The Deterrent Effect of International Criminal Tribunals
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Media Monitoring Report United Nations Mission in Sudan/ Public Information Office
18 May 2009 Media Monitoring Report www.unmis.org United Nations Mission in Sudan/ Public Information Office Headlines • Sudanese Ambassador reiterates rejection of the ICC (dailies/ST/AP) • Defence Minister fails to appear before Parliament (Al-Rai Al-Aam) • Foreign Minister meets SG Ban Ki-moon (Al-Raed) • NCP, SPLM MPs to meet on Press Act (Al-Rai Al-Aam) • “Sudanese state unjust” – Pagan Amum (Al-Rai Al-Aam) • SPLM responds to criticism from Eritrean President (Al-Watan) • NCP official slams SPLM’s Pagan on recent statement (Al-Ahdath) • Mediation between Khartoum and N’djamena difficult – MFA (Al-Wifaq) • Arab League, OIC and AU to meet in Khartoum (dailies) • Rebels say they take North Darfur town (AFP) • Chad completes military operations inside Sudan – official (ST) NOTE: Reproduction here does not mean that the UNMIS PIO can vouch for the accuracy or veracity of the contents, nor does this report reflect the views of the United Nations Mission in Sudan. Furthermore, international copyright exists on some materials and this summary should not be disseminated beyond the intended list of recipients. Address: UNMIS Headquarters, P.O. Box 69, Ibeid Khatim St, Khartoum 11111, SUDAN Phone: (+249-1) 8708 6000 - Fax: (+249-1) 8708 6200 Highlights Highlights Sudanese Ambassador reiterates rejection of the ICC Commenting on reports of a Sudanese rebel leader who would appear before the ICC today to listen to charges of war crimes, the Sudanese Ambassador to UN Abdul Mahmoud Abdul Haleem said, “We reject the trial or appearance of any Sudanese national before the Court” Al- Rai Al-Aam reports. -
7 March 2014 PRE-TRIAL CHAMBER II Before
ICC-01/04-02/06-275 07-03-2014 1/50 NM PT Original: English No.: ICC-01/04-02/06 Date: 7 March 2014 PRE-TRIAL CHAMBER II Before: Judge Ekaterina Trendafilova, Presiding Judge Judge Hans-Peter Kaul Judge Cuno Tarfusser SITUATION IN THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO IN THE CASE OF THE PROSECUTOR v. BOSCO NTAGANDA Public Final written submissions of the Common Legal Representative of the Victims of the Attacks following the confirmation of charges hearing Source: Office of Public Counsel for Victims No. ICC-01/04-02/06 1/50 7 March 2014 ICC-01/04-02/06-275 07-03-2014 2/50 NM PT Document to be notified in accordance with regulation 31 of the Regulations of the Court to: The Office of the Prosecutor Counsel for the Defence Ms Fatou Bensouda Mr Marc Desalliers Mr James Stewart Ms Caroline Buteau Ms Nicole Samson Ms Andrea Valdivia Legal Representatives of Victims Legal Representatives of Applicants Ms Sarah Pellet Mr Franck Mulenda Mr Mohamed Abdou Mr Dmytro Suprun Ms Chérine Luzaisu Ms Ludovica Vetruccio Unrepresented Victims Unrepresented Applicants for Participation/Reparation The Office of Public Counsel for The Office of Public Counsel for the Victims Defence Ms Paolina Massidda States Representatives Amicus Curiae REGISTRY Registrar Counsel Support Section Herman von Hebel Victims and Witnesses Unit Detention Section Victims Participation and Reparations Other Section No. ICC-01/04-02/06 2/50 7 March 2014 ICC-01/04-02/06-275 07-03-2014 3/50 NM PT I. PROCEDURAL BACKGROUND 1. On 22 August 2006, Pre-Trial Chamber I, which the present case had originally been assigned to, issued the “Decision on the Prosecution Application for a Warrant of Arrest”,1 along with a corresponding warrant of arrest for Mr Bosco Ntaganda.2 2. -
HOW the MANHATTAN DISTRICT ATTORNEY HOARDS MONEY, PERPETUATES ABUSE of SURVIVORS, and GAGS THEIR ADVOCATES Table of Contents
HOW THE MANHATTAN DISTRICT ATTORNEY HOARDS MONEY, PERPETUATES ABUSE of SURVIVORS, and GAGS THEIR ADVOCATES Table of Contents INTRODUCTION S&P NY PERSPECTIVES ON PROSECUTING OFFICES • Prosecutors Are Our Opponents, Not Our Allies • We Will Not Prosecute Our Way Out of Violence PROSECUTING OFFICES HOARD PUBLIC FUNDS AND SABOTAGE SURVIVOR SAFETY • How Prosecutors Accumulate Funds • Where Does This Money Go? • DA Funding Undermines Survivors’ Collective Safety: The Role of Mainstream Gender-based Violence Organizations • Prosecutor Allies: How Did the Anti-violence Movement Lose Its Way? • Relying on Criminalization and Prosection: Protecting White Women, Leaving other Survivors Behind • An Abuse of Discretion: How Prosecutors Criminalize Survivors Acknowledgements WHAT WE COULD EXPECT FROM THE CANDIDATES • Where Do the Candidates Stand on Funding? Deep appreciation for all of our comrades inside NY prisons and jails that • Criminalized Survivor Case Study: shape what we know about criminalization and prosecutors’ everyday Snapshot of the Tracy McCarter’s Story violence. We will continue to fight for your freedom and healing. Love and • Fool’s Gold: gratitude to Tracy McCarter and the #StandWithTracy defense team for District Attorney Candidates and Sex Crime Unit Reform allowing us to share her story. Thanks to Jett George for their beautiful (and swiftly produced!) illustrations and design. Forever gratitude to the abolitionist, Black feminist queer disabled organizers, and survivors before ACTION STEPS TO GET INVOLVED us that promised us that there is another way to bring healing and safety to our communities, without state violence. Introduction The Anti-Prosecution Working Group of Survived & Punished NY exists to Beyond the election, we hope this zine inspires New Yorkers to start or build power and energy toward a future free of all prosecutorial join campaigns to #DefundDAs and imagine safety, healing, and justice for mechanisms in New York. -
Sen. Jeff Sessions's Record on Criminal Justice
Analysis: Sen. Jeff Sessions’s Record on Criminal Justice By Ames C. Grawert This analysis provides a brief summary of Sen. Jeff Sessions’s past statements, votes, and practices relating to criminal justice. Specifically, this analysis finds that: • Sen. Sessions opposes efforts to reduce unnecessarily long federal prison sentences for nonviolent crimes, despite a consensus for reform even within his own party. In 2016, he personally blocked the Sentencing Reform and Corrections Act, a bipartisan effort spearheaded by Sens. Charles Grassley (R-Iowa), Mike Lee (R-Utah), and John Cornyn (R- Texas), and Speaker of the House Paul Ryan (R-Wis.), and supported by law enforcement leadership. As Attorney General, Sen. Sessions could stall current congressional efforts to pass this legislation to recalibrate federal sentencing laws. • Drug convictions made up 40 percent of Sen. Sessions’s convictions when he served as U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of Alabama — double the rate of other Alabama federal prosecutors. Today, state and federal law enforcement officers have begun to focus resources on violent crime, and away from archaic drug war policies. But Sen. Sessions continues to oppose any attempts to legalize marijuana and any reduction in drug sentences. As Attorney General, Sen. Sessions could direct federal prosecutors to pursue the harshest penalties possible for even low-level drug offenses, a step backward from Republican- supported efforts to modernize criminal justice policy. • Unlike many Republican legislators, Sen. Sessions supports the use of “civil asset forfeiture,” which allows police to confiscate property from people who may not even be accused of a crime. -
Crime and Forfeiture
Crime and Forfeiture Charles Doyle Senior Specialist in American Public Law January 22, 2015 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov 97-139 Crime and Forfeiture Summary Forfeiture has long been an effective law enforcement tool. Congress and state legislatures have authorized its use for over 200 years. Every year, it redirects property worth billions of dollars from criminal to lawful uses. Forfeiture law has always been somewhat unique. By the close of the 20th century, however, legislative bodies, commentators, and the courts had begun to examine its eccentricities in greater detail because under some circumstances it could be not only harsh but unfair. The Civil Asset Forfeiture Reform Act (CAFRA), P.L. 106-185, 114 Stat. 202 (2000), was a product of that reexamination. Modern forfeiture follows one of two procedural routes. Although crime triggers all forfeitures, they are classified as civil forfeitures or criminal forfeitures according to the nature of the procedure which ends in confiscation. Civil forfeiture is an in rem proceeding. The property is the defendant in the case. Unless the statute provides otherwise, the innocence of the owner is irrelevant—it is enough that the property was involved in a violation to which forfeiture attaches. As a matter of expedience and judicial economy, Congress often allows administrative forfeiture in uncontested civil confiscation cases. Criminal forfeiture is an in personam proceeding, and confiscation is possible only upon the conviction of the owner of the property. The Supreme Court has held that authorities may seize moveable property without prior notice or an opportunity for a hearing but that real property owners are entitled as a matter of due process to preseizure notice and a hearing. -
First Acquittal by the ICC the Prosecutor V. Mathieu Ngudjolo Chui
First acquittal by the ICC The Prosecutor v. Mathieu Ngudjolo Chui 18 December 2012 Today, Trial Chamber II of the International Criminal Court (ICC) acquitted Mathieu Ngudjolo Chui (Ngudjolo), alleged commander of the Ituri-based militia group Front de nationalistes et integrationnistes (FNI) for war crimes and crimes against humanity. This decision is the second trial judgement to be issued by the ICC following the earlier conviction of Thomas Lubanga Dyilo in March of this year, and is the first acquittal issued by the ICC. “The judges today found that it was not proven beyond a reasonable doubt that Mr Ngudjolo was the commander of the Lendu combatants from Bedu-Ezekere during the attack on Bogoro in Ituri, Eastern DRC on 24 February 2003, as charged by the ICC,” said Brigid Inder, Executive Director of the Women’s Initiatives for Gender Justice. “While Mr Ngudjolo was therefore found not guilty, the judges stated that this did not signify that crimes had not been committed and that today’s finding did not call into question the suffering of the population,” said Inder. The Chamber recognised that Ngudjolo was a chief commander of the FNI, however according to the judges the evidence presented by the Prosecution during the trial supported a finding that he held the role of a commander in March 2003 - after the February attack on Bogoro. The Trial Chamber acquitted Ngudjolo of seven counts of war crimes, and three counts of crimes against humanity, including rape and sexual slavery. Ngudjolo was charged in his capacity as leader of the FNI pursuant to Article 25(3)(a) of the Rome Statute. -
ICCDB13STENGFRA.Pdf
Thirteenth Diplomatic Briefing of the International Criminal Court Treizième réunion d’information de la Cour pénale internationale à l’intention du corps diplomatique Compilation of Statements Recueil de déclarations Brussels, 24 June 2008 Bruxelles, 24 juin 2008 Philippe Kirsch, President/Président Excellences, Mesdames et Messieurs, Bienvenue à la treizième séance d’information organisée par la Cour pénale internationale à l’intention du corps diplomatique. Il s’agit de la cinquième séance d’information organisée à Bruxelles. En effet, tous les États parties ne sont pas nécessairement représentés à La Haye, et c’est la raison pour laquelle nous estimons qu’il est important que nous continuions d’organiser ces séances d’information ici, à Bruxelles, pour la commodité des États parties qui y ont leur représentation. Je remercie le Conseil de l’Union européenne qui nous a une nouvelle fois autorisés à utiliser ses locaux, et je souhaite la bienvenue aux participants représentant les institutions européennes. Je souhaite également vous présenter le nouveau Greffier de la Cour Pénale Internationale, Mme Silvana Arbia, qui prend la suite de M. Bruno Cathala, le premier Greffier de la Cour qui a quitté ses fonctions le 9 avril. Mme Arbia a été élue par les juges de la Cour en février pour un mandat de 5 ans et a prêté serment le 17 avril. Nous sommes réjouis de la contribution qu’elle apporte à la Cour à la lumière de son expérience extrêmement précieuse et sa grande connaissance des systèmes de justice tant nationaux qu’internationaux. Les séances d’information à l’intention du corps diplomatique ont pour objet de vous informer des activités les plus récentes de la Cour et de vous donner l’occasion de nous faire part de vos commentaires. -
Reparations and Asset Forfeiture at the Extraordinary African Chambers
Journal of African Law, 63, 2 (2019), 151–161 © SOAS, University of London, 2019. This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution licence (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. doi:10.1017/S0021855319000159 First published online 24 June 2019 RECENT DEVELOPMENTS Victims’ Justice? Reparations and Asset Forfeiture at the Extraordinary African Chambers Daley J Birkett* Walther Schücking Institute for International Law, University of Kiel Amsterdam Center for International Law, University of Amsterdam [email protected] Abstract This article critically analyses the reparations and asset forfeiture framework at the Extraordinary African Chambers and its application in the case against Hissène Habré. It identifies obstacles to implementing the reparations awarded and calls for states and international organizations to support their realization for the sake of Habré’s victims, without whose efforts the tribunal might not exist. It argues that international(ized) criminal tribunals should more readily utilize fines and forfeit- ure as penalties to alleviate the pressure on trust funds to implement reparations awards, particularly in cases where convicted persons possess substantial assets. Lastly, in light of the requirement that assets susceptible to forfeiture orders be derived directly or indirectly from the crime(s) of which a person is found guilty, the article questions the failure of the prosecutor to charge Habré with the war crime of pillage, despite its availability in the tribunal’s statute and the finding that the suffering of many of Habré’s victims entitled to individual compensation resulted from pillage. -
We Are Going to Rape You and Taste Tutsi Women”: Rape During the 1994 Rwandan Genocide
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by OpenSIUC “We are going to rape you and taste Tutsi women”: Rape During the 1994 Rwandan Genocide Christopher W. Mullins Center for the Study of Crime, Delinquency and Corrections Southern Illinois University Carbondale Word count: 8883 This paper was made possible by the author’s receipt of the Charles Hill Research Excellence Award given by the University of Northern Iowa’s College of Social and Behavioral Science. I gratefully acknowledge the assistance of Jessica Braccio for helping organize the data and Robin M. Cardwell-Mullins for helpful comments on an earlier draft. Please direct all correspondence to Christopher W. Mullins, Faner Hall 4226 Mail Code 4504 Southern Illinois University Carbondale, Carbondale IL 62901 USA, 618-453-6368, fax 618-453-6377, email: [email protected] Abstract Over the past decades, scholars have paid greater attention to sexual violence, in both theorization and empirical analysis. One area which has been largely ignored, however, is the sexual violence during times of armed conflict. This paper examines the nature and dynamics of sexual violence as it occurred during the 1994 Rwandan genocide. Drawing upon testimonies given to the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), descriptions of rapes--both singular and mass—were qualitatively analyzed. In general, three broad types of assaults were identified: opportunistic, assaults which seemed to be a product of the disorder inherent within the conflict; episodes of sexual enslavement; and genocidal rapes, which were framed by the broader genocidal endeavors occurring at the time. -
Accountability for Sexual and Gender-Based Crimes at the ICC: an Analysis of Prosecutor Bensouda’S Legacy
ACCOUNTABILITY FOR SEXUAL AND GENDER-BASED CRIMES AT THE ICC: AN ANALYSIS OF PROSECUTOR BENSOUDA’s LEGACY June 2021 / N° 772a Cover picture : ICC Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda and representatives of her Office at a hearing in an ICC Courtroom, 2 September 2015 © ICC-CPI Table of Contents Preface ...................................................................................................................................................4 I. Introduction ........................................................................................................................................5 II. Prosecutor Bensouda’s Strategy to Address Sexual and Gender-Based Crimes ...........................6 III. The SGBC Policy in Practice – Progress and Setbacks .................................................................8 3.1. Preliminary Examinations and Investigations .................................................................................... 8 a) Preliminary Examinations ................................................................................................................... 9 b) Investigations ......................................................................................................................................... 9 3.2. Charges for Sexual and Gender-Based Crimes .................................................................................. 9 3.3. Progress - Recent Achievements in Cases .......................................................................................... 11 3.4. Setbacks - Establishing -
Major Research Paper Uhuru Kenyatta Vs. The
1 Major Research Paper Uhuru Kenyatta vs. The International Criminal Court: Narratives of Injustice & Solidarity Stefanie Hodgins Student Number: 5562223 Supervisor: Professor Rita Abrahamsen University of Ottawa Graduate School of Public and International Affairs Date: July 23rd, 2015 2 Abstract The intent of this paper is to explore the dominant narratives used by Uhuru Kenyatta to discredit the legitimacy of the International Criminal Court within Kenya and Africa. Using a framing analysis as a theoretical approach, this paper identified four primary arguments, which pertained to issues of neo-colonialism, sovereignty, ethnic polarization, and national reconciliation. This paper argues that these arguments supported narratives of injustice and solidarity and were evoked by Kenyatta in order to mobilize a domestic and regional support base throughout the course of his trial at The Hague. This paper examines how these narratives were used in the context of the 2013 Kenyan election and at Kenyatta's various appearances at the African Union. Overall, this analysis offers new insights into the effectiveness of global criminal justice and considers the importance of addressing local perceptions and realities. 3 Table of Contents 1.0 - Introduction .................................................................................................................................... 4 2.0 - Theoretical and Methodological Approach ..................................................................................... 7 3.0 - Kenya's 2007-08 Post-Election -
Making Power Sharing Work: Kenya's Grand Coalition Cabinet, 2008–2013
MAKING POWER SHARING WORK: KENYA’S GRAND COALITION CABINET, 2008–2013 SYNOPSIS Leon Schreiber drafted this case Following Kenya’s disputed 2007 presidential election, fighting based on interviews conducted in broke out between supporters of incumbent president Mwai Kibaki Nairobi, Kenya in September 2015. Case published March 2016. and opposition leader Raila Odinga. Triggered by the announcement that Kibaki had retained the presidency, the violence ultimately This series highlights the governance claimed more than 1,200 lives and displaced 350,000 people. A challenges inherent in power sharing February 2008 power-sharing agreement between the two leaders arrangements, profiles adaptations helped restore order, but finding a way to govern together in a new that eased these challenges, and unity cabinet posed a daunting challenge. Under the terms offers ideas about adaptations. negotiated, the country would have both a president and a prime minister until either the dissolution of parliament, a formal withdrawal by either party from the agreement, or the passage of a referendum on a new constitution. The agreement further stipulated that each party would have half the ministerial portfolios. Leaders from the cabinet secretariat and the new prime minister’s office worked to forge policy consensus, coordinate, and encourage ministries to focus on implementation. The leaders introduced a new interagency committee system, teamed ministers of one party with deputy ministers from the other, clarified practices for preparing policy documents, and introduced performance contracts. Independent monitoring, an internationally mediated dialogue to help resolve disputes, and avenues for back-channel communication encouraged compromise between the two sides and eased tensions when discord threatened to derail the work of the executive.