PAST~ PRESENT

Essays on Historicism in Art from Donatello to Picasso

Irving Lavin

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS

BERKELEY • LOS ANGELES • OXFORD CONTENTS

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS IX

PREFACE XIX

I. Donatello's Bronze Pulpits in San Lorenzo and the Early Christian Revival

2. David's Sling and Michelangelo's Bow: A Sign of Freedom

Appendix. Vasari on the David of Michelangelo 59

3· Giambologna's Neptune at the Crossroads

4· Caravaggio's Calling cf St. Matthew: The Identity of the Protagonist

5· Bernini's Portraits of No-Body IOI Appendix A. New Documents concerning the Anime Busts and the Tomb of Pedro de Foix Montoya 125

Appendix B. Checklist of Preserved and Recorded Examples of the Four Last Things in the Wax Version by Giovanni Bernardino Azzolini

6. Bernini's Image of the Sun King 139

Postscript. Louis XIV : Bernini = Mitterand : Pei 197

7· Picasso's Lithograph( s) "The Bull( s)" and the History of Art in Reverse Appendix. Synoptic Table of Picasso's Bulls

NOTES

BIBLIOGRAPHY

INDEX 339 Fig. 36. Michelangelo, David. Accademia, Florence (photo: Alinari r689). CHAPTER TWO + DAVID'S SLING AND

MICHELANGELO'S BOW:

A Sign of Freedom

ichelangelo's David has attained a unique status as a Vasari, the overseers ( operai) of the cathedral and symbol of the de~ant spirit of human freedom and Piero Soderini, the city's anti-Medicean governor M independence in the face of extreme adversity (Fig. (gotifaloniere della giustLz:ja) elected by the parliament 36 ). This emblematic preeminence of the David is (signoria ), awarded the commission to Michelangelo, due largely to Michelangelo's having incorporated in who executed it as an "insegna del Palazzo [della 1 a single revolutionary image two quintessential con­ Signoria]." The use of a term like insegna1 meaning stituents of the idea of liberty, one creative, and "sign'' or "advertisement," to describe a work of art therefore personal, the other political, and therefore as a genius loci in this topo-political sense is unprec­ communal. We can grasp this dual significance of edented as far as I know. The vast literature on the David because Michelangelo virtually identifies Michelangelo is filled with ideas on the David's pri­ it himself in a famous but still inadequately under­ vate and public personas.2 I think it possible to stood drawing preserved in the Louvre (Fig. 37; establish some of these ideas more firmly and define Plate II). To my knowledge, the drawing is the first them more precisely than heretofore and, above all, instance in which an artist articulates in words on to perceive in a new way the relationship between a preliminary study the sense of the work he is the two realms of meaning. I shall discuss the per­ preparing. My purpose is to define and explore the sonal and political implications separately, partly two, complementary aspects of the David's meaning because Michelangelo himself made the same dis­ by offering some observations and suggestions con­ tinction. In the final analysis, however, the funda­ cerning the Louvre sheet and its implications. mental unity of the David as a work of art lies in There is nothing new in suggesting either that the relationship between them. the David had personal meaning for its creator­ The sheet in the Louvre, which dates from Vasari records that Michelangelo returned from around 1501-2, includes two figural elements, a Rome to Florence expressly to compete for the sketch for the lost bronze David that was sent to commission- or that the work had a political moti­ France and the right arm of the marble David­ vation in contemporary Florence: according to shown upside down with respect to the figure Fig. 37· Michelangelo, studies for the bronze and marble Davids. Louvre, Paris (photo: Documentation photographique de la Reunion des musees nationaux 714 R).

30 Davi£s Sling and Michelangelo)s Bow Fig. 38. Sculptor's drill (from Seymour, 1974, fig. 4).

study.3 Two inscrir,tions appear at the right of Colonna and his beloved Laura.4 Although appar­ David's arm, toward the margin (the page has not ently unrelated, the inscriptions in fact have several been cut at the right): layers of meaning that connect them to the figural drawings on the sheet. Davicte cholla Fromba Many explanations of Michelangelos areo had e io chollarcho been given through the centuries until an ingenious Michelagniolo interpretation, first suggested by Marcel Brion in 1940 and then elaborated by Charles Seymour, and below: seemed to resolve the problem.5 The arco must be the bowed drill, called a trapano) used by sculptors Rocte lalta cholonna elverd since antiquity to facilitate the carving of marble (Fig. 38). In that case, the alta colonna of the second (David with the sling and I with the bow. Michel­ inscription could refer to the great pillar (or column) angelo. Broken the tall column and the green.) The of marble, originally intended for a gigante to be basic sense of the upper inscription seems clear mounted on a buttress of Florence cathedral, that enough. Michelangelo identifies himself with David, had defeated sculptors for at least a century before equating the instruments with which he and the Michelangelo succeeded in carving it into his marble biblical giant killer dispatch their common adver­ David. 6 In turn, the traditional association of the sary. The second inscription has a parallel binary column, either whole or broken, with the virtue of construction. The phrase is a quotation, omitting fortitude would reinforce the power of the imagery. the last word, from the opening line of a sonnet of The whole column appears as a commemorative Petrarch, "Rotta e 1' alta colonna e '1 verde lauro," in trophy in a major Byzantine tradition of David as which the poet laments the almost simultaneous psalmist, and the broken column appears in the deaths in the spring of 1348 of his friend Giovanni closely related subjects of Hercules and Samson

David)s Sling and Michelangelo)s Bow 31 Fig. 39· David the Psalmist. MS Gr. 139, fol. 1, Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris.

32 David)s Sling and Michelangelo)s Bow !::CONI& SV'f"J:"OC.AT{ ':E'X.VV llS iNOViT:Vf'- H:el''r;;;YL£S,

Fig. 40. Hans Sebald Behain, Hercules Killing the Nemean Lion, engravmg. slaying the lion (Figs. 39, 40 )? The elements of the which the artist's accurate use of the compass corre­ Louvre sheet thus interrelate on a strictly mechani­ sponded to David's use of the sling-was consid­ cal level: David the giant killer is a metaphor for ered a feat of both intellectual and physical prow­ Michelangelds feat in executing the colossal sculpture. ess. 10 The original commission had been assigned in This "professional" implication of the sheet can 1464 to Agostino di Duccio, who was to construct be taken several steps further if one modifies slightly the work from four separately carved pieces of mar­ and expands the meaning of the term area in the ble. Two years later, the contract was renewed, first inscription. There is, to begin with, another Agostino in the meantime having undertaken to kind of area that is essential to the work of the execute the sculpture from a single monolith, and at sculptor, whether in modeling, as for bronze, or in a substantially higher fee. The agreement specifically carving marble. I refer to the bowed caliper, or com­ linked the increased compensation not only to the pass-the seste ad area (Fig. 41)-used in enlarging greater cost and expense ( spendio et expensa) and value from a small-scale model or transferring dimen­ and price ( valute et pretii), but also to the greater sions from the full-scale model to the final work in mastery ( magisterii) the new project entailed. The · stone. In fact, the bowed compass, for use on three­ gigantic block thereafter remained as Agostino left dimensional, rather than flat, surfaces, is the sculp­ it, badly begun- male abozq.tum) in the phrase used tor's primary instrument of measure and propor­ nearly forty years later in the contract signed by tion.8 And, enshrined in his metaphorical dictum Michelangelo, who finally succeeded where Agostino concerning the importance of artistic good judgment had failed. The analogy with David is thus twofold: -avere le seste negli oeehi) "to have one's compasses both heroes overcame great differences in size and in one's eyes':_ the device played a critical role in strength by sheer force of intellectual and physical Michelangelds conception of the creative process virtuosity. itsel£9 When area is thus understood as a tool of both We know that to execute such a grandiose work manual and mental labor, two further, metaphorical, as the marble David from a small model-labor in uses of the word with which Michelangelo was cer-

Davils Sling and Miehelangelo)s Bow 33 Fig. 41. Bowed calipers (from The New Encyclopaedia, 1984, II, 459).

tainly familiar come into play. Both metaphors focus singles out the hero's skill and ingenuity-in a on the tension suggested by the term, and express word, his virtuosity. Based on this Herculean tradi­ the complementary intellectual and physical con­ tion, the bow actually became the primary attribute stituents of extreme effort-much as one might of Cesare Ripa's Ingegno (Fig. 43). 15 speak in English of a mind- or a back-bending task. Striking, if unexpected, evidence of Michelangelo's Boccaccio, for example, speaks of the arco deWintelletto, meaning is to be found later in the century in the the mental effort required for a work deserving of Lombard painter Lelio Orsi's adaptation of the theme eternal fame. II But the term was also applied to var­ of Hercules the archer as a metaphor for the artist. ious parts of the body; the phrase con l'arco della schiena Orsi (ca. 15II-I587), who studied Michelangelo's art is a common adage meaning "to strain with all one's carefully, planned a decoration for the facade of might."12 Both these senses of arco seem to coalesce his own house, identifiable by the bears ( orsi) that in Albrecht Durer's only mythological painting, in appear in the coat of arms shown in the upper story which the artist portrays himself as Hercules killing (Fig. 44). 16 The composition centers on a man the Stymphalian birds (Fig. 42 ). 13 Here the prowess shooting an "arrow" (the tip is actually blunt and of the painter in manipulating the brush is com­ rounded, like a painter's mahlstick) directly out and pared to that of Hercules, the classical archer-hero down toward the spectator on the street below; par excellence, in using his bow. The theme of Durer's flanking the bowsman are groups of figures holding allegory is the artist's victory over his envious critics, a broken column on one side, a whole column on conveyed in the painting through the common equiv­ the other. The two columns of fortitude, which alence of the Stymphalian birds to the Harpies; together here allude to the pillars (often treated as these creatures were invulnerable, so that to ward columns) of Hercules, clearly identify the archer as them off required great ingenuity as well as strength.l4 the ancient hero in modern guise. The key to the Michelangelo's nude giant has often been related to conceit lies in a story told by the ancient historians the tradition of Hercules as a symbol of virtue and about Lelio's namesake, the emperor Lucius Aelius fortitude, but the allusion to Hercules the archer Aurelius Commodus (Lelio = Aelius ), notorious for

34 David's Sling and Michelangelo's Bow D l C ! S A It C It I P A. Fig. 42. Albrecht Durer, Hercules Killing the Stymphalian Birds. l 1{" E.G 2-{ o. Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg.

Fig. 43· Personification of lngegno (from Ripa, r6o3, 221).

David1s Sling and Michelangelo1s Bow 35 Fig. 4+ Lelio Orsi, project for the facade decoration of the artist's house, drawing. Devonshire Collection, Chatsworth (photo: Courtauld Institute of Art, London).

identifying himself with Hercules, whom he imi­ above. The poem complains of the strain on mind tated in every possible way. As an example, Hero­ and body: dian recounts that Aelius set up in front of the sen­ ate house a statue of himself "as an archer po.ised And I am bending like a Syrian bow. to shoot, for he wished even his statues to inspire And judgment, borne in mind, 17 fear." The arco del ingegno of the painter Lelio con­ Hence must grow peculiar and untrue; sists in challenging the physical reality of his arch­ You cannot shoot straight when the gun's askew. 20 enemy, sculpture, by creating an illusion (presum­ ably in grisaille, to feign sculpture) that penetrates Here arco conveys the intense labor, physical and the picture plane and threatens to pierce the specta­ intellectual, required by the heroic task the artist tor's eye and heart-like Michelangelo's David. 18 We has set for himsel£ shall consider presently Michelangelo's own position We can trace several additional threads of mean­ in the development of this bitterly fought battle of ing in what seems an improbable source of ideas for the arts. Michelangelo: the traditional Hebrew midrashim, or The intellectual and physical senses of arco recur commentaries on the Old Testament, and the mysti­ a decade after the David in another work by Michel­ cal Zohar. These works offered a rich body of leg­ angelo, which also includes an almost exact equiva­ endary and interpretative material on the story of lent of Durer's image, ironically inverted. The archer David and Goliath, and may also provide important metaphor is the turning point of a poem Michelangelo clues to visual features of the David. In one text, for composed about the labor of mind and body he example, Moses is said to have prayed for his seed, expended on another of his great achievements, the and especially for David, as follows: "'Hear, Lord, Sistine ceiling ( r5o8-r2) (Fig. 45). 19 He inscribed his voice, and Thou shalt be an help against his the sonnet on a sheet, again accompanied by an adversaries, bring him then back to his people in illuminating sketch that shows the artist's body bent peace; and when alone he shall set out into battle back awkwardly as he transfers his idea to the vault against Goliath, let his hands be sufficient for him,

36 Davils Sling and Michelangelo)s Bow Fig. 45· Michelangelo, sonnet and satirical sketch on the Sistine ceiling. Vol. XIII, fol. III, Casa Buonarroti, Florence (photo: Soprintendenza per i Beni Artistici e Storici, Florence 42049).

David)s Sling and Michelangelo)s Bow 37 Fig. 46. Michelangelo, David Killing Goliath. Sistine Chapel, Vatican Palace, Rome (photo: Anderson 991).

and Thou shalt be an help against his adversaries.' David) in turn, help to clarify the role of David's vic­ Moses at the same time prayed God to stand by the tory over Goliath in the further development of tribe of Judah, whose favorite weapon in war was Michelangelo's ideas on art and the creative process. the bow, that their 'hands might be sufficient,' that The victory itself is portrayed on the spandrel in they might vigorously and with good aim speed the the southeast corner of the Sistine chapel, where arrow."21 It has frequently been noted in connection David is shown astride his fallen adversary, winding with the conspicuously displayed and enlarged hands up to decapitate him with the giant's own gigantic of Michelangelo's figure that at least from the time sword (Fig. 46). This composition is unprecedented, of St. Jerome, David was referred to as manu fortis. 22 with the two figures interlocked like Greco-Roman The midrash is particularly suggestive, however, wrestlers. 24 Michelangelo must have been alluding because of the invocation to the Lord to render to the type of David slaying the lion as it appears in David's hands "sufficient" and the linking of his Byzantine tradition (Fig. 47).25 The composition is sufficient hands to the Hebrews' divinely inspired also based in part, however, as has recently been use of their favorite weapon, the bow. Similarly, observed, on what must have been the prototype of the Zohar speaks of the "evil" eye David cast upon the Byzantine formulation, the story of Mithras his opponent that rooted him to the ground, an apt killing the bull, shown in a relief now in the Louvre description of the effect of the glance of Michel­ that was one of the most familiar antiques in Rome angelo's hero. Michelangelo might well have been (Fig. 48).26 In Michelangelo's time the work was aware of these ancient texts, which were avidly stud­ identified as Hercules killing the bull, so that here, ied by such learned men of his generation as Marsilio as in the marble figure, David is identified with the Ficino, Giovanni Pico della Mirandola, and espe­ ancient hero. 27 Michelangelo's Sistine group differs cially Egidio da Viterbo, who has been credited from these precedents, as well as from earlier depic­ with an important influence on the conceptual tions of David killing Goliath, in three ways: the design of the Sistine ceiling.23 figures are shown in depth, rather than parallel to The personal and artistic associations of the the picture plane; they are conjoined so as to create

38 Davils Sling and Michelangelo)s Bow Fig. 47 (left). David Killing the Lion, silver plate. Metropolitan Museum, New York, Gift of J. Pierpont Morgan, 1917.

Fig. 48 (above). Mithras Killing the Bull, drawing. Codex Cobur- gensis, Kunstsammlungen der Veste, Coburg.

David)s Sling and Michelangelo)s Bow 39 Fig. 49· Raphael, David Killing Goliath. Logge, Vatican Palace, Rome (photo: Alinari 7812).

a coherent pyramidal group; and they are arranged Christianity as the state religion. The end of idola­ so that the composition is dominated by David's try is an important part of the subject, and in one action, his raised right arm and sword culminating of the scenes Giulio adopted Michelangelo's compo­ the movement of his powerful arco della schiena. David sition to portray the sculptor converted to Chris­ hacks at Goliath with superhuman fury, and his tri­ tianity destroying the giants he had created in his umph is supernaturally overwhelming. pagan past (Fig. 50 ).29 Almost immediately after the completion of the These considerations help somewhat to alleviate Sistine ceiling Raphael paraphrased Michelangelo's our astonishment that the same group was adapted composition in his Old Testament cycle in the Vati­ to portray the sculptor himself at work on the can Logge (Fig. 49), and soon thereafter the image figure of Dawn from the tomb of Lorenzo de' of David killing the giant was converted to Chris­ Medici (Fig. 51). The illustration occurs in a book tianity, as it were, by Raphael's pupil, Giulio Romano, of astrological games published in Venice in r 52 7 in the Sala di Costantino.28 The decoration of this by Sigismondo Fanti, an otherwise little-known great hall, commissioned by the Medici pope Clem­ itinerant humanist, who may actually have seen ent VII (I 523-34) as a historical sequel to the 0 ld Michelangelo at work on the figure. 3° Fanti was Testament narratives, illustrates the establishment of perspicacious enough to include the image under

40 Davi£s Sling and Michelangelo)s Bow Fig. 50. Giulio Romano, the Christian sculptor destroying the idols. Sala di Costantino, Vatican Palace, Rome (photo: Musei Vaticani XXXII-143-28).

David)s Sling and Michelangelo)s Bow 41 Fig. 51 (abow). The sign of Jupiter with Michelangelo the sculptor (from Fanti, 1527, carte XXXVIII).

Fig. 52 ( oppositt, /tjt). Maarten van Heemskerck, St. Lukt Painting the Virgin. Musee des Beaux-Arts, Rennes.

Fig. 53 ( oppositt, right). Detail of Fig. 52.

42 David's Sling and Michelangelo's Bow the sphere of Jupiter, which in fact corresponded to victory over Goliath as the prototype for the artist's Michelangelo's constellation. The vehement action overcoming the difficulties of his art. Indeed, Fanti's of Fanti's sculptor gives form to the French traveler whole conception shows such intimate knowledge Blaise de Vigenere's vivid description of the frenzy of Michelangelo and his working method that I sus­ with which Michelangelo attacked the marble to pect the artist himself supplied the information, free his idea from the block. perhaps suggesting the appropriateness of the for­ mula or even providing the design. I have seen Michelangelo, although more than sixty Both the David and Goliath motif and Fanti's years old and no longer among the most robust, knock paraphrase of it had repercussions roughly twenty­ off more chips of a very hard marble in a quarter of an five years later in specifically art-theoretical contexts. hour than three young stone carvers could have done The works to be discussed hereafter all date, on in three or four, an almost incredible thing to one who independent grounds, to around 1550 and seem to has not seen it; and I thought the whole work would reflect more or less directly the preeminent art­ fall to pieces because he moved with such impetuosity theoretical issue of the period, the Paragone, or com­ and fury, knocking to the floor large chunks three or four fingers thick with a single blow so precisely aimed parison of the arts. The subject was given wide that if he had gone even minimally further than neces­ currency by the opinion poll conducted among the sary, he risked losing it all, because it could not then leading artists of the day by Benedetto Varchi in be repaired or re-formed, as with images of clay or 1548.32 stucco. 31 Fanti's image reappears in the background of Maarten van Heemskerck's great panel of St. Luke Although in a different mode and with implications painting the Virgin, now in the museum at Rennes different from those of the marble David, Fanti must (Figs. 52, 53). Although the meaning of this com­ have grasped Michelangelo's interpretation of David's plex allegory has been much discussed, its underly-

David's Sling and Michelangelo's Bow 43 Fig. 54- Maarten van Heemskerck, courtyard of the Palazzo Sassi in Rome, drawing. Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen, Berlin.

ing theme, an interpretatio christiana of the Paragone) has that only in the context of Saint Luke depicting remained obscure.33 Luke is not presented as the the Virgin and Child could he illustrate the pivotal simple recorder of appearances but as the knowing function of disegno as the interface (literal as well as re-creator of the visible form of divine nature. He is figurative, since Luke is painting a portrait) between a painter but is shown giving color to the underly­ the artist's creativity and that of God. Luke is sur­ ing prototype, or disegno. This seminal concept of rounded by the paraphernalia of wisdom and learn­ mid-sixteenth-century aesthetics derived its potency ing the humanist artist needed to fulfill his divine from its dual, punning, significance as both physical mission. Exempla of the arts of architecture and drawing and immaterial scheme.34 With subtle delib­ sculpture are portrayed in the background, where eration Vasari described disegno as Father (alluding Heemskerck transposed the drawings of the court­ to God the Father) of the arts. Heemskerck realized yard of the Palazzo Sassi (Fig. 54) he had made

44 David)s Sling and Michelangelo)s Bow Fig. 55· Apollo Citharoedus. Museo Archeologico Nazionale, Fig. 56. Jacopo Sansovino, Madonna and Child. Sant'Agostino, Naples (photo: Alinari 19004). Rome (photo: Istituto Centrale per il Catalogo e la Documen­ tazione, Rome C8871).

during his visit to Rome a decade earlier. The court­ which it was made.35 Jacopo Sansovino had already yard must have seemed to him a paradise, reincarnat­ transformed the figure into a Madonna and Child ing the classical world with its renowned collection (Fig. 56), which must have inspired Heemskerck to of antiquities. The two works most prominently do the same in his painting.36 Heemskerck intro­ displayed in the painting are especially important. duces a decisive change, however, by crossing the The seated figure shown on the pedestal was re­ Virgin's ankles. This moti£ probably inspired by stored in the eighteenth century as Apollo Citharoe­ Michelangelo's figure of the prophet Isaiah in the dus, now preserved in the Naples museum (Fig. 55). Sistine ceiling, 37 alludes to the Crucifixion, of which In Heemskerck's time it was understood as repre­ the Mother of God has foreknowledge. The progres­ senting Roma Triorifante) no doubt because of its ef­ sion from the fragmentary classical to the perfect feminate form and the imperial stone, porphyry, of modern deity thus illustrates the creative process

David)s Sling and Michelangelo)s Bow 45 whereby Christianity incorporated the good while rejecting the bad in pagan antiquity. Rome trium­ phant is succeeded by the Church triumphant. The other image that concerns us, the sculptor at work on his statue (Fig. 53), was conspicuously added by Heemskerck to the actual furnishings of the Sassi courtyard. The reference to Fanti's por­ trayal of Michelangelo at work- the paradigm of creative fervor- is striking; one scholar has even' seen a physiognomical resemblance to Michelangelo.38 Heemskerck again makes a significant change, how­ ever, replacing Aurora with another antique then in the garden of the Villa Madama in Rome and now to be seen, radically transformed into a herm, in the Louvre (Fig. 57).39 Heemskerck drew the figure in a reclining position (Fig. 58), just as it appears in the painting. In fact, he had already adapted Fanti's Michelangelo as a symbol of sculpture generally, and of the attainments of ancient sculpture in particular, by replacing the Aurora with the same ancient figure in his engraved composition of the children of Mer­ cury, that is, the arts as products of human ingenuity (Fig. 59). The motive for the substitution in the Rennes picture becomes evident when one realizes that the sculpture was recognized as Jupiter Capi­ tolinus (Jupiter was Michelangelo's own planet, we recall), the father of the pagan gods and the chief deity of Rome; contemporaries singled it out as one of the largest and most beautiful statues ever to have been found in Rome.40 The sculptor is thus shown creating a gigantic idol of the most exalted imperial divinity, whose power would be broken and replaced by that of the divinity portrayed by St. Luke. Taken together, the two pairs of figures, Rome and Jupiter in the background, Mary and Christ in the foreground, mark the succession from antiquity to the present-in time, in belie£ and in the self-conception of the artist. In all likelihood Heemskerck's painting was made for a confraternity of St. Luke and was thus intended to carry north of the Alps the transforma­ Fig. 57 (above). Jupiter herm. Musee du Louvre, Paris (photo: tion of the craftsmen's guild into the artist's academy Documentation photographique de la Reunion des musees 41 then taking place in Italy. The exalted purpose nationaux 71 EN 2671 ). of this transformation, and the ultimate point of Fig. 58 (opposite, top). Maarten van Heemskerck, garden of the Heemskerck's allegory, is embodied in the parrot, a Villa Madama in Rome, drawing. Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche standard symbol of rhetoric, that the Christchild Museen, Berlin. holds up to the viewer. In effect it defines the paint­ Fig. 59 (opposite). Maarten van Heemskerck, Mercury and His ing as the visual equivalent of the ideal sermon envi­ Children, engraving (photo: Rijksmuseum-Stichting, Amsterdam sioned by Erasmus and the humanist advocates of a 21856). David)s Sling and Michelangelo)s Bow 4 7 Fig. 6o. Daniele da Volterra, David Killing Goliath. Chateau de Fontainebleau (photo: Documentation photographique de la Reunion des musees nationaux 65 DN 5998 bis).

"Christian rhetoric" that would combine the learn­ and, as we shall also see, to the Early Christian ing of antiquity with the divinely inspired expressive warrior saints. simplicity of the Bible. 42 The second legacy of the David-beheading­ Heemskerck's elaborate compilation of learned Goliath tradition is a work by Daniele da Volterra, but clearly recognizable sources might be described now at Fontainebleau (Figs. 6o, 61 ), showing on as a modern structured version of the traditional either side (one cannot properly say front and back) medieval exemplum in didactic literature and ser­ of the same panel opposite views of the climax of mons.43 In this respect, the painting sheds light on the action, in a composition clearly derived from the historical method implicit in Michelangelo's the scene on the Sistine ceiling. Vasari records that marble David. The inscriptions on the Louvre draw­ the picture was made for the poet Giovanni della ing are, after all, a tissue of references- to the bibli­ Casa, who wanted professional help in clarifying cal hero as the prototype of the artist and, as we certain points for a treatise he was preparing on shall see, to the verse of Petrarch as a metaphor for the art of painting.44 The panel is one of a number a political statement. In this methodological sense, of works by artists of the period that refer to the too, the inscriptions are paralleled visually in the debate concerning the relationship of the arts, specif­ statue itsel£ which refers to the earlier Florentine ically the respective merits of painting and sculp­ depictions of the Old Testament David; to Her­ ture.45 The painter answered the sculptor's claim cules, the pagan paragon of fortitude and virtue; to three-dimensionality by inventing devices that

48 David)s Sling and Michelangelo)s Bow Fig. 61. Daniele da Volterra, David Killing Goliath. Chateau de Fontainebleau (photo: Documentation photographique de la Reunion des musees nationaux 65 DN 5998).

responded in kind, as it were: by introducing a mir­ Daniele make, with all possible diligence, a finished ror or other reflective materials in the scene, for clay model of a David; and he then had him paint, or example, or, as here, by exploiting both sides of the rather portray in a picture the same David, which is surface. Some critics, beginning with Michelangelo most beautiful, on both sides, that is the front and the himsel£ came to regard these disputes about the back, which was a capricious thing. arts as exercises in futility. Yet the debate entailed a serious challenge to the artist-and on this score Daniele therefore made a terra-cotta model first, Michelangelo did participate-to demonstrate con­ and then the two-sided painting. It has long been ceptual ingenuity and technical virtuosity and known that the Fontainebleau panel is one of a num­ thereby establish a claim to the ambivalent tide ber of works Daniele based on designs supplied by Deus artifex. Vasari's account of the commission (see Michelangelo. A series of sketches by Michelangelo n. 44) includes a detail, usually neglected, that is in the Morgan Library representing basically the same of the utmost importance in our context: composition must have served for the terra-cotta that Daniele then translated into paint (Fig. 62).46 Surely the real purpose of the lesson in sculpture ... having begun to write a treatise on painting, and and painting was to illustrate for Giovanni della wishing clarification of certain details and particulars Casa the view of the Paragone that Daniele had from men of the profession, [Giovanni della Cas aJ had learned from Michelangelo-who, in a statement

David)s Sling and Michelangelo)s Bow 49 Fig. 62. Michelangelo, four sketches for David Killing Goliath, drawing. Pierpont Morgan Library, New York.

we shall quote presently, invoked three main princi­ therefore of himself At the same time that he painted ples: the primacy of sculpture, the reflectivity of the figural group, and in response to Varchi's inquiry painting, and the derivation of both ultimately from concerning the Paragone) Michelangelo composed an the same "intelligence." ironic, lapidary verbal conundrum no less interlock­ This understanding helps to elucidate the awe­ ing and contrapuntal than the David and Goliath some confluence of form and meaning in Michel­ composition itself The statement both describes angelo's interpretation of David killing Goliath. The and draws upon the same areo- delfintelletto and della key to the unprecedented conception, in the Sistine schiena- with which, for the early David) the alta ceiling and in the composition recorded by Daniele, colonna was broken to the artist's wilL lies in Michelangelo's invention of an interlocking double contrapposto: both figures show opposite I say that if greater judgment and difficulty, impedi­ sides, front and back, at the same time, but in oppo­ ment and labor do not make for greater nobility, then site directions; both sides of both figures, which painting and sculpture is [sic] the same thing. And if this be held so, no painter should make less of sculp­ together form a single, indissoluble knot, are always ture than of painting, and no sculptor less of painting visible. David's victory over Goliath is indeed the than of sculpture. By sculpture I mean that which one prototype for the ingenuity and power of the artist does by taking away; that which one does by adding is to overcome the difficulty and labor of his art-the similar to painting. Enough, for the one and the other arco delrintelletto and the arco della schiena. There could deriving from the same intelligence, that is, sculpture be no better illustration of the one explicit state­ and painting, one can make a good peace between ment by Michelangelo that has come down to us them and abandon so many disputes, because they take verbatim expressing his conception of his art, and more time than making figures. 47

50 David)s Sling and Michelangelo;s Bow + + + The parallel Michelangelo draws between David and himself in the first text of the Louvre sheet inevita­ bly does more than simply equate two improbable victories over physically superior adversaries. David had long since become an emblem of Florentine republicanism,48 and it is clear that Michelangelo imputed to his own colossus an apotropaic efficacy against Florence's contemporary enemies, equivalent to and infused with the same divine power the bib­ lical hero had against the Philistine enemies of IsraeL The first inscription itself therefore suggests that Michelangelo's personal power served a larger, communal, purpose through the image of David. The nature of this public mission, in turn, is manifested in the text written below the artist's sig­ nature, for the Petrarchan verse suggests that the defeat of the giant conveys more than the superi­ ority of purely intellectual and technical prowess. To begin with, David and the column had a particularly close, quasi-idolatrous, relationship in Florence.49

Donatello's bronze David1 the first freestanding nude statue since antiquity, had been displayed on a col­ umn in the classical manner, first in the courtyard of the Palazzo Medici and again, after the expulsion of the Medici in 1494, in the courtyard of the Palazzo Vecchio. Similarly, in the fictive monument painted by Ghirlandaio beside the entrance to the Sassetti chapel in Santa Tdnita (Francesco Sassetti was a close ally of the Medici), David stands on a pedestal supported by a tall pilaster. The inscription on the pedestal proclaims the civic, no less than the religious, import of the monument: Salvti Patriae et Christianae Gloriae (Fig. 63). In view of this prior association with the Medici the renewed interest in the colossus under Soderini can only be understood Fig. 63. Ghirlandaio, David with Head if Goliath. Santa Tdnita, as an attempt by the republican government to Florence (photo: Kunsthistorisches lnstitut, Florence 4526). reclaim David as its own hero. A contemporary Florentine would immediately have recognized Michelangelo's allusion to the had already associated the laurel with Lorenzo's Petrarchan broken laurel as a patent reference to the death, reversing with sad irony the plant's legendary Medici, in particular to Lorenzo the Magnificent.50 immunity to lightning: Punning on the Latin form of his name, Lorenzo Lightning has struck had adopted the laurel as a personal emblem and our laurel tree, that evergreen thereupon became one of the most our laurel so dear prominent motifs of Medicean heraldic imagery. to all the muses, It has been suggested that Michelangelo was here to the dances of the nymphs. applying Petrarch's lament to the premature death of Lorenzo in 1492, which deprived the artist of a Michelangelo's omission of the word laurel from the great friend and early patron.51 The poet Poliziano Petrarchan text might thus have been motivated by

David1s Sling and Michelangelo1s Bow 51 in the face of this threat that the marble David was revived. Moreover, the re-evaluation of Lorenzo the Magnificent was itself part of a movement that ulti­ mately led to the restoration of the Medici and the demise of the republic. Considering this reactionary tendency, Michelangelo must have felt as much apprehension about a future Medicean tyranny as nostalgia for the lost virtues of Lorenzo. Hence the passage from Petrarch may also be understood as alluding to the defeated but still formidable adver­ sary of the republican spirit championed by David. This anti-Medicean point becomes clear when one realizes that Michelangelo was actually referring to a specific motif of Lorenzo's political propaganda intended to identify his family with the city of Florence; associate himself with Augustus, the founder of the Roman empire; and proclaim his own rule as an Augustan Golden Age. The key fac­ tor here is the reference, through Petrarch, to the Fig. 64- Medal of Lorenzo de' Medici. Bargello, Florence broken laurel. To be sure, the laurel was an ancient (photo: Soprintendenza peri Beni Artistici e Storici, Florence and multivalent symbol of virtue, but Lorenzo r63o28). transformed it into a distinct political message. In a medal of about 1480 (Fig. 64 ), a figure labeled Florentia is seated under a laurel tree holding three fleurs-de-lys to symbolize the City of Flowers a fear of reprisal from the anti-Medicean republican that flourishes under Lorenzo's tutelage (Tvtela party then in power. Patrie). Lorenzo adopted a form, and meaning for Apart from the fact that this interpretation makes the device that extended its reach across time, so Michelangelo, the ardent republican, into something that it both referred to the past and was rife with of a hypocrite with respect to his current patrons, implications for the future.53 In antiquity each of several factors suggest an alternative meaning of the the Giulio-Claudian emperors (the dynasty inaugu­ inscription. The commission for the David came rated by Augustus) customarily planted in a grove during a crucial period in the history of the Floren­ the branch of laurel he had carried in triumph; the tine republic that had been installed after the Medici trees that grew from the branches came to symbol­ were ousted.52 The longed-for benefits of this dem­ ize the continuity of the imperial line. The custom ocratic form of government failed to materialize, began with Augustus who planted the first branch and internal conditions worsened while external from which all the others were taken, and who dangers became more acute. There were even hints adopted the laurel branch conspicuously on his of a change in attitude toward the Medici, including a coinage. 54 Because of these associations and the revival of sympathetic interest in Lorenzo, especially evergreen's capacity to renew itself from a slip, among the intellectuals he had patronized. Eventu­ Lorenzo took as his emblem a branch, or stump­ ally, having been denounced after his death as a per­ broncone in Italian-of laurel and combined it with a nicious tyrant, he came to be idealized as a benevo­ chivalric version of a conceit involving temporal lent and popular leader. There may indeed be an renewal that derived from a celebrated passage in echo of this nascent political nostalgia as well as an Virgil's fourth Eclogue. 55 The broncone of laurel with expression of personal loss in Michelangelo's quota­ the motto Le Temps Revient (Fig. 65) became a strik­ tion from Petrarch. ing evocation of the return, under the benign aus­ The successors to Lorenzo, however, enjoyed no pices of Lorenzo de' Medici, of the Golden Age such sympathy. They and their supporters were a under Augustus celebrated by Virgil. The ever­ constant threat to the republic, and it was certainly flourishing laurel served as the image of the Medici's

52 David)s Sling and Michelangelo)s Bow Florentine republic against the political aspirations of the Medici. The anti-Medicean implication of the inscription also clarifies a number of puzzles in the marble sculpture's history and imagery. Apart from its physical character-its extraordinary size and physique and its complete nudity-Michelangelo's David is above all distinguished by its unprecedented isolation of the moment bifore the epic battle with the Philistine. Normally, and quite rightly, this abro­ gation of the traditional rule of showing David triumphant over the decapitated giant is taken as heightening the dramatic intensity of the event. The inscription on the drawing, however, records an under­ lying change of meaning, as well: emphasis has shifted from victory to vigilance against the poten­ tial future menace that was implicit in the retrospec­ tive Medicean emblem of verdant laurel and Le Temps Revient. Michelangelo's narrative innovation thus imbues the figure with a vital contemporary meaning analogous to that of the physical power and psycho­ logical immediacy of the sculpture itself The proto­ typical victor over brute physical strength devoid of Fig. 65. Impresa of Lorenzo de' Medici. MS Plut. 82.10, fol. 3r, detail. Biblioteca Laurenziana, Florence. moral support has become the modern image of the spiritual force with which moral right is endowed. In this sense, especially, the David shows its debt to tutelage of the city.56 Imperialist associations had the great tradition of warrior saints, propugnators of already been evoked. by the Medici tombs in San the faith, that includes Donatello's St. George and Lorenzo (see pp. 17, 25 above), and the poten- Michelangelo's own earlier portrayal of St. Proculus. tial threat to republican tradition implicit in such This radical new interpretation of the subject imagery must have aroused suspicions as to Lorenzo's may even have been one of the reasons Michelangelo ultimate ambitions.57 Michelangelo's invocation of was given the commission in the first place. At least, the Petrarchan broken tall column and laurel thus good sense can thus be made of Vasari's account uniquely and conspicuously refers to the death of of how the earlier work on the marble had been Lorenzo. But also, co-opting the broncone) the refer­ botched: Agostino di Duccio had cut a large hole ence celebrates the rupture of the Medici dominion between the legs, rendering the block useless for the in Florence and the triumph of republican govern­ intended figure. 59 Agostino's error is usually assumed ment-whose future stability Michelangelo would to have created a purely technical problem, which help to assure by the ever-vigilant defiance of his Michelangelo succeeded in overcoming. I suspect, gigantic giant killer. Michelangelo might very well however, that the situation entailed another, more have omitted 11 lauro'' for fear of reprisal, not substantive, difficulty that profoundly affected the by the republicans but by supporters of the Medici idea the work was to convey. Agostino's gaping hole whose subsequent efforts to take revenge on the would have precluded the one indispensable element statue will be adduced below. of the subject as traditionally conceived: the decapi­ This reading of Michelangelo's written message tated head of the defeated Goliath. It may have on the Louvre sheet elicits in the first instance the been this very problem that later prompted Andrea coherent meaning of the drawing itsel£58 The re­ Sansovino to propose adding certain pieces of mar­ publican sentiment applies to both figures in the ble to create a figure. 60 We have seen that Michel­ study. The French, for whom Piero Soderini com­ angelo's achievement lay, in part, in the purely artis­ missioned the bronze David expressly in emulation tic feat of extracting the giant from the immense of Donatello's figure, were the chief allies of the disfigured block. It also lay in the political feat of

David)s Sling and Michelangelo)s Bow 53 ICONOLOGIA

P Y 1\ 0 ~ 'P 0 E T 1 C 0.

Fig. 66 (above). Personification of Furor poetico (from Ripa, r6o3, 178).

Fig. 67 (right). Medal of Cosimo I de' Medici. Bargello, Florence (photo: Soprintendenza per i Beni Artistici e Storici, Florence 277070).

54 David)s Sling and Michelangelo)s Bow devising a conception of David that would obviate of an early medal portraying the young duke (Fig. 67), the need for the giant's head while retaining­ the broncone remained but the motto was changed from indeed augmenting, as it turned out-the affective the chivalric Le Temps Revient to Uno Avulso non Diflcit power inherent in the very notion of the basic theme Alter ("when one [laurel-Cosimo J is torn away, another of David as the youthful protector of his people. fails not"), quoting all but the first word of a phrase Instead of Goliath's head between or beneath Virgil had used in reference to the Golden Bough. David's feet, Michelangelo placed behind his leg the The substitution of uno for Virgil's primo transformed a stump of a tree, a conventional support commonly limited sequence into a generic notion of perennial used by ancient sculptors. In the case of Michel­ regeneration from the broken laurel ofPetrarch. Signif­ angelo's David) however, the device may also serve as icantly, the prime image of this principle of "augural David's attribute, the equivalent of Goliath's head, historicism," including the laurel branch and revised though different in form as well as meaning. 61 The motto, is Pontormo's portrait of Cosimo Pater Patriae, stump was in fact called broncone) the same word which pointedly revives the profile format character­ used for Lorenzo's impresa, in an often overlooked istic of the earlier period (Fig. 68). As far as I can document describing certain embellishments, now discover, however- and this is the essential point­ lost, that were added to Michelangelo's statue shortly Michelangelo on his drawing for the David was the after it was installed in front of the Palazzo Vecchio.62 first to apply the Petrarchan phrase to the Medici in The broncone was gilded, as was the strap of David's specific reference to the eclipse of the family's power sling; a gilt bronze laurel wreath was added (recall­ following the death of Lorenzo. It is well known that ing, as does the nudity of the figure, Donatello's Michelangelo's statue, which he executed secretively bronze David); and a leafy vine of copper (presum­ behind a specially constructed enclosure, immediately ably ivy) was placed about the groin ( c£ Fig. 69 ). became a matter of civic pride: after a public consulta­ A letter written later by Pietro Aretino complaining tion with no less than thirty citizens of Florence, about the statue's nudity suggests that the vine may including the leading artists of the day, the statue have been added in an act of public prudery. Perhaps was brought to the Piazza della Signoria-following not without reference to the David thus adorned, Michelangelo's own advice, according to a contem­ Cesare Ripa later applied the laurel crown and the porary report- and given the most conspicuous civic ivy cinch to his Poetic Fur); as symbols of eternal location, at the entrance to the Palazzo Vecchio.64 I fame (Fig. 66).63 In any case, Michelangelo's statue have no doubt that Michelangelo's subtle and ironic did acquire the laurel as an attribute- the Medicean subversion of the Medici laurel device also entered, broncone was pruned, as it were, to serve as David's subversively, into the public domain. The later ver­ trophy. sion of the impresa was promulgated as a trium­ To my mind, however, there are still more com­ phant rejoinder and can only have been intended to pelling, and historically more significant, witnesses parry Michelangelo's ingenious thrust at the heart of to the anti-Medicean reference in Michelangelo's tyranny. inscription and, by implication, in the statue itself The "battle of the imprese" was not the only reply The witnesses testify, as well, that the message was to the David. When the huge monument was trans­ heard and understood by his contemporaries. The ported to its destination in the middle of the night, evidence is to be found in what happened to the it was attacked and stoned by vandals, who must Medici impresa after the republic was defeated and have been supporters of the Medici faction. 65 The the Medici returned to even greater power than statue appears in depictions of two important politi­ before. Under Duke Cosimo I, the pun on Lorenzo's cal events that took place in the Piazza della Si­ name w~s replaced by a new, explicitly retrospective gnoria following the Medici restoration: an oration pun relating the duke's name to that of the founder by Giovan Battista Ridolfi, the Medici -supported of the family's power, Cosimo il Vecchio (itself the gor!faloniere della giustizia who replaced Piero Soderini, subject of a cosmic pun; see p. 20 above). At the shown in the border of one of the tapestries for the same time, the theme of recurrence that had given Sistine Chapel designed by Raphael for the Medici political overtones to Lorenzo's laurel now resounded Pope Leo X (Fig. 69 ); and the reception of the in a new Medicean proclamation of dynastic hege­ insignia of command in defense of the Church given mony. In this version of the impresa, as on the reverse to Florence by the same pope, in a fresco by Vasari

David)s Sling and Michelangelo)s Bow 55 Fig. 68. Pontormo, Cosima Pater Patriae. Uffizi, Florence (photo: Soprintendenza per i Beni Artistici e Storici, Florence 10407).

56 David)s Sling and Michelangelo)s Bow Fig. 69. Oration if Giovan Battista Rido!fi in Florence1 engraving after the border of a tapestry designed by Raphael, detail (from Bar­ toli, [ca. 1690 ], pl. 2 ).

in the Palazzo Vecchio itself (Fig. 70). 66 It has been dramatic end of the Augustan dynasty with Nero, suggested-and it can scarcely be coincidental­ when the temple of the Caesars was struck by light­ that in both cases the David is deliberately shown ning and the heads of all the statues were knocked "decapitated," as if in ironic response to the threat­ of£68 The same mania for decapitating images was ened beheading of the Medici-Goliath. An amusing, also evident in Giulio Romands depiction of the if somewhat vulgar,, detail in the fresco confirms inspired Christian sculptor surrounded by headless the politically charged atmosphere that surrounded idols (see Fig. 50). Michelangelds figure. The crowd of spectators in The David was not the only work by Michelangelo the piazza divides directly beneath the David) and in whose political associations, whether intended or the opening thus conveniently provided a dog is acquired, the Medici rulers of Florence considered shown conspicuously relieving itself The vignette intolerable and in need of "neutralization'~ or underscores the humiliating irony of the scene, in rather reconversion, since the Medici considered which the defeated republic is conceded the honor themselves the embodiment of Florentine traditions of defending its enemy's leader. The reference would and tactfully maintained the fiction of republican have been even more specific if it had been placed government. The mutilations of the Arch of Con­ where originally planned: an inscribed preparatory stantine were a prelude to the assassination of Ales­ sketch for the same defecating animal may be dis­ sandro, which Lorenzino perpetrated a year later, cerned directly in front of the pedestal of the statue in 1537. Michelangelds over-life-size, apparently itself (Fig. 71 ). unfinished marble sculpture of Brutus (Fig. 72)­ The episodes of antirepublican symbolic vandal­ the first independent heroic commemorative bust ism anticipate the actual decapitation of the portrait alrantica carved in the Renaissance-must have been reliefs on that great symbol of ancient imperialism, made to celebrate this act of politically justified the Arch of Constantine in Rome, perpetrated in homicide. Confirmation of our argument comes 1536 by one of the leading partisans of Florentine from the wonderfully fatuous inscription, added republicanism, Lorenzino de' Medici. Lorenzinds when the Brutus was acquired later in the century by purpose was manifestly to propagate the republican Grand Duke Francesco; it explains that while work­ cause against his hated and potentially tyrannical ing on the marble, Michelangelo had a change cousin Alessandro de' Medici. 67 The specific act of of heart!69 physical violence, however, unmistakably recalled the Under the grand dukes ofTuscany works of art

David)s Sling and Michelangelo)s Bow 57 Fig. 70. Giorgio Vasari, The Signoria Receiving the Cap and Sword Fig. 71. Detail of Fig. 70, (photo: Kunsthistorisches Institut, Given by Leo X, detail. Palazzo Vecchio, Florence (photo: Kunsthisto­ Florence). risches Institut, Florence).

became weapons of statecraft as never before, and in the development of the graphic medium. This the Medici court transmitted this form of political coherence of visual and verbal content is matched art-propaganda, for better or worse, into the blood­ by the structure and balance with which the page stream of European culture. I hope it is clear from itself is organized, the central arm of the marble the spectacle of art-political vicissitudes we have David being flanked on one side by the sketch for witnessed that this new awareness of the rhetorical the bronze figure and on the other by the 11explana­ value of affective imagery was deeply indebted to tory" inscriptions. Even the comparative scale of the the power of Michelangelo's interpretation, both figures is considered, the life-size bronze David hav­ verbal and visual, of David. If this view of its mean­ ing been a third the size of the marble giant. In this ing and effect is correct, then the sculpture played a structural and substantive unity the Louvre drawing role in Florentine, indeed in European, political his­ foreshadows the beautifully designed conflation of tory no less significant than its role in the history of text and image Michelangelo achieved a decade later art-the first colossal freestanding nude figure carved on the Casa Buonarroti sheet, where he apostrophizes in marble since antiquity was also the first colossal and mocks his own work on the Sistine ceiling freestanding public monument conceived in the (see Fig. 45 ). The sketch and its verbal equivalent name of liberty. together approach the coherence and deliberateness of an autonomous work of art. In this informal, Michelangelo's Louvre drawing should also be didactic domain the development parallels that of the appreciated as an innovation in itsel£ since the rela­ elaborate and self-sufficient drawings Michelangelo tionships we have discerned between the figural presented to his friends and patrons, in which the elements and the inscriptions lend the work a pro­ traditionally preliminary medium was raised to a grammatic character that marks a new departure noble art form (see Fig. 274).?0

58 David)s Sling and Michelangelo)s Bow Fig. 72. Michelangelo, Brutus. Bargello, Florence (photo: Alinari 2718).

Appendix erano, senza curar di finirlo 1' avevano posto in aban­ dono, e gia molti anui era cosl stato et era tuttavia per VASARI ON THE David OF MICHELANGELO istare. Squadrollo Michelagnolo di nuovo, et esami­ uGli fu scritto di Fiorenza d'alcuni amici suoi che nando potersi una ragionevole figura di quel sasso venisse, perche non era fuor di proposito che di quel cavare, et accomodandosi con 1' attitudine al sasso ch'era marmo che era nell'Opera guasto egli, come gia n'ebbe rimasto storpiato da Maestro Simone, si risolse di volonra, ne cavasse una figura; il quale Pier Soderini, chiederlo agli Operai et al Soderini, dai quali per cosa fatto gonfaloniere a vita allora di quella citra, aveva inutile gli fu conceduto, pensando che ogni cosa che avuto ragionamento molte volte di farlo condurre a se ne facesse fusse migliore che lo essere nel quale Lionardo da Vinci et era allora in pratica di darlo a allora si ritrovava, perche ne spezzato, ne in quel modo Maestro Andrea Contucci dal Monte San Savino, concio, utile alcuno alla Fabrica non faceva. Laonde eccellente scultore, che cercava di averlo; e Michelagnolo, Michelagnolo, fatto un modello di cera, finse in quantunque fussi dificile a cavarne una figura intera quello, per la insegna del Palazzo, un Davit giovane senza pezzi-al che fare non bastava a quegli altri con una frombola in mano, accio che, sl come egli 1' animo di non finirlo senza pezzi, salvo che a lui, e ne aveva difeso il suo popolo e governatolo con giustizia, aveva avuto desiderio molti anni innanzi-, venuto in cosl chi governava quella citra dovesse animosamente Fiorenza tento di averlo. Era questo marmo di braccia difenderla e giustamente governarla. E lo comincio nove, nel quale per mala sorte un Maestro Simone da nell'Opera di Santa Maria del Fiore, nella quale fece Fiesole aveva cominciato un gigante, e sl mal concia una turata fra muro e tavole et il marmo circondato; era quella opera, che lo aveva bucato fra le gambe e quello di continuo lavorando senza che nessuno il e tutto mal condotto e storpiato: di modo che gli vedesse, a ultima perfezzione lo condusse. Era il Operai di Santa Maria del Fiore, che sopra tal cosa marmo gia da Maestro Simone storpiato e guasto, e

David)s Sling and Michelangelo)s Bow 59 non era in alcuni luoghi tanto che alla volond di gambe bellissime et appiccature e sveltezza di fianchi Michelagnolo bastasse per quel che averebbe voluto divine, ne rna' piu s'e veduto un posamento si dolce, ne. fare; egli fece che rimasero in esso delle prime scarpel­ grazia che tal cosa pareggi, ne piedi ne mani ne testa che late di Maestro Simone nella estremid del marmo, a ogni suo membro di bond, d'artificio e di parid ne delle quali ancora se ne vede alcuna. E certo fu mira­ di disegno s' accordi tanto. E certo chi vede questa non colo quello di Michelagnolo, far risuscitare uno che dee curarsi di vedere altra opera di scultura fatta nei era morto. nostri tempi o negli altri da qual si voglia artefice. Era questa statua, quando finita fu, ridotta in tal N'ebbe Michelagnolo da Pier Soderini per sua mer­ termine che varie furono le dispute che si fecero per cede scudi 400, e fu rizzata 1' anno I 504. E per la fama condurla in Piazza de'Signori. Per che Giuliano da San che per questo acquisto nella scultura fece al sopra­ Gallo et Antonio suo fratello fecero un castello di detto gonfalonieri un Davit di bronzo bellissimo, i1 legname fortissimo e quella figura con i canapi sospe­ quale egli mando in Francia." (Barocchi, ed., 1962-72, sero a quello, accio che scotendosi non si troncasse, I, 19-23). anzi venisse crollandosi sempre; e con le travi per terra piane con argani la tirorono e la missero in opera. uSome of Michelagnolo's friends wrote from Flor­ Fece un cappio al canapo che teneva sospesa la figura, ence urging him to return, as they did not want that facilissimo a scorrere, e stringeva quanto il peso 1' agra­ block of marble on the opera to be spoiled which vava, che e cosa bellissima et ingegnosa, che l'ho nel Piero Soderini, then gonfaloniere for life in the city, nostro libro disegnato di man sua, che e mirabile, had frequently proposed to give to Lionardo da Vinci, sicuro e forte per legar pesi. and then to Andrea Contucci, an excellent sculptor, Nacque in questo mentre che, vistolo su Pier who wanted it. Michelagnolo on returning tried to Soderini, il quale, piaciutogli assai et in quel mentre obtain it, although it was difficult to get an entire che lo ritoccava in certi luoghi, disse a Michelagnolo figure without pieces, and no other man except him­ che gli pareva che il naso di quella figura fussi grosso. self would have had the courage to make the attempt, Michelagnolo, accortosi che era sotto al gigante il but he had wanted it for many years, and on reaching Gonfalonieri e che la vista non lo lasciava scorgere il Florence he made efforts to get it. It was nine braccia vero, per satisfarlo sali in sul ponte che era accanto high, and unluckily one Simone da Fiesole had begun aile spalle, e preso Michelagnolo con prestezza uno a giant, cutting between the legs and mauling it so scarpello nella man manca con un poco di polvere di badly that the wardens of S. Maria del Fiore had marmo che era sopra le tavole del ponte e cominciato abandoned it without wishing to have it finished, and a gettare leggieri con gli scarpegli, lasciava cadere a it had rested so for many years. Michelagnolo exam­ poco a poco la polvere, ne tocco il naso da quel che ined it afresh, and decided that it could be hewn into era. Poi guardato a basso al Gonfalonieri, che stava a something new while following the attitude sketched vedere, disse: uGuardatelo ora." uA me mi piace piu," by Simone, and he decided to ask the wardens and disse il Gonfalonieri; ugli avete dato la vita." Cosi scese Soderini for it. They gave it to him as worthless, think­ Michelagnolo, e lo avere contento quel signore che se ing that anything he might do would be better than its ne rise da se Michelagnolo, avendo compassione a present useless condition. Accordingly Michelagnolo coloro che, per parere d'intendersi, non sanno quel che made a wax model of a youthful David holding the si dicano; et egli, quando ella fu murata e finita, la sling to show that the city should be boldly defended discoperse. E veramente che questa opera ha tolto il and righteously governed, following David's example. He grido a tutte le statue moderne et antiche, o greche began it in the opera, making a screen between the 0 latine che elle si fussero; e si puo dire che ne '1 wall and the tables, and finished it without anyone Marforio di Roma, ne il Tevere o il Nilo di Belvedere having seen him at work. The marble had been hacked o i giganti di Monte Cavallo le sian simili in conto and spoiled by Simone so that he could not do all alcuno, con tanta misura e bellezze e con tanta bond that he wished with it, though he left some of Simone's la fini Michelagnolo. Perche in essa sono contorni di work at the end of the marble, which may still be

6o David's Sling and Michelangelo's Bow seen. This revival of a dead thing was a veritable mira­ cle. When it was finished various disputes arose as to who should take it to the piazza of the signori, so Giuliano da Sangallo and his brother Antonio made a strong wooden frame and hoisted the figure on to it with ropes; they then moved it forward by beams and windlasses and placed it in position. The knot of the rope which held the statue was made to slip so that it tightened as the weight increased, an ingenious device, the design for which is in our book, showing a very strong and safe method of suspending heavy weights. Piero Soderini came to see it, and expressed great pleasure to Michelagnolo who was retouching it, though he said he thought the nose large. Michela­ gnolo seeing the gonfaloniere below and knowing that he could not see properly, mounted the scaffolding and taking his chisel dexterously let a little marble dust fall on to the gonfaloniere, without, however, actually altering his work. Looking down he said, "Look now." "I like it better," said the gonfaloniere, "you have given it life." Michelagnolo therefore came down with feelings of pity for those who wish to seem to understand matters of which they know nothing. When the statue was finished and set up Michelagnolo uncovered it. It certainly bears the palm among all modern and ancient works, whether Greek or Roman, and the Marforio of Rome, the Tiber and Nile of Belvedere, and the colossal statues of Montecavallo do not compare with it in proportion and beauty. The legs are finely turned, the slender flanks divine, and the graceful pose unequalled, while such feet, hands and head have never been excelled. After seeing this no one need wish to look at any other sculpture or the work of any other artist. Michelagnolo received four hundr~d crowns from Piero Soderini, and it was set upon in I 504- Owing to his reputation thus acquired, Michelagnolo did a beautiful bronze David for the gonfaloniere, which he sent to France ... " (Hinds and Gaunt, 1963, IV, II5-17).

David)s Sling and Michelangelo)s Bow 6r the education of the young, Plato himself associ­ altar to be oriented versus populum. On the ates geometry and eros through the notion of Ambrosian chant, and Corifessions 9.6-7, see binding necessity: the students, living in close Cattaneo, 1950, esp. 12f£ proximity, will mate "not by the necessities 66. See Morrogh, 1985. ['a v&)' K'l7, also bonds, constraints J of geometry 67. See Morselli, 1981. but by those of love, which are perhaps keener 68. Fromme! ( 1977, 4 7) also notes that the idea and more potent than the other to persuade and may have originated in the placement of the constrain the multitude" (Shorey, 1956, I, 456f£). tomb of Cosima's mother and father under the Finally, the interlace pattern enveloping the dome of the Old Sacristy. name Julius II in the altar in Raphael's Dfsputa 69. Burns, 1979,150. should be recalled in this connection (Pfeiffer, 70. Parronchi, "Un tabernacolo," 1980, documents a 1975· 94· 196). 59· Pedretti ( 1980 and 1981, 298) has revived an marble Sacrament tabernacle by Brunelleschi, eighteenth-century idea that the designs may 1426-27, placed in relation to the high akir of have been intended for floor decorations in San J acopo in Campo Corbolini in Florence, but central-plan churches, referring also to Michel­ the wording is not clear. angelo's Capitoline pavement, which in turn has 71. Barocchi, 1962, 12o£; Wallace, 1987, 45£ The been compared to medieval astronomical sche­ high altar is shown close to the steps leading to

mata illustrating Isidore of Seville's De natura the choir, and therefore oriented versus populum1 in rerum (Ackerman, 1961, I, 72, pl. 38c ). an anonymous plan of about 1550 and in a 6o. On the Sala delle Asse, see M. Kemp, 1981, r8rf£ sketch plan by Sallustio Peruzzi (Burns, 1979, 6r. "ltaque postquam Platonis librum de uno rerum 149 fig. 4, I53 n. II). principia, ac de summo bono legimus ... paulo 72. Baronio's projects have been studied most post decessit ... Vale, & sicut Deus Cosmum ad recently in a paper by a former student of mine, ideam mundi formauit, ita te ipse ... ad ideam Alexandra Herz, 1988. Herz compares these Cosmi figura'' (Ficino, 1576, I, 649). Ficino repeats projects to the medieval presbytery of St. Peter's. the account in the preface to his translation of another, pseudo-Platonic, dialogue on death. See Klibansky, 1943, 314£; A. M. Brown, 1961, 203£ 62. Shorey, 1956, II, 86f£, r84f£ 2. David)s Sling and Michelangelo)s Bow 63. One of the pulpits, at least, served this purpose in 1515. Kauffmann, 1936, 179, even supposed An earlier version of the first part of this essay was they were intended as singers' tribunes; but see presented at a colloquium entitled "Der Kunstler uber Janson, 1957, 213£ The existence of a singers' sich in seinem Werk," organized by Matthias Winner tribune (also often attributed to Donatello) in at the Bibliotheca Hertziana in Rome in February the left aisle over the portal to the cloister, how­ 1989. In the discussion that followed Horst ever, did not preclude the use of the bronze pul­ Bredekamp, Phillip Fehl, Kristina Herrmann Fiore, pits for singing as well. Christoph Fromme!, Justus Muller-Hofstede, and Matthias Winner made especially helpful comments. 64- C£ Pope-Hennessy, 1971, 253, 273£, and idem1 1980, 20; Haines, 1983, u7fE A valuable contri­ I have incorporated several of their suggestions here. bution emphasizing the liturgical complementar­ The present version was published in abbreviated form ity of the cantorie is that by Toyama, 1990. in the Acts of the Twenty-Seventh International Con­ 65. I follow here a suggestion by Battisti, 1981, 369 gress for the History of Art at Strasbourg in Septem­ n. 17. As McKillop points out (forthcoming), ber 1989 (Lavin, "David's Sling," 1990). the Ambrosian rite also normally calls for the r. Because the fascinating story of the David as

268 Notes to Pages 22-29 told by Vasari will be referred to repeatedly, it is Rotta e 1' alta co lonna e '1 verde lauro, quoted in full in the Appendix to this chapter Che facean ombra al mio stanco pensero; (see pp. 59-61). Perduto o quel che ritrovar non spero 2. A handy survey of "Davidiana'' will be found in Dal borrea a l'austro, o dal mar indo al mauro. the notes of Barocchi, 1962-72, II, 19off. More than any other scholar Charles Seymour ( 197 4) Chiorboli, 1923, no. CCLXIX, 621ff., with com­ perceived Michelangelo's identification of his mentary. Rendered as follows by Armi, 1946, personal artistic accomplishment in the David 387: with the monument's public mission in the republican cause. My own observations partly Broken the column and the green bay tree differ from and partly develop, but do not re­ That lent a shade to my exhausted thought; place, those of Seymour. One important differ­ And I have lost what can nowhere be sought ence is that Seymour is at pains to discredit In any distant wind or distant sea. Vasari's account of the David as reflecting mid­ sixteenth-century anti-libertarian bias. For exam­ ple, Seymour dismisses Vasari's report that Piero 5· Brion, 1940, 102; Seymour, 197 4, 7ff. Surveys of Soderini was involved in the commission because the various interpretations will be found in Soderini is described as gorifaloniere for life, a posi­ Clements, 1961, 416£, and Seymour, 197 4, 84£; tion he acquired only a year later, in 1502. In fact, see also Summers, 1978, n6. Brion's suggestion Soderini had already been elected gorifaloniere for has been largely overlooked, and Seymour does a two-month term, March-April 1501 (Bertelli, not cite it, although the title of his chapter on 1971, 344), just before the project was officially the subject is curiously similar to Brion's. revived in early, July. Interestingly enough, in the 6. For an interpretation of Michelangelo's technical feat in relation to his novel use of preliminary first edition of the Vite1 1550, Vasari's statement was perfectly accurate since he did not refer to models, see Lavin, 1967, 98ff. Soderini's lifetime appointment and noted prop­ 7· On the symbolism of the column, see Tervarent, erly that Soderini had been gorifaloniere: "gia gon­ 1958, I, ro6ff., and, with reference to Michel­ faloniere in quella citta' (Barocchi, 1962-72, I, angelo's drawing, Summers, 1978, n9£ n. 17. As 19). The anachronism introduced in the second, far as I can discover, no attempt has been made 1568, edition____:'fatto gonfaloniere a vita allora in to explain the significance of the column in quella citta' (ibid.)-was clearly inadvertent. We Byzantine scenes of David as psalmist (for which shall see that Vasari did indeed join in the later see Cutler, 1984, index, s.v. "David" and "Melo­ Medicean effort to disarm the anti-Medicean dia''; Suckale-Redlefsen, 1972, 38). thrust of the statue, but precisely because he was 8. Various uses of the compass are illustrated in

well aware of its original intent. Carradori, 1979, and in La Sculpture1 1978, 582£, My view of the anti-Medicean political im­ 592; for the circinus arcuatus in antiquity see port of the David is essentially in line with that Zimmer, 1982, 168£ of Levine, 197 4, although I would not follow a 9· On this concept, see the literature cited in number of his arguments; the main difference, Barocchi, ed., 1962-72, IV, 1853ff.; Clements, however, is that my point of departure is the 1961, 29ff.; Summers, 1981, 332ff. Louvre drawing, which Levine does not consider. ro. For what follows here, see Lavin, 1967. The rela­ 3· For a full discussion of the drawing and further tionship between Michelangelo's David and that bibliography, see Seymour, 197 4, 3ff.; Summers, of Agostino di Duccio has recently been dis­ 1978. cussed by Parronchi, 1989-90. + The opening stanza is as follows: II. "Cosi adunque operando si pigliano gli animi

Notes to Pages 29-34 269 de' suggetti; dassi altrui materia di bene operare, on the sight of God (De visione Dei). To illustrate e le fame eterne s' acquistano. Alia qual cos a oggi the all-seeing eye of God, Cusa. describes a pochi o niuno ha 1' arco teso dello 'ntelletto" painting on the city hall of Nuremberg depicting ( c£ Battaglia, 1961-, I, 631 ). a bowsman aiming his arrow, which seemed to 12. Battaglia, 1961-, I, 631; Symonds, 1893, I, 107 follow the spectator wherever he moved. The n. 2. image is reflected in a number of early drawings 13. We owe this important understanding of Durer's and prints. C£ Mende, 1979, no. 573, 429£, with painting as an allegory of the artist's victory over further bibliography. his detractors to Fiore, 1989. 19. I have commented on the relationship between 14- The same conflation underlies Durer's use of the text and the drawing on this sheet in Lavin this classical subject in the prayer book of Max­ et al.) 1981, 34- imilian I to illustrate the opening verses of the Nineteenth Psalm, where heaven is cleansed of 20. c'a forza '1 ventre appicca sotto '1 mento. falsehood by Maximilian-Hercules's handiwork (opera manuum eius adnuntiat firmamentum) and the word of God is ubiquitous (Sieveking, ed., 1987, e '1 penne1 sopra '1 viso tuttavia p. XXIII, fol. 39v.; Strauss, ed., 197 4, 78; and mel fa, gocciando, un ricco pavimento. especially Vetter and Brockhaus, 1971-72, 8r£). Durer must have known a text and illustration e tendomi come arco soriano. such as that in the manuscript of Pietro Andrea Pero fallace e strano di Bassi's Le jatiche dPrcole (Bassi, 1971, 77, 8r£). surge i1 iudizio · che 1a mente porta, I 5· "~arco, e la frezza in atto di tirare, mostra che mal si tra' per cerbottana torta. 1' inuestigatione, e 1' acutezza. La mia pittura mor.ta Et gl'Egittij, & Greci, per Hieroglifico dell'In­ difendi orma', Giovanni, e '1 mio onore, gegno, & della forza dell'intelligenza dipingeuano non sendo in loco bon, ne io pittore. Hercole con 1' arco in vna mano, & nell' altra vna frezza con tre punte, per dimostrare, che l'huomo con la forza, & acutezza dell'ingegno, va inues­ Girardi, 1960, 4£, translation adapted from tigando le cose celesti, terrene, & inferne, ouero, C. Gilbert and Linscott, 1963, 5£ The sheet has le naturali, diuine, & matematiche, come riferisce most recently been dated I5II-I2 by Tolnay, Pierio Valeriano nell' aggiunta dell'Hieroglifici" 1975-8o, I, r26. (Ripa, r6o3, 220; the reference is to Valeriano, 2r. Ginzberg, 1938, III, 456; IV, 87; VI, 251. r6o2, 624). 22. For example, Tolnay, 1943-60, I, 153£ r6. The five preserved drawings for this heretofore 23. On Egidio, with references to the earlier litera­ unexplained project are reproduced and dis­ ture on the passion of Christian humanists for cussed in Monducci and Pirondini, eds., 1987, Hebrew learning, see O'Malley, 1968. On the 2o8ff. relevance of Egidio's thought for the Sistine 17. Echols, 1961, 36. ceiling, see Dotson, 1979, 25off. Haitovsky, r8. There is still another dimension to this perspicu­ 1988, 5ff., has cited Hebrew sources in connec­ ous invention. In maintaining the superiority of tion with the David and Goliath scene in the painting over sculpture, Orsi, who was strongly Sistine ceiling. imbued with Northern traditions, is surely also 24- Tolnay, 1943-60, 2:94, observed the novelty of referring to an important and well-known pas­ the composition, though my analysis differs sage concerning the nature of the icon, with from his. which Nicholas of Cusa introduced his treatise 25. The relationship of Michelangelo's composition

270 Notes to Pages 34-38 to the motifs of David killing the lion and abattant par terre d'un seul coup de gros mor­ Mithras killing the bull was pointed out by ceaux de trois ou quatre doigts d'espoisseur, si Haitovsky, 1988, who overlooked the identifica­ ric a ric de sa marque que, sil eust passe outre tion in Michelangelo's time of the subject of the tant soit peu plus qu'il ne falloit, il y avoit dan­ Mithras relief as Hercules. ger de perdre tout, parce que cela ne se peut 26. Visible throughout the Middle Ages and widely plus reparer par apres, ny replaster comme les influential, the relief is reproduced here from a images d'argille ou de stucq" (Vigenere, 1578, drawing in the mid-sixteenth-century Codex here quoted from Barocchi, ed., 1962-72, II, Coburgensis. 232). 27. C£ Bober and Rubinstein, 1986, 85. 32. The literature on the Paragone and Varchi's 28. The derivation of the Logge composition from inquiry is vast, but see the monograph by that in the Sistine ceiling has often been noted Mendelsohn, 1982. ( c£ Dacos, 1977, 195£). The most recent discus­ 33· I have adumbrated my understanding of sion of the Sala di Costantino decorations is Heemskerck's pictu_re in some brief remarks on that of Quednau, 1979; see 489£, for the scene an analogous work by Jan Gossaert (Lavin, discussed here. "Addenda," 197 4 ). Following are some of the 29. See the fine study by Buddensieg, 1965, esp. 62fE more valuable earlier contributions: Winner, Quednau, 1979, 490, refers the figure in the 1957, 33£; M. E. T. Beijer and E. R. M. Taverne, fresco to one on the Column of Trajan of a sol­ in Het Schildersatelier; 1964, 29, 33; J. Foucart, in dier at work on the construction of a fortress. Le XVP siecle) 1966, 127; F. Bergot, in Le Dossier; 30. Fanti, 1527; a facsimile of Fanti's book has been 1974; Veldman, 1977, n5-21; C. M. Brown, published by Biondi, 1983. The relationship 1979; Grosshans, 1980, 195fE; G. Luther, in between the. Sala di Costantino image and that Stilleben) 1979, 48fE; P. Georgel, in La Peinture) of Fanti was discussed by Buddensieg, 1965, 63 1983, n4fE; P. L. Price, in Children) 1984, 49fE; n. 57, with earlier bibliography. The design of a full bibliography will be found in Harrison, Fanti's frontispiece, for which a drawing is pre­ 1987, 692fE served, has been attributed to Baldassare Peruzzi 34- See in particular, W. Kemp, 197 4; Poirer, 1976; and those of other pages to Dosso Dossi (From­ Lavin, 1980, 7fE mel, 1967-68, 137£; Gibbons, 1968, 266, 268; 35· C£ Bober and Rubinstein, 1986, 77£ Firen

Notes to Pages 38-46 271 1985, 253; Schaefer, 1986-90, I, 415 n. 8. cine conveyed to mankind through the "word" On the change in the social and intellectual of God. status of the artist, see generally Pevsner, 1973· On the rhetoric of Erasmus, see the splendid The development in Italy from guild and work­ pages of Fumaroli, 1980, 92ff. shop to academy has been studied by Rossi 43· For which see Welter, 1927. ( 1980); for the corresponding change in the 4+ '1\vendo monsignor messer Giovanni Della Casa, North, as reflected in portrayals of St. Luke as fiorentino ed uomo dottissimo (come le sue leg­ painter, c£ Schaefer, 1986-90. giadrissime e dotte opere, cosi latine come vol­ 42. See Tervarent, 1958-59, 303£, on the parrot as a gari, ne dimostrano) cominciato a scrivere un symbol of rhetoric. The parrot was also a sym­ trattato delle dose di pittura, e volendo chiarirsi bol of the virginity of Mary, and the nut the d'alcune minuzie e particolari dagli uomini della Christchild offers the bird refers to the Passion professione, fece fare a Daniello, con tutta quella (Grosshans, 1980, 200). These allusions help to diligenza che fu possibile, il modello d' un Davit explain another important liberty Heemskerck di terra finito; e dopo gli fece dipignere, o vero took with the· antiquities visible in the courtyard ritrarre in un quadro, il medesimo Davit, che e of the Palazzo Sassi: he transferred the gro­ bellissimo, da tutte due le bande, cioe il dinanzi tesque, open-mouthed mask in the pavement ed il di dietro, che fu cosa capricciosa'' (Vasari, from the Palazzo della Valle, where he had seen 1906, VII, 61). and drawn such a sculpture, presumably an The work is painted on slate; c£ Levie, 1962,

ancient sewer cover. The transposition was surely 122-3o; G. Barnaud, in Le X VIe siecle1 1966, 86£; based on the superstitious oracular power popu­ Barolsky, 1969, 2off., 9off.; Larsson, 197 4, 56£

larly associated with a similar piece preserved at 45· On the illustrated Paragone1 see Holderbaum, the church of Santa Maria in Cosmedin, the 1956; Larsson, 197 4, 54-58; Summers, 1981,

Bocca della verita1 or umouth of truth" ( c£ Spargo, 270, 530 n. 5; Mendelsohn, 1982, 124, 151. 1934, 207ff.). Heemskerck thus contrasts the 46. Tolnay, 1975-80, III, 39-41. infernal, false voice of the pagan demon exuding 4 7. u ... e dico che, se maggiore giudicio et dificulra, foul odors from the earth with the gospel truth impedimenta et fatica non fa maggiore nobilira; repeated by the gorgeous bird of Christian che la pittura e scultura e una medesima cosa: eloquence. e perche la fussi tenuta cosi, non doverrebbe I should emphasize that Heemskerck also ogni pictore far manco di scultura che di pictura; incorporates in the image of Luke as artist refer­ e '1 simile lo scultore di pictura che di scultura. ences to the other two aspects of the disciple's Io intendo scultura quella che si fa per forza di traditional persona: Luke the Evangelist, whose levare; quella che si fa per via di porre e simile open Gospel the knowing ox points to with its alia pictura. Basta, che, venendo 1' una e 1' altra da hoof, and Luke the physician, surrounded by his una medesima intelligenza, cioe scultura e pic­ medical texts and specimen flasks. Luke as phy­ tura, si puo far fare loro una buona pace in­

sician was evoked, expressis verbis1 by an inscrip­ sieme, et lasciar tante dispute; perche vi va pili tion on the frame based on the passage in Paul's tempo, che a far le figure'' (Barocchi and Ristori, letter to the Colossians 4:14= Salutat vos Lucas 1965-83, IV, 266). medicus charissimus (Luke, the beloved physician, 48. On the David theme in Florence, see Schmidt, hails you). The inscription itself is a device of 196o; Janson, 1978; Herzner, 1978. Pamela visual rhetoric, exhorting the spectator to receive Askew is preparing a study of artists' self­ the central message that the picture illustrates by portrayals as David. merging all three aspects of Luke: the painter 49· See the observations on this point in Janson, ushows" that Christ's sacrifice is the salvific medi- 1978, 34, 37£; Borsook and Offerhaus, 1981, 48;

272 Notes to Pages 48-5l M.A. Lavin, 1972, 75ff. Botticelli placed a statue illustrates the classical heritage of the Medicean of David with the head of Goliath on a tall le temps revient in the City of Flowers, while the column in his Death of Lucrezia (in the Gardner apsidal bower of laurel and the basilica-like Museum, Boston); c£ Walton, 1965, 178£, r85£, grove of flowering fruit suggest a Christian sacral where the motif is aptly related to Michelangelo's architecture and the patronage of the Virgin,

David1 the theme of tyrannicide, and Florentine Santa Maria del Fiore. republicanism. 57· The theme of return and the potential threat 50. On the Medici laurel, see the invaluable study ofMedicean rule is evident in other devices by Cox-Rearick, 1984, esp. r6ff. Further to the adopted by Lorenzo, such as "Glovis" (si vo~{e)1 political aspect of Medicean laurel symbolism, "it turns," spelled backward) with a disk; and see Kliemann, 1972; Winner, 1972; Warnke, "Suave'' ("gentle") with a yoke (Cox-Rearick, 1977, 7£; Bredekamp, 1988, 38ff., 87ff.; Landi, 1984, 29ff.). 1986. 58. For an analysis of Michelangelo's political views, 51. For what follows here, see Seymour, 197 4, 5£ see Tolnay, 1964, 3ff. An important earlier for­ 52. For the political history of Florence during the mulation was that of Portheim ( r889, rsoff.). period that concerns us here, see, besides the Verspohl ( 1981) has interpreted the David in rela­ classic study by F. Gilbert, 1965, Stephens, 1983; tion to the political thought of Machiavelli. Butters, 1985. 59· For a discussion of some of the technical aspects 53· My interpretation at this point varies slightly of the giant's history, see Lavin, 1967, 97ff. from that of Cox-Rearick. 6o. "Poiche di tal pezzo di marmo non potevano 5+ The story of Augustus's laurel grove is told by cavar cosa che buona fosse, parve a un Andrea

Pliny, Natural History1 XV, 136-38 (Rackham, dal Monte a San Sovino, di poterlo ottener da

1945, IV, 381-83), and Suetonius, Galba1 I, I loro, e gli ricerco che gliene facessero un pre­ (Rolfe, 1950, II, 19o£). The laurel imagery of sente, promettendo che, aggiungendovi certi Augustus will be discussed in a forthcoming pezzi, ne caverebbe una figura'' (Condivi, 1938, paper on the emperor's villa Ad Gallinas by 58). "Since they were unable to get anything out Barbara Kellum, who kindly allowed me to read of that block of marble which was likely to be a preliminary version. good, one Andrea dal Monte a San Sovino had the idea that he might obtain it from them, 55· Ultima Cumaei venit iam carminis aetas; and he asked them to make him a present of it, magnus ab integro saeclorum nascitur ordo. promising that, by adding certain pieces to it, iam redit et Virgo, redeunt Saturnia regna; he would carve a figure out of it" ( Condivi, iam nova progenies caelo demittitur alto. 1976, 27)· 6r. For this type of support in antiquity, see Muth­ mann, 1951. Verspohl ( 1981, 213) interprets the (Now is come the last age of the song of tree trunk analogously, but less aptly, I think, as Cumae; the great line of the centuries begins an allusion to the renovation of the Florentine anew. Now the Virgin returns, the reign of republic. Saturn returns; now a new generation descends 62. October 31, 1504: " ... per dorare la cigna, el from heaven on high [Eclogues IV, 4-7; Fair­ bronchone e la ghirlanda al Gighante ... et per clough, 1950, I, 28£]). fogli 12 di stagno per mectere d'oro el broncone 56·. In particular, Bredekamp's important interpreta­ di d( e)cto Gighante ... ; ... per havere messo tion of Botticelli's Primavera as a political allegory d'oro el broncone del Gigante et la cigna et la ( 1988) can be carried further in the syncretistic ghirlanda ... ; ... per un filo d'octone con venc­ vein of Christian humanism: the perennial spring totto foglie di rame et per saldatura di d( e)cte

Notes to Pages 5l-55 273 fogle in su' d( e)cto filo saldato con 1' ariento per (I889, I53) once suggested that the bust com­ il Gighante ... " The document has recently memorates not the murder of Alessandro by been republished and discussed by Ristori, I986, Lorenzino, as is commonly assumed, but Loren­ 85£; c£ also the comments by Isermeyer, I965, zino's own assassination in I 54 7 at the behest of 325. Duke Cosimo; this view has been revived by 63. " ... la fama de gl'huomini, che poi si mantiene Hirst (I977 ). If this later dating is correct, verde, e bella per molti secoli, come la fronde Michelangelo may have conceived the sculpture dellauro, & dell'edera si mantengono'' (Ripa, in response to the busts of Cosimo I made by I603, I78). In a letter of I545· published in I550, Bandinelli and Cellini explicitly in the imperial Aretino mentions the statue's leafy cinch as an tradition (see Lavin, 1975, 385f£). expression of "la modestia fiorentina'' ( c£ Ristori, 70. Further to the subject of this paragraph below, I986, 84). On the honorific symbolism of the P· 2I3f£ plants, c£ Trapp, I958. 64- On the interviews and the issues involved, see especially Levine, I97 4; Parks, I975· The chroni­ cler Pietro Parenti records under the year I 504 that the David was brought to the Piazza "per 3. Giambolognis Neptune at the Crossroads consiglio del maestro," a passa:ge that seems to have been overlooked or neglected by nearly First presented in the Aula Magna of the Archigin­ everyone who has considered the matter. Raffaele nasio at Bologna in October 1990. The lecture served Borghini later (I 584) claimed that the installa­ to inaugurate the newly restored Fountain of Neptune tion did not please Michelangelo, who would and a colloquium on the subject of Bologna as a cul­ have preferred to see the sculpture placed in a tural crossroads, "Il luogo e il ruolo della citra di niche (Barocchi, ed., I962-72, II, 207 ). Bologna tra Europa continentale e mediterranea," held 65. C£ Levine, I97 4, 39£ and n. 36, and the passages under the aegis of the International Committee for quoted in Barocchi, ed., I962-72, 2:208. the History of Art. 66. See Levine, I974, 34 n. I3; Ristori, I986, 95£ On the identification of the scene on the tapes­ I. On the restoration and the "Casa del Nettuno"

try, see Langedijk, I98I-87, I:45 n. 20. see Il Nettuno7 1989; on the anatomical theater 67. I am indebted at this point to Bredekamp's study see Fabretti, 1987. ( I989) of Lorenzino's "Brutian'' attack on the 2. See Malaguzzi Valeri, I90I, 31£; Corpus) I927, arch, and its anti-Medicean political implications. rof£; Miller, I977, 25; Bellocchi, 1987, 20£ 68. Suetonius, Galba I, I (Rolfe, I950, II, I9o£). 3· "Questo nuovo inquisitor [Girolamo Muzzarelli] e un dotto giovane e se mostra molto fervente DUM BRUTI EFFIGIEM A. et dice che qui e una grande intrecciatura di SCULPTOR DE MARMORE DUCIT heresie''; cited by Rotondo, I962, 136, after IN MENTEM SCELERIS VENIT Buschbell, ed., 1937, 49+ On the religious B. ET ABSTINVIT F. situation in Bologna at this period, see also Battistella, I905, esp. rr8f£, 129f£ (As he carves the image of Brutus from the mar­ + See Pastor, I923-53, XVI, 440£ ble, the sculptor is reminded of the crime, and 5· The primary sources on the fountain are Vasari, desists. Michael Angelus Buonarrotus Fecit.) I906, VI, I9I£, and Borghini, I584, s86. For the The material concerning the bust is assem­ modern literature see Avery, 1987, 206-9, 256, bled in Barocchi, ed., I962-72, IV, 1792f£, but no. 31, with bibliography. Most important for see Gordon, I957; Lavin, I975, 357£ Portheim the present essay are the contributions of Miller,

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