Iran's Threat to the Strait of Hormuz
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Iran's Gray Zone Strategy
Iran’s Gray Zone Strategy Cornerstone of its Asymmetric Way of War By Michael Eisenstadt* ince the creation of the Islamic Republic in 1979, Iran has distinguished itself (along with Russia and China) as one of the world’s foremost “gray zone” actors.1 For nearly four decades, however, the United States has struggled to respond effectively to this asymmetric “way of war.” Washington has often Streated Tehran with caution and granted it significant leeway in the conduct of its gray zone activities due to fears that U.S. pushback would lead to “all-out” war—fears that the Islamic Republic actively encourages. Yet, the very purpose of this modus operandi is to enable Iran to pursue its interests and advance its anti-status quo agenda while avoiding escalation that could lead to a wider conflict. Because of the potentially high costs of war—especially in a proliferated world—gray zone conflicts are likely to become increasingly common in the years to come. For this reason, it is more important than ever for the United States to understand the logic underpinning these types of activities, in all their manifestations. Gray Zone, Asymmetric, and Hybrid “Ways of War” in Iran’s Strategy Gray zone warfare, asymmetric warfare, and hybrid warfare are terms that are often used interchangeably, but they refer neither to discrete forms of warfare, nor should they be used interchangeably—as they often (incor- rectly) are. Rather, these terms refer to that aspect of strategy that concerns how states employ ways and means to achieve national security policy ends.2 Means refer to the diplomatic, informational, military, economic, and cyber instruments of national power; ways describe how these means are employed to achieve the ends of strategy. -
Iran and the Strait of Hormuz: Varying Levels of Lnterdiction
NPS ARCHIVE 1997.12 ESQUIVEL, J. NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA THESIS IRAN AND THE STRAIT OF HORMUZ: VARYING LEVELS OF LNTERDICTION by James M. Esquivel December, 1997 Co-Advisors: Terry D. Johnson Ahmad Ghoreishi Thesis Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited E6895 KNOX LIBRARY DUDLEY SCHOOL *VAL POSTGRADUATE .dONTEREY CA 93943-5101 REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington Headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1 204, Arlington, VA 22202^302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-01 88) Washington DC 20503 AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave blank) REPORT DATE REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED December 1997 Master's Thesis IRAN AND THE STRAIT OF HORMUZ: VARYING LEVELS OF INTERDICTION 5. FUNDING NUMBERS 6. AUTHOR(S) Esquivel, James M. 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) PERFORMING Naval Postgraduate School ORGANIZATION Monterey CA 93943-5000 REPORT NUMBER SPONSOPJNG/MONITORING AGENCY NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 1 . SPONSORING/MONITORING AGENCY REPORT NUMBER 1 1 . SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES The views expressed in this thesis are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy or position of the Department of Defense or the U.S. -
The China-Iran Partnership in a Regional Context
Occasional Paper Series No. 38 l September 2020 Last Among Equals: The China-Iran Partnership in a Regional Context By Lucille Greer and Esfandyar Batmanghelidj INTRODUCTION to reorient the balance of power in the Middle East in defiance of the United States, even In early June 2020, a scan of an 18-page though China’s policy is not to make alliances in document began circulating on Iranian social the region. media. Titled “Final Draft of Iran-China Strategic Partnership Deal,” the document, which While that the leaked document included no appeared to have been leaked from the Iranian financial targets, many news reports stated that Ministry of Foreign Affairs, immediately caused the deal would see China invest $400 billion in a firestorm among the general public and Iran, a completely fictitious number that can politicians alike. Soon, the international media be traced back to a dubious article published picked up the document and headlines blared in the spring of 2019.1 Such errors reflect the that Iran and China were forging a new “alliance” long-running overestimation of China’s economic Middle East Program Occasional Paper Series No. 38 l September 2020 engagement not just in Iran, but also in the wider China’s measured approach to building relationships Middle East. Reporting on potential or promised with several countries despite the mutual financing or investment is rarely balanced by the antagonism in the region. actual amount of capital committed and how it is applied across the region. This is the crucial context that is absent in most recent analysis of this deal and its ramifications. -
Dire Straits for Commercial Shipping Understanding Insurance Coverage in Potential Choke Points
INSIGHTS NOVEMBER 2018 Dire straits for commercial shipping Understanding insurance coverage in potential choke points Concerns with the Bab el-Mandeb Strait and the Strait of Hormuz The Bab el-Mandeb Strait (or “Gate of Tears”) is at the southern entrance to the Red Sea. This narrow waterway must be navigated by all commercial vessels trading between Europe and Asia in order to avoid the far longer, time-consuming, and thus more costly routes around southern Africa or through the Panama Canal. Perim Island is situated close to the Yemeni side of the strait, which means that most international shipping, both north and southbound, keeps to designated shipping lanes to the west, or Djibouti With over 90% of international trade being carried by sea, side, of this island. The water there is much the safety of commercial maritime shipping is essential deeper, but the channel is only about 16 miles (25 kilometers) wide at its to the global economy. Much of the world’s trade travels narrowest point. However, the entire along maritime highways between Asia, Europe, and North strait is easily within range of land-based America. Most of these routes are sailed through wide missiles and of small, attacking boats. open waters, but there are a few places where narrows, Although complete closure of the strait is straits, or other restricting features must be navigated. considered unlikely, threats on commercial vessels using it may be enough to quickly produce far-reaching economic effects that could have serious implications for Should safe navigation through these vital waters become continued insurance cover. -
Allied Protection of Ships in the Persian Gulf in 1987 and 1988
BURDEN SHARING Allied Protection of Ships in the Persian Gulf in 1987 and 1988 142164 United States General Accounting Office GAO Washington, D.C. 20648 National Security and International Affairs Division B-240294 September 6,199O The Honorable Pat Schroeder Chairwoman, Subcommittee on Military Installations and Facilities Committee on Armed Services House of Representatives The Honorable Andy Ireland House of Representatives This report is the unclassified version of our classified report. It summa- rizes and updates the information provided to your staffs during our April 5, 1990, briefing on the major activities of the allies and Persian Gulf states to sustain open navigation in the Persian Gulf between March 1987 and August 1988. Specifically, our objectives were to (1) identify the countries involved in sustaining open navigation and the role each played, (2) analyze the value of the contributions provided by those countries, and (3) assess the potential economic impact of the dis- ruption of Gulf oil imports on Gulf states and industrialized countries. In late 1986, Iran began attacking ships in the Persian Gulf, In the spring of 1987, the President announced that the United States would reflag and escort Kuwaiti ships. In May 1987, he extended U.S. protec- tion to neutral ships on a case-by-case basis, under an operation called Earnest Will. The United States also called upon its allies to protect shipping in the Gulf. Section 1 of this report provides a historic perspec- tive of non-Gulf countries’ presence in the region. Belgium, France, Italy, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, and the Results in Brief United States escorted and monitored their flagged ships and helped keep the Persian Gulf shipping lanes clear of mines. -
Nuclear Deterrence Model
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by OTHES DISSERTATION Titel der Dissertation „Iran’s Nuclear Program: Comparative Study of Deterrence Stability Models in South Asia and the Middle East“ Verfasser Muhammad Tehsin angestrebter akademischer Grad Doktor der Philosophie (Dr.phil.) Wien, am Februar 2009 Studienkennzahl It. Studienblatt: A 092 300 Dissertationsgebiet It. Studienblatt: Geschichte Politikwissenschaft Betreuer: Univ.-Prof. Hans-Georg Heinrich ABSTRACT The advent of nuclear weapons since the end of World War II altered threat perceptions and the Weltanschauung of policy makers and laymen alike. And, while the nuclear ‘taboo’ has matured over time, states have continued to pursue nuclear capability for its ‘equalizing capability.’ The scholars of international relations offer three general motivations behind national pursuit of nuclear capability. First, national power, second, scientific advancement and technological prowess, and the third reason put forward for nuclearization is national prestige. Given reports of an Iranian nuclear program, it is important to assess policy prescriptions to help prevent nuclear proliferation in Iran and the Middle East. In order to conceptualize the evolving strategic environment in Middle East, this study focuses on its` comparison with South Asia. It has been posited that stability of détente – i.e. conflict normalization (CBMs, resolution of political differences and economic linkages) and non-aggressive nuclear policies and doctrines – is empirical evidence of the stability of a nuclear deterrence model. An unstable deterrence model is characterized by hegemony; spiraling arms races; alliances, and bandwagoning/balancing: efforts that could lead to a general war involving nuclear weapons. -
U.S. Military Engagement in the Broader Middle East
U.S. MILITARY ENGAGEMENT IN THE BROADER MIDDLE EAST JAMES F. JEFFREY MICHAEL EISENSTADT U.S. MILITARY ENGAGEMENT IN THE BROADER MIDDLE EAST JAMES F. JEFFREY MICHAEL EISENSTADT THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY WWW.WASHINGTONINSTITUTE.ORG The opinions expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and not necessarily those of The Washington Institute, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. Policy Focus 143, April 2016 All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publica- tion may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing fromthe publisher. ©2016 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1111 19th Street NW, Suite 500 Washington, DC 20036 Design: 1000colors Photo: An F-16 from the Egyptian Air Force prepares to make contact with a KC-135 from the 336th ARS during in-flight refueling training. (USAF photo by Staff Sgt. Amy Abbott) Contents Acknowledgments V I. HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF U.S. MILITARY OPERATIONS 1 James F. Jeffrey 1. Introduction to Part I 3 2. Basic Principles 5 3. U.S. Strategy in the Middle East 8 4. U.S. Military Engagement 19 5. Conclusion 37 Notes, Part I 39 II. RETHINKING U.S. MILITARY STRATEGY 47 Michael Eisenstadt 6. Introduction to Part II 49 7. American Sisyphus: Impact of the Middle Eastern Operational Environment 52 8. Disjointed Strategy: Aligning Ways, Means, and Ends 58 9. -
Iran's Foreign and Defense Policies
Iran’s Foreign and Defense Policies Updated May 8, 2019 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R44017 SUMMARY R44017 Iran’s Foreign and Defense Policies May 8, 2019 Iran’s national security policy is the product of many overlapping and sometimes competing factors such as the ideology of Iran’s Islamic revolution, perception of threats Kenneth Katzman to the regime and to the country, long-standing national interests, and the interaction of Specialist in Middle the Iranian regime’s factions and constituencies. Iran’s leadership: Eastern Affairs x Seeks to deter or thwart U.S. or other efforts to invade or intimidate Iran or to bring about a change of regime. x Has sought to take advantage of opportunities of regional conflicts to overturn a power structure in the Middle East that it asserts favors the United States, Israel, Saudi Arabia, and other Sunni Muslim Arab regimes. x Seeks to enhance its international prestige and restore a sense of “greatness” reminiscent of ancient Persian empires. x Advances its foreign policy goals, in part by providing material support to regional allied governments and armed factions. Iranian officials characterize the support as helping the region’s “oppressed” and assert that Saudi Arabia, in particular, is instigating sectarian tensions and trying to exclude Iran from regional affairs. x Sometimes disagrees on tactics and strategies. Supreme Leader Ali Khamene’i and key hardline institutions, such as the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), oppose any compromises of Iran’s national security core goals. Iran’s elected president, Hassan Rouhani, and Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif support Iran’s integration into regional and international diplomacy. -
Iran's Ballistic Missile Program
Iran’s Ballistic Missile Program Updated: April 2021 1 Contents Iran’s Ballistic Missile Program ................................................................................................................. 3 Nature of Iran’s Ballistic Missile Program ................................................................................................. 3 Iran’s Ballistic Missiles and Iran’s Nuclear Program .................................................................................. 3 North Korean Assistance .......................................................................................................................... 4 Iran’s Ballistic Missiles and the JCPOA ...................................................................................................... 5 Multiple Tests Since the JCPOA ................................................................................................................ 5 The West's Views of Missile Tests as a UN Violation ................................................................................. 7 Iran’s Position on Ballistic Missile Development and Test Launches ......................................................... 8 Regional Threat ....................................................................................................................................... 9 Threat to the American Homeland and Europe ...................................................................................... 12 Iran’s Space Launch Capability and ICBMs ............................................................................................. -
Vol. 46 No. 2 Whole Number 210 May 2018
NJPH The Journal of the NEW JERSEY POSTAL HISTORY SOCIETY ISSN: 1078-1625 Vol. 46 No. 2 Whole Number 210 May 2018 New Jersey Pioneer Air Mail A failed ship-to-shore flight card, postmarked at East Rutherford, Nov. 13, 1910. Only 7 years after the Wright Brothers’ first flight, pioneer air mail began. See page 63. ~ CONTENTS ~ President’s Message ................................................................................ Robert G. Rose ............... 60 MERPEX/NOJEX/POCAX ..................................................................... ........................................ 61 New Jersey Pioneer Air Mail ........................................................................... Robert G. Rose ................ 63 William Joyce Sewell, U.S. Senator & Railroad President...................... John B. Sharkey.............. 68 Ship Covers Relating to the Iran/Iraq Tanker War & Reflagged Kuwaiti Tankers, 1987-8 ..............................................................................Capt. Lawrence B. Brennan (U.S. Navy, Ret,)... 77 An Addition to the Vroom Correspondence .................................................. Don Bowe .........................90 Revisiting 19th Century New Jersey Fancy Cancels................................ Jean R. Walton ............... 94 Foreign Mail to and from Morris County ~ Part 8: Cape Verde Islands to Morris County.............................................. Donald A. Chafetz........ 104 Member News: Member Changes, Thanks to Donors, Reminders, etc........ .........................................109 -
Policy Notes April 2021
THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY APRIL 2021 POLICY NOTES NO. 103 Deterring Iran in the Gray Zone: Insights from Four Decades of Conflict Michael Eisenstadt resident Joe Biden has stated that if Iran returns to full compliance with the 2015 nuclear accord, known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), the United States will too, as a starting point for P 1 follow-on talks about Iran’s missile program and regional activities. The path to a stronger, longer, and broader JCPOA, however, may be tortuous and prolonged; success is not foreordained. Indeed, since the Biden administration took office, Tehran has already resumed proxy attacks on U.S. intrests in Image: The Japanese-owned Iraq, and has accelerated work on its nuclear program while limiting access tanker Kokuka Courageous, by international inspectors, in order to (1) build leverage, (2) roll back U.S. showing damage from an sanctions, and (3) obtain other concessions. Washington needs to be able to Iranian limpet mine attack in the Gulf of Oman, June 2019. deter or counter such moves and deny Tehran advantage in ways that do not Screenshot: U.S. Central hinder renewed diplomacy. Moreover, even if talks succeed, U.S.-Iran ties will Command. MICHAEL EISENSTADT DETERRING IRAN IN THE GRAY ZONE likely remain tense for years to come. Deterrence engendered by more effectively deterring and will therefore remain a core component of U.S. policy countering Tehran’s regional activities may enhance toward Iran as a way to manage tensions, avoid Washington’s ability to deter a potential future escalation, and deny Tehran leverage, thus creating nuclear breakout by Iran. -
Case Concerning Oil Platforms Response to The
CASE CONCERNING OIL PLATFORMS (Islamic Republic of Iran v. United States of America) RESPONSE TO THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN TO THE QUESTIONS OF JUDGE RIGAUX ADDRESSED TO BOTH PARTIES FIRST QUESTION: "What is the legal status of oil platforms constructed by aState on its continental shelf! What types of jurisdiction are exercised over such installations? How does the status of oil platforms vary depending on whether they are situated within a State's territorial sea or outside it?" The legal status of oil platforms is regulated by the proviSions of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, signed at Montego Bay on 10 December 1982, United Nations Treaty Series, voL 1833 p. 3. The lslamic Republic oflran is a signatory ta the 1982 Convention, but has not yet ratified it. However, the provisions of the Convention relating to installations within the Exclusive Economie Zone and continental shelf may be accepted as reflective of general international law on the matters dealt with. Iran possesses continental shelf rights and bas proclaimed an Exclusive Economie Zone over the area where each of the platforrns is located. Article 14 of lran's Act on its Marine Areas of 20 April 1993 reiterates the principles set forth in the Convention in this regard. Under international law, a coastal State has sovereignty over the seabed, water column and superjacent airspace within its territorial sea. This sovereignty extends to installations such as oil platforrns located on the seabed of the territorial sea. Within the continental shelf and exclusive economie zone, the coastal State bas sovereign rights for the purpose of exploring and exploiting the natural resources situated therein (Articles 56(l)(a) and 77(1) of the 1982 Convention) and thus has exclusive jurisdiction to license and to control the operation of ail platforrns.