of nuclear weapons would generally be contrary the importance of various military and nuclear Credits: Peretz Partensky/ Flickr to the rules of international law applicable in armed technologies for broader development, to make conflict […].”.61 India what he calls a “developed nation.”64

05 16 17 marked as “weak” and are subsequently excluded $US1 billion on a rented nuclear submarine in this from such discourses.67 context seems both reckless and perverse.

We find India regularly attempts to balance a But the nuclear economy extends beyond stance of objective credibility while deferring weaponry, to power reactors and uranium the importance of human cost in its positions nuclear fuel fabrication factories. This has human in international disarmament fora. For instance, rights and public health repercussions for those although India and Pakistan were the only two employed in uranium mines, nuclear power plants nuclear-armed states to attend the Oslo conference and those residing around waste storage areas, on the humanitarian impact of nuclear arms in and (proposed and existing) reactor sites. This March 2013, India declined to sign the Joint impact is being documented by organizations Statement on acknowledging the “unacceptable such as Jharkhand Organization Against Radiation humanitarian consequences caused by the (JOAR) in Jadugoda, who declare themselves immense, uncontrollable destructive capability as “radiated bodies”, suffering at the hands and indiscriminate nature of [nuclear] weapons.”68 of the nuclear industry. For women working in Instead Ambassador D.B Venkatesh Varma or living within the proximity of uranium mines No Austraia-India Nukes Deal delivered a statement professing token support for in Jharkhand, miscarriages, children born with Credit: ICAN Australia disarmament, while maintaining “nuclear weapons physically and mental deformities, deaths and are now an integral part of India’s security policy and terminal illnesses like leukemia and thalassemia part of our credible minimum deterrence.”69 have been documented. Yet such issues still remain unadressed and are rarely considered in the development of such mining projects.75 One of the key problems civil society faces is the Thus, the pursuit of nuclear weapons is both a “Images such as these rely on the widespread The possession and pursuit of nuclear weapons has lack of resources and expertise to translate their material, as well as a political object, intrinsically metaphoric equation of political and military power direct material and gendered consequences, even documented evidence into scientifically rigorous linked with notions of power and prestige and with sexual potency and masculinity. Political where such weapons are never deployed. Chasing studies, which makes their claims easy to discuss. deeply embedded in masculinist rhetoric. Such actors incorporate sexual metaphors in their the perceived status of a nuclear trifecta comes at rhetoric is moving India from being a society that representations of nuclear weapons as a way the expense of other state responsibilities and like has enjoyed and celebrated pluralistic sexualities, to mobilize gendered associations and symbols most nuclear armed states India does not disclose into one that narrowly defines the parameters of in creating assent, excitement, support for, and the amounts invested in its nuclear program, 70 male success with has readiness for violence. identification with the weapons and their own citing reasons of “national security.” However, political regime; in other words, the symbolic there is some publically available information that gendered dimensions of nuclear weapons are not gives an indication of the levels of investment. For example, in preparation for its own nuclear capable In their paper for the Weapons of Mass Destruction trivial; they are an integral part of accomplishing 66 submarine fleet, the Indian government has leased Commission, Carole Cohan, Felicity Hill and Sara domestic and political objectives.” a Nerpa class nuclear submarine from Russia for a Ruddick, demonstrate how concepts of masculinity period of ten years on a contract estimated to be influence these notions of power and state level worth $US900 million.71 Given the critical need for discourses about war and the possession of As we explored in the opening section, such development to reach hundreds of millions of people weapons of mass destruction (WMD’s).65 The gendered rhetoric not only elevates a narrow living below the poverty line, investing just shy of authors highlight an example that followed the 1998 form of masculinity, but it also necessitates the nuclear tests in Pokhar, and a political cartoon that devaluation of anything identified as feminine. Within depicted Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee with a the context of nuclear weapons the “feminized” nuclear bomb and the caption “made with Viagra”: discourses surrounding human costs (both physical No Nukes and indirect), as well as political alternatives to Credit: Midorisyu/ Flickr the threat or use of force (such as diplomacy) are

18 19 72 For Jharkhand communities affected by the The resettlement of large (mostly rural poor) nuclear industry, the price paid is not only in populations to make way for large industrial health costs, but in the lived experience of having development projects has been identified as a their civil and political freedoms and social and significant issue across India, even where state economic rights violated. Land grabbing, forced violence is not employed. In her research, Saroj displacement, lack of consultation or compensation Parasuraman examines the gendered impacts of and violent enforcement by state forces brings the government sponsored resettlement programs. intangible threat of nuclear warfare to the everyday Parasuraman identifies the loss of livelihoods, social experience.73 In Jaitapur, French nuclear engineering support networks, and access to basic services as firm Areva SA and NPCIL signed an USD$9.3 a substantial issue for resettled women, who reap billion agreement to build one of the largest nuclear few of the rewards from employment growth for power plants in the world. According to the National new industries, being exploited instead for cheap Disaster Management Authority the site is classified labor.80 While still a visibly masculinized industry, as a seismic zone four, out of a possible five. Thus, women are employed across mines in Maharashtra, local communities fear that loss of livelihoods, Andhra Pradesh, Jharkhand and Orissa. However, detrimental health outcomes, displacement and women are disproportionately concentrated in environmental destruction will be the true price paid insecure, unsafe positions, and exposed to sexual for this “development” initiative.74 exploitation, “forced to work at night and sexually abused so much that young girls from these regions are branded as ‘spoilt’ and not respectable for The use of violent force to remove resistant marriage.”81 communities is a common experience for other large-scale corporate industrial development project as well. For example, in 2007 the use of police The denial of basic human rights and the use and paramilitaries to execute forced evictions for of violent force are becoming synonymous industrial development in West Bengal resulted in with economic expansion and private sector the death of protestors. The police opened fired industrial development in India, and none of the on protestors, burned villages, and raped women brief examples offered do justice to the genuine activists.75 In the Jajpur district of Orrissa in 2006, implications and gendered dynamics of this model peaceful resistors to a Tata Industries steel plant of growth. For communities fighting against development were also subjected to armed force.76 the nuclear economy in Jaitapur, Jharkhand and The police opened fired on protesters, killing twelve elsewhere, their basic rights pale in contrast to people (including a child and two women) whose the supremacy of the nuclear industry. Scholar bodies were found posthumously mutilated.77 In Itty Abraham has termed the nuclear industry Madhay Pradesh, in 2002, women and girls who a powerful “strategic enclave”, comprised of mobilized to protest their forced resettlement and government laboratories, public sector and (national destruction of their land to make way for a dam and international) private corporations, as well as project, were arrested, beaten, and later forcibly universities.82 These special interests reap the evicted, separating them from their children.78 benefits of publicly funded investment while the During the compensation and resettlement basic human rights and needs of local populations process that followed, women were ignored in land are swept aside – often with the use of militarized allocations, excluded from employment programs force. As Cynthia Enloe has noted, “globalization and were denied compensation.79 and militarization often feed each other”, and private sector and industrial development frequently depend on the military (and militarized ideals) to proceed.83

05 20 21 Understanding where women figure into this populations residing around reactors and waste 62. Silva, V. (2013). Arms Control and Proliferation Profile: India. Arms Control Association picture and how gender is exploited to advance the storage sites; and those forcibly displaced through 63. Ramana, M.V (2012). Assuring Destruction Forever. Published by Reaching Critical Will, a project of the Women’s International League nuclear-industrial agenda is essential if we are to the use of state force. for Peace and Freedom effectively unravel and contest these processes. 64. Ibid While at face value we might consider nuclear weapons and industrial development to be matters 65. Cohn, C., Hill, F., & Ruddick, S. (2006). The Relevance of Gender for Eliminating Weapons of Mass Destruction. Weapons of Mass De- struction Commission. Available at: http://www.un.org/disarmament/education/wmdcommission/files/No38.pdf of state-security, macro-economies and high-level politics - there are genuine implications for human 66. Ibid, p 4 security that require a gendered lens. Governments 67. Ibid must address the needs of everyone affected by 68. Joint Statement on the Humanitarian Impact of Nuclear Weapons 24 April 2013, Second Session of the Preparatory Committee for the all aspects of nuclear weapons: the workers in 2015 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons uranium mines; those who are brought, or move to 69. Joint Statement by H.E Ambassador D.B Venkatesh Varma, Thematic Debate on Nuclear Weapons 24 April 2013, First Committee these sites to “service” the workers; indigenous 68th Session of the United Nations General Assembly

70. Ramana, M.V (2012). Assuring Destruction Forever. Published by Reaching Critical Will, a project of the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom

71. Times of India. (January 23 2012). India Acquires Nuclear-powered Attack Sub. Times of India. http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/ Russia-hands-over-nuclear-powered-attack-submarine-to-India/articleshow/11604663.cms

72. Bhadra, M. (2012). India’s Nuclear Power Problem: Rising Voices for Technology with Accountability. Cairo Review of Global Affairs, 5: 2012. Available at: http://www.aucegypt.edu/GAPP/CairoReview/Lists/Articles/Attachments/167/CR5-Bhadra.pdf

73. Ibid

74. Nayak, P., & Mishra, S. K. (2005). Gender and Sustainable Development in Mining Sector in India. EconWPA.

75. Bhadra, M. (2012). India’s Nuclear Power Problem: Rising Voices for Technology with Accountability. Cairo Review of Global Affairs, 5: 2012

76. Asian Centre for Human Rights (2007). India Human Rights Report 2007: Orissa. Asian Centre for Human Rights. Asian Centre for Hu- man Rights, New Delh. Available at: http://www.achrweb.org/reports/india/AR07/orissa.htm

77. Ibid

78. Mehta, L. (Ed.). (2009). Displaced by Development: Confronting Marginalisation and Gender Injustice. SAGE Publications Ltd.

79. Ibid

57. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (2013). SIPRI Yearbook 2012: Armaments, Disarmament and International Security. 80. Parasuraman, S. (1993). Impact of Displacement by Development Projects on Women in India. ISS Working Paper Series/General Se- Published in print and online by Oxford University Press ries, 159, p 1-12; Downing, T. E. (2002). Avoiding New Poverty: Mining-Induced Displacement and Resettlement. International Institute for Environment and Development, 52. 58. Ramana, M.V (2012). Assuring Destruction Forever. Published by Reaching Critical Will, a project of the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom 81. Nayak, P., & Mishra, S. K. (2005). Gender and Sustainable Development in Mining Sector in India. EconWPA; Downing, T. (2002). Avoiding New Poverty: Mining-Induced Displacement and Resettlement. IIED and World Business Council for Sustainable Development, 59. Ibid London

60. Silva, V. (2013). Arms Control and Proliferation Profile: India. Arms Control Association. Available at: http://www.armscontrol.org/ 82. Abraham, I. (1992). India’s ‘Strategic Enclave’: Civilian Scientists and Military Technologies. Armed Forces and Society 18:2, p. 231– factsheets/indiaprofile 252

61. Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons, Advisory Opinion, I.C.J Reports 1996, p. 226 83. Cynthia Enloe. (2007). Globalization and Militarization : Feminists Make the Link. Rowman & Littlefield, p 6

22 23 Machismo and Gun Culture in the Cow Belt States

In the previous sections, we explored the of women. In a United Nations multi-country economies of violence that sacrifice human rights quantitative study of violence against women in for the prestige and profit of defense and nuclear Asia and the Pacific, the researchers found a strong industries. In this section the small arms industry correlation between the performance of violent and the nexus of gun culture will be discussed, masculinity and the desire to exert dominance of along with black market arms economies and the women through coercion and physical force.89 It militarization of civilian cultures. was found that men who had used weapons were far more likely to participate in (non-partner) rape and gang rape, particularly where there exists a One of the most harmful and visible sources of a normalized culture of acceptance and impunity. militarized civil culture is the prevalence of private gun ownership, small arms industries and the gendered cultural values attached to firearms. The report summarizes: Conventional wisdom strongly identifies images of successful masculinity with guns, which embody violent manhood, status and power.84 While certainly “The factors found to be associated with violence not all men use or identify with weapons, in highly in this study […] reflect influential narratives of militarized societies men who exhibit alternative masculinity that justify and celebrate domination, non-violent masculinities are marginalized and very aggression, strength and a capacity for violence as often become the targets of violence themselves.85 well as men’s heterosexual performance and men’s This bears out in patterns of gun use in India where control over women […]”90 we consistently find that men are the owners of guns, are more likely to be the perpetrators of gun violence and are also significantly more likely Thus, while firearms themselves may not always to be victims to it.86 Henri Myrttinen writes on the paradoxical cycles of masculinized violence and victimization: “[…] weapons and their public display seek to underline the ‘manly’ prowess of the bearer, but tragically often also undermine it.”87

As we have discussed, the dominance of hegemonic masculinity also necessitates the subordination

Discarded gun, Manipur Boy making Dosa for Military Men Credit: Lacercle/ Flickr Credit: Lyle Vincent/ Flickr

05 24 25 be directly implicated in violence against women, thought to be held.95 By pure quantification the This is due to issues of official corruption, capacity, increasingly embodied by the ownership of a gun.107 they are correlated with an increase in gendered evidence is disturbing and paints a picture of a fierce local resistance and the sheer scale of the This perfect storm recently culminated in the 2013 inequality and a generalized culture of violence rapidly developing yet increasingly insecure nation. katta factories.100 The dependency of the local Muzaffarnagar communal riots that displaced tens against women. This is supported by Indian specific economy on this illicit market and its reach into of thousands and killed fifty.108 The majority of the studies, which have found that patriarchy, gendered every corner of the district is imbedding a militarized participants in the violence were male and turned up inequality (and segregation) and the socialization While internationally manufactured weapons are culture that is primarily operated by men, but armed with sickles, sticks and desi kattas.109 of men and boys around displaying heterosexual increasingly popular in licit and illicit markets, home also fiercely protected by women. In one incident prowess and exerting control over women are key made guns, or “desi kattas” are a burgeoning black reported in July 2013, a seizure by local police determinants of violence.91 When we also consider market industry driven by “machismo” culture and was met by a group of local women who recovered The causes of the violence are multiple and it is cultural apathy, and the institutional barriers rising demand in urban centers.96 Uttar Pradesh weapons confiscated from the police.101 As has beyond the scope of this paper to address them women face when attempting to access the justice and Bihar are the hub of the katta industry, which been noted, while the processes of militarism in full. However, the role of gendered propaganda system,92 the rise in gun culture in India presents a is manufacturing increasingly more sophisticated privileges men and masculinities, women very often in escalating tensions is notable. According to key challenge for the prevention of violence against weapons that can be found in black market bazaars become integral (though unequal) partners and some reports, the conflict between Jat and Muslim women. as far afield as Delhi, Punjab and Haryana.97 beneficiaries of militarized industries.102 We can communities was fanned by an “eve teasing” also witness evidence of this in Northeast India, incident (a euphemism for sexual harassment) where its position along the porous Myanmar border towards a young Muslim woman by two Jat India already has the most heavily armed civilian The Mungar District of Bihar is perhaps the most places it squarely within established weapons and boys.110 Other accounts suggest no such incident population, second only to the United States.93 inundated with this illicit trade. The trade reaches narco-trafficking routes. Women have been directly occurred.111 Nonetheless, the mere rumor of an The estimated total number of small arms (both into homes, implicates entire families, villages and involved in trafficking activities and have used their affront to a young Muslim girl’s honor by outsiders licit and illicit) held by civilians in India is 40 million, exploits the dearth of women police in the district by homes for hiding weapons.103 Further, we find that became an effective propaganda tool (facilitated which equates to 3.36 per 100 persons.94 Despite utilizing women and children as traffickers.98 Despite these arm routes have also become a supply zone by online mediums) and was a key driver in the relatively strong legislation for gun control in India, some attempts by police to curb the trade, they for the traffickers of women and girls who have escalation into mob violence.112 a mere 6.3 million of these weapons are registered, make little dent in the closing manufacturing sites been lured by promises of employment or abducted or approximately 15.7 per cent of the total firearms that are estimated to number in the hundreds.99 by armed men.104 Thus, while women may be disproportionately affected by the proliferation of The impact of this armed violence affects women small arms, it is inaccurate to solely identify women in highly gendered ways too. As explored, the as victims. Neither can we ignore the processes of targeting of women during political violence is militarization, in which the livelihoods of individuals strongly tied to the gendered constructions of and families become inextricability intertwined with women as boundaries of the community. It is also the products of militarism. tied to systems of honor and shame that render an act of sexualized violence against a woman as an act of violence, both against her family and Uttar Pradesh, also a hub for desi katta production, her community.113 During the riots, Human Rights is one of the most heavily armed (non-conflict Watch reported the emergence of cases of rape affected) states in India. It also accounted for and sexual violence facilitated by guns, particularly approximately 50 per cent of (recorded) gun targeting Muslim women.114 The investigation also deaths across the country in 2012.105 Numerous found that due to the stigma and “honor” systems arms dealers flourish in the area, which has a that govern the bodies of women, few have been population of about three million, around 15,500 confident to report these crimes; and those few of which hold legal gun licenses.106 As Jason that have approached authorities have experienced Overdorf and Poh Si found in their investigation indifference and suspicion.115 of gun culture in that state, the rapid engines of capitalism and subsequent inequalities that put men Gun Factory Credit: Carole Mitchell/ Flickr (and masculinities) against each other are fueling a The flourishing local gun production in the cow struggle for wealth, status and “machismo” that is belt states is also fueling insecurity and armed

27 violence across India, particularly in urban areas However, firearms act as effective facilitators 84. Myrttinen, H. (2003). Disarming Masculinities. Disarmament Forum: Women, Men, Peace, and Security, 37-46 where, according to the National Crime Records of violence and breed generalized conditions 85. Ibib Bureau, desi katta weapons manufactured in these of insecurity, which has different but equally states are responsible for approximately 85 per detrimental consequences for men and women. The 86. Anil, K., Karp, A., & Marwah, S. (2011). Mapping Murder: The Geography of Indian Firearm Fatalities. Armed Violence Assessment and the Small Arms Survey, Geneva; The National Crime Records Bureau found that in 2012, 3,781 victims were murdered by the use of a fire- cent of weapons related crime and are virtually case of black market weapons production and gun arm, the majority of victims being young men untraceable.116 While the majority of the victims and violence in the cow belt states offers an illustrative 87. Myrttinen, H. (2003). Disarming Masculinities. Disarmament Forum: Women, Men, Peace, and Security, 37-46, p 4 perpetrators of firearms-related homicides are male, example of the association with particular militarized many more women than men are killed, injured, and masculinities and weapons, its attended impacts 89. Fulu, E., Warner, X., Miedema, S., Jewkes, R., Roselli, T., & Lang, J. (2013). Why Do Some Men Use Violence Against Women and How Can we Prevent it? Quantitative Findings from the United Nations Multi-country Study on Men and Violence in Asia and the Pacific. intimidated by firearms in the context of domestic on gender equality and conditions of insecurity. It Bangkok: UNDP violence.117 Though it is often perceived that the provides insight into how civilian cultures absorb 90. Ibid armed patriarch within the home is the protector of militarized ideals and become economically his family, women (and their children) are far more dependent on the products of militarization. 91. Ibid; Duvvury N, Nayak M, Allendorf K (2002). Domestic Violence in India 4: Exploring Strategies, Promoting Dialogue. Men Masculini- ties and Domestic Violence in India: Summary Report of Four Studies. International Centre for Research on Women, Washington, D.C. likely to be killed by the male “protector” than an In the following section we turn our attention to armed stranger.118 There is also strong evidence 92. Rayaprol, A., & Ray, S. (2010). Understanding Gender Justice: Perception of Lawyers in India. International Journal of Gender Justice, the militarized zones of the Northeast, where the that owning a gun makes someone more, not less, 17, 339-359 implications of militarization are an unambiguous and vulnerable to a lethal attack.119 Given such evidence, 93. Alpers, P., Wilson, M., & Gardner, B. (2013). Guns in India: Firearms, Armed Violence and Gun Law. Sydney School of Public Health, ever-present feature of everyday life. the trend of women purchasing firearms following The University of Sydney the December 2012 Delhi gang rape case in order 94. Ibid to protect themselves, may paradoxically increase 95. Anil, K., Karp, A., & Marwah, S. (2011). Mapping Murder: The Geography of Indian Firearm Fatalities. Armed Violence Assessment and 120 risks of lethal violence. the Small Arms Survey, Geneva.

96. Permanent Mission of India to the United Nations (31 January 2010).‘Manufacture of Small Arms and Light Weapons.’ National Report of India on its Implementation of the International Instrument to Enable States to Identify and Trace, In a Timely and Reliable Manner, Illicit It is imperative to note that small arms are not Small Arms and Light Weapons (and the UNPoA). the sole drivers of political violence and gendered 97. Singh, S. (August 18 2013). Munger’s Smoking Guns: Bihar Town Turns into Illegal Weapons Hub. The Indian Express. inequality. We need only to look at the catastrophic 98.Ibid 2002 Gujarat ethnic cleansing of Muslims, where the preferred weapons were knives, swords, acid, 99. Ibid petrol and fire and barbaric sexualized violence 100.Jah, G. (July 22 2013). Need a Loan For Your Gun Factory? Just Ask the Government! Police Reveal Illegal Pistol Makers In Munger (perpetrated against both Hindu and Muslim were Financed with PMRY Grants. Mail Online India. Available at: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/indiahome/indianews/article-2374215/Need- women).121 These improvised weapons are sadly loan-gun-factory-Just-ask-Government-Police-reveal-illegal-pistol-makers-Munger-financed-PMRY-grants.html also often the weapons of choice in much violent 101. Ibid crimes committed against women in India.122 102. Cynthia Enloe (2000). Maneuvers: The International Politics of Militarizing Women’s Lives. University of California Press

103 ‘Trafficking women and guns in India’s Northeast’ in Women at Work: Preventing Gun Violence, IANSA Women’s Network Bulletin No. 17, January 2009

104 Ibid

105 National Crime Records Bureau Ministry of Home Affairs. (2012). Crime in India 2012.

106. Ibid

107. Overdorf, J., & Si, P (December 20, 2010). Gun Culture- and Gun Violence – On the Rise. The Global Post. Available at: http://www. globalpost.com/dispatch/india/101214/india-gun-culture-violence?page=0,0

108. Human Rights Watch Press Release, October 7 2013. Aftermath of Riots, Support Sexual Assault Victims. Available at: http://www. hrw.org/news/2013/10/07/india-aftermath-riots-support-sexual-assault-victims

109. Tiwary , D. (10th September 2013) Armed and Dangerous: Gun Culture Helped Fan Violence. Times of India. Available at: http://m. indianexpress.com/news/mungers-smoking-guns-bihar-town-turns-into-illegal-weapons-hub/1156548/

28 29 Armed Man inmphal Credit: Lercele/ Flickr

The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act 1958: Militarism and Impunity in

110. Correspondent (9th September 2013). Toll 29, Violence Spreads to Villages. The Indian Express. Available at: http://www.indianex- press.com/news/toll-26-violence-spreads-to-villages/1166266/1 Northeast India 111. Jain, S. (14th September 2013). The Mystery of The Mystery of Kawwal: Were Muzaffarnagar Riots Based on Distortion of Facts? NDTV. Available at: http://www.ndtv.com/article/india/the-mystery-of-kawwal-were-muzaffarnagar-riots-based-on-distortion-of- Designated by the government of India as a use force, even leading to death, of any person facts-418666 “disturbed area” rather than a conflict zone - the who is acting in contravention of any law” 112. Ibid ethnically diverse, and culturally plural Northeastern [emphasis added], and shields military personnel 113. Manchanda R. (Ed) (2001). Women, War and Peace in South Asia: Beyond Victimhood and Agency. Sage publications, New Delhi states *, have in reality suffered from protracted from prosecution for crimes committed.124b The act

114. Human Rights Watch Press Release, October 7 2013. Aftermath of Riots, Support Sexual Assault Victims. Available at: http://www. armed conflict for decades. Incorporated into the itself has its roots in the Armed Forces (Special hrw.org/news/2013/10/07/india-aftermath-riots-support-sexual-assault-victims Indian Union by the narrow 37 km wide Siliguri Powers) Ordinance of 1942, which was used

115. Ibid corridor, the Northeast is home to more than a by the British colonial government to quash the hundred insurgent groups123 whose demands range Indian nationalist movement.125b For people living 116. National Crime Records Bureau Ministry of Home Affairs. (2012). Crime in India 2012. from succession to self-determination.124a Matched in declared “disturbed areas”, “AFSPA is at the 117. Hemenway, D., Shinoda-Tagawa, T., & Miller, M. (2002). Firearm Availability and Female Homicide Victimization Rates Among 25 by an undisclosed number of majority male Indian heart of a feared security apparatus that underpins Populous High-Income Countries. Journal of the American Medical Women’s Association, 57, 100–104 Armed forces, paramilitary groups and police de facto the military rule”, and is responsible for 118. Dahlberg, L. L., Ikeda, R. M., & Kresnow, M. J. (2004). Guns in the Home and Risk of a Violent Death in the Home: Findings from a commandos, the Northeast is one of the most widespread human rights abuses including: extra- National study. American Journal of Epidemiology, 160:10, 929-936. densely militarized places in the world.125a judicial killings, torture, forced disappearances, 119. Ibid mass rape, detention without trial, and authoritarian The model of totalized militarization in the Northeast restrictions on freedom of assembly, expression 120. Ghosh, P. (6th January 2013). Delhi Gang-Rape: Indian Women Stocking Up On Guns For Protection. International Business Times. is facilitated by the Armed Forces (Special Powers) and movement.126 In his report on AFSPA, Justice Available at: http://www.ibtimes.com/delhi-gang-rape-indian-women-stocking-guns-protection-995330 Act 1958, which has been in force across the N. Santosh Hegde wrote, “Normally the greater 121. Hindus, V. (2012). We Have No Orders to Save You: State Participation and Complicity in Communal Violence in Gujarat. Human Northeast (and Jammu and Kashmir) for decades. the power, the greater the restraint and stricter the Rights Watch, 14:3. Available at: http://www.geocities.ws/imacweb2002/Reports/gujarat_hrw_report The act grants extraordinary powers to the armed mechanism to prevent its misuse or abuse. But here forces including the right to “fire upon or otherwise 122. Ibid in the case of AFSPA […] this principle appears

* Which include Assam, Arunachal, Pradesh, Nagaland, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Sikkim and Tripura 05 31 to have been reversed. We should not forget “In a symbolic gesture, a large number of women Women Torch Bearers Credit: Lercele/ Flickr that power corrupts and absolute power corrupts placed their kitchen utensils on the road, inviting absolutely.”127 the vehicles to run over them. They stated that the as security functions under the rubric of Operation frequent impositions of bandhs and blockades have Sadhbhavna (Operation Goodwill)*. This program dealt a hard blow on their economy, especially in either supplements or completely replaces the Congruent with the experiences in other conflict meeting the daily requirements, such as food”132 civilian government’s role in service delivery across situations, the majority of armed violence the border areas of the Northeast, and Jammu participants in the Northeast and lethal victims of it and Kashmir.136 Delivering a breadth of programs are men. While there is no publicly available data on Indeed, the women’s movement in the Northeast including health, welfare, education, infrastructure the number of active soldiers and paramilitaries that has a long tradition, where organized peaceful development and even women’s empowerment, are stationed in the Northeast, the majority of these resistance has been critical to reining in unjust the Indian Army’s civic programs seek to “win personnel are men128 from the strongly patriarchal economic and security policies for more than a the hearts and minds” of local communities and legitimate spaces for women shrink, women’s communities outside of the traditionally matrilineal century. In Manipur, the movement stretches as fold them into the “national mainstream”.137 Civic bodies become sites of violent contestation. In Northeast.129 Civilian men are also far more likely to far back as 1904, where the Women’s War (Nupi operations such as Sadhbhavna are inextricably her research on the experience of violence and experience arbitrary arrest, torture, or detention and Lal) protests successfully ended colonial economic linked to processes of militarization, as Lieutenant militarism in Kashmir, Rita Manchanda writes: make up the majority of non-state armed forces. policies that permitted the uncontrolled export of General Arjun Ray noted: “sexual violence committed against women by both rice and threatened to undermine local livelihoods. the security forces and militants is no accident Evolving from this rich lineage, across the Northeast of armed violence and militarism”. 139 In Kashmir, Conversely, women are disproportionately victims of today there are a diversity of women-led peace “[The] emphasis placed on security requirements historically low levels of gender-based violence the indirect derivatives of conflict. The impact of the movements that act as forces for non-violence and through the adoption of the development paradigm have given way to rife sexualized violence and conflict on women’s social and economic rights has as safe spaces for organizing and fostering female and discourses of peace building and human mass rape deployed as a strategic tool of coercion. been particularly devastating. Across the Northeast, solidarity. * security further legitimizes the military’s role 140 As in Kashmir, the military occupation of civic women have a century’s old traditional role in in governance and civil society […] where the spaces in the Northeast has normalized cultures of commerce and trade, which is a means to livelihood intensification of armed violence for national security violence against women. The far-reaching authority as well as a source of cultural identity and political Despite Northeastern women’s historically high is offset by the rhetoric of “disarming violence,” in granted by AFSPA continues to provide a protective power. 130 Over the past decade, intensified military status, it has been observed that the saturation of which democracy and development, not war, are put shield for perpetrators and implicitly endorses the operations have been analogous to growth in illicit insurgent groups and the predominant presence forth as the justifications for militarization.”138 violation of women’s bodies for political purposes. trades and the liberalization of official markets. of male armed force personnel into public and As Binalakshmi Nepram writes: “[…] rape by These transformations have brought large cohorts civic spaces has pushed women back into private Indian security forces most oftern happens during of male immigrant workers, opportunists and armed spheres.133 As Paula Banerjee has noted, the Thus, militarized development presents a false crackdowns, cordon-and-search operations during men who threaten to displace women from their impact of this dense militarization on women can choice between armed violence and immediate which men are held for identification in parks or traditional role in commerce. One of the most be observed in the increased disparity in the male- security needs and is intimately connected to school yards while security forces search their visible aspects of this dynamic are the economic female sex ratio (which had traditionally not affected economic growth objectives. The long-term homes”. 141 blockades, or “bandhs”, which disrupt normal the Northeast).134 Indeed, we find that this trend is degradation of women’s status in the Northeast, civic and economic activity for political purposes. much more marked in densely militarized areas. For as society organizes around militarized priorities, Economic blockades are a frequent feature of life example, in the Manipuri district of Chandel (which reveals how khaki clad approaches to development Although the powers granted by AFSPA are not and the economic stasis can be crippling for women shares a border with Myanmar) the dual processes and security ultimately depend on the subordination absolute, it is common practice for the security who depend on small trade for their livelihoods.131 of militarization and liberalization have brought of women. forces engaged in counter insurgency operations But women are nothing if not creative and as Homen a distinct increase in armed activity. The larger to disregard the safeguards conferred to women Thangjam describes, though constrained in manifold structures of gendered violence can be observed in by national criminal law codes and to refuse to ways women have responded creatively to protest the dramatic widening of the sex ratio in Chandel, The conflict has more direct implications for women cooperate where criminal investigations take the routine disruption to basic livelihood activities: which now stands above the state and nation’s as well. As discussed in the previous sections, place.142 However, few crimes are reported to average.135 Here the military provides civic as well as narrowly hegemonic masculinities come to the police.143 Among issues such as fear of dominate the political and cultural landscape and * This includes groups such as: Tangkhul Women’s League, Naga Mothers, Meira Paibis, Borok People’s Human Rights Organization, Kuki stigmatization, there are documented cases where Mother’s Association, Kangleipak Women’s Welfare Association, Widow’s Welfare Association, Nedan Foundation and the Apunba Nupi Lup. * Operation Sadhbhavna was launched in Jammu and Kashmir by the Indian Army in 1998, and extended to the Northeast in 2006

32 33 women have been falsely detained by the Armed led movements in the Northeast are the Meira Forces for attempting to pursue justice.144 For Paibis or Torch Bearers, a Manipuri grassroots all such human rights violations prosecutions are female group that has evolved as a force of non- extraordinarily rare as the Asian Human Rights violent protest against brutal state oppression Commission notes: and spontaneous issues of local injustice. Every Manipuri woman is a Meira Paibi during a time of crisis, making them a force to be reckoned “Out of the rape cases from the northeast that with. They are highly organized and mobilize in have been brought out into the open so far, only great numbers to act as a collective human shield in one case were the rapists tried and punished, against arbitrary detention and cordon-and-search that too in their own military court. This was a operations. They gather in traditionally feminized case from August 1996, when two army personnel spaces such as the historic Ima Keithel (Mother’s raped a woman in front of her disabled son during Market) to silently protest against human rights the course of a combing operation […] It was only abuses and state impunity. 147 because of the public outrage and the intensity of the movement that the army authorities were compelled to initiate court martial proceedings Perhaps the prevalence of women-led peaceful against the two personnel.”145 movements should not come as a surprise. “Women’s historical experience is one of living disarmed (in a monstrously armed world)”, and their Yet women are not simply passive victims of experiences of the spectrum of violence committed violence, or passive bystanders to militarization. The under the tyranny of militarization provide them forces of militarization very often serve as a catalyst with critical insight into the dynamics of power for women to act in new and creative ways, actively and coercion.148 Though often peripheral in formal subverting or capitalizing on their gendered roles security processes, these women-led peace and as mothers, careers, and pacifists. Paula Banjree disarmament movements are often central agents explains that women “often make strategic use in informal localized peace building, peaceful of gender roles to enter the masculinized space resistance and inter-ethno-religious reconciliation. of conflict [and] “motherhood” has been time and Furthermore, such movements act to undermine again evoked to challenge the masculinist discourse the “centrality of the dominant meaning of peace as of nationhood.”146 defined in strategic discourse as an absence of war, and security as national security.”149a

As this paper has already shown, it is not true that women always acted against forces of patriarchal It must be noted that while such movements have violence, in fact they are very often willing been successful in challenging masculinized armed participants in it. However, the ubiquity of women’s violence by evoking their “feminine” roles - by peace movements and organized activism across reproducing these gendered archetypes women’s disparate conflict settings is worthy of attention. ability to directly challenge the patriarchy is greatly The strength of women’s movements across the curtailed.149b We can observe this dynamic in one Northeast has proven to be extremely creative in profile custodial rape and murder case of a young responding to organized armed violence. Many of Meitei woman Thangjam Manoram. Manoram was these groups have utilized gendered strategies picked up by Assam Rifles soldiers, a notoriously violent paramilitary group, under the pretext of imphal before curfew of motherhood to enter the masculinized conflict Credit: Lercele/ Flickr space. One of the vanguards of such female interrogating her for being a suspected insurgent.150

34 05 35 She was taken to the historic Kangla Fort, a site By situating their sexually politicized bodies (the 131. Banerjee, P., in Manchanda, R (Ed). (2001). Between Two Armed Patriarchies: Women in Nagaland and Assam, in Women, War and Peace in South Asia: Beyond Victimhood and Agency. Sage publications, New Delhi. controversially occupied by the Assam Rifles.151 very object of their oppression) as weapons against Her body was later found outside the Fort, having the state forces and the state itself – these women 132. Thangjam, H. (2005). Armed-Conflict and Women’s Well-being in Manipur’. Eastern Quarterly, 3:3 suffered fatal shotgun wounds to her genitals.152 were ultimately successful in demilitarizing the 133. Ibid Forensic tests later confirmed the presence of historic Kangala Fort. Interestingly, this act and the semen.153 The sexualized nature of Manoram’s death events that followed reveal the paradox in which 134. Banerjee, P., in Manchanda, R (Ed). (2001). Between Two Armed Patriarchies: Women in Nagaland and Assam, in Women, War and Peace in South Asia: Beyond Victimhood and Agency. Sage publications, New Delhi. cannot be disregarded as incidental or opportunistic. women’s agency is confined. While operating within As Papori Bora notes in relation to this case, their prescribed gendered roles can spark some 135. Census Organization of India (2011). Chandel District Population Census 2011, accessed November 15 2013 at: http://www.cen- sus2011.co.in/census/district/378-chandel.html women’s bodies in such a deeply militarized context meaningful change, women continue to remain reinforce the “constitution of women as boundary paralyzed against genuine critiques of patriarchy and 136. Aggarwal, R., & Bhan, M. (2009). “Disarming Violence”: Development, Democracy, and Security on the Borders of India. The Journal of Asian Studies 68(2), p 519–520. markers of their community in the state vs. the depoliticization of the female body. community conflict, where the state targets women 137. Official Website of the Indian Army, Operation Sadhbhavna, Accessed November 30 2013 at: http://indianarmy.nic.in/Site/FormTem- The Northeast exposes the manner in which intense plete/frmTempSimple.aspx?MnId=GyeLTgGy8smPDOODXcTBAA==&ParentID=x1a5E0rnJoQ/PwYNJengUA to punish the rebels.”154 and protracted militarization can wind back even 138. Lieutenant General Arjun Ray, cited in, Aggarwal, R., & Bhan, M. (2009). “Disarming Violence”: Development, Democracy, and Secu- Exploiting this same patriarchal dynamic, a group the traditionally high social status of women, and rity on the Borders of India. The Journal of Asian Studies 68(2), p 519–520. of twelve women calling themselves “Apunba the multiple ways in which women suffer and in turn 139. Manchanda R. (Ed) (2001). Women, War and Peace in South Asia: Beyond Victimhood and Agency. Sage publications, New Delhi, p Lup” disrobed in a now infamous demonstration. In respond. Though it would be inaccurate to identify a 19 front of the Kangla Fort the women held placards particular universal feminine experience, by “taking 140. Ibid that dared to say: ‘Indian Army rape us’. Their the lives of women seriously” as Cynthia Enloe protest demanded justice for Manoram and the has urged, we can understand not only the hitherto 141. Nepram, B. (2007). Armed Conflict, Small Arms Proliferation and Women’s Responses to Armed Violence in India’s Northeast. Hei- delberg Papers in South Asian and Comparative Politics, p 18. repeal of AFSPA and was ultimately successful invisible experiences of women but the larger forces in provoking a central government response. of power at play to properly examine the gendered 142. Ganguly, M. (2008). “ These Fellows Must be Eliminated”: Relentless Violence and Impunity in Manipur. Human Rights Watch Although the government disregarded their own dynamics of militarism and armed violence. 143. McAlpine, F. (2012). Snap Shot of Extrajudicial Executions. Manipur Women Gun Survivors Network. report recommending the overhaul of AFSPA,155 Prime Minister Manmohan Singh formally restored 144. Ibid Kangala Fort to the people of Manipur and ordered 145. Nonibala Devi Yengkhom & Meihoubam Rakesh (2002). Fear of Rape: The Experience of Women in Northeast India. Article 2, 1:5. the withdrawal of the Assam Rifles from the site. Available at: http://www.humanrights.asia/resources/journals-magazines/article2/0105/fear-of-rape-the-experience-of-women-in-northeast- india

123. Thangapat, M. (2009). Human Rights Special Report Manipur: 2009. Human Rights Initiative for Indigenous Advancement of Conflict 146. Banerjee, P., in Manchanda, R (Ed). (2001). Between Two Armed Patriarchies: Women in Nagaland and Assam, in Women, War and Resolution. Peace in South Asia: Beyond Victimhood and Agency. Sage publications, New Delhi.

124a. Thangjam, H. (2005). Armed-Conflict and Women’s Well-being in Manipur’. Eastern Quarterly, 3(3) 147. Shamik Bag. 2010. “In the name of Mother.” Livemint, June 24 http://www.livemint.com/Politics/76VDJ00TS0jTDTMLyy12gK/In- the-name-of-the-mother.html 125a, Nepram, B. (2007). Armed Conflict, Small Arms Proliferation and Women’s Responses to Armed Violence in India’s Northeast. Hei- delberg Papers in South Asian and Comparative Politics. 148. Manchanda R. (Ed) (2001). Women, War and Peace in South Asia: Beyond Victimhood and Agency. Sage publications, New Delhi, p 19 124b. Government of India Ministry of Home Affairs (2005) Report of the Committee to Review the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act 1958. 149a. Ibid, p 11.

125b. Jinine, L. (2006). The Militarisation of Manipur. Article 2: Special Edition Militarisation and Impunity in Manipur 149b. Kaplan, L. (1994). Woman as Caretaker: An Archetype That Supports Patriarchal Militarism. Hypatia Special Issue: Feminism and Peace, 9:2, 123–133. 126. Ganguly, M. (2008). “ These Fellows Must be Eliminated”: Relentless Violence and Impunity in Manipur. Human Rights Watch. 150. Ganguly, M. (2008). “ These Fellows Must be Eliminated”: Relentless Violence and Impunity in Manipur. Human Rights Watch 127. Justice N. Santosh Hegde Report of the Supreme Court Appointed Commission (2013) Supreme Court of India p.77. Available at: http://humanrightsmanipur.files.wordpress.com/2013/07/ejevfam.pdf 151. Ibid

128. National Crime Records Bureau, Government of India (2010). Police, Strength Expenditure and Infrastructure. Available at: http:// 152. Ibid. ncrb.nic.in/CD-CII2011/cii-2011/Chapter%2017.pdf 153. Ibid 129. Banerjee, P., in Manchanda, R (Ed). (2001). Between Two Armed Patriarchies: Women in Nagaland and Assam, in Women, War and Peace in South Asia: Beyond Victimhood and Agency. Sage publications, New Delhi. 154. Bora, P. (2010) Between the Human, the Citizen and the Tribal, International Feminist Journal of Politics, 12:3-4, 341-360

130. Thangjam, H. (2005). Armed-Conflict and Women’s Well-being in Manipur’. Eastern Quarterly, 3:3 155. Government of India Ministry of Home Affairs. 2005. Report of the Committee to Review the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act 1958. Available at http://www.hinduonnet.com/nic/afa/ (accessed 18 November 2013).

36 37 Box 4 which carries mandatory reporting requirements and the power Taking Back Security: for sanctions committees to take actions against those parties suspected of conflict-related sexual violence.

The “Sister” Resolution 1960 (2013) is the forth resolution to focus on India’s Record on International sexual violence against women and girls in conflict, and seeks to Resolutions further operational detail with specific regard to the mandate for Norms Member States and UN entities. Resolutions 1820 (2008) and 1888 (2009) deal with sexual Resolution 2122 (2013) was adopted following sustained violence as a tactic during conflict, strengthening the prevention criticism from civil society that overemphasis of sexual violence and protection mandate of UNSCR 1325. has neglected other core aspects of UNSCR 1325, particular with regard to participation. This resolution greatly strengthens the requirements of all actors to meaningfully engage women In framing and responding to insecurity, the of armaments. However, the Beijing Platform for Resolution 1889 (2009) addresses concerns about the implementation of UNSCR 1325, requiring the development of (including grass roots civil society) at all stages of conflict masculine experience has been much more Action is not binding on member states, and thus indicators to monitor this. resolution and recovery, to provide adequate resourcing, and to comprehensively understood and addressed in remains largely unrealized. further strengthen the operational aspects within UN agencies Resolution 1960 (2010) delivers an accountability mechanism, and programs. national and international laws. Men have been the primary decision-makers about security, dominating Sometimes referred to as the “three P’s” of has set important precedents in deploying all institutions responsible for its provision. It is only Participation, Prevention and Protection, the key female Peacekeeping forces to the UN Mission over the past few decades that the need to attend aspects of UNSCR 1325 are: in Liberia and has advocated for the expansion to the differential security needs of women, men, of Peacekeeping roles for women, it has thus boys and girls has begun to take shape in the far strongly resisted the need for domestic normative frameworks that govern responses to >> Increased participation and representation of implementation of the WPS agenda, or recognized armed conflict and security. In this section, we will women at all levels of decision-making the voices and experiences of women in conflict examine a few key normative frameworks that seek affected regions. Activists and lawmakers seeking to bring a gendered lens to conflict and security, >> The promotion of women’s empowerment and to roll-back the processes of militarization that and examine the Indian government’s record on peacebuilding legitimize the silence and exclusion of women in implementing these frameworks in its domestic >> Attention to specific protection needs of women India face a state that is not only indifferent, but policies and practices. Credit: Akshay Mahajan/ Flickr and girls in conflict also actively threatening by them, as Paula Banjaree writes: >>PHOTO Gender perspective in post-conflict processes Within the international system, the role of women The first explicit mandate to address gendered >> Gender perspective in UN programming, and gender has been marginalized, (though not concerns in peace and security came with UN reporting and in Security Council missions, training “India is a National Security state and so anything completely absent) since its inception in 1945. Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR1325) in UN peace support operations. that challenges paradigms that are supposed to The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms on Women, Peace and Security159 (WPS), which be part of that security structure is considered of Discrimination against Women (1979)156, and >> The prevention of armed conflict was unanimously adopted on 31 October 2000. threatening. The paradigm of national security the UN Declaration on the Elimination of Violence After fifty-five years of the UN, this was the is built on male realities. When women demand against Women (1993)157 were the first steps in first recognition by the Security Council of the correctives to that paradigm it is perceived of framing women’s rights as human rights, but did Article 25 of the UN Charter mandates that disproportionate and distinctive impact that armed as a challenge to the entire security framework. not address the issue of militarization and conflict. Member States “agree to accept and carry out conflict has on women and girls, and that women’s Arguments are raised in the name of stability, The historic 1995 Beijing Platform for Action158, is the decisions of the Security Council”160, however, security and participation in conflict prevention, retention of territorial integrity, and peace, and any a comprehensive document that explicitly identifies states have been lethargic in implementing the 162 resolution and peacebuilding is necessarily linked questions of women’s protection is subverted.” that conflict, gender inequality and peace are women, peace and security agenda in domestic to the broader security context. It recognizes the inextricably intertwined. The 1995 Beijing Platform policies and programs. In response, Secretary role of women’s organisations as peacebuilders for Action lays out a framework for not only General Presidential Statements (S/PRST/2004/40 within their communities and requires that official Although the state is resistant to addressing the addressing the needs of women and the gendered and S/PRST/2005/52) urge Member States to responses to conflict engage local women’s peace gendered dynamics of conflict and insecurity, dynamics of conflict, but also for reducing excessive take steps to develop a holistic and adequately initiatives. there is a growing national pressure to address military expenditures and controlling the availability 161 resourced National Action Plan. Although India the situation of women in armed conflict and

0638 39 the institutions of the state that foster women’s safety and security, dignity and bodily integrity insecurity. The Justice Verma Report took aim at rights, for women in Jammu & Kashmir and in the AFSPA stating: North-Eastern States. Unfortunately in the interest of State security, peaceful and legitimate protests often elicit a military response, which is resulting in “[…] impunity for systematic or isolated sexual both a culture of fear and of resistance within these violence in the process of Internal Security duties societies.”165 is being legitimized by the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, which is in force in large parts of our country. It must be recognised that women in The protracted low-intensity conflicts and sites conflict areas are entitled to all the security and of communal and political violence and their dignity that is afforded to citizens in any other part attendant consequences for women cannot be fully of our country.”163 understood or addressed without attention to the proliferation of weapons in these areas, many of which are not just overwhelmed by armed state The recommendations of the report do not and non-state forces, but fall within illicit trafficking specifically reference UNSCR 1325, but do address routes. Although UNSCR 1325 (and the five core aspects of the women, peace and security subsequent resolutions that largely deal with sexual agenda, including protection (from violence), violence) contains no language on the role of arms prosecution (of perpetrators), the deployment of in facilitating violence and conflict, there are growing high level-gender experts to conflict zones, gender trends to resolve this disconnect. The October 2013 training for all personnel stationed in conflict areas, Secretary General’s report on women peace and and an immediate review of AFSPA. security specifically highlights the detrimental impact of small arms proliferation on women, and unites arms control mechanisms to the women peace The Justice Verma report was groundbreaking, and security agenda.166 UNSCR 2122 (2013)167 and comprehensive in its recommendations for adopted at the time of the report, addresses the the prevention of violence against women in India. nexus between arms proliferation, armed conflict However the government of India has taken up and human rights violations, and greatly strengthens only a select few of these recommendations. They the need to fully engage women, including local ignored those on AFSPA and conflict affected women’s civil society in formal political and peace women, and failed to address the “de facto processes. The addition of this resolution carries inequality and discrimination [or] the structural and with it a mandate for the UN and Member states, root causes and consequences of violence against and thus is an important step in ending the isolation women.”164 In her country report, Ms. Rashida of women peace and security obligations from Manjoo, Special Rapporteur on Violence Against “hard” security instruments on disarmament and Women criticized the Indian government’s failure to arms control. fully implement the recommendations of the Justice Verma report, stating: Many grassroots women’s organisations have signaled the importance of addressing the role of “[…] it [is] clear that the interpretation and arms proliferation within the vocabulary of women implementation of this act is eroding fundamental peace and security, or what Maria Butler has termed Former UN Women Executive Director Michelle Bachelet speaks at the the “two silent P’s of Proliferation and Profit”. She National Leadership Summit in Jaipur India rights and freedoms - including freedom of Credit: UN Women/ Gaganjit Singh Chandok movement, association and peaceful assembly, writes: “[i]nsufficient attention to conflict prevention

40 05 41 promises to perpetuate the downward cycle of prevent “illicit trafficking in conventional arms and the CEDAW Committee (hereafter the Committee). be more comprehensively held to account for its violence begetting violence and profits justifying their illicit use especially by terrorists and other Although CEDAW did not initially provide a commitments under the UN Programme of Action arms sales.”168 She goes on to state that we must unauthorized and unlawful non-state actors”, and mechanism for addressing conflict and militarization, to Prevent, Combat and Eradicate the Illicit Trade attend to the “root causes of conflict as a core the risk of the treaty empowering “exporting states the Committee has progressively strengthened in Small Arms and Light Weapons in All its Aspects condition for the effective implementation of SCR to take unilateral force majeure measures against the Convention’s application in such contexts. In and under national legislation including the Arms Act 1325 [which] does not exist in a vacuum but builds importing states parties without consequences.”172 its combined second and third periodic reports in (1959) - particularly with regard to gender sensitive upon and references human rights and the Beijing Indeed this latter statement is telling, and as one October 2005, although the government of India implementation and linkages to national polices on Platform for Action, which specifically calls for the strategic analyst supportive of India’s stance noted, acknowledged the health and education impacts for the prevention of gender-based violence and human control of excessive arms expenditure.”169 the treaty threatens India’s own import dependency, women in “conflict-ridden” states, it rejected any trafficking. and desire to branch out into arms export human rights implications deriving from AFSPA and markets.173 defended its continuation.174 Indeed, there is increasing recognition of the At the outset of this paper, it was noted that there imperative of addressing gendered concerns is coalescence around mechanisms to prevent and arms proliferation across a spectrum of India’s standard posture on such issues at the UN In its 58th session this year, India will be required violence against women and those that will help disarmament fora. The Secretary General’s has tended to be framed around concerns about to submit further reports to the Committee. The India move towards substantive gender equality. report on Small Arms affirms this by stating “mandate overreach” and the asymmetric power government of India will be required to sufficiently While the Indian concern with “state security”, that “uncontrolled weapons and a context of dynamics institutionalized within the UN system; address conflict issues in light of the recent power and profit guaranteed by the military, and lawlessness lead to increases in gender-based while simultaneously sweeping aside women and Committee Recommendation 30, which covers militarised ideals is breeding more inequalities and violence”.170 The Arms Trade Treaty concluded in the gendered dynamic of these power relationships. situations of conflict, political unrest, communal insecurity, there are a vast array of mechanisms April 2013 is the first international instrument to For example, in his statement at the October 2013 violence and situations of political violence that that advocate for an alternative that can be utilized regulate the international trade in small arms and Open Debate on Women Peace and Security, Mr. facilitate serious violations of women’s rights.175 The as leverage. UNSCR 1325 has particular relevance light weapons, and to recognise the links between Krishnasswamy had little to say on the issue of recommendation also explicitly ties the obligations for the militarized zones of Jammu, Kashmir and the international arms trade and gender-based women’s underrepresentation in formal peace and under the convention to the resolutions on women, the Northeast, and, if effectively implemented, violence. The treaty prohibits the transfer of arms security processes. Instead, Krishnasswamy took peace and security, as follows: the resolutions it could provide a more sustainable pathway to when they risk being“used to commit or facilitate the opportunity to “urge caution in going beyond “[…] are crucial political frameworks for advancing peace than military saturation has provided. The serious acts of gender-based violence or serious the mandates given by the Security Council in the advocacy regarding women, peace and security Arms Trade Treaty can also yield some degree of acts of violence against women and children.”171 reports submitted to it. It will be useful to remind [and] their implementation must be premised on a transparency and accountability to India’s import and ourselves that the women, peace and security model of substantive equality and cover all rights export programs, and aid in preventing human rights agenda evolved from the imperative to address enshrined in the Convention.”176 Thus, the failure abusers from taking up more arms. CEDAW and the The UN General Assembly adopted the Arms Trade the disproportionate impact of armed conflict on of the Indian government to adequately implement CEDAW Committee provide scope for India to be Treaty with an overwhelming majority of 154 votes, women, including the abhorrent practice of sexual women, peace and security is not only abrogating held accountable to the spectrum of human rights with Iran, North Korea and Syria voting against, violence”. the mandate of Article 25 of the UN Charter to abuses committed against women, including those and India, China, and Russia abstaining. Although implement the resolutions, but it is manifestly failing committed in conflict zones and facilitated by the the inclusion of binding gender provisions were to substantively comply with its obligations under arms trade. controversial for many states, India explained its India has also been reluctant to acknowledge issues CEDAW. abstention as resulting from its inadequacy to of militarization on gender equality in its reports to

Furthermore, Recommendation 30 also states that obligations under the Convention “include robust and effective regulation of the arms trade, in addition to appropriate control over the circulation of existing and often illicit conventional arms, including small arms, to prevent their use to commit or facilitate serious acts of gender- based violence.”177 Thus, arguably, India will now

43 42 156. United Nations General Assembly, Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women., 18 December 1979, A/RES/34/180, available at: http://www.refworld.org/docid/3b00f2244.htm Conclusion 157. United Nations General Assembly, Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women, 20 December 1993, A/RES/48/104. Available at: http://www.refworld.org/docid/3b00f25d2c.html

158. United Nations, Beijing Declaration and Platform of Action, adopted at the Fourth World Conference on Women, 27 October 1995. Available at: http://www.refworld.org/docid/3dde04324.html

159. UN Security Council, Security Council resolution 1325 (2000) [on women and peace and security] , 31 October 2000, S/RES/1325 The nexus of militarization, structural violence and profit at the state level and how this is fueling a (2000), available at: http://www.refworld.org/docid/3b00f4672e.html gendered inequality are inextricably linked. As has growth of black market arms industries. The rising

160. United Nations, Charter of the United Nations, 24 October 1945, 1 UNTS XVI, available at: http://www.unic.org.in/items/Other_UN- been demonstrated by exploring national trends, the “machismo” culture and demand for weapons in Charter.pdf experiences of the cow belt states and the situation urban centres is spurring an illicit industry that

161. UN Security Council, Report of the Secretary-General on women and peace and security, 10 October 2005, S/2005/636, available in Northeast India, militarism is at once a gendered guarantees the livelihoods of entire communities. at: http://www.refworld.org/docid/4ae9acca558.htm; UN Security Council, Report of the Secretary-General on women and peace and se- and gendering process. It sanctions violent While women are bound to the arms trade, they curity, 10 October 2005, S/2005/636, available at: http://www.refworld.org/docid/4ae9acca558.html hegemonic-masculine identities that give primacy are also disproportionality disadvantaged by the 162. Banerjee, P. (2013). In Light of UNSCR 1325 Prevention of Violence, Protection of Rights and Participation in Peace building: The 3 to military ideals and needs, and necessitates proliferation of arms, which facilitate not only armed P’s for Women in India. WinG, India, p 26. the subordination of “feminine” constructs and violence, but also the culture of violence against 163. Verma, J. S., Seth, L., & Subramanian, G. (2013). Report of the Committee on Amendments to Criminal Law. the female person. Through a feminist critique of women more generally. these developments, the militarized state can be 164. Manjoo, R. (2013). Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women, its Causes and Consequences. Country Mission Report to In- dia UN Human Rights Council observed as an extreme variant of patriarchy, and as a principle source of structural violence founded on The militarized zones of the Northeast provide 165. Ibid gender inequality. insight into the extreme forms of militarism in which 166. UN Security Council, Report of the Secretary-General on women and peace and security , 18 October 2013, S/2013/525, available state violence and the denial of basic human rights at: http://www.un.org/en/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S/2013/525 guaranteed by AFSPA fuel resistance and insecurity. 167. UN Security Council, Security Council resolution 2122 (2013) [on women and peace and security] , 18 October 2013, S/RES/2122 By tracking the macro level organised processes of In this region, which is characterized by low-level (2013), available at: http://www.refworld.org/docid/528365a44.htm militarization, India’s spending on security, defense protracted conflict and dense militarization, we 168. Maria Butler (2012). The Women Peace and Security Agenda, the Two Silent “Ps”: Proliferation and Profit. Women’s International industries and nuclear weapons has been found identified the correlate process of subordinating League for Peace and Freedom, Peacewomen Project. Available at: http://www.peacewomen.org/portal_resources_resource.php?id=1726 to unequivocally outstrip its spending on health, women, which has wound back women’s status in 169. Ibid education, and gender equality departments and the customarily matrilineal Northeast. However, programs. Despite the unmet basic health and within the same context we also located the varied 170. UN Security Council, Small arms: report of the Secretary-General, 22 August 2013, S/2013/503, available at: http://www.un.org/en/ ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S/2013/503 livelihood needs of hundreds of millions of people ways in which women respond to militarization, living below the poverty line, we have identified the and in some cases, exploit the same patriarchal 171. Art. 7 (4) the Arms Trade Treaty 2013 prestige and profit that are fueling the expansion constructs that promote armed violence to 172. Statement by Ambassador Sujata Mehta, Permanent Representative to the Conference on Disarmament, Geneva, on Closing Plenary of military industries at the expense of women positively influence the masculinized conflict space. of the UN Conference on Arms Trade Treaty on March 28, 2013 and the most vulnerable strata of society. Through 173. Kanwal, G. (April 8, 2013). India Abstains and Exposes the Arms Trade Treaty. Institute for Defence Studies. Available at: http://idsa. examination of the nuclear economy, we revealed in/idsacomments/IndiaabstainsandexposestheArmsTradeTreaty_gkanwal_080413 how these structures of violence depend on the use There is a growing body of instruments that are 174. UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination of violent state force and the nullification of basic ending the traditional isolation of gender inequality against Women: Combined second and third periodic reports of States parties, India, 19 October 2005, CEDAW/C/IND/2-3, available at: http://www.refworld.org/docid/474433c72.html human rights to advance industrial development from “hard” security and disarmament discourses. projects. While words and commitments must be matched 175. UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women:General Recommendation 30, 18 October 2013, CEDAW/C/GC/30, available at: http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/HR- with on-the-ground practice and implementation, Bodies/CEDAW/GComments/CEDAW.C.CG.30.pdf these tools provide a critical entry point for Through examination of the rise of violent feminists to demand inclusive gender sensitive 176. Ibid, Art 3 (D) masculinities and gun culture, we located the approaches to security. Such tools can facilitate 177. Ibid, Art 4 (A) organic process of militarization, which infiltrates the redefinition of what “security” really is, whom it cultures, norms and the behaviours of individuals. concerns, and how it ought to be approached. We also identified the motives of prestige and

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