The 1870 Ghost Dance and the Methodists: An Unexpected Turn of Events In Round Valley*

VIRGINIA P. MILLER

n 1939, Cora DuBois published the most North Central California into Oregon before I extensive study to date ofthe 1870 Ghost taking a jog to coastal tribes in extreme Dance, which originated among the Northern Northwest California. The second strand of Paiute Indians of Nevada and spread westward diffusion went into California via the Acho- into Oregon and California.- Using data mawi and Northern Yana Indians to the gathered principally from field interviews, Wintun and Hill Patwin. Here a new cult, the DuBois reconstructed the complicated series Earth Lodge Cult, developed out of the of cults which comprised the Ghost Dance original Ghost Dance doctrine. An early phase movement as it spread. The cult series varied of this cult retained the element of dancing to from area to area as local embellishments were see the dead, but the second and more promi­ added and original tenets of the basic Ghost nent phase emphasized the approaching end of Dance cult modified, while the cults in any one the world. Only Earth Lodge Cult members area formed more of a continuum of religious would survive this catastrophe, protected by waves than a discrete series of religious remaining inside subterranean earth lodges movements which could be neatly blocked off (dance houses) built specially for the purpose. with beginning and ending points. DuBois The Earth Lodge Cult passed from the Hill pointed out that as these waves progressed, the Patwin to the Pomo around the beginning of doctrine associated with each became in­ 1872, where it rapidly gained a great number of creasingly pro-white and pro-Christian, there­ followers. by paving the way among the Indians for Following DuBois' reconstruction further, acceptance of the Christian religion. almost immediately after the Earth Lodge Cult As DuBois reconstructed the general 1870 was introduced, and certainly before the end of Ghost Dance movement, the original doctrine 1872, another cult, the Bole-Maru Cult, promoting return of the dead originated developed among the Patwin and Pomo among the Paviotso of Walker Lake, Nevada, Indians. The Bole-Maru abandoned the idea of about 1869. The doctrine began to diffuse world destruction and stressed instead con­ westward in 1871, and, once underway, spread cepts of an afterlife and an anthropomorphic quite rapidly. There were two strands of Supreme Being. The cult was also character­ diffusion: the first, and less important to us ized by local "dreamers" who received from here, took the doctrine across Northeast and supernatural revelations instructions for GHOST DANCE AND METHODISTS 67 special dances, dance costumes, and other Additionally, puzzling and irreconcilable with paraphernalia. Because of some obvious DuBois' informants' accounts was a statement resemblances to Christianity of the Bole-Maru made by the Indian agent at Round Valley in tenets, DuBois (1939:1-2) pointed out that 1874, referring to native religious teachers acceptance ofthe cult helped predispose many bringing about "a remarkable change in Indians to accept Christianity. character and life of nearly the whole tribe . . . In the Coast Range of Northern Calif­ in the renouncing, not only of their pagan ornia, DuBois mentioned yet another cult in customs and beliefs, but the vices of gambling, the Ghost Dance continuum, the Big Head swearing, drinking, etc."^ And finally, al­ Cuh, so called because of the large feather though DuBois presented evidence for Bole- headdresses worn by its members for dances. Maru activities among the tribes on the Round This cult apparently developed from the Bole- Valley Reservation, informants' accounts did Maru Cult in Pomo territory, but DuBois not allow her to assign any firm date to their (1939: 129) admitted that the date of its origin beginning. In all, DuBois (1939:108) con­ was problematical. 3 cluded about her reconstruction ofthe Ghost DuBois gathered most of the data for her Dance movement in Round Valley, "more reconstruction of the Ghost Dance movement material . . . [from] Round Valley would be from field interviews with Indians in Nevada, desirable ... on the whole, the data procured California, and Oregon. At the Round Valley were confused and unsatisfactory." And here Reservation in Northern California, she talked the situation stood for thirty years. with five Yuki Indians and one Wailaki, while Recent research in the various files and several Pomo living off the reservation were correspondence of the Round Valley Reser­ also able to contribute information on de­ vation agents for the decade ofthe 1870's has velopments there. For the most part, these shed additional light on the Ghost Dance individuals were not yet born or were quite movement during this time. The information young when the actual events of the Ghost uncovered fills in some gaps, presents some Dance took place in the 1870's. From the surprises, and reveals a much more compli­ interviews, DuBois concluded that two Ghost cated situation than DuBois was able to Dance cults, the early manifestation of the describe for the area. An outline of events Earth Lodge Cult (which featured dancing to relating to the 1870 Ghost Dance movement as see the dead),'' and the Big Head Cult, had recorded by the Round Valley Indian agents passed through the Round Valley area. The follows. first was brought from the Sacramento Valley First, we see that doctrines associated with by a Salt Pomo Indian named Santiago both phases of the Earth Lodge Cult reached McDaniel, while the second came to Round Round Valley. DuBois (1939:105ff.) has Valley via the Kato Indians of Long Valley. Of presented evidence for the first phase; evidence the two cults, DuBois (1939:108) was "inclined for the second phase comes from the reser­ to assume" that the Big Head Cult was the vation agent's monthly reports and is precisely more important, because she seemed to get dated for us. In March and April of 1872, the more complete informants' accounts of it. agent routinely described the Indians be­ However, disagreement among her informants ginning their usual garden preparations for the did not allow her to assign dates to the cults or year, but then in May he reported: even to be sure which cult came first, although No land whatever has been cultivated by once again, DuBois (1939:105) was "inclined individual Indians [this month]. By some to believe" the Earth Lodge Cult was first. means thev have all become convinced that 68 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY

the world is to end during the month of plaints ofthe Indians dancing, both on and off August next and following the idea to its the reservation. Since the dancing interfered natural conclusion, they refuse to make with his own proselytizing activities as well as any provision tor their support,'' with his attempts to "civilize" the Indians, And the Indians' commitment to this Earth Burchard banned dancehouses from the Lodge Cult notion persisted through most of reservation and ordered the Indians to burn the summer, since the Indians spent their time their dance costumes and regalia. But of dancing. In September, 1872, the agent again course, reservation Indians who wished to referred to the Indians' activities: continue dancing had only to slip off to visit Early in the Spring the Indians com­ Indian friends who lived on private ranches in menced preparations for planting ex­ the valley and who were allowed to maintain tensively and had they persevered would dancehouses. Visiting Indian "preachers" in doubtless have raised large quantities of Round Valley had to preach either in those off- corn and vegetables. But a report was reservation dancehouses or in secret on the circulated among all the Indians in this reservation. part of the State, the substance of which was that the world would end in the en­ The dancing which so annoyed Agent suing August and that they need do Burchard went on through 1873. All the nothing but dance and so prepare them­ intense dancing and the mention of costumes selves for a transfer to the "happy hunting fit well DuBois' description of Bole-Maru Cult grounds." They evinced their faith in the report by refusing to make any provision activities, which featured "dreamers" with for their support after the set time, neg­ their use of flags, costumes, and special dances. lecting their gardens both on and off the Admittedly, the agent's reports contain no Reservation and only worked either to specific descriptions of these, understandable supply present necessities or as they were because the Indians knew of his disapproval required to do so. No reasoning availed and tried to hide their dances from him. anything with them and the result is that they have no produce of their own. Many Similarly, the agent's reports do not refer to of them seethefolly of their course and will any beliefs held by the Indians of an anthro­ not be apt to again throw away their pomorphic Supreme Being or of an afterlife for prospects for a crop on the strength of an those who led exemplary lives on earth, but idle rumor.'' again, knowing the agent's views, it is unlikely The Round Valley Indian agent during that any of the Indians would discuss with him this time was Hugh Gibson, a retired Method­ their religious cult activities. But if we accept ist minister appointed under President Grant's the dancing during the latter part of 1872 and Peace Policy. Reservation records reveal throughout 1873 as Bole-Maru Cult activities, Gibson as a meek individual plagued with ill then we may accept that Bole-Maru doctrine health during his tenure as agent; perhaps for accompanied it. We should also bear in mind this reason, he seems to have been rather that during this time as well, the agent's tolerant of the Indians' activities in the Sunday sermons to the Indians urged on them situation. However, Gibson was replaced in Christian religious dogma, including, of October, 1872, by another Methodist minister, course, the notions of a single Supreme Being John L. Burchard, an aggressive individual and an afterlife. with his own strong ideas about what was good Suddenly in February of 1874, Agent for Indians. While Burchard's reports contain Burchard reported a surprising turn of events no further mention of Earth Lodge Cult in his monthly report; activities, they do frequently express com­ . . . the most extraordinary work of Saving GHOST DANCE AND METHODISTS 69

grace ever known on this coast is now Episcopal Church,) sixty-three of whom being displayed amongst the Indians. Four have, upon examination of Christian Hundred & Ninety have joined the church, character, been admitted into full con­ one Hundred of them having been bap­ nection as church-members." tized in the Christian faith. Very many of them give bright evidence of genuine Dancing, gambling, quarreling, prostitution, conversion praying, and talking with an and general "debauchery" among the Indians intelligence that astonishes and confounds all stopped; with the consequent improved us all, beyond measure." sanitary conditions, general health among the And this Great Revival, as Burchard Indians also improved so that the incidence of regarded it, was just beginning. Indians venereal disease decreased and the number of continued to join the church, so that by April, live births began to show an increase. Indians Burchard could report: sometimes held midweek religious meetings in The moral and religious condition of the their own houses. Some Indian couples asked Indians was never so good. Some 850 have to be married in the church. As the religious united with the church and over 700 have fervor remained at a feverish pitch, Agent been baptized. The Sabbath schools, Burchard licensed six "earnest Christian weeknight prayer & social meetings, and the public preaching of the Gospel are well Indians" as lay preachers in 1874;'- the attended with anxious and inquiring following year, he licensed another five.'-^ listeners . . . every sabbath our school According to the reservation records, the houses are crowded, many sitting on the religious fervor remained at this peak almost a floor, not being able to obtain seats. Not an year. Early in 1875, Burchard must have begun oath have I heard, nor seen an Indian drunk, nor known of a quarrel or fight for to fear for backsliders among his charges the last three months, and not one has had when he requested the Commissioner of Indian to be punished for disobedience or other Affairs to require that all Indians in Round fault.9 Valley move onto the reservation, justifying But Agent Burchard didn't realize what his request by pointing out that the off- had caused this revival among the Indians. He reservation Indians with their dance houses naturally interpreted it as the result of his own served as a lure for the Christian Indians and inspired preaching. Either not knowing or not exercised, as Burchard put it, "a very deleterious choosing to acknowledge any Ghost Dance influence over many ofthe Indians who started cult activities or any other forces which could well to lead a Christian life."''' This dancing have been influencing the Indians, he said of may well have been a part of the Bole-Maru the transition in them, "This is the best fruit of Cult activities which commenced in 1872 and the Peace Policy of President U.S. Grant!"io which apparently were kept up throughout the Indians of all tribes on the reservation Great Revival by a few Indians. Or, the dances continued to join the church so that within a might also have been a part of the Big Head few more months, Burchard could report that Cult activities, which, according to one Yuki almost literally every Indian on the reservation informant of DuBois, were held in a sweat­ was a baptized Methodist. In September, 1874, house just off the reservation around this time he said ofthe 974 Indians in the Round Valley (DuBois 1939:120). agency: After 1876, the Round Valley agent's reports no longer cite actual numbers of Nine hundred and thirty-one Indians and half-breeds on and near the reserve have church-going Indians on the reservation, been admitted into the church on pro­ although the agent remained optimistic about bation, (as is the custom ofthe Methodist the prospects of civilizing the Indians through 70 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY

Christianity. It is noteworthy that the Method­ 1870 Ghost Dance movement and was told ist Church leaders in 1876 were concerned that: enough about the religious situation in Round Valley to appoint an additional missionary for Power to drive out the whites and a return of the land to the Indians, coupled with the Indians there. But despite all efforts, after promises of great wealth, were the cardinal another year had passed. Agent Burchard was points of the doctrine. A return of the forced to concede that: dead, or at least an opportunity to see the deceased, was evidently of lesser im­ ... a reaction has taken place. Scores are portance [Foster 1944:219]. lost to the church—lost all their interest therein—and 1 fear will be forever lost." Statements from the reservation records cited And in 1878, when the next agent, still another above agree with Foster. Considering these Methodist minister and the last "Peace Policy" statements in combination with statements agent, arrived to take charge ofthe reservation, made by DuBois' informants, it appears that he observed that at most there were only the Earth Lodge doctrine in Round Valley twenty "Christian Indians" to be found there. '^ could more properly be considered as a single After 1884, Indian agents at Round Valley cluster of ideas essentially arriving simultane­ were again political appointees; their reports ously, and not readily separable into two or contain only occasional references to the more phases. Additional evidence for this Indians' dancing. Probably this is because the comes from the statement of a Pomo Indian politically-appointed agents did not see who was one of about 1,000 Pomo removed to converting the Indians to Christianity as part Round Valley Reservation in May, 1872, after of their duties, and so allowed the dancing as the Pomo's Earth Lodge prophecies ofthe end long as it did not interfere significantly with of the world failed to materialize and they reservation routine.'^ Relevant data on the began to annoy neighboring white ranchers. 1870 Ghost Dance and its derivative cults The informant said, "When we went up to disappear from the Round Valley Reservation Round Valley, the Yuki had already heard the records entirely after 1886. Coincidentally, it is word [about the approaching end of the almost exactly to this time that DuBois' Round world]. Someone from the Sacramento Valley Valley informants' accounts date, with a Yuki had brought the message to them" (DuBois Indian's description of Jeff Davis, a Bole- 1939:90). The most likely "someone" referred Maru dreamer who began dancing about 1887. to is one Santiago McDaniel, a Salt Pomo How may we draw together all these from Stonyford whose activities in Round diverse data to form a coherent account of Valley DuBois (1939:I05ff) discussed, but events in Round Valley for the 1870's? So far, only in connection with the idea of dancing from archival evidence, we have firmly es­ back the dead. To the Pomo, the two ideas tablished May, 1872, as the time ofthe arrival appear to have been closely connected. of Earth Lodge Cult doctrine in Round Valley. Going further, archival evidence supports DuBois had hypothesized that only the early DuBois' hypothesis that the Bole-Maru Cult phase of this cult, stressing dancing back the developed very shortly after the Earth Lodge dead, passed through Round Valley, while our Cult; Agent Burchard's complaints of the archival evidence definitely establishes that the Indians' fervent costumed dancing and general Earth Lodge doctrine stressing the end ofthe carrying-on during late 1872 and through world was also prominent. Shedding more 1873, and even for the years after that, are light on this, Foster inquired among the easily interpreted as complaints of Bole-Maru Round Valley Yuki Indians in 1937 about the practices. Unfortunately, the archival evidence GHOST DANCE AND METHODISTS 71 makes no reference to any dancing which could horn, and they didn't like to represent him in be definitely identified as Big Head Cult that way. It was like mocking Taikomol" activities as opposed to Bole-Maru activities, (DuBois 1939:119).!*' At any rate, the apparent although we know that both cults occurred differential acceptance of the Big Head Cult by about the same time in Round Valley. One the Round Valley tribes leaves us unable to reason for this lack of differentiation could be clarify the timing of the cult, and in view of that the agents did not discriminate among this, there is no reason not to agree with Indian dances. But another reason could be DuBois that it almost entirely did follow the that the Big Head Cult took hold most strongly Earth Lodge Cult. among the Wailaki Indians who, although Up to this point, we have considered the formally registered at the Round Valley evidence for the Ghost Dance movement cults Agency, in reality shunned the reservation as in the Round Valley area as mentioned by much as possible and stayed in the mountains DuBois' informants. None of these informants north ofthe valley, where they had lived before made any mention of a Great Methodist whites came to the area. Supporting this is the Revival in Round Valley, whereas the archival fact that it was from the Wailaki that DuBois evidence for such a revival now forces us to received the best accounts of the Big Head explain the Indians' apparent instantaneous Cult. If the cult did catch hold most strongly acceptance of Methodist doctrine at a time among the Wailaki, then the Round Valley when the 1870 Ghost Dance cults were ram­ agents may never have seen a Big Head dance pant in surrounding areas. On the other and so had no opportunity to comment on it. reservations in California, no such acceptance Conversely, from the lack of information of Christianity took place. Undoubtedly the DuBois obtained from Indians of other tribes Bole-Maru doctrine prominent in 1873 re­ in Round Valley, these other tribes appear to sembled the preachings that the Methodist have been less influenced by the Big Head Cult. agent urged on the Indians at the same time. For example, the Yuki Indians, in whose Why did the Indians choose to embrace aboriginal territory the reservation was Methodism over their native preachers' teach­ established and who were one of the most ings? numerous of tribes on the reservation, ap­ For a complete answer to this question, we parently never embraced the Big Head Cult to must look at the general situation of the any degree. This could be due to general skepti­ Indians on the Round Valley Reservation in cism on the part of the Yuki toward the Ghost the early 1870's, especially with regard to land. Dance movement and its promises (Foster When the United States Government decided 1944:219), despite the fact that the cultural in 1856 to establish an Indian Reservation in decay experienced by the Yuki was at least Round Valley, it formally declared the entire equal to that of surrounding tribes, including valley set aside for Indians. However, the lush the Wailaki, and despite the fact that the environment of the remote mountain valley fraction of their aboriginal territory occupied soon attracted white ranchers who moved in by the Yuki at the time was overrun by whites with huge cattle herds. These men disregarded and Indians of other tribes. But there is also government proclamations and settled in the evidence that aboriginal religious beliefs may southern half of the valley, taking over what have been influential in the tribe's rejection of was officially reservation land. Despite years the Big Head Cult. As one of DuBois' Yuki of protests to the Commissioner of Indian informants said: "The Yuki had their [abo­ Affairs in Washington from the reservation riginal] god. Taikomol, who had a big feather agents about the crowded valley situation and 72 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY the hardships it posed for the Indians, the arrived in the valley to carry out the land government made only feeble attempts to survey of the reservation. Excitement among remove the squatter-ranchers. These attempts the Indians peaked toward the end of 1873 as were handily defeated first in the California the prospect of individual plots of land grew courts by shrewd lawyers hired by the in­ closer to reality. It was in the midst of this land creasingly wealthy settlers, and then at the excitement that the Great Revival suddenly Congressional level in Washington by Con­ took hold in February, 1874. As a later agent gressmen influenced by the settlers' lobbyists. ''^ interpreted the chain of events: In the meantime, living conditions were trying [The Indians] were promised by [the] indeed for the native residents of the reser­ Commissioner, inspectors, and the agent vation. Food, particularly meat, was always in that if they were "good," [the] Government short supply, but the Indians risked their lives would soon give each of them a piece of when they ventured off the reservation lands to land. In the revival meetings [conducted by hunt or even to gather acorns, for fear of being the Methodist agent] they were exhorted to become good, and in their minds becoming shot by white ranchers who attached no value good became connected with getting land; to an Indian's life. Further, as if the settlers and and as all wanted lands, they became their herds did not detract sufficiently from the good—i.e., joined the church . .. The large living conditions, the government itself had part, however, when they saw that their already created a difficult situation by bringing religion did not bring the land they sought, onto the reservation remnants of a number of became discouraged, and gave up even the semblance of religion . . . -" Northern California Indian tribes. Maidu, Wintun, Wailaki, Huchnom, Pit River, and What we see in Round Valley, then, is a Pomo Indians, in addition to the resident complicated series of political events fortui­ Yuki, were all crowded together; typically, tously occurring contemporaneously with the some of these tribes were traditional enemies. cults comprising the 1870 Ghost Dance For years, all the reservation Indians had movement. Only when we are familiar with all been promised that the government would the forces acting on the Indians at the time can "soon" evict the whites and then issue the we fit these events into a coherent sequence. reservation land to the Indians in the form of This sequence may be summarized as follows: individual plots of ground. And indeed, since (1) From the Sacramento Valley, a Salt at least 1863, a number ofthe younger Indians Pomo Indian named Santiago McDaniel in Round Valley had been eagerly anticipating brought the Ghost Dance notion of dancing to that day. Their hopes were greatly boosted in see the dead. This probably occurred early in March of 1873, when the United States 1872. Congress passed an important land bill which (2) Very soon afterward, if not simul­ redefined the reservation boundaries to give taneously, the Earth Lodge Cult doctrine the settlers legal title to much ofthe valley land forecasting the end of the world came to the they already occupied, while at the same time Round Valley Indians; possibly McDaniel the bill extended the reservation's holdings in brought this as well. This doctrine definitely the mountains north of the valley. This bill had arrived in Round Valley in May, 1872, and ran given both the Indians and the agent hope that its course by the end of the summer. a final land settlement was in view and that the (3) By the end of 1872, evidences of the Indians could be allotted their individual plots Bole-Maru Cult were apparent in the valley, in of farmland. Further encouragement followed the form of intense dancing and special dance that summer, when a government commission costumes. This dancing continued at least GHOST DANCE AND METHODISTS 73 through 1873 and probably merged with the hastened somewhat by the Great Revival of dancing of the Big Head Cult in 1873 or 1874. 1874, when most of the Indians at least (4) Long-promised individual allotments outwardly embraced Christianity. of land for the reservation Indians appeared The fact that none of her Indian in­ to be imminently fulfilled in the summer of formants at Round Valley volunteered infor­ 1873, while the Indians were urged by their mation about the Great Revival points up one agent to accept Christianity as a means of the difficulties of "salvage ethnohistory" of demonstrating their good faith and ensuring fieldwork—simply that the fieldworker is at the land allotments. This pressure, perhaps the mercy of the memories of people trying to ideologically reinforced by prior acceptance of describe relatively short-lived, non-repetitive Bole-Maru tenets, brought about the Great events which took place more than half a Revival which began in February, 1874. century previous. This is not to condemn field (5) But the promises of land remained interviews in historical work, but to empha­ only promises and as this became apparent to size once again the need to seek out and the Indians, the Great Revival crested and examine all relevant material in the total began to crumble within a year. context possible, which in this case includes the (6) Most Indians fell away from the context provided by archival research. Methodist Church by 1877, some to return to various forms of Bole-Maru Cult dances, Dalhousie University which persisted into the 1900's, and probably Halifax. Nova Scotia others to remain alienated from both Christian and native religions.-' NOTES In addition to reconstructing the sequence and dates of the Ghost Dance cults in Round 1. An earlier version of this paper was read at the Valley, I have shown that the cults did not find Seventy-third Annual Meetings of the American uniform acceptance among all the tribes in the Anthropological Association, Mexico City, 1974. 2. While DuBois' study considers only the Ghost area, with the example of the Yuki's apparent Dance movement as it originated in 1870 in rejection of the Big Head Cult and the Nevada, Spier (1935) has pointed out that the Wailaki's acceptance of the same cult. In this stimulus for this movement probably originated in instance, the influence of aboriginal religious a Christianized version of an aboriginal dance beliefs rather than differing amounts of cultur­ among the tribes of the Northwest. al decay or land-base retention between the 3. To avoid confusion, it should be noted that the tribes seems to have been the determining Big Head Cult as discussed by DuBois was valid for factor in acceptance or rejection. Additionally, the 1870's and has since become extinct, while a Big through archival evidence, we have increased the Head dance continues today in Pomo Maru religion significance of the Earth Lodge Cult and the (see DuBois 1939: 126-127; Meighan and Riddell Bole-Maru Cult in Round Valley in pro­ 1972:25ff) portion to the Big Head Cult which DuBois 4. It is interesting that DuBois and others, in had speculated was the most significant cult in describing the early Ghost Dance doctrine, use the the area. Overall, DuBois' statement that the phrase "lo bring back" the dead, whereas the cults comprising the 1870 Ghost Dance move­ Indians in Round Valley cited by DuBois use the phrase "to .5(?t> the dead" (see DuBois 1939: 1-2, 105- ment in California gradually shifted from an 106). anti-white emphasis to an acceptance of white 5. Annual Report ofthe Commissioner of Indian values and religion remains true in the Round Affairs for 1874:73, quoted by DuBois (1939:107). Valley area. Doubtless this acceptance was 6. Gibson to Walker, Mav 31, 1872. Letter Book II 74 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY of Outgoing Correspondence from the Round points out that Indians involved in theGhost Dance Valley Indian Reservation, p. 63. (Letter Books cults were subsequently drawn to the Pentecostal hereafter cited LB II: 63. etc.) Church. 7. Gibson to Walker, Sept. 2. 1872. LB II: 78. 8. Burchard to Smith. Feb. 2S 1874. LB 11: 161. 9. Burchard to Smith. April 30, 1874. LB II: 176- REFERENCES 177. 10 Burchard to Smith, April 30, 1874. LB II: 176- 177. 11. Annual Report ofthe Commissioner of Indian Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for 1874:314, Affairs. 12. It is to these nati\e la\ preachers in the For the years, 1874, 1875, 1877, 1878, Methodist Church that DuBois' quote (p. 107) and 1883. Washington: Government taken from the Annual Report of the Commission­ Printing Office. er of Indian Affairs for 1874 properly refers, and not to any leaders of Ghost Dance Cult actuities. DuBois, Cora 13. Annual Report of the Commissioner ol Indian 1939 The 1870 Ghost Dance. University of Affairs for 1875:227. California Anthropological Records 3: 14. Burchard to Smith, Mar. 31, 1875. LB 11:267. 1-152. 15. Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for 1877:41 Foster. George 16. Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian 1944 A Summary of Yuki Culture. Uni­ Affairs for 1878:12. versity of California Anthropological 17. The strongest such reference to the Indians' Records 5:155-244. dancing came in 1886. when the Round Valley agent fired a white reservation employee, saying of Letter Books of Outgoing Correspondence from him: "He is one of the most degraded creatures in the Round Valley Indian Reservation the State . . . visiting the Indian camps in an intoxi­ Abbreviations in the footnotes refer to cated condition, and getting the Indians drunk, Letter Books dated as follows: LB II: dance [sic] with them all night, and on some 1871-1875; LB VII: 1886-1888; Record occasions the whole part\ in a perfectly nude Group 75. Federal Archi\es and Re­ condition" (Willse\' to Commissioner of Indian cords Center, San Bruno, California. Affairs, June. 24, 1886. LB VII: lO-l I). 18. Llnfortunatels, DuBois inter\ieued onl\ Yuki Meighan, Clement W. and Francis A. Riddell and Wailaki Indians in Round Valle\' on the subject 1972 The Maru Cult of the Pomo Indians. of the Big Head Cult, and so missed an\ additional Los Angeles: Southwest Museum Pap­ mformation that other tribes on the reser\ation ers No. 23. might ha\e been able to contribute. 19. The history ofthe Round Valley land struggle Miller, Virginia P. has been treated at length by Miller (1973). 1973 The Yuki: Culture Contact to Allot­ 20. Sheldon to Commissioner of Indian Affairs,//; ment. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian in Anthropology, University of Calif­ Affairs for 1883:18. ornia, Davis. 21. The next significant religious resurgence came uhen the Pentecostal Church became active in Spier, Leslie Round Valley sometime in the I920's, drawing 1935 The Prophet Dance of the Northwest con\erts particularlv from the Yuki Indians: the and its Derivatives: The Source ofthe Round Valley Indians today attribute this to the Ghost Dance. Menasha: General Series emotional appeal ot the church. DuBois (p. 2) also in Anthropology. No. 1.