Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 NO.2 November 2005 77
FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY
Volume 33 Number2, November2005 SN 0736·9182
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AUTHOR TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE Warren D. TenHouten Primary Emotions and Social Relations: A First Report 079
Stan H. Hod~es & Examining The X-Files: An Integrative Conflict Model 093 Jason S. Ulsperger Adaptation For Contemporary Paranormal Thought
Huei~Hsia Wu & Romance Novels and Female Sexualit.y: Vicarious 105 Anthony Walsh Participation?
Ra~hu N. Sjn~h & Tuward Developing a Profile of Suicide Terrorists: A 111 Amir Abbassi Sociological Analysis
DeborahA.Abowitz Does Money Buy Happiness? A Look at Gen Y College 119 Student Beliefs
Adam RafaloYich & Song Lyrics in Contemporary Metal Music As Counter- 131 Andreas Schneider Hegemonic Discourse: An Exploration of Three Themes
Nickalos A. Rocha, Trauma Registries as a Potential Source of llorder 143 Alberto G. Mala, Jr., Epidemiology Work Group Indicator Data: Trends From Alan H. Tyroch, Susan 1996·2000 Mclean, & Lois Blough
David Powell, Heverly L. The Notion of Masculinity in Male Collegiate Road 153 Stiles, Greg Haff, & Cyclists Lon Kilgore
Reviewers of 2005 110
Index of 2005 163
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© 2006 Oklahoma State University Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 79 PRIMARY EMOTIONS AND SOCIAL RELATIONS: A FIRST REPORT
Warren D. TenHouten, University of California at Los Angeles
ABSTRACT
Affect-spectrum theory provides a model for predicting eight primary emotions, 28 secondary emo tions (pairs of primaries) and up 10 S6 tertiary emotions (triples of primaries). Using a contenl-analytic methodology and a corpus of life-historical interviews of Euro-Australians and Australian-Ahorigines for a cross-cultural comparison. it was found that eight basic emotions could be effectively predicted from the positive and negative experiences of four kinds of social relations. Fifteen of 16 predictions were satisfied. and the relation between surprise and the negative experience of territoriality/market-based relations was predictive only after measuring this socio-relational variable differently in the two cultures.
INTRODUCTION neuromuscular-expressive pattern mani This research report describes, and stud fested in facial expression, posture, or ges ies empirically, a conceptual model linking ture; iv) it has a specific, innately determined eight primary emotions to eight social rela biological basis in brain organization (see tions variables. Ever since Darwin (1872), Panskepp 1998; Rolls 2001); v) it develops evolution-oriented theorists of emotions have very early in life; and vi) it is not interpretable viewed emotions as adaptive reactions to as a combination of two or more other emo problems posed by the environment em tions. ployed by members of various species to Plutchik's (1962) model of primary emo increase their inclusive fitness and chance tions comes with a compelling rationale. He of survival and reproduction. Several theo~ proposes that there are exactly four funda rists have proposed the existence of some mental problems of life, shared by all spe small set of emotions that are basic, primary, cies of animals - identity, temporality (re fundamental, or elementary. An emotion can production), hierarchy, and territoriality. be considered primary if: i) it can be found in These eight primary emotions are seen as a wide range of human cultures, suggesting the prototypical adaptive reactions to posi it is universal for humans; ii) it also exists in tive and negative experiences of four exis other animal species; iii) it has a distinctive tential situations. Plutchik argued that accep Figure 1. tance and
A
Panel A. Plutchik's 'top', representing varying levels of intensity for the eight primary emotions. Panel B. Plutchik's 'wheel', a circumplex for emotions based on a cross-section of the multidimensional model of Plutchik 1962 wheel. (Plutchik 1962 111) 80 Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology
Table 1: Basic Concepts of Plutchik's Model of the Primary Emotions Problem 01 Life Valence Primary Emotion (most generic Behavioral Process sUbjective term(s» Hierarchy positive destruction (anger) moving toward negative protection (fear) moving away from Territory positive exploration, interese (anticipation) opening a boundary negative orientation (surprise) closing a boundary Identity positive incorporation (acceptance) taking in negative rejection (disgust) expelling Temporality positive reproduction (joy, happiness) gaining negative reintegretion (sadness, grief, loneliness) losing ~The inclusion of interest, which is seen as synonymous with exploration, is a contribution not of Plutchik but of Tomkins (1962 Chapter 10), who sees interest-excitement as a first positive emotion expressed by a newborn human baby. disgust are the adaptive reactions to the posi invariably report contexts involving social re tive and negative experiences of identity; hap lations. Yet, while there is a consensus on piness and sadness, to temporality; anger the importance of social relations to the ex and fear, to hierarchy; and anticipation and perience of specific emotions, there is little surprise, to territoriality. agreement on how social relations can best The primary emotions thus come in pairs be conceptualized. In this report, social rela of opposites, and also vary in their degree of tions are described - as they have been by similarity to each other: this postulate is numerous classical and contemporary so embodied in Plutchik's 1962 "wheel." in cial scientists - in a way that serves as a which the tour dimensions. corresponding corrective to the sociological emptiness of to the four problems of life, are shown as Plutchik's model. The model used here is lines with a common midpoint, arranged as consistent with Durkheim (1893/1960), a circle. technically a circumplex, as shown Scheler (1926). and Fiske (1991). and uses in Figure 1. Fiske·s terminology (see also TenHouten Plutchik's model is summarized in Table 2004a, 2005). 1. The leUmost column lists the tour prob Identity in Plutchik's sense can be gener lems of life. The second column shows the alized into what Fiske calls the social rela functions of the eight emotions, and, in pa tionship of equality matching (EM). which rentheses, the most common sUbjective exists on the level at turn taking in temporal terms for these emotions. For the existential sequences consistent with latent social problem at hierarchy, for example, the func norms; as in-kind reciprocity, in which each tions are destruction and protection, known person gives and gets back what they view by the terms anger and tear. The third col as substantially the 'same' thing; and as dis umn shows that the behavior of anger is tributive justice in which an even distribution 'moving toward' while tear is 'moving away of valuable objects and things so that each tram·. The valences ot anger and fear are person receives roughly an equal share: to positive and negative, respectively. each the same, regardless of needs or use fulness. EMOTIONS AND SOCIAL RELATIONS The positive pole of temporality, reproduc There is no question that social relations tion, contains a key idea of communal shar are prime instigators of emotions (Kemper ing (CS). This is a relationship based on 1978; de Rivera & Grinkis 1986). Emotions duties and sentiments generating kindness are responsive to environmental events and and generosity among people in informal for the human the environment is above all communities. The basis of CS is sexual re else social. The object of emotions is most production. birth. and begetting, institution apt to be other persons. small groups of per alized as the family and kinship system. In sons, and categories of persons. When CS, people have a sense of solidarity, unity. asked to describe situations in which they belonging. and social cohesion, and act in experience certain emotions, people almost the interests of community rather than the Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 81 self. selected as manifest indicators of the eight Hierarchy is a fundamental problem of variables measuring the positive and nega social life. There is virtually no conceptual tive experiences of equality matching (EM+, distance between Plutchik's hierarchy and EM-), communal sharing (CS+, CS-), au Fiske's authority ranking (AR), which is an thority ranking (AR+, AR-), and market pric asymmetrical relationship of inequality. ing (MP+, MP-). In making a word list from Territoriality is an organizing concept in the folk concepts, SUbcategories with mean ethology describing natural behavior ori ings tangential to the overall concept were ented to the control of, possession of, use deleted at the outset, and then all possible of, and defense of a claimed space deemed forms of every word under the key word were necessary for survival. It is the basis of be considered for inclusion. The primary deno havior directed to boundary creation (antici tation of every word was used as the crite pation) and boundary defense (surprise). The rion for classification and for deciding where complex and multi-level spaces and places to place words that were assigned to two or that we occupy are closely linked to social more folk concepts by Rogel. relations pertaining to with resources and valued objects and situations. The notion of Data human territoriality must, for purposes at The dataset for this study consists of ed hand, be further broadened to include: all ited transcripts from a corpus of 658 life-his forms of market pricing (MP) relations, in torical interviews, with 383 Aborigines (204 cluding possessions, physical and symbolic males and 179 females) and 275 Euro-Aus capital and crystallized energy in the form of tralians (155 males and 120 females). These money. In MP relationships people denomi interviews were obtained throughout Austra nate value by a universal metric of money lia and are roughly representative of the two and also of linear, clock- and calendar-based subpopulations. Australia is a multicultural time (TenHouten 2005). society by any measure, but the non-Aborigi nal, Euro-Australian interviews were re THE STUDY stricted to Australian citizens who trace their The propositions of the study are: i) ac ancestry primarily to the British isles and ceptance and disgust are the adaptive reac Northern Europe, in an effort to reduce within tions to the positive and negative experience sample variation. The Aboriginal interviews of equality-matched social relations, respec ranged from traditional, tribal-living persons tively; ii) joy and sadness, to communal shar to urbanites highly assimilated to modern ing relations; iii) anger and fear, to authority Australia and its market economy. Many of ranked relations; and iv), anticipation and the interviews were obtained by the author, surprise, to market-based social relations. in collaboration with Aborigines from the New These eight propositions will be tested South Wales Aboriginal Family Education empirically using as a dataset complete tran Centres Federation, while others were ob scripts of a corpus of 658 life·historical inter tained from institutes, libraries, private col· views obtained and processed over the last lections, and publications. decade. These interviews were obtained during the author's fieldwork in Australia and Measurement and Analysis represent two radically different cultures, the To be confident that the words indicating indigenous Australian Aborigines and Euro folk concepts are not measuring different Australians. concepts, for each candidate folk concept an item analysis based on the method of sum Method mated ratings (Edwards 1957 149-57) was The method used for the present analy carried out for all of the selected words as sis is a lexical-level content analysis of text signed to every Roget folk concept; t-tests of comprising the words produced by the infor the mean difference between upper and mant in a life-historical interview. To this end, lower fourths of scores for all words were Rogel's (1977) International Thesaurus was calculated for each word, and words were used, which provides a hierarchical classifi next selected only if their t-ratios have values cation of the English language. Roget devel of +1.0 or greater. oped an inventory of 1,042 "broad classes of The variabie Culture was coded Aborigi words" (folk-concepts), many of which were nes 1 and Euro-Australians 0; Sex, males 1 en Table 2: Indicators of the Eight Social Relations Variables and the Five Most Used Words for Each, Showing the Relative Frequencies of "" Each Word. For Each Social Relational Variable, Tucker-Lewis(TL) Reliabilities are Shown, and for Each Indicator, Factor Pattern Scores (FP) are Shown. Social Relations Indicators FP Five Most Frequently Used Words ~ Equality Matching Identity 0.30 agreement 277, identity 213, identify 131, indistinct 59, fuse 40 ~ Positive TL = 0.63 Affirmation 0.02 statement 123, announce 87, statements 71, stated 64, assured 61 Accord 0.44 respect 676, respected 248, like-mindedness 40, accordance 27, symphony 27 '" Justice 0.06 fairly 1175, fair 1059, sporting 246, justice 232, rightly 92 tl Equality 0.61 even 636, level 552, equality 109, fifty-fifty 81, equivalent 61 ~
Communal Sharing Welcome* visit 962, visited 371, visiting 368, hey 226, hail 94 Positive TL = 0.99 Friendship 0.99 fellow 1737, fellows 671, friendly 479, likes 171, fellowship 103 '"t: Friends 0.93 friends 2205. friend 136, neighbors 79, intimate 43, colleagues 49 ~ Lovemaking 0.11 dear 647, philander 145, darling 141, breast 111, kiss 70 Kindness 0.11 indulgent 2078, amiable 193, good-natured 184, generous 129, goodwill 126 i Authority Ranking Demand 0.29 asked 3038, ask 1945, asking 667, direction 389, claim 231 Positive TL = 0.87 Opposition 0.18 confronted 49, confrontation 30, confront 21, opponent 18, opposed 13 ~ Disobedience 0.36 rebelled 26, rebellious 23, mutiny 21, rebellion 16, recalcitrant 14 Defiance 0.13 cheeky 141, dare 113, dared 38, bold 38, daring 24 Disapproval 0.61 criticism 129, critical 90, rejected 53, reject 44, appalling 33
Market Pricing Spaciousness 0.25 everywhere 716, field 620, extent 480, desert 339, acres 435 Positive TL = 0.92 Possessor 0.17 owner 920, landlord 413, owns 412, ownership 397, occupants 236 Possession 0.29 owned 731, having 312, keeper 62, possession 46, occupy 36 Acquisition 0.77 obtain 140, profit 138. acquired 122, gain 120, gained 111 ~ Wealth 0.12 afford 432, fortune 103, wealthy 74, wealth 63, lUxury 41 '" Receive 0.16 loan 97, inherited 81, lend 76, loans 50, banker 24 :;-'" Equality Matching Difference 0.13 different 5688, difference 873, otherwise 612, odd 398, differences 106 Negative TL = 0.92 Disrepute 0.09 fowl 65, begged 46, notorious 34, disgrace 33, begging 30 1 Injustice 0.84 wrong 1898, unfair 55, wrongly 40, injustice 32, wronged 23 :;- Inequality -0.03 disparity 41, overbalance 11, overbalancing 6, inequality 3, unequal 3 ~ Communal Sharing Selfish 0.41 petty 67. greedy 53. greed 30. selfish 27. loner 17 ~. Negative TL = 0.58 Seclusive 0.42 retires 600, private 545, secret 251, retirement 105 Death 0.20 died 3751. deadly 1345. death 821. dying 265, drowned 132 Discourtesy 0.11 crude 87, coarse 24, rude 82, crusty 8, vulgar 8 Dislike 0.30 dislike 46, dislikes 27, unpopular 14, repel 9, nausea 8 ~ ~ Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 83
and females o. Roget also categorized emo tions, and his classification was helpful in constructing wordlists for emotions, which required some combining and splitting of categories and the supplementary use of several dictionaries. Table 2 shows the 16 most trequently used words tor each of the eight primary emotions. A study of the uni variate distributions of the eight emotions variables indicated that all of them were heavily skewed to the right. To approximately ;:: normaiize these eight distributions, square root transformations were carried out prior to regression analysis. The several indicators for every social re lations variable were subjected to maximum likelihood factor analysis and Tucker-Lewis (TL) inter-indicator reliability coefficients were calculated, except for MP-, for which a solu tion could not be obtained. The results of these analyses are shown in table 3. For the eight measures of primary emotions, the fi nal measure was the total number of words used from the list of talk-concept indicators, divided by the total words produced in the whole interview; this quotient was then mul tiplied by 104, to sweep away distracting ze ros.
Results Eight mUltiple-regression analyses were carried out, regressing each of the eight pri mary emotions on the same set of eight so cial relations variables and cofactors Sex and Culture. The results of the separate analy ses for Aborigines and Euro-Australians are shown in Table 4, panes A and S, respective gj~~~~~ ly. Allot the non-significant (ns) cofactors were ci 6ci 9 ci ci returned to residual status before the final analyses were carried out. For all eight emotions and all eight socio relational variables, the sum of the total num ber of usages of the words assigned to each variable was divided by the total number of words spoken by the informant, with this pro portion then weighted by 104. For the inde pendent variables, small sets of folk-con cepts were used as indicators. For example, the proposed direct cause of acceptance, EM+, was measured by words representing five Roget talk-concepts. The predicted results tor the socia-rela tions variables as predictors of emotions are shown, in boldface type, along the main di agonals at the first eight rows of the two pan els. The probability values associated with 84 Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology
Table 3: The Sixteen Most Frequently Used Words for Each of the Eight Primary Emotions, Where Relative Frequency is the Proportion of the Word to Total Words Produced by the Informant in the Entire Interview, Weighted by 106 Acceptance Happiness, Joy An ger Anticipation Incorporation Reproduction Destruction Exploration invites 366 enjoyed 764 angry 284 question 745 popular 305 enjoy 432 annoyed 90 study 605 regard 216 glad 345 anger 85 expected 401 admits 176 joy 199 annoy 81 attend 368 favour 155 enjoying 70 temper 70 opinion 360 invited 97 celebratory 70 furious 68 attention 302 admitted 96 celebration 70 annoyed 38 inspection 220 ovation 84 celebrates 34 short-tempered 29 studied 203 invitation 78 hilarious 33 irritated 21 studying 195 admired 67 guffaw 26 nettled 21 examination 150 approval 62 vim 18 nettling 21 expecting 117 advocate 59 rejoicing 17 irritated 21 inquiry 105 clapping 46 gladly 14 irateness 17 attending 100 acknowledge 38 rejoice 13 wrath 15 observed 88 honourable 38 gusto 12 lividness 12 attendance 76 clapped 33 cheers 11 irascibly 12 guidance 74
Disgust Sadness, Grief Fear Surprise Rejection Reintegration Protection Orientation criticism 129 sad 586 frightened 846 surprised 243 critical 90 crying 418 fear 543 surprise 201 dismissed 58 cry 363 afraid 489 surprising 65 rejected 53 joyless 150 scared 274 astounded 18 reject 44 sadness 74 fright 117 astonishment 18 disgusted 24 long-faced 65 frightening 88 unexpectedly 14 criticized 20 grim 55 terror 79 surprises 12 displeasing 20 sorrow 49 fearful 65 surprisingly 10 evacuation 18 howling 49 coward 56 dumfounded 8 excluded 14 wails 40 panic-stricken 47 unexpectedness 8 rejection 12 wailing 30 terrifying 45 improbably 8 detract 12 sadly 26 scare 41 unexpected 4 dismiss 11 wailed 24 eerie 27 aback 3 smearing 10 cried 24 scary 23 astonished 3 slur 9 mope-eyed 22 scaring 15 astounds 3 deplorable 8 unhappiness 220 eerily 11 stupefied 3 these coefficients are based on one-tailed problems with both variables: i) MP- was tests, as all ot these coefficients were pre measured poorly relative to the other socio dicted to be positive in sign. All coefficients relational independent variables, as a reli off the main diagonals, for which predictions ability estimate for these six indicators could were not made, have two-tailed probabilities not be obtained; ii) Surprise was measured associated with them. Because these off by words used more rarely than the words diagonal results were not predicted, and are representing the other seven emotions, as available for inspection, they will not be dis can be seen in table 2; iii) the sample sizes cussed. are not large, only 275 for the Euro-Austra For the Aborigines, the' values were all lians; and iv) a follow-up analysis of the six positive and significant. For the Euro-Austra folk-concept indicators of MP- revealed that lians, the results were in the predicted direc the approximate interchangeability of indica tion for all eight emotions, and statistically tors that held, albeit roughly, for the other significant tor seven, but the result for Sur seven socio-relational variables did not hold prise only directionally supported the theory for Surprise. It was found that these six indi (' = 0.55). cators of MP- were of two kinds, and their It is not surprising that Surprise would not effects radically differed for members of the be effectively predicted by the negative expe two cultures. rience of MP, for there were measurement For the Aborigines, Surprise was predict Table 4: Eight MUltiple~Regression Analyses, Separately Regressing the Eight Primary Emotions on the Eight Elementary Social Rela~ tions Variables, Culture, Sex, and the Culture-by-Sex Interaction. Values shown in the body of the table are standardized partial ir regression coefficients. '" % Samples Primary Emotions, The Dependent Variables ~. Independent Variables Acceptance Happiness Anger Anticipation Disgust Sadness Fear Surprise A. Aborigines S- Equality Matching positive 3.97*** 1.34 -0.04 6.35'" 2.01' -0.58 -0.97 1.24 Communal Sharing positive 0.61 3.01" 2.24' -0.13 0.34 3.77'" 1.62 1.31 f? Authority Ranking positive 6.52'" 2.86" 3.30*** 6.22'" 4.82'" -0.03 0.30 1.59 '"~. Market Pricing positive 1.49 2.57' 1.50 5.66*** 1.06 -0.42 -0.15 1.15 Equality Matching negative 3.89'" -0.91 0.86 -1.88 2.65** 1.43 1.28 1.06 Communal Sharing negative 0.63 -1.69 1.26 -2.25' 0.69 3.42*** 1.59 2.24" Authority Ranking negative -1.53 -0.66 -1.16 -0.32 -0.41 -0.76 2.67** -0.92 ~ 0- Market Pricing negative -1.74 0.71 3.82'" 1.19 2.63" -0.87 -0.08 1.89* ~ Sex -3.67 -2.59" (R'"I (0.22) (0.15) (0.09) (0.281 (0.12) (0.07) (0.02) (0.05)
B. Euro-Australians Equality Matching positive 2.51** 2.22' 1.59 0.11 3.10 2.83" 1.28 1.04 Communal Sharing positive 2.79" 3.69*** 2.91" -1.37 1.73 2.14' 3.42'" 1.19 Authority Ranking positive 5.09'" 1.07 5.15*** 4.68'" 8.74'" 2.27' 3.14" 3.02" Market Pricing positive 3.25'" 0.63 -1.45 8.30*** 1.49 -1.75 -0.39 0.36 ~ Equality Matching negative 1.69 0.58 0.71 1.27' 3.14+** 4.21'" 0.45 0.77 Communal Sharing negative -2.71** -2.17 -0.38 -1.85 -1.08 6.98*** -0.89 -1.22 i Authority Ranking negative -1.98* 1.25 1.62 -0.73 0.67 -1.05 3.62*** -1.76 ~ Market Pricing negative -0.30 -2.15' -0.44 1.52 0.87 -1.16 -1.13 0.55 Sex 2.46' -4.72'" -2.15' ~ (R200j ) (0.27) (0.10) (0.17) (0.43) (0.38) (0.36) (0.18) (0.04) '"~ 'p<0.05; "p<0.01; '''p<0.0001
Note-All non-significant effects of Sex. Culture, and the Sex-by-Culture interaction were returned to residual status before carrying out the final analyses. Predictions positive regression coefficients are shown in boldface along the main diagonals of each of the three panels and have one-tailed I~ probabilities. all other beta values having two-tailed probabilities. ~
co '" Figure 2. The Emotions of Informal, Hedonic Community, by Culture and Sex. 00 0)
A. Joy B. Sadness 5 1j= '5 § ,
m 2 j ~ i- 15 S" ~ ~. 05 l.._J Aboriginal Aboriginal Aborfginal Aboriginal Euro-Australian Euro-Australian MaleI FemaleI IMale Female Male Female Male Female Culture-Sex Groups Culture-Sex Groups i Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 NO.2 November 2005 87 ed by the four of the six indicators of MP-, as tions a highly significant Culture-by-Sex in the results of regressions using indicators teraction: for Aborigines, the females were as independent variables (controlling for slightly higher than the males; buf for Euro other seven socio~relational variables) were Australians, the males were significantly Ejection 2 ;;; 3.01, P < 0.01; Relinquishment 2 higher for both Acceptance and Disgust. If = 3.64, P < 0.001; Dislocation 2 = 2.34, P < the interaction term had been suppressed, 0.01; and Circumscription 2 = 2.16, P= 0.015. there would have emerged a significant ef All four of these variables can be viewed as fect of Culture, and these figures show that involving negative experiences of collective Euro-Australians are much higher for bofh access to territory. While Aborigines have to emotions. some extent, and fUlly for many in urban and For the opposite emotions Happiness suburban areas, been incorporated into the and Sadness, the results differed for the two market economy of modern Australia, the cultures: The Aborigines expressed less other two indicator variables, which reflect Happiness but more Sadness than Euro individual or family economic difficulties, Australians. Within the cultures, there was a were for Aborigines not even directionally pre common Sex difference, as both Aboriginal dictive of Surprise: for Expensiveness, 2 ;;; and Euro-Australian females were more ver 0.04, ns; for Loss, 2 = -1.34, ns. bally expressive of both emotions than were The results for Euro-Australians were males. nearly opposite. For them, indicators of col Figure 3 shows the mean levels of the lective loss of territory were not predictive of four emotions of formal, agonic society, Surprise: for Ejection, 2 = 1.03, ns; for Relin based on AR and MP, on political economy. quishment, 2 ;;; -0.36, ns; for Dislocation, :2 ;;; For the opposed emotions Anger and Fear -0.50, ns; and for Circumscription, 2;;; -1.80, (panel A), the distributions of means are, as ns. The indicators of negative personal eco for Acceptance and Disgust, remarkably simi nomic circumstances, in contrast, were pre lar. Aborigines were more expressive of both dictive of Surprise: directionally for Expen Anger and Fear, and within both cultures, fe siveness, 2 = 1.21, P = 0.11; and significantly males were more expressive of these emo· for Loss, 2 = 2.74, P < 0.03. tions than were males. These Culture and As a final, extra step in data analysis, rat Sex differences reached significance for ings for these subsets of indicators of MP Fear but fall short for Anger. Given thaf Ab were constructed and then Surprise was re origines experience high levels of in contem gressed on them and the other seven socio· porary Australia and high ievels of pathology relational variables separately for the two in their families and communities, these re· groups. The variables defined for this analy suits are hardly surprising. sis were MPC ::;;: Ejection + Relinquishment For the opposites Anticipation and Sur + Dislocation + Circumscription and MPI ::;;: prise, which are associated with territoriality Expensiveness + Loss. The results using and market pricing social relationships, out MPC and MPI were for Aborigines 2 = 4.13 (p comes differ from the results for Happiness < 0.001) and 2 = -1.34 (ns) and for Euro and Sadness. For both of these emotions, Australians 2 = -0.12 (ns) and 2 = 2.22 (p = Aborigines are lower than Euro-Australians: 0.01). In the above detailed analyses pre within the cultures, there is a trend for males dicting Surprise from MP indicators, no sig to be higher for Anticipation, especially Euro nificant Sex differences were found. Australians. This difference is consistent with an ethological literature that shows males, Culture and Sex Differences for humans and mammals in general, are Figure 2, panels A and B, shows the mean more oriented to spatial cognition, explora levels (and standard error bars) of the two tion, and defense of territory (Ecuyer-Dab & pairs of emotions associated with informal, Robert 2004). hedonic society - Acceptance and Disgust, which are associated with EM, and Happi DISCUSSION ness and Sadness, associated with CS. The The results of the study are strongly sup results for the opposite emotions Acceptance portive of theory with one problematic result: and Disgust are remarkably similar. Based the negative experience of market-pricing on analysis of the combined samples (re social relationships predicted surprise sig sults not shown), there was for both emo- nificantly for Aborigines, but only directionally OJ Figure 3. The Emotions of Formal, Agonic Society, by Culture and Sex. OJ
A. Anger B. Fear t;: 6' ~ <1l tl ~ I if'" Aboriginal Aboriginal Euro·Australian Euro-Australian IIMale Female Male Female Aboriginal Aboriginal Euro-Australian Euro-AustralianU II Culture-Sex Groups Male Female Male Female Culture-Sex Groups i Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 89 for Euro-Australians. The impossibility ot tary times of time-consciousness (TenHouten estimating inter-indicator reliability for the six 2004b), which contributes predictive validity measures of MP- suggest it might not be a to these concepts. In this analysis, the nega unitary concept, and in fact it was determined tive experiences of these social relations that its six items are of two different kinds. variables did not predict time orientation, but Four of the items - measures of ejection, here both the positive and negative experi relinquishment, dislocation, and circum ences of these four kinds of social relations scription - probe the shared cultural experi each predict a specific emotion, which pro ence of Aborigines, who have historically vides additional predictive validity to the posi been collectively conquered and disposed; tive variables, and a first level of predictive forcibly taken off their lands, rounded up, and validity for the negative variables. placed in reserves, mission, other institu An obvious further step in the develop tions, and private homes; ejected from their ment of affect-spectrum theory (TenHouten sacred lands thereby losing their nomadic Forthcoming) is to empirically examine the way of life with its hunting-and-gathering secondary emotions and test the proposi mode of economic production; experiencing tions that have been developed (TenHouten fheir families broken up and their children 1996, 1999, Forthcoming) to explain them taken away; and in countless ways having on the basis ot pairs of these eight socio had their lives and identities circumscribed relational variables. For example, pride is de (Hughes 1987; Milliss 1994). fined as an angry joy, and insofar as anger This loss of land, territory, and way of life results from the positive experience of au was found predictive of surprise for Aborigi thority-ranking social relations (AR+), and joy/ nes. But for Euro-Australians, spared such happiness results from the positive experi experiences, these four indicators of terri· ence of communal-sharing relations (CS+), tory/exchange-based social relations were it follows that pride can be predicted to result unrelated to surprise. For them, individual from the joint occurrence of AR- and CS+, and family-level problems of economic scar using a multiplicative or exponential mod city in the cash economy predicted surprise els. Beyond that, tertiary emotions can be - particularly the market-based variables in similarly modeled as functions of three of dicating expensiveness and financial loss, the eight social relations variables. Expensiveness and Loss. Market-pricing so Bruner (1986) refers to two ways of con cial relations are a sociological generaliza ceptualizing reality: the "paradigmatic" model tion of territoriality, but when one concept seeks truth in terms of logic, scientific meth generalizes another, there remains a differ odology, and empirical verification; the "nar ence between them, and the difference can rative" model rather emphasizes the con make a difference. While territoriality/market struction of stories which offer coherence, pricing predicted surprise for both groups, it expressive meaning, and context-dependent did so in such dissimilar ways that entirely empathy (Howard 1991; Gon9alves 1994 different measures are required for the two 119). Over the last few decades, the social cultures. This is exactly the result that com constructionist movement (Berger & Luck pels the extension of a positivistic theory to mann 1966; Gergen 1985), offen in cooper an inclusion of culture, and thereby to an open ation with symbolic interactionism, has as form of social constructionism. serted itself in the sociology of emotions After accounting for culture and measur~ (Kemper 1981; Harre 1986; Averill 1980, ing the negative experience of territoriality/ 1986; MacKinnon 1994 123-27; Nunley & market-pricing differently for Aboriginal and Averill 1994; Reddy 1997; Elfinbein & Ambady Western Australians, all sixteen hypotheses 2003). Social constructionists are prone to receive statistically significant support. The either gloss over the biological and evolu fact that the specific emotions identified as tionary aspects of emotion, or deny their very these adaptive reactions could be predicted existence (Rosen 1994). Indeed recent eth suggests that the interpretations of these nographies contend that there is no limit to reactions as emotions are likely correct. the extent to which personal feelings are lo It should be noted that in an earlier paper cally, socially, and culturally constructed on appearing in this journal, it was shown that the basis of cultural norms (Grima 1992). the positive experiences of these four social Abu-Lughod (1991) argues that local, partic relations variables predicted four elemen- ular constructions fully determine identity and 90 Volume 33 NO.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology experience. She endorses Rosaldo's (1984 have a neurophysiological basis in brain 147) claim that individual emotional life is structure and brain function, a position "overwhelmin9ly shaped by culture," which strongly reinforced by astounding, even revo means that the individual, disconnected from lutionary, advances in the study of brain biological constraint, is culturally malleable mechanisms underlying the most elemen and plastic (Shott 1979; Abu-Lughod 1990). tary emotions (LeDoux 1996; Rolls 2001) and This strong constructionism embodies an more complex emotions such as pride and shame (Weisfeld 2002). Without doubt the adamant refusal to allow for any physiologi most basic emotions involve biological pro cal, psychological, or other universal de cesses. Controversy remains, however, re terminants or influences in emotional life. garding which emotions are primary. It is (Reddy 1997 329) widely conceded, among affective neurosci entists, that six emotions - anger, fear, joy, Reddy observes that sadness, surprise, and disgust - are pri mary. These emotions have been found to [e]thnographers who concentrate on the be widely identifiable across several cultures subject of affect often insist...that there is and in a wide variety of nonhuman animal nothing to emotion beyond the local discur species as well (Ekman 1992). Most neuro sive structures through which it is figured biological knowledge about the emotions and practices. (1997 327) comes from the study of these six emotions (Panksepp 1998; LeDoux 1996; Rolls 2001; while acknowledging that other historical eth Adolphs 2002). It is argued here, based on nographers (e.g., Myers 1986 105; Schieffelin an insistence on Darwin's (1872) principle 1985 169) remain agnostic on this issue, of antithesis, that there are eight, as accep viewing the question of the 'real' Shott (1979) tance is the opposite of disgusVrejection and and other constructionists have pointed to a anticipation is the opposite of surprise. psychophysiological formulation holding that There is less consensus about the high underlying neurophysiological processes er-order emotions. Combinations of two pri are the same for different emotions. But this mary emotions are called "secondary" emo experimental research, by Schacter and tions by Plutchik (1962,1980), and "tertiary" Singer (1962; also see Nisbett & Schacter combinations of three primaries are pro 1966), has not been successfully replicated posed by TenHouten (in press). All combina (Maslach 1979; Marshall & Zimbardo 1979), tions of the six primary emotions are called has been misconstrued by constructionists the "social" emotions by Damasio (2003). (see Kemper 1981 339-41), and is contra Here, however, it is shown that the proposed dicted by an enormous body of neuroscien eight primaries are also social, as they are tific evidence (e.g., LeDoux 1996; Damasio predictable by specific kinds of social rela 2003). Some (Solomon 1984; Harre 1986) tions. Many fundamental questions remain: have flatly excluded the biological dimension, 1) Are there other kinds of emotions, in addi and with it evolutionary considerations, ar tion to primary, secondary, and tertiary emo guing that tions? Damasio (2003 45) suggests that there also exist "background" emotions an emotion is not a feeling ...but an interpre (such as discouragement and enthusiasm) tation ... [and] a system of concepts, atti which he claims are the consequences of tudes, and desires, Virtually all of which combinations of simpler regulatory reactions are context-bound, historically developed, (e.g., basic homeostatic processes, pain and and culture specific. (Solomon 1984 248 pleasure, appetite and desire). 2) Which 49) higher-order or social emotions have a clear cut biological infrastructure? There is no From this strong constructionist standpoint, doubt that dominance, submissiveness, efforts to link emotion to neurophysiological pridefulness, and shame have a bioiogical processes is, according fo Harre (1986 4), basis, but what of the other secondary emo no more than the pursuit of an "ontological tions, and what of fertiary emotions such as illusion" and to Nunley and Averill (1994 227), jealousy, envy, and confidence? 3) To what merely a "myth." extent are the primary emotions also social? In spite of these protestations, emotions Certainly fear can be triggered by nonsocial Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 NO.2 November 2005 91 stimuli (the surprising appearance of a spi love poetry. Pp. 24-45 in Language and the der). This report provides very preliminary Politics of Emotion, CA. Lutz & L. Abu-Leghod evidence that all of the primary emotions typi eds. Cambridge: Cambridge U Press. cally involve social circumstances, and speci _~~. 1991. Writing against culture. Pp. 137 fies these circumstances as valence, el 162 in Working in the Present, AG. Fox ed. Santa Fe, NM: School of American Research. ementary social relations. 4) What social cir Adolphs R. 2002. Neural mechanisms for recogniz cumstances are emotionally competent ing emotion. Current Opin Neurobiology 12 169 stimuli? Addressing this question is a funda 178. mental challenge, and a great opportunity, Averill JR. 1980. A constructivist view of emotions. for the sociology of emotions. The present Pp. 305--339 in Theories of Emotion, R. Plutchlk theory, extended, provides one trame-of-ref & H. Kellerman eds. NY: Academic Press. erenca for addressing this question. Con _.,-_. 1986. The acquisition of emotions dur sider pride, an angry joy. Because anger re ing adulthood. Pp. 98-118 in The Social Con sults from powerlessness (a negative expe struction of Emotions, A. Harre ed. NY: Basil Blackwell. rience of authority-based social relations Berger P.L. & T. Luckmann. 1966. The Social Con [AR-J) and joy results trom a positive experi struction ofReality. NY: Bantam Doubleday Dell. ence of communal social relations [CS+J, if Bruner J. 1986. Actual Minds, Possible Worlds. follows that pride results from the joint oc Cambridge, MA: Harvard U Press. currence of AR- and CS+. 4) To what extent Damasio A.A. 1994. Descartes' Error: Emotion, are the primary emotions also social? Reason, and the Human Brain. NY: Avon The answers to these questions, and oth Books. ers, demand the development of a neuro __--,-,. 2003. Looking for Spinoza: Joy, Sorrow, cognitive sociology of the emotions. This per and the Feeling Brain. Orlando, FL: Harcourt. Darwin CR. 1872. The Expression of the Emo spective will bring the social world into our tions in Man and Animals. London: John understanding of the emotions. Emotions Murray. and even higher-order feelings (e.g., of well de Rivera J. & C. Grinkis. 1986. Emotions as social being or distress), as affective neuroscien~ relationships. Motivation and Emotion 10 351 tist Damasio puts it, "playa decisive role in 369. social behavior" (2003 140). Sociology, as a Durkheim E. 1893/1960. The Division of Labor in field, has a choice: it can either put its collec Society. tr G Simpson. Glencoe, IL: The Free tive head under the sand, which will turn out Press of Glencoe. to be the dust-heap of science past, or ac Ecuyer-Dab I. & M. Robert. 2004. Have sex differ ences in spatial ability evolved from male com cept Damasio's conclusion, which is also petitiveness for mating and female concern for car~ an invitation and a challenge. Research survival? Cognition 91 221-257. ried out by Damasio and his colleagues, and Edwards A.L. 1957. Techniques of Attitude Scale by other teams of affective neuroscientists, Construction. NY: Appleton-Century~Crofts. point sociology in the right direction. They Ekman P. 1992. An argument for basic emotions. have discovered that when previously nor Cognition & Emotion 6 169-200. mal persons sustain damage to brain re Elfinbein H.A. & N. Ambady. 2003. Universals and gions necessary for the experience of cer cultural differences in recognizing emotions of tain emotions and feelings, their ability to a different cultural group. Current Directions in Psychological Sciences 12 159-164. govern their social lives is compromised, Fiske A.P. 1991. Structures of Social Life: The social contracts break down, marriages dis Four Elementary Forms of Human Relations. solve, parent-child relations are ruined, and NY: Free Press. careers are ended. The sociology of emo Gergen K.J. 1985. The social constructionist move tions thus faces a daunting task that can ment in modern psychology. Amer Psycholo potentially lead the entire discipline back to gis/ 40 266-275. its root problem, the relationship between Gonjfalves 6.F. 1994. Cognitive narrative psycho mind and society. It is abundantly clear that therapy: the hermeneutic construction of mean the mind is in large measure a representa ings. J Cognitive Psychotherapy 8 105-125. tion of the state of the body, and that the mind Grima B. 1992. The Performance of Emotion among Paxtun Women. Austin: U Texas Press. is as much affective in its functioning and Harre A. ed. 1986. The Social Construction of structure as it is cognitive and rational. Emotions. Oxford & NY: Basil Blackwell. Howard G.S. 1991. Culture tales: a narrative ap REFERENCES proach to thinking, cross-cultural psychology, Abu-Lughod L. 1990. Shifting politics in Bedouin and psychotherapy. Amer Psychologist46187- 92 Volume 33 NO.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology 197. self and feeling. Pp. 137-157 in Culture Theory: Hughes R. 1987. The Fatal Shore: The Epic of Essays on Mind, Self, and Emotion, A.A. Australia's Founding. NY: Alfred A. Knopf. Schweder & A.A. LeVine eds. Cambridgeshire Kemper T.D. 1978. A Socia/Interactional Theory & NY: Cambridge U Press. of the Emotions. NY: Wiley. Rosen H. 1994. Meaning-making narratives: foun ___' 1981. Social constructionist and positiv dations for constructivist and social construc ist approaches to the sociology of emotions. tionist psychotherapies. Pp. 3·51 in Construct Arner J Sociology 87 336-362. ing Realities: Meaning-Making Perspectives LeDoux J. 1996. The Emotional Brain: The Myste for Psycotherapists, H. 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A General Theory of Emo thropology 38 327-340. tions and Social Life. London & NY: Routledge. Roget P.M. 1852/1977. Rogel's International The Weisfeld G.E. 2002. Neural and functional aspects saurus. 4th ed., rev. A.L. Chapman. NY: Harper of pride and shame. Pp. 193-214 in The Evolu & Row. tionary Neuroethology of Paul MacLean: Rolls E.T. 2001. The Brain and Emotion. Oxford & Convergences and Frontiers, G.A. Cory Jr. & NY: Oxford U Press. A. Gardner Jr., eds. Westpoint, CT & London: Rosaldo M.Z. 1984. Toward an anthropology of Praeger. Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 93 EXAMINING THE X-FILES: AN INTEGRATIVE CONFLICT MODEL ADAPTATION FOR CONTEMPORARY PARANORMAL THOUGHT Stan H. Hodges, Oklahoma State University, and Jason S. Uisperger, Arkansas Tech University ABSTRACT This is a study of perceptions of the television program the X-Files. Using a review of literary sources, descriptive statistics. and qualitative comments from on-line communities. it focuses on what makes the show popular and what people see as deeper meanings behind episodes. With the X-Files as a backdrop, it also applies an adaptation of the inlegralive conflict model to examine the increased presence of paranor mal thought currcnlly shaping public consciousness and influencing contested cultural ideologies. It builds on previous research using the integrative conflict model and studies of the X-Files as a cultural phenomenon. In a recent Rolling Stone article on pork work (1958) notes increased discourse on barrel politics and homeland security, the au the reality of UFOs and extraterrestrial be thors discuss government funding as "stuff ings and represents a political, social, philo right out of the X-Files" (Klinenberg & Frank sophical, and religious conflict of unprec 2005). The quote indicates the embedded edented proportions splitting the conscious nature of the X-Files in our cultural conscious ness of our age. It implies that an emerging ness. The article does not give background cultural divide started in the 1950s involving information on the show. The quote only ex scientific validity and the paranormal. Specif ists as a cognitive reference point for the ically, the idea exists that Western culture is reader. The article assumes we all know what currently experiencing a struggle between the X-Files concerned. It is probably on tar scientific logic and paranormal thought with get. The X-Fiies, a show following the work Jung's work being an early acknowledgment of government agents investigating conspira of the trend. Shklovskii and Sagan's research cies and the paranormal, still appears on (1966) extends Jung's work showing the be television. The X-Files, which premiered on lief of UFO myths represent a compromise the Fox network in 1993, was cancelled in between the need to believe in a traditional 2002. The show remains in syndication on God and contemporary pressures to accept cable networks such as WGN, TNT, and the declarations of science. Recent works apply Sci-Fi Channel (Randles 2000; Wikipedia these ideas to the X-Files. From a biochemi 2006). Some attribute the success of the X cal perspective, Simon (1999) analyzes the Files to its two stars ~ David Duchovny and scientific validity of X-File concepts. Goode Gillian Anderson. Duchovny plays Agent Fox (2000,2002) examines the allure of the show Mulder. He is on a quest to unearth govern at the crossroads of paranormal belief, con ment conspiracies covering up paranormal spiratorial thinking, and the public's struggle events and extraterrestrial life. Anderson against the ruling elite. Peterson (2002) re plays agent Dana Scully. With a background views the show in terms of religious connota in physics and medicine, she pulls her ex tions. Carter (2003) examines the influence planations of the unknown from the realms of episodes on the mood and feeling of view of science and rationality. While the show is ers. not a documentary, its producers indicate Though previous work focuses on impor they based episodes on true-life accounts. tant issues, it leaves us with several ques Skeptics believe episodes are too fantastical tions. Years after television executives pulled for most people to interpret as fact. Nonethe the X-Files from primetime, what do people less, the show continues to have millions of think leads to the initial and continued suc viewers interested in paranormal phenom cess of fhe show? Moreover, does the X-Files ena (Kurland 1999; Randles 2000; Goode extend beyond mere entertainment? Do 2002; Wikipedia 2006). people perceive a deeper meaning fo it? In relation to the cultural impact of paran· Does the show, along with the ideological ormal thought, various researchers have ex conflict between the lead characters, repre amined the impact of supernatural ideolo sent a wider cultural struggle between reli gies, popular culture, and the media. Jung's gious and scientific belief discussed by pre- 94 Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Figure 1: The Integrative Conflict Model STRUCTURAL FOUNDATIONS Structural Factors Cultural Factors ~Heterogeneity: race, ethnic, religious -Scientific Logic -Inequality: economic and political -Religious Beliefs -Economics: fiscal issues -Language -Music and Art -Technology PERCEPTION AND DEMANDS FOR INFORMATION Perceptions of the Paranormal Legitimation Deficits Prolonged Media Coverage Public Demands TRIGGERING EVENTS Sensationalized Events Reform Groups Media Trends Media Entrepreneurs Specialized Community Groups Political Activity COMPETING CULTURAL IDEOLOGY Note: Figure adapted from McGarrel1 and Castellano (1991). vious researchers? If so, has it acted as a ways. High levels of heterogeneity, inequal base of knowledge in a wider paradigm shift ity, and declining economic conditions influ leading to the increased acceptance of cul ence social conflict. The most powerfUl ac tural ideologies contesting traditional scien tors determine the dominant ideology. In rela tific logic? Using an integrative conflict theory, tion to cultural factors, conceptual assump this work examines these issues. tions influence perceptions of social phe nomena. This concerns trends in scientific THE INTEGRATIVE CONFLICT MODEL evolution, religious beliefs, language, mu Multiple factors form fhe integrative con sic, art, and technological advances. In this flict model. Originally formed to explain the study, all of these things shape values of a sociological tormation of law, it is modified culture. They also help to promote percep slightly in this research to apply to cultural tions of the paranormal. If the values indi ideologies. Figure 1 indicates that the model cate that a certain behavior is unexplainable, operates on three basic levels. They include the public will demand information from structural foundations, perception and pub those in power. This is especially true if they lic demands for information, and triggering believe knowledge is being restricted. If val events. To generate social change, it is not ues indicate issues surrounding the activity necessary that the levels occur in a sequen are explainable, people will tolerate the be tial order, just that all are present (McGarrell havior and official positions held by society's & Castellano 1991). elite (tor adaptations of this perspective see Structural foundations include structural Scheingold 1984; McGarrel1 & Castellano and cultural factors. Structural factors have 1991; Ulsperger 2003). an effect on cultural ideologies in numerous In terms of perceptions of the paranor- Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 NO.2 November 2005 95 mal, media exposure of a paranormal event De Poel-Knottnerus & Knottnerus 1994). In (Le. UFO sighting, alien contact, conspiracy) the first, the author develops a scope of liter creates an elevated sense of public aware ary sources. We examined sources by vari ness. This leads to public outcries for infor ous authors from 1900 to the present. This mation from those in power, which creates a included 25 works dealing with paranormal dilemma. If a dominant cultural ideology, ideologies and cultural perception. We con such as scientific reason, explains a phe sidered hundreds of sources, but the ones nomenon and few contradictory frames ex selected dealt most adequateiy with the topic ist, the demand for information will be mini af hand. Several of the 25 sources selected mal. If a contradictory trame is salient, the for in-depth analysis specifically concerned demand for information will be greater, and it the X-Files. The documents included scien is more likely that the validity of those in power tific studies, autobiographies, biographies, will be open to question. magazine articles, newspaper accounts, in Triggering events produce an intense de terviews, and books focusing on religion. mand for information and lead to the gaining The second stage of a literary ethnography popularity of an alternative ideology. Trigger involves the reading and interpretation of lit ing events, which can occur simultaneously, erature selected. We read our selected lit include information dissemination by spe erature and gained a better understanding cialized community groups, the actions of of paranormal media presentations on cul media entrepreneurs, the general influence tural ideology. This helped us to gain an of media trends, and political activity. They awareness of subtle nuances, repeated in also involve sensationalized media events. formal phrases, and technical jargon in this Whereas media exposure sets the stage for tield of study. action, triggering events set the rise of a com The third step of a literary ethnography peting ideology into motion (for related ad involves the identification of textual themes. aptations see Galliher & Cross 1983; Cross In this work, these themes included issues 1991; McGarrell & Castellano 1991; Ulsperg on a wide range of topics. They dealt with er 2003). epistemology creation, worldviews, publish Analysts have neglected to focus on any ing, media perspectives, culture, religion, and concept similar to the integrative conflict science. The fourth stage concerns the clas model to examine the increasing influence sification of thematic elements. We catego of paranormal thought. As indicated in this rized and labeled specific patterns emerg research, this model provides an under ing from the textual themes. These con standing of how media presentations of the cerned general references to the supernatu paranormal, such as the X-Files, are part of ral (including ghosts and psychics), the ex a larger scheme shaping public conscious traterrestrial, conspiracy theories, sexual ness and influencing the development of themes, entertainment, science, religion, and contested cultural ideologies. art (Van De Poel-Knottnerus & Knottnerus 1994). METHODOLOGY The fifth step involves applying an ana This research uses a combination of a lytic construct. To increase the validity to the literary ethnography, a survey, and a qualita categorization developed in the previous tive analysis of comments from on-line sci stage, it is necessary to introduce and apply ence fiction communities. The literary ethno a previously developed theoretical model. graphy provided us with a base understand We chose integrative conflict theory to en ing of paranormal thought and its depiction hance our analysis. The last stage of a liter in the media. It also put the X-Files into his ary ethnography deals with contextuai confir torical context with the existing conflict be mation. We went back and read all of the tween scientific and supernatural ideologies. literature with our classifications and inte The survey allowed us to develop an idea of grative conflict theory in mind. This helped the public's perceptions of the X-Files. The us to decide If the documents correctly re qualitative analysis of comments from on lated to the final coding scheme. The reread line science fiction communities gave us the ing confirmed the categories and constructs opportunify to obtain thick descriptions per accurately represented the major themes taining to themes coded from the survey data. identified. By each author rereading selec A literary ethnography has six steps (Van tions from the documents, we established a 96 Volume 33 NO.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Table 1: References to the Popularity of the X~Files Issue Number Percentage Supernatural Elements 85 40.0 Extraterrestrial Topics 46 22.0 Conspiracy Theories 42 20.0 Sexual Icons 21 9.0 Entertainment Value 8 4.0 Scientific Substance 6 3.5 Religious Themes 2 1.0 Music / Art 1 0.5 Totals 211 100.0 Note: Numbers based on rounding methods. level of intercoder reliability (Van De Poel contlict analysis of the increasing influence Knottnerus & Knottnerus 1994). of paranormal thought. A literary ethnography can be a stand alone methodology. However, in this research Survey Results it was only an initial phase used to enhance In terms of the question, "What do you our understanding of the topic and aide in think of when you hear the word X-Files?" our analysis of our research questions. Its responses dealt with viewing and show fa main purpose was to provide us with a frame· miliarity. Of the 146 respondents, all were work to apply to our survey and qualitative familiar with the show. All mentioned the as analysis. We administered the survey to 146 the main thought initially coming to them college students from universities in Okla~ when hearing the word "X-Files." However, homa and Arkansas. Respondent ages pro not all had viewed it. The results indicate 109 vided us with data trom younger students respondents (75%) view the show while only just entering college to non-traditional stu 37 respondents (25%) rarely or never watch dents in their forties. There was an evenly the X-Files. Those who rarely watch indicated split gender division. The interview tool in that they knew about the show through con volved three basic open-ended questions: versation with tamily or friends. This indicates 1) What do you think ot when you hear the the possibility that avid watchers discussed word X-Files? 2) Why do you feel the X-Files the show with others knowing nothing about is so popular? 3) Do you think there is an the series. Respondents who never or rarely expression of deeper meaning in episodes watch noted they had read about or heard that goes beyond entertainment? about the show on television. Following data collection, we coded com In relation to the question, "Why do you ments and applied them to our previously feel the X-Files is so popular?" we received devised categories. We finally turned to indi a variety of responses. As Table 1 indicates, viduals in sci-fi chat rooms to gain in-depth we coded the responses according to the perspective from individuals dedicated to categories formulated in the literary ethnog shows such as the X-Files. We interacted raphy. The data contain 211 coded re with 16 individuals. They provided us with sponses. This number is larger than 146, thick descriptions on the meaning of X-Files. the number of respondents. The reason is They also gave us insight into where the X due to the open-ended nature of the ques Files fits in the wider cultural landscape. tion. Sometimes a respondent would put an extensive answer containing more than one FINDINGS theme. In these instances, we would split a This section reviews our findings. First, it comment and separately place each part in discusses general descriptive statistics from the appropriate category. In other words, one the survey. The focus concerns perceived response might contain a variety of refer reasons tor the popularity of the X-Files. Sec ences, or reasons, for the popularity ot the ond, it analyzes qualitative comments from show. the on-line community members. They con References to the show's general super cern the deeper meanings portrayed by the natural elements (including ghosts and psy X-Files. Finally, emphasizing the X-Files, it chic experiences) appeared the most - 85 synthesizes our data into a brief integrated times (40%). The second highest category Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 NO.2 November 2005 97 concerned the show's focus on extraterres spiracies covering up paranormal events trial topics. References to this category ap and extraterrestrial life, is delegated an of peared 46 times (22%). The show's orienta fice in the basement. Some believe this tion toward government conspiracy appeared marginalization to be the show's symbolic as the third most prevalent reason for popu representation of the government's stance larity. This category generated 42 references on the relevance of the paranormal. (20%). Phrases such as "new myths" and In terms of the focus on human reiation "new realities" presented themselves in this ships, chat room members took the sexual category. The fourth category, sexual icons, icon theme previously discussed to a greater produced 21 responses (9%). Here respond distance. They find episodes less about sex ents frequently indicated the sexual attrac ual tension between characters and more tiveness of the show's lead characters. about bonds of trust. One respondent noted, Phrases such as "Scully is hot," " Mulder is a when thinking of the deeper meanings be real ladies man," and "Mulder is a hunk" ap hind the X-Files: peared. Female responses implied the sex ual tension and possible spark of love be I think of friendship, dedication, self-denial, tween Agents Mulder and Scully drew them mysteries, and horror. (It became popUlar) into certain episodes. because it was intelligently written, scary As Table 1 shows, the remaining catego and interesting. It required more than pas ries, entertainment value, scientific sub sive watching. We had to think too. Not only stance, religious themes, and music/art, did it show horrible things and the worst each generated under 5 percent of the total side of people, it also showed beautiful sample. Given the literature previously dis things about people (It showed) what a true cussed, this finding is quite surprising. It con friend is - what loyalty is. tradicted our belief going into the research that the public (in this case, college students) Again, the respondent goes beyond the would blatantly depict the show as a sym aesthetics of main characters, which the sur bolic conflict between the realities of science vey of college students emphasized. Rich and the supernatural. social bonds between the main characters was key for the respondent because, as On-line Qualitative Comments noted, active watching and thinking about the Mining for thick descriptions on the deeper show was a requirement. This is not sur meaning of the X-Files, we turned to on-line prising because most people in an on-line communities more attuned to the show. sci-fi community dedicate themselves to find Members provided us with in-depth re ing deeper meanings to shows like the X sponses on themes emphasized in the pre Files. However, we would expect them to fo vious research stage. The comments focus cus on paranormal themes of the supernatu on areas dealing with feelings of distrust, ral. They did not. In contrast, this theme of human relationships, character credibility, emotional connection repeated itself. As an and the underlying simplicity of story lines. other respondent noted: Issues of trust discussed revolve around conspiracies. Respondents indicated the When I hear the term X-files I think provoca viewers of the X-Files predominately do not tively intriguing, undeniable intellectuality, trust "scientific" experts. Moreover, the gov and passion. I think the relationship that Mul ernment is not honest with its assessments der and SCUlly have with one another is of paranormal issues. Comments imply that something that is indescribable with simple the show provides them with what they con terms. There was so much depth between sider a more honest and realistic way of deal the characters built into their affiliation with ing with supernatural phenomena as the one another and the bond was indeed un media pushes them to the forefront. This lack breakable. The loyalty amongst the two is of trust goes both ways. Respondents indi somewhat of a rarity that we don't normally cated that the scientific community and the associate ourselves with, but we all long to government fail to acknowledge any validity see. Not only was the characters' camara in the paranormal community. Interestingly, derie incredible, but also the story lines were this plays out on the show. Mulder, the FBI astounding as well. agent on a quest to unearth government con- 98 Volume 33 NO.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Figure 2: Applying the Integrative Conflict Model to Popularity of Paranormal Thought STRUCTURAL FOUNDATIONS Conflict between Science and Paranormal Logic Characteristics Associated with Postmodernism Alignment with Legitimate Religious Ideologies PERCEPTION AND DEMANDS FOR INFORMATION Public Demands lor Government Explanations Lack of Belief in Government Explanations Prolonged Media Coverage of Supernatural Phenomena TRIGGERING EVENTS Sensationalized Paranormal Events Initial Media Trends on the Paranormal Entertainment Profiteers Pushing Paranormal Commodities Community Group Acceptance and Agenda Setting INCREASED ACCEPTANCE OF PARANORMAL IDEOLOGIES Along with an emphasis on the human and make them want to know more ... (How relationship factor, this respondent notes the ever) I think the theories and philosophies wondrous story lines of the show. Others that were presented on the X-files were so made note of this, and in tact questioned the absurd. that no one would believe such credibility of the story lines. As Goode (2002) things. notes, the shows may be a bit too fantastical. Surprisingly, some sci-ti chat room respond The respondent did go on to state that the ents agree. Acknowledging the power of story lead actors, with a high level of credibility, did lines while being a critic of their extreme po a convincing job of making the viewer per sitions, one indicated: ceive the episodes as reality. The respond ent later noted: People were so enthralled in the story be cause the topics that they brought up were Mulder made it seem so plausible (and also controversial and almost horrifying. Those considering his theories were the ones that two factors are very intimidating to people usually seemed to end up being fact) and Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 NO.2 November 2005 99 Scully's scientific theories actually were the tific logic and paranormal thought. The X ones that rationalized the situation that ev Files represents this struggle. With its pro erything fit into a perfect puzzle. I believe longed media coverage of the supernatural, that was amazing to the audience. It sure the show is also part of a wider scheme in was for me. creasing support of perceptions related to paranormal belief. In a similar vain, another respondent The integrated conflict model provides us stated, "the series portrayed themes in a way with a better understanding of this process. which they could be seen as true." These This work uses the core components of the sorts of comments suggest that the people theory in modified form. This includes struc that watch and are loyal to the X-Files per tural foundations, perception and demands ceived a "possible reality" behind the epi for information, and triggering events that sodes. This is consistent with the perspec lead to ideological shifts. To generate social tive of other research indicating X-Files sto change, it is not necessary that the levels ries are presented and perceived as the truth occur in a sequential order, just that all are (Kurland 1999). However, the degree to which present. Figure 2 outlines our modified ver dedicated sci-fi viewers and the public feel sion of the theory (see for elaboration McGar that the X-Files is truly an ontological possi rell & Castellano 1991). bility is beyond the scope of this research. Regardless, our data leads us to believe that Structural Foundations for many the X-Files compares to other para In terms of structural foundations, it is im normal parables existing throughout culture portant to discuss Western culture's recent - similar to the historical belief in stories of alteration. Scholars argue that the quality of fairies, vampires, or goblins. it changed considerably over the last few de The belief in the show's supernatural sto cades. In this new phase, what some dis ries and characters are interpreted at what cuss as postmodernism, cultural products ever perspective the individual desires. More such as art, movies, and architecture follow over, though many may feel the possibility of a different path than those of the modern era. an X-File story line being true, the dominant These emerged in the 1960s, around the scientific cultural ideology may keep them same time that Jung (1958) proposed the from admitting it. One cognitive frame that divide between scientific logic and paranor typically correlates with paranormal plot lines mal thought. The heart of the change in fhroughout history that respondents did not volves irrationality, multiple realities, a blurred deny is the simplistic portrayal of good ver line between what is real and what is simu sus evil. One respondent indicated, lated, the consumerism of image, and the rejection of authority all brought on by the Everyone had a role in the battles against rapid rise of technological innovation. Some good and evil, and sometimes those lines argue this line of thought is a fad. Whether it weren't black and white but you could tell is or not, there is little argument that shows who wanted to be good and who wanted like the X-Files occur in the setting of a soci to be evil. ety with these "postmodern" characteristics (Baudrillard 1973, 1983; Jameson 1984; Kell Many others provided similar comments. ner 1989). Consider comments by respond Their comments impiy that the good versus ents indicating that the X-Files is somewhere evil themes provide deeper meanings that between what is real and what is fiction. Think make unbelievable plots familiar. They par of previously discussed quotes indicating the allel a line of thought represented in religious show euphorically pulls viewers into stories. ideology that what is fair and just is always Consider the salience of themes in the sur competing with what is wrong and immoral, vey and on-line chat analysis acknowledg all with an undertone involving the unexplain ing or agreeing with government conspiracy able. theories and the questioning of the domi nant scientific logic. An Integrative Conflict Model Adaptation of With art being a part of a wider postmodern Paranormal Ideologies shift, it is not surprising artistic characteris As previously discussed, Western culture tics of the show's episodes reflect postmod is experiencing a struggle between scien- ern characteristics, but also influence con- 100 Volume 33 NO.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology temporary art. Literature points out the a demand for justice, sympathy for marginal show's use of light and shadow, dreams, people in society, and a will to believe de hallucinations, meditation, and narratives spite feelings of doubt. He goes so far as to trigger associations that stir the human state these are the same themes constantly imagination. They discredit past views of re appearing in the National Catholic Review. ality and promote new ways of viewing the He also implies agent Mulder exhibits priest world. It is reported that some artistic view like qualities such as a willingness to listen ers, consequently, alter their creative direc to neglected voices, compassion, loyalty to tion (Carter 2003). friends, and determination to find the truth. Aside trom art, another cultural founda Wiison (2002), of Christianity Today, finds two tion that relates to the X-Files and its promo constants in the series. One, in relation to tion of the paranormal concerns religious the findings in our survey and on-line analy belief. It appears an increase in the accep· sis, involves the relationship of Mulder and tance ot paranormal thought is the result of a Scully. The other involves the way episodes frame alignment with religious ideologies. wrestle with faith and skepticism and ques Literature implies that religious thought is tion secular rationalism. Jensen (2003), ot another aspect of socially constructed para the Anglican Media, sees the show playing normal thought (Berger 1967). However, re to basic human fears under a veil of para ligion maintains a high degree of credibiiity noia. The fears he identifies include loneli in the Western world, especially Judeo-Chris ness, a sense of confusion, claustrophobia, tian beliefs. Hence, the alignment of religious lack of conclusion, and death. Similar to re belief and paranormal thought is a logical sponses from on-line community members occurrence. In fact, recent research indicates noting the good versus evil themes in the people in careers related to the paranormal show, he points out conquering evil is an intentionally link their occupations to reli ongoing task with the X-Files. He believes gious beliefs to enhance their credibility the Bible offers similar themes, but without (Hodges & Ulsperger 2005). Ironically, reli the paranoia. gious topics presented on television enflame So in relation to structural foundations in some social groups, but networks are sue· creasing the validity of paranormal thought, cessfully producing shows related to the a conflict between science and supernatural paranormal with little anger resulting (Miles belief has been occurring for decades. A 1997). Aware of this and emphasizing the show like the X-Files reflects this conflict and show's connection to religious, faith based cultural trends related to postmodernism. ideologies, the executive producer of the X This makes the show a facilitator in the pro Files notes: motion of paranormal thought, with the best example being its alignment with religious To me, the idea of faith is really the back ideologies to enhance its credibility. bone of the entire series-faith in your own beliefs, ideas about truth, and so it has re Perception and Demands for Information ligious overtones always. It is a more sensi In terms ot perception and demands for tive area on television because you run the intormation, it is relevant to note that trends risk of pissing certain people off, but I think of government skepticism emerged in the we handled it in such a way as to make it 1960s alongside the emergence ot in about miracle belief, or lack of belief - and creased paranormal thought. Against the we set it against the paranormal. (This) is backdrop ot conflict between science and why Mulder can believe in things that go paranormal thought, people started demand bump in the night, and when Scully believes ing answers for the failures of the govern in a miracle, he shuts her down. (Lowery ment and their lack of adequate disclosure 1996138-139) of information. Lyndon Johnson's war on poverty quickly became a failure by what was Interestingly, several denominations have supposed to be a rational, scientitically made remarks about the X-Files series based program. Vietnam became a lost through their respective newsletters and cause promoted by government hawks into magazines. Allen (1997) states in the Na the 1970s. Even into the 1990s, the Reagan tional Catholic Review that the series reso administration failed to implement effective nates with their readers because it involves policies to deal with issues such as drug Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 101 use. Some even started to argue the govern but are not limited to, Whitley Strieber's per ment has a conspiracy to intentionally allow ceived alien abduction and the Bud Hopkins illegal drugs into the country for economic UFO sighting. advantage and social control (Ritzer 1996; Strieber says extraterrestrial beings ab Fenster 2001; Bracken 2002). Perhaps the ducted him in upstate New York in the winter most popular conspiracy associated with the of 1985. He details the event in his book government directly relating to the paranor Communion (1987). Its popularity with the mal involves Area 51, the facility in Nevada public led to three subsequent books and a rumored to be involved in extraterrestrial con feature film based on his experience. Con tact and also discussed in numerous X-Files sidered an icon in the alien research com episodes (Picard 1999; Books 2005). Based munity, Bud Hopkins was involved in a UFO on our literary ethnography, it seems now, sighting in 1964. He also published a book more than ever, a large quantity of published on his experiences called Missing Time books, magazine articles, television shows, (1981). Pushed by the publics demand for and feature films dedicafe their content to more information on his past, he engaged in conspiracies and the paranormal. As we subsequent research on extraterrestrial life have indicated with the X-Files, this increased and human contact. He continues to dis media exposure of supernatural phenom seminate information through publications ena is influencing the way people think about and lectures. Information detailing his expe the paranormal. Even if it is not changing riences appears in publications such as their view on the validity of paranormal Time, The Washington Post, The New York thought, it is exposing them to alternative T;mes, and People. Along with appearances ways of thinking and increasing the popular on National Public Radio, he has been a ity of ideologies competing with rational, sci guest on television shows such as Oprah entific thought. This corresponds with com Winfrey, Good Morning America, 48 Hours, ments previously discussed by on-line sci-fi and Unsolved Mysteries (Intruders 2005). The community members. publicity resulting from the stories of these Therefore, media coverage of a conspiracy men, and similar situations with others in or paranormal event creates an elevated volved with the paranormal, laid the founda sense of public awareness. With the seg tion for supernatural books, television mini ments of the public being skeptical of the series, documentaries, and shows like the governments official position on many other X-Files. Analysts believe shows based in the issues, the public cries out tor information supernatural, like the X-Files, streamlined a from those in power. When people do not get variety of paranormal stories, and pushed it, a shift toward competing ideologies slowly forward lines of thought associated with the starts alongside of elevated media coverage unknown in recent decades. The argument including fictional shows and non-fiction is that the X-Files: news reports. With skeptics questioning sci entific reason and past actions ot the govern~ ... turned into a global phenomena that feeds ment based on rational logic, the increased off of and in turn enthuses the UFO (and acceptance of competing, paranormal ide paranormal) community. UFOlogy's myths ologies emerges giving them greater valid and trends are skillfully incorporated, from ity. Area 51 to abductions, and the governmen tal conspiracy oozes out of every episode. Triggering Events Of course what the series has done is tran With triggering events, it is important to scend fiction and become accepted almost discuss sensationalized paranormal events, as fact by many viewers ... The excesses resulting publicity, advances in technology created by the "X-files" has waned some leading to specialized community groups, in what created by the ballyhoo in 1997 around creased access to information, and actions the 50th anniversary of the birth of the mod of media entrepreneurs. In terms of sensa ern UFO mystery. But this is no bad thing as tionalized paranormal events, Randles the people with unrealistic expectation are (2000) argues that specific circumstances fading from the scene and the hard core of involving individuals and supernatural phe longstanding researchers still remain. The nomena activated the increasing belief in growth of the Internet has triggered a fan paranormal thought. Situations cited inclUde, tastic arena for instant debate and analysis 102 Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology of evidence. UFOs remain the second most her predictions for 2005 and found her to popular subject to be discussed on there, have a 25-30 percent accuracy rate. The prob with thousands of sites. (Randles 2000 393~ lem was thaf he gave the same topics she 395) predicted for to a fourth grade class. They had a 50 percent accuracy rate. Van Praagh As indicated by this comment, an impor stepped in and defended her stating "How tant component also triggering the rise of can we apply three-dimensional laws to in paranormal thought in recent years involves formation that's a fourth or fifth dimension?" technology. Outlets like the Internet allow Regardless of who was right and who was people ostracized for beliefs in paranormal wrong, the show crystallized the positions of phenomena to come together - much iike competing paranormal and scientific ideolo the sci-fj communities studied in this re gies while including religious perspectives. search. This allows tor a mobilization of be interestingly, few callers telephoned into the lievers dedicated to pushing a paranormal show supporting the scientific paradigm (see agenda (Intuition Network 2000; Hodges & King 2005). Ulsperger 2005). It is also relevant to note Using an adaptation of McGarrell and that with the increase in the acceptance of Castellano's (1991) integrative conflict paranormal ideologies, entrepreneurs have theory, it becomes apparent that a larger cul invested and profited. Commercialism re tural shift is leading to an increased accep sulting from interest in paranormal trigger tance of paranormal ideologies. The back ing events, media coverage, and thought in drop of structural foundations relating to the creased considerably over the past few conflict between science and paranormal years. Some critics even argue that some logic, characteristics associated with post individuals claiming to have paranormal ex modernism, and an alignment with legitimate perience do so with only profit motives in mind religious ideologies created a climate for fhis (Randles 2000; Evans, Forsyth, & Forman occurrence. It helped to facilitate demands 2003; Hodges & Ulsperger 2005). This is a for official knOWledge from a government neglected area in this field and warrants fur making mistakes based on rational, scien ther exploration (for more see Camp 1997). tific logic. It helped to generate prolonged media coverage of the paranormal and the CONCLUSION crafting of competing perceptions of reality. In December of 2005, CNN's Larry King With the stage set, triggering events such as Live aired a primetime episode entitled"Are individual experiences, media trends, the Psychics for Real?" Guests on the paranor coming together of communities in cyber mal side included clairvoyant James Van space, and profit motives pushed the accep Praagh, self-proclaimed psychic Sylvia tance of paranormal ideologies to a new level. Browne, and spiritual intuitive Char Margolis. Playing a part in all of this is the X-Fiies. Many Showing some media bias on the issue, only people are familiar with the show. Moreover, one member of the skeptical, scientific com casual viewers of the X-Files acknowledge munity appeared - Dr. Brian Farha. Farha its important themes on supernatural ele teaches a course at Oklahoma City Univer ments, extraterrestrial beings, and con sity called "Science and Pseudo-science," spiracy theories. This implies the show is a The religious representative was co~author success in exposing and normalizing the of the book The Psychic and the Rabbi (2001) public to paranormal themes. Interestingly, - Dr. Shmuley Boteach. When first speaking, on-line sci-fi fans indicate trust and the impor Boteach stated, tance of social bonds represented fhrough the show's lead actors gave them a connec I have yet to find a single psychic medium tion with the characters and increased their who can offer any information of any pub perception of legitimacy of the show's top lic utility or real personal usefulness. For ics. example, where's Osama bin Laden? As this research implies, there is little doubt that a show like the X-Files is playing a Acknowledging the link between the paran part in the increased acceptance of paranor ormal and religion, Van Praagh responded, mal ideoiogies. Whether these ideologies "Hasn't God told you yet?" At a later point, will replace the scientific paradigm remains Farha attacked Browne, noting that he tracked to be seen. One thing we do know, is that if Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 103 they do, they end up being as useless as cal Introduction. Prospect Heights, IL: Wave paranormal proponents claim science cur land Press Inc. rently Is. As Dr. Boteach stated on Larry King _~~. 2002. X-Files: Why was it so appealing? Live, Skeptical Inquiry September. Hodges S.H. & J.S. Ulsperger. 2005. Presenta tions of the paranormal: the impression man A year ago this week, Larry, 300,000 people agement strategies and professionalization tac were killed in a tsunami. James Van Praagh tics of psychics and spirit mediums. FICS 33 says to us that he feels energies... not a 35-50. single psychic felt that? Hopkins B. 1981. Missing Time. NY: Richard Marek Publishing. Van Praagh responded by saying, Intruders. 2005. The Budd Hopkins story. Intrud ers Foundation. Retrieved January 12, 2006 Just because things cannot be proven sci (http://www.intrudersfoundation.org/budd_ entifically in the scientific method or the way hopkins.hlml) Intuition Network. 2000. Intuition network biogra you choose it to be in your paradigm, your phy. Intuition Network. Retrieved February 24, way of thinking, it doesn't mean it doesn't 2004 (http://www.intuition.org/jmbio.htm). exist. Jameson F. 1984. Postmodernism, or the cultural logic of late capitalism. New Left Rev 146 53 His comment sounded "just like stuff right 92. out the X-Files." Jensen M. 2003. X-Files. Anglican Media August. Jung C. 1958. Flying saucers: a modern myth of REFERENCES things seen in the skies. In The Collected Allen J.L. Jr. 1997. National Catholic Review jm~ Works of C. G. Jung. Princeton, NJ: Princeton pulse palpable in The X-Files. National Catho U Press. lic Rev January. Kellner D. 1989. Introduction: Jameson, Marxism, Baudrillard J. 1973. The Mirror of Production. St. and postmodernism. In Postmodernism, Jame Louis, MO: Telos Press. son, Critique. Washington DC: Maisonneuve ______. 1983. Simulations. NY: St. Martin's Press. Press. King L. 2005. Are psychics real? Larry King Live, Berger P. 1967. The Sacred Canopy. NY: Double December 28. Atlanta, GA: CNN Broadcasting. day. Klinenberg E. & 1. Frank. 2005. Looting homeland Books A. 2005. Top-secret Area 51. Kansas City, security. Rofling Stone. http://www.rolling MO: Andrew McMeel Publishing. s tQ n e. CQ m IpQ I i t i Cs/stQ ry/S 9 5 2 4 9 2 / Bracken L. 2002. Shadow Government: Drugs, 10Qting homeland securityl copy retrieved 22 Guns, Oil, and the Bush Dynasty. Kempton,IL: December 2005. Adventures Unlimited Press. Kurland M. 1999. The Complete Idiots Guide to Camp G.S. 1997. Selling Fear: Conspiracy Theo Extraterrestrial Intelligence. NY: Alpha Books. ries and End-Times Paranoia. Ada, MI: Baker Lowry B. 1996. Trust No One: The Official Third Books. Season Guide to The X-Files. Scranton, PA: Carter C. 2003. The Art of the X-Files. NY: Harper Harpercollins. Prism. McGarrel1 E.F. & T.C. Castellano. 1991. An integra Cross J.R. 1991. An attempt to legalize gambling: tive conflict model of the criminal law fQrmation the politics and morality of reverse stigmatiza prQcess. J Res Crime & Definq 28 174-96. tion. Pp 39-64 in Gambling and Public Policy: Miles J. 1997. God and television. TV Guide March International Perspectives. W.A. Edington & J.A. 29, 25-45. Cornelius, eds. Reno, NV: Institute for the Study Peterson P.C. 2002. Religion in The X-Files. J Me of Gambling and Commercial Gambling. dia & Religion 1 181-196. Evans A.D., C.J. Forsyth, & A.A. Forman. 2003. Picard G. 1999. LiqUid Conspiracy. Kempton, lL: Psychic accounts: self-legitimation and the Adventures Unlimited Press. management of a spoiled identity. Sociological Randles J. 2000. The Little Giant Encyclopedia of Spectrum 23 359-75. UFOs. NY: Sterling Publishing Company. Fenster M. 2001. Conspiracy Theories: Secrecy Ritzer G. 1996. Sociological Theory, 4 th ed. NY: and Power in American Culture. Twin Cities, McGraw-Hill. MN: U Minnesota Press. Scheingold S. 1984. The Politics of Law and Or Galliher J. & J.R. Cross. 1983. Morals Legislation der: Street Crime and Public Policy. NY: Long Without Morality: The Case of Nevada. New man. Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers U Press. Shklovskii 1.5. & C. Sagan. 1966. Intelligent Life in Geller U. & S. Boteach. 2001. The Psychic and the the Universe. NY: Dell Publishing. Rabbi. Naperville, IL: Sourcebooks Inc. Simon A. 1999. The Real Science Behind The X Goode E. 2000. Paranormal Beliefs: A Sociologi- Files: Microbes, Meteorites, and Mutants. NY: 104 Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Simon and Schuster. ciological Focus 27 67-80. Strieber W. 1987. Communion. NY: Beech Tree Wickipedia. 2006. The X-Files. Wickipedia Data Books. base. Retrieved January 12, 2006 (http://en. Uisperger J.S. 2003. Greed, ghosts, and grand wikipedia.org/wikifThe_X-Files). juries: the formation of nursing home law and Wilson J. 2002. Closing the X-Files ... with the sign Oklahoma's health department scandal. FIGS of the cross. Christianity Today May. 31 115-124. Van De Poel-Knottnerus F. & J.D. Knottnerus. 1994. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Social life through literature: a suggested strat The authors would like to thank the reviewers and egy for conducting a literary ethnography. $0- John R. Cross for helpful comments on previous drafts of this manuscript. Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 105 ROMANCE NOVELS AND FEMALE SEXUALITY: VICARIOUS PARTICIPATION?" Huei-Hsia Wu and Anthony Walsh, Boise State University ABSTRACT This study explores the association between time spent rcading romance novels and female sexuality. The respondents were 4:;6 white female college students, age 18-47. Several variables of interest are used 10 indicate sexuality: I) age when thoughts of sex first occurred, 2) age at first intercourse. 3) strength of sex drive. 4) sex addiction, 5) number of orgasms. 6) number of sex partners, and 7) femininity. Our results show that readers of romance novels self-reported greater sex addiction. greater sex drive, and greater number of orgasms required for sexual satisfaction than non-readers. However. readers had fewer sex partners, and were older when they had their first thoughts about sex and had their first sexual inten:ourse. This pallern fits the Harlequin romance stereotype of nourishing a satisfying sex life in the context of romantic monogamous fidelity while at the same time vicariously fulfilling desires through fictitious characters. INTRODUCTION exclusive female interest (Itzin 1992). Gender differences in sexual attitudes and However, some females do show an in behaviors are well-documented (Delamater terest in pornography. Walsh (1999) found & MacCorquodale 1979; Louderback & Whit substantial differences between female ley 1997; Parameswaran 2002; Walsh & readers and non-readers of pornography in Walsh 2002). Males are more likely to have several indicators of female sexuality, such sexual fantasies and 10 masturbate while as sex addiction, number of coital sex part doing so (Ellis & Symons 1990; Knoth, Boyd ners, and number of orgasms per month re & Singer 1988; Oliver & Hyde 1993). In gen quired for sexual satisfaction. In fact, female eral, females tend to fantasize about them readers of pornography were closer to males selves as passive receivers of the sexual ad on all indicators of sexuality than to female vances of powerful men while males fanta non-readers. Much of the previous research size about themselves as initiators and "con on this topic has centered on the impact of querors.'· While sexual fantasies are person pornography on the sexuality of male audi al affairs, they are strongly influenced by the ences and reports such findings as rapists biology of sex and the social construction of and child molesters are significantly greater gender (Giddens 1992). consumers of pornography than males in Gender-typical responses to erotic litera general (Bauserman 1996; Carr & Van ture have recently generated scholarly inter Deusen 2004). est (Rabine 1985; Radway 1984 & 1987). Empirical research on the association be Oliver and Hyde (1993) conducted a meta tween reading romance novels and female analysis of 177 studies and found subslan sexuality for readers and non-readers is tial gender differences in respondents' in scant. Do readers reflect the female stereo terest in pornography, frequency of mastur type depicted in such novels in both their bation, and frequency of casual sex. It has desires and their actual behavior, or does been found that from the earliest days of life, reading them represent only vicarious partici males are "visualizers" or "objectifiers" which pation? The only empirical work addressing later in life make them susceptible to the this question found that pregnant high school kinds of visual impersonal sexual stimuli rep girls (a palpable indicator of expressed sexu resented in pornography (Geary 2000; ality) judged that the content of romantic nov Baumeister 2000). On the other hand, fe els epitomized their own sexual desires and males prefer symbolic meanings of sexual behaviors more strongly than did never-preg identity and a relationship, are unenthusias nant high school girls (Muram, Rosenfhal. tic and negative about pornography, and pre Tolley & Peeler 1992). fer romance novels (loUes, Weinberg & Romance novels are a major money Weller 1993). Thus an inlerest in pornogra maker for publishers. A 2003 report showed phy is often considered an almost exclusive that an aslounding 55 percent of all paper male interest (Christensen 1990) and read back fiction sold in the United States between ing romance novels is considered an almost 1999 and 2002 were romance novels and 106 Volume 33 NO.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology that they generating more than $1.63 billion this is the content of male fantasies that are in sales in 2002 (Romance Industry Statis fueled by pornography. In short, male sexual tics 2003). Although about 60 percent of all fantasies are prompted by the natural male U.S. households purchase no books, over tendency to visualize sexual images of unfa 51 million individuals reported that they read miliar women that reflects their short-term at least one romance novel in 2002. Of those male mating strategy, while female fantasies readers, about 71 percent were women be are driven by the natural tendency of females tween the ages of 20 and 54, and 63 percent to respond to auditory, contextual, or sym of that group had either a college degree or bolic contents of erotica that communicates some college education (Romance Industry a desire and passion for familiar persons, Statistics 2003). Given the great popularity of all of which signify the long-term elements of romance novels among women it would be female mating patterns (Malamuth 1996; surprising if readership did not reflect some Taylor 2005). thing about sexual self-images and if read From a symbolic interactionist perspec ers did not differ from non-readers on this tive, romance novels can be regarded as a variable. form of text-reader interaction, a system of values and languages, an evolution of cul THEORETICAL BACKGROUND tural ideals embedded in social institutions According to evolutionary theory, gender and structured by regularity and rules. From differences in sexuality result from the natu a Goffmanian perspective (1983), different ral selection for sex-specific solutions to cultural and social groups may instill diverse adaptative problems each sex faced in an forms of sexuality with particular cultural cestral times (Vandermassen 2004). Given meanings embedded in religious beliefs that a woman's parental investment is obliga and/or moral values. Individuals may vigor torily enormous and a male's obligatory in ously construct and reconstruct their sexual vestment is limited only to contributing sperm, practices and experiences over their life cycle it would be surprising indeed if the sexual and, consequently, creating their identities strategies of the two genders did not differ in as sexual beings. These structured ways of a number of ways. Males gain more in terms constructing sexual identity and the self are of reproductive success following a strategy understood as an "interpretive representa of mating with multiple partners while the tion," facilitating people to "locate, perceive. increased probability of female reproductive identify, and label" episodes within their life success lies mainly in securing resources and the social world at large (Goffman 1974 from a male to assist her in raising offspring. 21). There are no fitness benefits for females to Goffman was referring to what modern mate with multiple partners, indeed, the op psychologists call erotic plasticity (Bau posite is true, and thus evolutionary logic meister 2004). A cascade of evidence from implies that they will be choosier in her mat around the world indicates that females evi ing habits and come to prefer carefully se dence far more erotic plasticity than males lected males that are devoted and commit and this plasticity is a function of female sexu ted to a long-term intimate relationship (Bau ality being less tied to biology and more to meister 2004; Geary 2000; Malamuth 1996). culture than male sexuality (Baumeister This does not imply a simplistic "men are 2000, 2004; Schmitt 2003). In other words, a from Mars; women are from Venus" view of less intensive motivation to engage in sex gender differences in sexuality. As Schmitt driven by a less poweriul sex drive allows (2004 4) has put it "women possess all the female sexuality to be more flexible and more hallmarks of having evolved a short-term prone to socialization influences. Among mating strategy" but it is "a strategy based these influences are romance novels, a on selectively desiring men of high status, medium that provides readers opportunities dominance, and genetic quality." This de to create sexual fantasies the acting out of scription of desirable males, of course, is which is denied to them in the real world. As exactly the description of the heroes desired Giddens (1992 123) has put it by the heroines in romance novels. Male short-term sexual strategy, on the other hand, Sexual fantasies, when consciously em is far more indiscriminate and emphasizes ployed, can create a counter-order, a kind quantity over quality (Baumeister 2000), and of subversion, and a little space into which Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 107 Table 1: Comparisons Between Female Readers and Non-Readers of Romance Novels on Means of Seven Indices of Sexuality Variable Mean Sig. t Age when first thought about sex Reader 14.65 -3.72 <.001" Non-reader 13.63 Age at first intercourse Reader 17.56 -2.19 <.05' Non-reader 16.92 Strength of sex drive Reader 72.10 -7.32 <.001*-- Non-reader 59.00 Degree to which addicted to sex Reader 45.20 -4.26 <.001'" Non-reader 19.01 Number of orgasms desired per month Reader 12.10 -3.71 <.001*" Non-reader 5.81 Number of sex partners Reader 5.20 2.26 <.05* Non-reader 7.00 Femininity score Reader 64.51 -3.14 <.01" Non-reader 73.10 *p<.05; u p<.Ol : ***p<.OOl we can escape, especially when they sexuality. Parameswaran (2002 832) argued scramble all those neat and oppressive dis that in India: tinctions between active and passive, mas~ culine and feminine, dominant and submis young women are fascinated by the com sive. modities of Western material culture in im ported romance fiction is located in their Feminist views are less positive about the desire to experience their identities as cos function of romance novels. They make the mopolitan, global consumers. In negotiating obvious point that the relationships de the boundaries of tradition, Indian women scribed by romance novels and in the subse~ readers construct romance fiction as mod quent sexual fantasies that they generate ern manuals on sexuality that afford them rarely exist in the ordinary world. They add escape from the burdens of preserving the that the real world favors the values of male honor of family and community. hegemonic power. Social reality is deeply rooted in gender stereotypes and these Given the preceding, we hypothesize that male-favoring stereotypes are reinforced in readers of romance novels would have high romance novels. In addition, romance nov er levels of interest in sexuality (at least in els are a form of commodity based on seil the abstract) than non-readers. If the asser ing fantasies to women that emphasize the tion is true that such novels are a major kinds of fidelity and love that echo the ideolo source of socialization relating to the "proper" gies of consumerism and capitalism. behavior of women, however, sexual abstrac Through text~reader interactions, female tions may not necessarily translate into readers become the "willing surrenderers" sexual behavior. to the system of gender oppression that sup ports and reinforces females' social subor METHODS AND DATA dination. A recent ethnographic research par This is a descriptive analysis which at tially confirmed the influence of Western ro tempts to assess the degree to which a mance novels and female sexuality in India single variable (readership of romance nov (Parameswaran 2002). The author argued els) is associated with a variety of indicators that reading Western romance novels reflects of sexuality. Subjects are 436 white female the deeply-rooted patriarchal discourses of college students ranging in age from 18 to feminine ethics that controls Indian women's 47 who participated in the study for extra 108 Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology credit points. Subjects were asked the per self-reported greater sex addiction, greater centage of their reading time that they devote sex drive and greater number of orgasms to romantic novels: those who indicated any required for sexual satisfaction than non percentage that was greater than 1 were clas readers. This would lead us to suspect that sified as readers (n=308, 70.6%), while those readers would have a varied sex life and who indicated zero percentage were classi sexual activities with more partners than non fied as non-readers (n=128, 29.4%). readers, and that they would have thought The variables of major interest were: 1) about and commenced sexual activify at a age when thoughts of sex first occurred; 2) younger age. Contrary to expectations, read age at first intercourse; 3) strength of sex ers of romance novels had fewer sex part drive; 4) degree to which they feel addicted to ners, a lower level of self-assessed femi sex; 5) femininity score; 6) the number of or ninity than non-readers, and were older when gasms monthly required for sexual satisfac they had their first fhoughts about sex and tion, and 7) number of lifetime sex partners. had their first sexual intercourse. Self-assessed items 3, 4, 5, and 6 asked These findings are not so unusual when respondents to assess themselves on a viewed in the Iighf of a large number of stud scale ranging from zero to 100 on each item ies that have shown a much greater incon (e.g., "To what degree do you fell you are ad sistency between attitudes and behavior dicted to sex?"). Items 1,2, and 7 simply ask among females fhan among males when it ed for the values or numbers. Various demo~ comes to sex (reviewed in Baumeister 2000). graphic variables such as age, marital sta This attitude/behavior inconsistency coheres tus, and socioeconomic status were also in with the view of greater erotic plasticity in fe cluded. males than in males. Male sexuality is widely considered to be more tightly bound by biol RESULTS ogy and thus more rigid and less open to Readers did not differ significantly from modification by sociocultural factors. The non-readers on any of the demographic greater degree of female sexual plasticity measures but did on all measured indices allows them to more readily adapt to chang of sexuality. With respect to the self-as ing circumstances and thus to be more mal sessed indices of sexuality, Table 1 shows leable to socialization. We argue that the con that there are considerable group differences tent of romance novels is at least a modestly on femininity, strength of sex drive, degree of powertul molder of the sexuality of those who feelings of sex addiction, and number of or read them. From a feminist standpoint, by gasms for sexual satisfaction with readers imagining being a heroine in a romantic fan scoring higher than non-readers on all vari tasy, readers find an escape from the bur ables. These findings indicate a strong self dens of preserving female subordinated sta assessed interest in sexual activity in the tus. The content of most romance novels re abstract among readers of romance novels, flects the profoundly embedded patriarchal relative to non-readers. In terms of overt be~ discourses of female constraints; so read havioral differences, however, we find a ing romance novels plays a role in shaping somewhat different situation. The average the meaning of the self, sexual identity and age when readers first thought about sex attitudes and behavior relative to this patriar was 14.65 compared to the average age of chy. Thus the overall resulfs of this study sug 13.63 for non-readers (t = -3.72, P < .001). gest that the general attitude/behavior pat Readers and non-readers differed in terms tern of readers of romance novels fits the of the age at which they experienced their Harlequin stereotype of nourishing a satisfy first sexual intercourse, with readers first ex ing sex life in the context of romantic monog periencing it at 17.56 and non-readers at 16.9 amous fidelity while at the same time vicari (t = -2.19, P < .05). Readers also had fewer ously fulfilling sexual desires through ficti sex partners (M = 5.2) than non-readers (M = tious characters in romance novels. 7.0) (t = 2.26, P < .05). In terms of palpable Several limitations of this study are ac indicators of sexuality, then, readers turn out knowledged. Because of sampling limita to be less "sexual" than non-readers. tions and the non-experimental nature of the study, no cause/effect statements can be DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION made; that is, are the attitude/behavior incon Our results reveal that female readers sistencies noted among romance novel read- Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 NO.2 November 2005 109 ers the result of the socialization influences Louderback l. & B. Whitley. 1997. Perceived erotic of the novels or do people wlfh such Incon value of homosexuality and sex-role attitudes sistencies gravitate toward such novels? as mediators of sex differences in heterosexual Further, the sexuality-related items were not college students' attitudes toward lesbians and gay men. J Sex Res 34 175- 182. . defined for respondents, thus allowing them Malamuth N. 1996. Sexually explicit media, gender to place their own subjective definitions and differences, and evolutionary theory. J Com· idiosyncratic interpretations on them. Never munication 46 8·31. theless, the overall paffern of findings is in Muram D., T. Rosenthal, E. Tolley & M. Peeler. 1992. the direction predicted by fhe erotic plasficity Teenage pregnancy: dating and sexual atti hypothesis. The results presenfed here do tudes. J Sex Ed & Therapy 18 264-276. provide infriguing possibilities for future re Oliver M.B. & J.S. Hyde. 1993. Gender differences search into the role of romance novel read in sexuality: a meta-analysis. Psychological Bull ing in the sexual lives of fhose who read 11429-51. Rabine l. 1985. Romance in the age of electron them. ics: Harlequin Enterprises. Feminist Studies 11 39-60. REFERENCES Radway J. 1984. Reading the Romance: Wom~n, Baumeister R. 2000. Gender differences in erotic Patriarchy, and Popular Literature. Chapel HIli: plasticity: the female sex drive as socially flex U North Carolina Press. ible and responsive. Psychological Bull 126 --=--0' 1987. Reading Reading the Romance. 347-374. Pp. 62-79 in Studies in Culture: An Introduc· ______" 2004. Leading comment: gender and tory Reader, A. Gray & J. McGUigan, eds. lon erotic plasticity: sociocultural influences on the don: Arnold. sex drive. Sexual Relationship Therapy 19 Parameswaran R. 2002. Reading fictions of ro 133-139. mance: gender, sexuality, and nationalism in Bauserman R. 1996. Sexual aggression and por post colonial India. J Communication 52 832 nography: a review of correlational research. 851. Basic Applied Social Psych 18 405·427. Romance Industry Statistics. 2003. Romance Writ Carr J. & K. Van Deusen. 2004. Risk factors for ers of America. Retrieved in January 2006 from mate sexual aggression on college campuses. http://www.rwanational.org. J Family Violence 19 279·289. Schmitt D. 2003. Universal sex differences in the Christensen F. 1990. Pornography: The Other Side. desire for sexual variety: tests from 52 na NY: Praeger. tions, 6 continents, and 13 islands. J Personal DeLamater J. & P. MacCorquodale. 1979. Premari & Soc Psych 85 85-104. tal Sexuality: Attitudes, Relationships, Behav . 2004. Sociosexuality from Argentina to ior. Madison, WI; U Wisconsin Press. -~Z~im--C-babwe: A 48-Nation Study of Sex, Culture, Ellis B. & D. Symons. 1990. Sex differences in and Strategies of Human Mating. (In press). sexual fantasy: an evolutionary psychological Taylor l.D. 2005. Effects of visual and verbal approach. J Sex Research 27 527-555. sexual television content and perceived real Geary D.C. 2000. Evolution and proximate_expres ism on attitudes and beliefs. J Sex Res 42 130 sion of human paternal investment. Psycho 137. logical Bull 126 55-77. Vandermassen G. 2004. Sexual selection: a tale Giddens A. 1992. The Transformation of Intimacy: of male bias and feminist denial. European J Sexuality, Love, and Eroticism in Modern So· Women's Studies 11 9·26. cieties. Stanford, CA: Stanford U Press. Walsh A. 1999. Life history theory and female read Gottman E. 1974. Frame Analysis: An Essay on ers of pornography. Personality and Individual the Organisation of Experience. Harmonds Diller 27 779-787. worth: Penguin. Walsh A. & V. Walsh. 2002. Gender differences in -~--c-' 1983. The interaction order (American sexual dreaming, disinhibition, and number of Sociological Association 1982 Presidential Ad coital Partners. FIGS 30211-219. dress). Amer Sociological Rev 48 1·17. Ilzin C.1992. Pornography: Women, Violence and AUTHORS Civil Liberties. Oxford: Oxford U Press. Huei-Hsia Wu is currently an Assistant Professor Knoth R., K. Boyd & B. Singer. 1988. Empirical in the Department of Sociology at Boise State Uni tests of sexual selection theory: predictions of versity. Tony Walsh is a Professor in the Depart sex differences in onset, intensity, and time ment of Criminal Justice at Boise State University. course of sexual arousal. J Sex Res 24 73-89. E-mail correspondence should be addressed to Lottes I., M. Weinberg & I.Welier. 1993. Reactions [email protected] or the Department of Soci to pornography on a college campus: for or ology, Boise State University, 1910 University Drive, against? Sex Roles: J Res 69-90. 29 Boise, Idaho 83725-1945. 110 Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology 2005 REVIEWERS The journal would like to thank the following individuals who have served as referees throughout this year. Bonnie Berry, Social Problems Research Group Karen Miller-Potter, University of Kentucky Adam Rafalovich, Texas Tech University Anthony Walsh, Boise State University Donald Allen, Emeritus Professor, Oklahoma State University Leslie Stanley-Stephens, Tarleton State University Kelly Damphouse, University of Oklahoma Avelardo Valdez, University of Huston Marvin Cooke, Tulsa Community College Emily LaBell, Midwestern State University Robert Hughes, University of Colorado - Boulder Jellery Breese, University of Tampa Laurel Holland, University of West Georgia Charles Harper, Creighton University William A. Reese, Augusta State University Dennis Brewster, Oklahoma State University Stephen Sifaneck, National Development & Research Institute, Inc. Louis Holscher, San Jose State University Robert Regoli, University of Colorado - Boulder Rich Alford, East Central Oklahoma University Charles Gallmeier, Indiana University Northwest Clifton Bryant, Virginia Polytechnic & State University Rudolph Alexander, Ohio State University Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 111 TOWARD DEVELOPING A PROFILE OF SUICIDE TERRORISTS: A SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS' Raghu N. Singh and Amir Abbassi Texas A&M University-Commerce ABSTRACT OUf major objective in Ihis paper is 10 report findings of a small scale study aimed at developing an initial and general profile of suicide terrorists in the contemporary world. We employed Delphi procedures for listing characteristics and behaviors of suicide terrorists at psychological, demographic, economic. and sociopolitical levels of analysis. We first based their initial listing on the existing literature and media repofts, which was then handed over to a panel of 7:' 'experts' in personal interviews conducted in two rounds. OUf respondcnls finalized a list of 48 characteristics of suicide terrorists grouped under three major headings. Our research was guided by the sociological perspective and appears to have a suggestive role for future studies by providing several useful ideas on thc subject of suicide terrorism. PROBLEM STATEMENT dimensions of this complex process of vio The phenomenon of terrorism has, par lence in human society. We do, however, find ticularly during the past few decades, added in the literature numerous anecdotal and his a unique and probably one of the most dan torical narratives of incidents and political gerous styles of violence against the human movements involving suicide terrorists. We ity in the form of the so called 'suicide terror particularly find all sorts of interpretations and ism.' Individuals engaged in this form of kill sometimes even emotionally charged ar ing are "true beiievers" (Hoffer 1951 1-3), ticles on the subject on the web and in other whose only reality is a blind faith in their 'just popular media, often focusing on particular cause,' often legitimized in an apparent political and "religious" groups propagating sense of desperation without the use of sci justifications suicide terrorists have. Many of entific logic for vested interests of their own these analyses perhaps distort facts and collective body or group beyond which noth usually provide limited knowledge of mul ing seem to matter. They generally tend to tiple causes and correlates of suicide terror lose sight of own personal meaning of life ism and its impacts on lives of people across and become seriously committed to conver the globe. Available data on suicide terror sion of the world into their fantasies by turn ists are often sketchy, sensationalized, or ing into the so called human bombs. Stud classified under the jurisdiction of various ies have reported an increasing trend in sui countries. We need systematic research in cide missions for achieving terrorist goals natural and social sciences for effectively in· (Lutz & Lutz 2004). vestigating forms and correlates of suicide Suicide terrorism has become a viable terrorism in order to deal with this serious source of violence in the contemporary world problem. We find the sociological perspec because it is cost effective (for example, AI tive as a meaningful approach to study and Quaidas used American resources and per interpret issues related to the problem. It is haps little funding of their own to cause one a broader perspective that incorporates of the most deadly forms of destruction in analyses at various levels (individual, social, history on September 11, 2001), relatively cultural, ecological, and so forth). easier and quicker to execute, extremely dif ficult to detect, and very unpredictable as to Objective when, where, how, or why it takes place. Ex The major objective of the study we are amples of suicide missions are on the rise reporting here is fo use the sociological per in various parts of the world despite of des spective toward identifying selected charac perate efforts to detect them even in very con· teristics of suicide terrorists. In that regard, tained locations such as Kashmir, Iraq, Is suicide terrorism is considered to be a so rael, and Sri Lanka. It seems that we cur cial or a collectiVity related phenomenon rently lack theoretical and methodological though it incorporates psychological or other capability in almost all discipiines to be able possible components. The sociological per to adequately understand or comprehend all spective would also view suicide terrorism 112 Volume 33 NO.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology as a process involving multiple and interact sible that even minor attempts in conducting ing circumstances and factors involved. research using a profiling method, such as Our specific objectives include the devel the one we are reporting in this paper, might opment of ideas for 1) testing the accuracy help toward eventual refinement of investi as well as conceptual relevance of a particu gative techniques in the field. lar method for profiling, screening or detect ing suicide terrorists, and 2) outlining an ac METHODOLOGY tual profile of suicide terrorists in terms of an In the search for better methods of profil initial list of their probable individual, demo ing suicide terrorists, we selected the Delphi graphic, economic, cultural, political, and technique to develop at least an initial draft social characteristics. We view our study as of a profile of suicide terrorists. This "intui an intellectual exercise in attempting to build tive technique" has methodological poten a tentative and general profile of suicide ter tials lor utilizing the knowledge of experts in rorists and its sociological interpretations. a particular area of investigation (Singh & In doing so, we did not attempt to target any Webb 1979). The technique has relevance particular nation, ethnic, religious, separat to what C. Wright Mills (1959) called "socio ist or political groups as such. logical imagination" as it connects to both history as well as biography of individuals Rationale being profiled. This study should have implications for improving the accuracy of identifying or de Delphi Procedures tecting suicide terrorists. Studies like this In general, the Delphi procedures for de may help, hopefuily in the long run, in reduc veloping a profile of suicide terrorists con ing economic and social costs associated sisted of the following steps. with threats and occurrences of suicide ter First, we developed an initial profile of sui rorism in various parts of the world. It may cide terrorists based on the existing knowl also have implications for improving meth· edge in the literature. The major step toward odology of profiling suicide terrorists in a accomplishing that objective was to prepare scientific manner rather than in arbitrary, la an initial list of characteristics or behaviors beling, or other simplistic methods often of suicide terrorists that could be handed over used by law enforcement agencies in vari to experts or judges who would rank them in ous countries. terms of degree of importance and then could A few studies have demonstrated that pro add to thaf list whatever they considered rele filing is emerging as a "legitimate adjunct" to vant and important. To achieve that goal, we criminal investigation (Turvey 1999). We have consulted scientific literature, on-line mate come a long way from the Italian physician, rials as well as popUlar magazines and Lombrosos (1835-1909), and his limited and newspaper reports relevant to suicidology, crude efforts toward biological profiling of terrorism in general, and suicide terrorism criminals to more recent systematic efforts in particular. For example, the literature in that regard made by forensic pathologists helped us in identifying the characteristics of and Federal Bureau of Investigation agents. people engaged in suicidal behaviors (Dou However, criminologists have generally been glas 1967; Dublin 1963; Maltsberger & Buie concerned about profilers not publishing 19aO; Maris 1991; Maris, Berman, & Silver their analyses due to information sensitivity man 2000); those who have been notorious and there has been a lack of non-partisan as terrorists in general (Kupperman & Trent professional organizations working on eth 1999; Kushner 1998; Lutz & Lutz 2004; ics and standards for developing and using Simonsen & Spindlove 2004; Whittaker criminal profiles. A few investigators have 2004); and ones who have been known to gone ahead by providing individual profiles have participated in incidents of suicide ter· of specific terrorists (Whittaker 2004: 62-73) rorism (Cooley 2000; Kaarthikeyan & Rad rather than working on general profiles ap havinod 2004; Sivan 1985; Swami 2003). We plicable to such criminals. Serious efforts also iooked into at least theoretically relevant are needed to improve upon both deductive causes and correlates of the characteristics and inductive methods of criminal profiling, of suicide terrorists in order to understand including those who have been or are likeiy their background. Some of these correlates to be engaged in terrorist activities. It is pos- included variables connected to psychologi- Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 113 cal, ecological, demographic, social and cul and we took notes on their candid reactions tural contexts. to profile items and their comments helped Second, we selected a "panel of experts" us in evaluating their responses. consisting of professionals and community Fourth, we statistically analyzed re leaders who were assumed to be somewhat sponses from the first round of interviews to knowledgeable of the suicide terrorism area determine the degree of consensus among of study, or were capable ot using realistic respondents on each item of the profiie. Then, logic in helping us understand it. Profession in a second round, we provided them with als included scholars, researchers, and their average responses (mean, standard practitioners having a background in several deviation, and interquartile range) on each disciplines, such as anthropology, criminol item from the tirst round and asked them to ogy, jurisprudence, education, psychology, reconsider their earlier responses if consid forensics, biology, business, history, religion, ered necessary by them. The standard de political science, economics, social work, viation on an item represented a degree of and sociology at three state universities lo consensus among respondents, while a cated in a metropolitan area in the south mean response on the scale was an indica western United States. The community lead tor of the degree of an item's importance in ers included residents of that area who had relation to other items. We assumed that in a reputation of being leading actors and were cases where a person's response is out immigrants from India, Pakistan, Egypt and side the group interquartile range, justifica Iran. These 'leaders' were conveniently ac tion for the extreme response should be cessible to us and we expected them to be clearly stated. Of all respondents, we found somewhat knowledgeable about regions 01 the community leaders to be the most coop the world which have been impacted by ter erative in the interview process. It took us rorist activities during the past few decades. five months to complete interviews in both Professionals and leaders were selected rounds, though the second round of inter through a snow-balling or chain-referral tech views went much taster than the first one. nique based upon their reputation. Thus, we We asked our respondents in the second gave each respondent a list of our potential round to help us reassess former responses expert or knowledgeable persons in their and finalize the ranking of various character category of expertise and then asked them istics of suicide terrorists. We also asked to add names of influential people in various them to help us group those characteristics categories of the list, when possible. We iden into as many categories as possible. The tified 108 names of these professionals and grouping of characteristics enabled us and leaders through that chain-referral technique our respondents to conceptually relate them and collected our data from 73 of them. The with each other and be able to interpref them non-random sample in our exploratory study and their ranking process. Six respondents consisted of 18 faculty members (teachers! could not be re-interviewed during the sec researchers) in sciences and technology, 21 ond round. in social sciences, and 15 in colleges of edu cation. In addition, 19 community leaders Usefulness of the Delphi Technique participated in the study. The Delphi approach has been used in Third, we contacted and personally inter studies concerning several kinds of prob viewed 73 respondents through a question lem areas especially as a tool for forecast naire consisting of profile items presented ing. It has proved to be a valuabie technique through an open-ended design to elicit a for planning and torecasting the long-term broad range of responses. We understand future (Singh & Webb 1979). A large number that many users ot the Delphi technique of studies sponsored by the Rand Corpora employ mailed questionnaires for data col tion have employed Delphi procedures in de lection. Interviewing respondents appeared veloping criteria for decision making and to be a necessity for us because of the sen policy formulation, including those in higher sitive nature of our topic of study and be education (Custer, Scarcella & Stewart 1999). cause of the types of respondents involved. A number of scholars have discussed In addition, interviewing respondents en the merits of the Delphi approach. We are sured a satisfactory response rate (despite summarizing a few advantages of using this an initial loss ot 35 potential respondents) approach as follows: 1) The Delphi approach 114 Volume 33 NO.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology relies on the rationality of group judgment, or ants. We grouped some of the ranked char "n-heads are better than one." It is a process acteristics in various categories through a of eliciting and refining the opinions of a consensus among respondents during the group of individuals. The individuals remain second round of interviews. anonymous to each other; their opinions are continually refined and reiterated; and feed 1) The psychological and personality pro back to participants is controlled. 2) The file of individuals/groups: Delphi approach is a variant of the panel or • being emotionally charged for militancy committee approach for arriving at a consen against particular govt./authority; de sus of majority opinions. Its design elimi pendent, particularly on some specific nates or prevents face-ta-face confrontation, person(s) of authority or charisma; hav specious persuasion, and the bandwagon ing a conviction that violence is the only effect of a majority agreement. It replaces way to defend self, family, community, direct discussion with a series of carefully or nation from the perceived aggres controlled questionnaires that report back sions or invasions by others; edited and new information to the partici • having low self esteem but a false/irra pants, where they act in privacy and react to tional sense of courage/confidence; a the successive inputs. 3) The Delphi ap lack of specific goals and direction in proach uses some form of statistical index life; having a sense of desperation; be as a representative of the group opinion. ing depressed; pessimistic outlook; Thus, there is no particular attempt to arrive sense of having experienced signifi at unanimity among the respondents, and a cant loss/deprivation; having a no spread of opinions on the final round is the madic (unsettled) lifestyle; loner and normal outcome. 4) The Delphi approach is egocentric; very useful in such areas as profiles of ter • being obsessive/compulsive; having rorists where objective and valid measures anxiety disorder; serious temper/anger are not easily accessible. 5) The Delphi ap control problems; being rash/erratic, proach provides flexibility for the research in authoritarian and controlling; focused various ways. There is no "cut and dried" set on blaming someone/something par of steps to follow and it provides variations ticular or general for own problems; of possibilities during each phase of inquiry. • being inflexible/rigid. resisting change; having persistence/perseverance in FINDINGS perusing same cause and behaviors The Delphi procedures facilitated the fi over time; having experienced a dra nal selection and ranking of psychological, matic change in the recent past; demographic/economic, and sociopolitical • tend to label people/cultures/nations characteristics of people who were consid without giving it a second thought; ered to be engaging in acts of suicide terror • individuals having a history of a certain ism around the globe on the basis of con degree of mental illness, emotional sensus among professionals and commu disturbance or psychopathology; a his nity leaders as experts. Selected findings tory of overt/covert suicidal tendencies; related to that are summarized below. phobic/hateful of law enforcement and military people; substance abuser; fa Characteristics of Suicide Terrorists talistic. As stated earlier, we started with a rather long list of possible personality, social, cul 2) Demographic and economic character tural, economic, demographic, and political istics of individuals/groups: profiles of individuals and groups involved in • largely young, single males recruited at suicide terrorism on the basis of literature. tender age (though there is a recent The respondents, based on consensus and trend of recruitment of females of all rankings of traits, arrived at the following three ages among some terrorist groups categories of characteristics of suicide ter such as Tamil Tigers); rorists. These characteristics are listed un • none/unstable employment history; rela der three subheadings in a rank order of av tively lower socioeconomic status, in erage importance (from highly important to cluding low or a conditioned/highly re less important) as assigned by our respond- gulated/programmed educational Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 115 Table 1: Correlation Matrixes in Terms of Spearman's Rank Order Correlation (RHO) Coeffi cients Showing Interrelationships Among Four Sets of Sample in Profiling the Suicide Terrorists Total Social N Scientists Scientists Educationists (N=73) (N=1a) (N=21) (N=15) Degree of consensus in ranking profile items Scientists 0.61* Social Scientists 0.42 0.29 Educationists 0.59* 0.41 0.64" Community Leaders 0.38 0.26 0.57" 0049" Degree of importance assigned to profile items Scientists 0.73* Social Scientists 0.54* 0.43 Educationists 0.44 0.33 0.55" Community Leaders 0.48* 0040 0049' 0.36 *Related I-test values significant at .05 or less. background; a low rate of intergenera family member/triend who has been a tional/intragenerational mobility victim of terror; • likely to belong to particular ethnic/na • ethnocentric and has a racial/religious tionality/religious background (which prejudicial orientation toward select may vary from place to place and trom groups. time to time). Interrelationship among Four Sets of 3) Sociopolitical background of individualsl Respondents groups: Data presented in Table 1 show the inter • having expectation of or received viable relationship among the four groups of re publicity for a cause through mass spondents in terms of the degree to which media; they had consensus ranking items to profile • a vocal lack of trust in legal recourses suicide terrorists and the way they assigned such as negotiations/collaborations! importance to those items. Spearman rank conflict resolutions and in organiza order correlation (RHO) coefficients pre tions that provide help in those at inter sented in the table indicate that several sig national level; nificant differences existed among the four • having been recipient of financial and sets of respondents in their levels of can· emotional support from a terrorist sensus over the profiling items as well as group/individual(s); having access to varying degrees of importance given by them a training facility for terrorism; to items. Data indicate that scientists and • having a commitment to the fanatic/radi educationists had the strongest correlation cal interpretation of a particular reli to the total N in having consensus over se· gion; lecting characteristics of suicide terrorists. • having been oversocialized and con On the other hand, while the social scien trolled from childhood; strong belief in tists and community leaders were in agree familism/kinship ties and being sus ment with each other, they did not have sig picious of bureaucratic organizations; nificant consensus with others in the group • strongly committed to a separatist po the way the profiling items were ranked. How litical ideology; tend to be highly in ever, social scientists and scientists did volved in a particular cause/movement; agree with each other in assigning impor having a tendency to support a dictato tance to various profiling characteristics. The rial orientation in government; having social scientists and educationists also been affiliated to a group that has a agreed with each other in assigning impor history of violence; tance to items. • having own or close family or friends' criminal and/or suicide history; having Contribution of the Second Round been a victim of violence/abuse; had a A second round of interviews with re- 116 Volume 33 NO.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Table 2: The RHO Coefficients for Responses in Round 1 and Round 2 In Terms of Social Community Degrees of Consensus Scientists Scientists Educationists leaders Personality Profile O.9T O.78~ 0.81' 0.92' Demographic Characteristics 0.99* 0.83* 0.93* 0.89' Sociopolitical Profile 0.88* 0.70· 0.86' 0.79' *Related 1-test values significant at .001 level or less. spondents was expected to improve levels and application efforts in the long run. We, in of consensus on protile items that possibly the meantime, urge that our profile should had initially lacked in the first round. The RHO be used cautiously by avoiding efforts toward coefficients presented in Table 2, however, overgeneralization and reductionism. Of indicate that consensus over items was course, we can draw implications from our strongly correlated during both rounds and, findings for thought and ideas for drawing therefore, did not significantly improve in the future research hypotheses. For example, it second round. However, several respondents is interesting to note that our respondents did make contributions in helping us add considered the usage of suicide in terrorist new profile items and gave us additional help activity as unique or at least diflerent from in ranking, grouping, and interpreting vari what has been traditionally considered as ous profiling characteristics during the sec normal suicidal behaviors. Thus, they ranked ond round. psychopathology and mental illness as be ing of lower importance for suicide terrorism DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS than what had been done earlier by many We realize that our effort to profile suicide suicidologists for suicide in general (Dublin terrorists may be considered by some to be 1963; Maris 1991). Other characteristics of rather tentative. We also do not know whether suicide terrorists help us realize that we need our listing of characteristics and behaviors to be caretul before we apply concepts, such of such terrorists is literally reliable and valid. as Durkheim's (1951) 'altruistic suicide,' to Scientific data on profiles of suicide terror interpret their behaviors as terrorism is gen ists are not openly available in the literature, erally a self or group centered task and may except in selected books and articles that not seem to have any relevance for altruism talk about unique historical and individual as such. Studies (Pescosolido & Georgianna characteristics of certain terrorist groups or 1989) recognize that the role of religion or persons. It is difficult to check on the validity altruism has to be caretully interpreted in light of our list by comparing it with specific terror of tactors such as the degree of religious ist individuals or groups. We do, however, fanaticism caused by certain political factors feel a sense of accomplishment in being able and other aspects of social integration oper to develop an initial profile of suicide terror ating in particular religious groups or situa ists with the help of literature as well as of tions. seemingly interested university teachers, re As one of the implications of this stUdy for searchers, and community leaders who future research, we need to use a larger spent considerable amounts of time in se sample using the Delphi methodology. We lecting, ranking and grouping profile charac will need to expand the scope of our sample teristics through common sense, concep and include in it the law enforcement agents tual thought and rational logic. We are conti and scholars from those countries that have dent that the Delphi procedures enabled us been exposed to suicide terror. We will par meaningfully to become better organized and ticularly need to add to the sample those in systematic in developing the profile. dividuals who have had experience in han The study reported here was rather ex dling cases in the field and thus can use an ploratory and thus has a suggestive role for empirical logic in addition to the conceptual explanatory and relatively more conclusive or theoretical logic in developing profiles of research in the future. It seems that we have suicide terrorists. probably made a start in developing a profile of suicide terrorists and are hopetul that it REFERENCES will build into a more comprehensive and Cooley, J.K. 2000. Unholy Wars: Afghanistan, accurate profile through continued research America and International Terrorism. London: Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 NO.2 November 2005 117 Pluto Press. Mills, C.W. 1959. The Sociological Imagination. Custer, R.L., J.A. Scarcella, & B.R. Stewart. 1999. NY: Oxford U Press. The modified Delphi technique-a rotational Pescosolido, B.A. & S. Georgianna. 1989. Durkheim, modification. J Vocational & Technical Educa suicide, and religion: toward a network theory 1563-72. of suicide. Amer Soc Rev 54 33·48. Douglas, J.D. 1967. The Social Meaning of Sui· Simonsen, C.E. & J.A. Spindlove. 2004. Terrorism cide. Princeton, NJ: Princeton U Press. Today: The Past, the Players, the Future. Up Dublin, L.1. 1963. Suicide: A Sociological and Sta per Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall. tistical Study. NY: The Ronald Press. Singh, R.N. & B.R. Webb. 1979. Use of Delphi meth Durkheim, E. 1951. Suicide. NY: The Free Press. odology to assess goals and social impacts of Hoffer, E. 1951. The True Believer. NY; Harper & a watershed project. Water Resources Bufl Brothers. 15136-141. Kaarthikeyan, D.R. & R. Radhavinod. 2004. The Sivan, E. 1985. Radical Islam, Medieval Theology Rajiv Gandhi Assassination: The Investiga and Modern Politics. New Haven: Yale U Press. tion. Chicago: New Dawn Press. Swami, N.M.R. 2003. Inside an Elusive Mind: Kupperman, R. & D. Trent. 1999. Terrorism: Threat, Prabhakaran. Delhi: Konark. Reality, Response. Stanford: Hoover Institu Turvey, B. 1999. Criminal Profiling An Introduc tion Press. tion to Behavioral Evidence Analysis. San Di Kushner, H,W. 1998. The Future of Terrorism: Vio ego, CA: Academic Press. lence in the New Miffennium. Thousand Oaks: Whittaker, D.J. 2004. Terrorists and Terrorism in Sage. the Contemporary World. NY: Routledge. Lutz, J.M. & B.J. Lutz. 2004. Global Terrorism. NY: Routledge. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Maltsberger, J.T. & D.H. Buie Jr. 1980. The devices *Raghu N. Singh is professor of sociology and of suicide: revenge, riddance, and rebirth. criminal justice and Amir Abbassi is assistant Internat Rev Psychoanalysis 7 61-72. professor of counseling at Texas A&M University Maris, A.W. 1991. Pathways to Suicide: A Survey Commerce. Authors acknowledge support for data of Self-Destructive Behaviors. Baltimore: The collection from the Dean of Graduate Studies & John Hopkins Press. Research at their university. Maris, A.W., A.L. Berman, & M.M. Silverman. 2000. Comprehensive Textbook of Suicidology. NY: The Guilford Press. 118 Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology INTERNATIONAL REVIEW OF MODERN SOCIOLOGY & INTERNATIONAL INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY DFTHE fAMilY REVIEW OF MODERN MANUSCRIPTS should De submitted in dup1icate and in acceptable form, REFERENCES and FOOT SOCIOLOGY NOTES should be according to the FORMAT used inAMERICAN SOCIOLOGlCAL REVIEW. Styles instruction lor guidance in preparing manuscripts will be provided upon requesllo the EDITOR. INTERNATIONAL PROCESSING FEE of $25.00 must accompany each paper submitted either to INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF REVIEW OF MODERN SOCIOLOGY or INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY OF THE fAMILY. The manuscripts not accompanied bylhe fee will not be processed until the tee is received SOCIOLOGY bytheEDITOA. OF THE FAMILY EDITORIAL OFFICE: Address correspondence on manuscripts, news and announcements. Mail to: Editor: Dr. Man S. Das; Sociology Department; Northem Illinois University; DeKalb, lIIinois 60115-2854, USA. BUSINESS OFFICE: A()jress correspondence on subscriptions, change of address, renewals, advertising. reprints of indMdual artic~s and permission to quote. Maillo: Intemational Joumals; PRINTS INDIA, 11 DARYAGANJ; NEW DELHI 11 0002 INDIA. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: Annual RS 200, $40; single issue RS 100, $20. Biannual. MISSION: Both joumals are devoted to encourage cross-eultural, cross-l\8tional and inter-<.lisciplinary research and exchange 01 information conceming significant developments in comparative sociology and sociology of marriage and the family, The journals publish theoretical, methodological and empirical articles, book reviews, letters to the Editor, comments, rejoinders, annolated bibliographies, news, and announcements. Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 NO.2 November 2005 119 DOES MONEY BUY HAPPINESS? A LOOK AT GEN Y COLLEGE STUDENT BELIEFS Deborah A. Abowitz, Bucknell University ABSTRACT This paper examines whal college sludents today aspire to achieve after graduation and what goals and job characteristics they believe are associated with happiness. A random sample of 154 undergraduates from a mid-Atlantic liberal arts university voluntarily completed a confidential 140-item questionnaire, including a ranking of post-gmdualion life goals and preferred job characteristics. Analyses revealed thai college students overall do not associate financial security, material things. or a job with high salary and benefits with happiness. Instead. having an "interesting" or "challenging" job is positively related 10 being happy. Significant differences by gender and between members of fraternities/sororities and "independents" are noted. Conclusions and implications of Ihese data are discussed. "What kind of job do you wanf affer col When we look at the now well-studied Gen lege?" "What is most important to you about X, generally considered those born between a job - how much it pays or whether if is 1965 and 1977, the answers to these ques interesting work?" "Does money buy happi tions seem fairly clear. Financial success is ness?" These are questions with which all important to them and they want jobs that college students wrestle as they look fo the pay well. They are caught between the sky future. They are important questions whose rocketing costs of supporting an aging soci answers are embedded in the larger context ety and those required to educate their chil of American values, culture, and generational dren (Reynolds 2004). This cohort places change. The sfudy ot American values, cul great importance on employment choices, ture, and character has a long history, from long-term financial planning, and accumu Alexis de Tocqueville in the 1830s, fo Lloyd lating money for retirement, perhaps more Warner's (1963) richly detailed study of Yan than any other generation (Lach 1999). They kee City in the 1930s, to Bellah, et al.'s (1985) were and are economic achievers (Maguire best-selling analyses ot our "habits of the 1998), despite public perceptions of them heart." Studies of American culture help us as a cynical generation of alienated slack understand individuals' goals and aspira ers. When interviewed, researchers have tions, the changing nature of community, and, found that young Gen Xers are quite optimis most especially, the ever-changing shape of tic about their own futures, individually, how the American Dream. Within this larger cul ever pessimistic they are about the overall tural milieu, each generation shapes their chances tor their generation (Arnetl 2000). own ideas of success and happiness - what But the successors to Gen X, that is, the it means to "make it" in America. members of Gen Y or the Millennials as they By examining the extent to which students' are sometimes called (Howe & Strauss ideas ot happiness today are (or are not) 2000; Paul 2001 a), may be somewhat differ tied to aspirations of financial security and ent. Some consider today's undergraduates material wealth, we can assess the extent to to be a part of Gen X, but they are actually the which the traditional ideas of the American older members of Gen Y, those born be Dream persist in the rising generation. What tween 1977 and 1994. They have been so job characteristics do college students to cialized by different demographic and his day value most? Do they emphasize eco torical events than those which shaped the nomic and material success or personal true Xers and the Baby Boomers before them. happiness? Do they define one in terms of This cohort has been socialized by Colum the other, that is, do they believe money buys bine, MTV, talk shows and reality tv, as well happiness, and if so, do they prefer jobs that as celebrity scandals rising as high as the have high salary and benefits over those that White House (Paul 2001 b). When inter are more interesting and personally chal viewed, Gen Y appears to be both pragmatic lenging? The answers to these questions and positive about their lives after college. provide important insights into the values and Having come of age in the golden days of the character of Gen Y, the emerging post-Gen X new economy of the 1990s, the older mem generation. bers of this cohort certainly view the economy 120 Volume 33 NO.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology more optimistically than those who came out ers to mobility (Macleod 1995) and the Ameri of college in the 1980s (Nayyar 2001). When can Dream remains an essential part of our it comes to the job market, anecdotal evi national ideology (Hochschild 1995). dence has shown us that they look for things Public opinion poll data, both contempo beyond just salary and benefits. Although fair rary and historic, show that most Americans compensation is important, they also want really do believe that hard work and individual training and most importantly, they want a effort are what matter most for success in "positive company culture" - they will trade America (ladd & Bowman 1998). The idea higher pay for a supportive and stimulating of a socially fluid, middle class society, is work environment (Gardyn 2000). Politically, cultivated as Gen Y is also reported to be more optimistic than Gen X- seemingly "untroubled by simul almost every aspect of politics and popular taneous expressions of open-mindedness culture, with help from the media, reinforces and traditionalism" (Greenberg 2003 A5). the idea that 'middle class' is the typical and Today's undergraduates, as members at usual status of Americans. (Zweig 2000 Gen Y, are expected to have a more ali-en 39) compassing definition of success than Gen Xers' focus on financial security. For loday's Despite increasing disparities in real students, happiness after college means wealth and income among Americans over having relationships - friends and family take the past several decades (levy 2001; Wolff priority over financial goals (Abowitz & Knox 2001), evidence of rising inequality (Glen 2003b). These priorities are seen by some nerster 2002; Gringeri 2001), the decline in as a reflection of changing values and ideas middle-income high-skill workers (Bernstein about how to attain the good life, resulting 2003; Edmonson 1998; Ehrenreich 2001), from the emerging ideals of the new market and the likelihood that half of all Americans economy and from changing popular culture will experience poverty during their adult life (Karabell 2001). To others, they are seen as span (Rank & Hirschi 2001), people believe the result of the emergence among Baby in the Dream. Upward mobility today, how Boomer and Gen X parents of a class of bour ever, is increasingly predicated upon having geois-bohemian educated elites (Brooks a college degree (Dominitz & Manski 1996), 2002). Gen Y college students are the socio which is most likely for those whose parents logical (and in many cases, biological) chil already have money or education (Gittleman dren of this class. Their aspirations for hap & Joyce 1999). piness and the job market reflect this cul College-educated professionals from tural heritage and the changing cultural con both the Baby Boom and Gen X seem to fit text. less easily today into the traditional mold of the financially driven, white-collar, corporate "GEN Y" AND THE AMERICAN DREAM professionals of earlier eras. According to The most well-known version of the Ameri Brooks (2002), today's educated elite want can Dream emerged out of the utopian vi financial security and nice things, but they sion of economic expansion which domi want more than that. Their idea of success nated the period following the end of the Civil and happiness, their Dream of "making it," War (Karabell 2001). This era gave us rob also depends on finding creative fulfillment ber barons like Rockefeller, Vanderbilt, and as individuals. They are more than bour Carnegie; it also gave us Horatio Alger, Jr., a geois; they combine elements of bourgeois cultural icon of the American Dream. Well and bohemian culture, wanting to attain a into the 20'" century, Alger's novels for young comfortable material lifestyle (recognizing it adults promulgated a particular utopian vi comes from education and hard work) with sion of America - one in which hard work, the bohemian quest for personal fulfillment honesty, thrift, good moral character, educa (wanting to be happy and fulfilied at what you tion and a little bit of luck were all that you do). needed to move up in life (Bode 1985). Alger Many college students today grew up spoke to something uniquely American in watching their Boomer parents mix the bour thought and character, then and now. Public geois with the bohemian. in addition, Gen Y schools continue to emphasize this achieve was socialized by a popular culture which, in ment ideology regardless of structural barri- the 1990s, created and celebrated Wall Street Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 NO.2 November 2005 121 and Dot.com heroes who epitomized having their family income as "above average" or "it all." As a consequence, college students "far above average." Nine out of ten of the today, it is hypothesized here, will most value respondents reported living in intact fami (and associate happiness with) having in lies at age 16 and 71 percent reported that teresting and fulfilling jobs rather than jobs both parents currently work outside the home. that provide high financial rewards. Further Their parents, overall, are very well educated, more, it is hypothesized that there will be with 70 percent of fathers having at least a gender differences in desired job traits. Sig bachelor's degree - half of whom (35% of nificant gender differences among college all fathers) have an advanced degree. Moth students have been noted in their ranking of ers are also well educated, with 63 percent life goals (Abowitz & Knox 2003a, 2003b) and having completed at least a bachelor's de in their levels of gender ideology, with col gree and almost half of those (26% overall) lege men being more 'traditional' in their having an advanced degree. views of gender than college women (Abowitz Most of the fathers (almost 80%) are em & Knox 2004). These data suggest that ployed in middle to high status white-collar among Gen Y undergraduates, men are professional occupations - they are doctors, more likely to aspire to or value jobs that pro lawyers, mid- and upper-level executives and vide material and financial rewards (the tra managers. Only 17 percent of students re ditional goals of the American Dream) while port fathers in blue-collar trades and fewer women value jobs that are meaningful, use than 3 percent report fathers in the primary ful and contribute to society. sector - mostly in family farming (75% of these fathers are self-employed as com THE SAMPLE AND DESCRIPTION OF pared with only 25% of the fathers in white RESPONDENTS collar occupations). More than 80 percent of The sample consists of 154 undergradu the working mothers were reported to be in ates from a mid-Atlantic liberal arts univer the traditionally female-dominated fields of sity who voluntarily completed a confidential teaching, nursing, office work, or office man 140-item survey. The sample was stratified agement. Finally, 92 percent of students in by gender and class year and subjects were the sample report that their family owns their randomly selected from among all full-time own home, and 28 percent report that their undergraduates enrolled at the university family owns a second home (44% of second during the spring of 2001. The data were homes were considered solely vacation collected over a three-month period. Female homes while the rest were business prop respondents are somewhat overrepre erties, rentals, or a business/vacation com sented, comprising 60 percent of the overall bination property). Clearly, this sample of Gen sample (as compared with about 50% of the Y college students comes from families that student population). First year students con are better off than most Americans - fami stitute 20 percent of the sample, while se lies who have fulfilled most of the traditional niors had the highest response rate, consti expectations of the American Dream. tuting 30 percent of respondents. Sopho mores and juniors are each 25 percent of DOES MONEY BUY HAPPINESS? the sample. In addition, the sample was al Do Gen Y students subscribe to Alger's most evenly divided between members of view of "making it" in America? Do they be fraternities or sororities (51 %) and indepen lieve financial success is linked to happi dents (49%), constituting a slightly less ness? To determine if this is the case, we "Greek" sample than the campus overall need to look systematically at what goals stu (which was 55% Greek). Much like the cam dents say are most important for life after pus student population, the sample was college and how these relate to various job overwhelmingly white (90%), and respond characteristics. Previous studies (Abowitz & ents were all "traditional" college age (be Knox 2003a, 2003b, 2004) have shown that tween the ages of 18 and 22) at the time of when undergraduates today assess a range the survey. of life goals, including various personal and In terms of social class and family back economic aspirations, they unequivocally ground, the students in this sample identi report that being happy, being in love, and fied strongly with the "upper middle" class having romance are more important to them (53%) and two-thirds of the sample reported than having financial security and material 122 Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Table 1: Desired Job Characteristics Among College Students Desired Job Characteristics Overall Women Men Greeks Independents Mean (n;154) (n;95) (n;59) (n;78) It has good job security 4.57 It has good chances for advancement 4.62 The job brings recognition and respect 5.19 The job leaves you a lot of leisure time 5.96 It is an interesting job 2.18 The job is useful and contributes to society 4.68 4.28 5.31** 5.13 4.21" It is a challenging job 4.82 5.14 4.49' It has high salary and benefits 4.08 3.79 4.37* ·Significant difference in means, p <.05; **Significant difference in means, p < .01 wealth. They also value being well-educated tamily or relatives (r; .25). Happiness is and having a "fulfilling job" more than finan modestly associated with career and work (r cial success. In addition, students rank hav~ ; .20, p < .05) but more importantly it is sig ing close friends, a spouse, and relatives nificantly related to having a fulfilling job (r ; more highly for their lives after college than .27, P < .01). These correlations suggest that having a career and work. Although some among today's college students, economic significant gender differences were reported success, as indicated by financial security in these studies, there were no significant and having nice things, does not define hap differences reported in the overall importance piness. assigned to having a career or to financial If happiness is associated with having a success among recent undergraduates (in "fulfilling" job, how does it relate to more spe contrast with results reported by Hammersla cific job characteristics for members of Gen & Frease-McMahan 1990, and Kasser & Y? How do they translate this general con Ryan 1993, whose college samples used ceptual ideal into concrete expectations for Gen Xers). What was not addressed in pre the job market? If money does not buy hap vious studies, however, is how goals like fi piness for these undergraduates, what nancial security and happiness relate to stu does? This question is addressed more spe dents' assessments of different job charac cifically by the data presented in Table 1. Stu teristics. Even if we know what they aspire to dents were asked to rank-order eight job do or be after graduation, we do not know characteristics in a list, when "thinking about how they expect to achieve it in the job mar jobs after graduation." Number one was to ket. be assigned to "the characteristic that is the To address this question, the correlations most important of these characteristics," among different student life goals were ex number two was "the second most impor amined. Students rated each life goal on a tant characteristic," and so on. The lowest scale from 1 to 5, with lower scores indicat ranked, or number eight, was the character ing greater importance. The correlation istic "least important" from among all those analysis confirms that students do distin listed. The mean value assigned to each guish between happiness, on the one hand, characteristic is presented in Table 1 along and financial security and having nice mate with means by gender and Greek status rial things on the other. Financial security is (whether students did or did not belong to positively and highly correlated with having fraternities/sororities on campus) where nice things (r; .45, p < .01) and with having a such between-group differences were sta career and work (r; .35, p < .01) as one might tistically significant. Differences by gender expect, but it is not significantly correlated and Greek status were examined since with being happy. Rather, "being happy" is these factors have been shown elsewhere positively and significantly (p $ .05) associ to impact students' post-baccalaureate as ated with getting married (r; .16), having kids pirations and expectations (Abowitz & Knox (r; .18), and being in love (r; .19). These 2003a, 2003b, 2004; Eskilson & Wiley 1999). laUer effects are not large, but they are sta The job characteristic that stands out tistically significant. Being happy is also posi most clearly among the eight listed is tively correlated (p $.01) with having romance whether or not "it is an interesting job" (m; (r; .24), close friends (r; .26), and having 2.18). This was ranked almost two full steps Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 NO.2 November 2005 123 (on average) above the second highest ranked job trait. One-sample t-tests confirm that the mean values for each of the seven other job characteristics difter signiticantly from this mean (p < .01). The second high ~.~ est ranked job trait in the sample overall is -~m m C ;, the one most closely associated with the tra o ~ N ",In o ditional achievement ideology - whether a .~"C job has "high salary and benefits" (m~ 4.08). J:C m Again, Hests confirm this mean as signifi Cl cantly greater than all those ranked below it. C om ...... Undergraduates most want an interesting I::.ct-.. co o t-.::rmto G:lOC"}""": ~ NC\JNC\J job, alter which they think salary and benefits ~~99 9°9 0 are important. As expected, the latter are im <.>'" portant but not the most important aspects o of a job for Gen Y college students. "iii o Beyond salary and benefits, the next most important job characteristics occur in a rela " tively undifterentiated group: "good job secu rity" (m~4.57), "good chances tor advance ment" (m~4.62), "useful and contributes to society" (m~4.68), and "challenging" (m~ 4.82). There are no significant difterences among these means. The last two job char acteristics, ranked significantly below the middle group, are whether a job brings "rec ognition and respect" (m~5.19) and "leisure time" (m~5.96). This last trait itselt ranks sig nificantly below all others (p < .01). These students are not interested in "slacker" jobs, but they are seeking intellectually meaning ful ones. In addition, we see in Table 1 that both gender and Greek status differentiate sig nificantly among several job characteristics. College men and women assign different importance to having a job that is "useful and contributes to society." As hypothesized, women ranked it more highly than men (4.28 vs. 5.31). In addition, three job traits diftered significantly between students who belonged to fraternities and sororities (Greeks) as com pared with those who did not (Independents). Independents valued having a job that is "use ful and contributes" more highly (4.21 vs. 5.13) as well as having a "challenging" job (4.49 vs. 5.14), whereas Greek students most highly valued having a job with "high salary and benefits" (3.79 vs. 4.37). These data suggest that the etfects of gender-relations and Greek status on campus go beyond structuring everyday social interactions, they may also aftect the way college men and women construct their long-term life goals and job aspirations. Beyond these basic rankings, what is the 124 Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Table 3: Desired Job Characteristics by Gender Among Fraternity/Sorority Members Greek Sorority Fraternity Mean Women Men Desired Job Characteristics (n=78) (n=52) (n=26) It has good job security 4.40 4.44 4.31 It has good chances for advancement 4~ 4~ 3.~ The job brings recognition and respect 5.22 5.23 5.19 The job leaves you a lot of leisure time 5.94 6.12 5.58 It is an interesting job 2.10 2.27 1.77 The job is useful and contributes to society 5.13 4.46 6.46·· It is a challenging job 5.14 4.85 5.73 It has high salary and benefits 3.79 4.19 3.00" **Significant difference in means, p < .01 Table 4: Desired Job Characteristics by Gender Among Independents Independent Independent Independent Mean Women Men Desired Job Characteristics (n=76) (n=43) (n=33) It has good job security 4.75 4.70 4.82 It has good chances for advancement 4.88 5.19 4.48 The job brings recognition and respect 5.16 4.74 5.70·· The job leaves you a lot of leisure time 5.99 6.23 5.67 It is an interesting job 2.25 2.40 2.06 The job is useful and contributes to society 4.21 4.07 4.39 It is a challenging job 4.49 4.37 4.64 It has high salary and benefits 4.37 4.30 4.45 "Significant difference in means, p < .01 structure of relations among these job char ary and benefits (r=.43). but is negatively as acteristics? To what extent are these differ sociated with a job that is useful and contrib entially desired job characteristics related to utes to society (r= ~.39) and one that is chal~ each other and to student's other aspirations. lenging (r= -.29). In terms of happiness, while such as achieving financial security, having being happy is not related (at least statisti nice things and being happy? These ques cally) to achieving financial security or hav~ tions are addressed by the zero-order corre~ ing nice things and has a small negative lations in Table 2. Correlations are included correlation with a job that has high pay and only where they attain statistical significance. salary, it is thought to be positively related There are several important inter~item (r=.25) to having an interesting job and hav correlations among job characteristics and ing a challenging job (r= .24). Finally. when life goals to note. First. we can see that hav the goal of having a "fulfilling job'· is corre ing a job with high salary and benefits is posi lated with the various job characteristics, we tively (and significantly) associated with hav see that it is negatively related in students· ing a job that provides recognition and re~ estimations to having a job with leisure time spect (r=.24) as well as with the goals of (r = -.18) and to one that has high salary and achieving financial security (r=.48) and hav benefits (r = -.23). but it is positively related ing nice things in life (r=.43). At the same to having a job fhat is challenging (r = .26). It time, a job with high salary and benefits is is important to note that although many of perceived by students to be negatively re these correlations, however statistically sjg~ lated to one that is useful and contributes to nificant, appear to evidence weak relation~ society (r = -.50) and to one that is challeng ships, the pattern of relations among them. ing (r= -.37). There is also a small but statis nonetheless, provides overall support for the tically significant negative association be hypotheses about the job aspirations and tween having a job with high salary and ben values of Gen Y undergraduates. efits and being happy (r= -.17). When we con Thus, as these college students appear sider the associations with having nice to conceive life goals and choices about job things in life, we see it is perceived to be characteristics. they see a distinction be positively related to having a job that provides tween the kind of job that allows you to fulfill advancement (r=.22), recognition and re the traditional achievement ideology (having spect (r=.18). and most especially high sal- financial success, nice material things, so~ Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 NO.2 November 2005 125 Table 5: Desired Job Characteristics by Greek Status Among Men Male Fraternity Independents Mean Members Desired Job Characteristics ("=59) ("=26) (n=33) It has good job security 4.59 4.31 4.82 It has good chances for advancement 4.25 3.96 4.48 The job brings recognition and respect 5.47 5.19 5.70 The job leaves you a lot of leisure time 5.63 5.58 5.67 It is an interesting job 1.93 1.77 2.06 The job is useful and contributes to society 5.31 6.46 4.39" It is a challenging job 5.t2 5.73 4.64' It has high salary and benefits 3.81 3.00 4.45u ·Significant difference in means, p < .05; "'·Significant difference in means, p < .01 cial recognition and professional advance acteristics were elaborated controlling for ment) on the one hand versus those that both gender and Greek status. make you happy (are interesting, fulfilling and Among Greek students on campus (see challenging) on the other. Overall rankings Table 3), two significant gender differences of life goals suggest these students do want emerge. As might be expected, we see that to "have it all" - both bourgeois economic first, fraternity men value having a job with success and bohemian happiness and ful high salary and benefits much more highly fillment - but the correlation analysis sug than sorority women (3.00 vs. 4.19, P ~.01) gests they do not define one in terms of the while sorority women value having a job that other. They do not seem to assume that jobs is useful and contributes to society more which provide for the most economic achieve highly than fraternity men (4.46 vs. 6.46, P ment are going to be those that are interest ~.01). In contrast, in Table 4, among Inde ing or most likely to make you happy or tul pendents on campus, only one job charac filled. Like the competing impulses of their teristic was differentially valued between men emerging politics (Greenberg 2003), their and women: having a job that brings recog idea of "making it" encompasses compet nition and respect was more important to ing bourgeois and bohemian propensities, Independent women than to their male coun but recognizes them as such. At the end of terparts (4.74 vs. 5.70, P ~.01). Together, the the day, these particular members of Gen Y data in these tables suggest that what ap do not believe that money buys happiness, pears as an overall gender difference in Table but they'd like to have both anyway, thank you 1, that is, college men and women assign very much. ing differential importance to having a useful and contributing job, is in fact only a signifi FRATERNITY MEN: ASPECIAL CASE? cant gender difference between fraternity men Gender differences noted here and else and sorority women. Further, Independent where (Abowitz & Knox 2003b, 2004; Ham women's greater desire for jobs with recog mersla & Frease-McMahan 1990; Kasser & nition and respect - which did not appear Ryan 1993), combined with significant differ among Greeks or in the overall sample rank ences reported between fraternity men and ings - was previously suppressed when sorority women (Abowitz & Knox 2003a), sug Greek status was not also taken into ac gest that gender and Greek status may inter count. act to differentially shape undergrduate To better illustrate the gendered effect of men's and women's aspirations for life and Greek status on desired job characteristics, jobs after college. Fraternity men have been the data were reanalyzed by Greek status shown to value economic achievement more holding gender constant. Among college men than their sorority counterparts and all Inde (see Table 5), three job characteristics dif pendents, male or female (Abowitz 2005). fered significantly in their ranking between So the question becomes whether or not fra Greeks and Independents. Fraternity men ternity men, as compared with other under ranked high salary and benefits much more graduates, are more likely to value jobs with highly than Independent men (3.00 vs. 4.45, high salary and benefits and good chances P ~.01), while Independents, men not part of for advancement over interesting jobs? To Greek organizations on campus, placed high test this idea, the relative ran kings of job char- er value on having a job that is useful and 126 Volume 33 NO.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology contributes to society (4.39 vs. 6.46, P ~.01) ticular see a strong disjunction between jobs and having a challenging job (4.64. vs. 5.73, that bring recognition and respect and jobs P ~.05). That the differences between Greeks that provide leisure time, with a negative as and Independents in Table 1, are really dif sociation (r; -.73, p<.01) more than three ferences in vaiued job characteristics be times larger than reported by the rest of the tween Greek and Independent men is con sample (r; -.20, p<.05). Among these col firmed when the means are examined by lege students, fraternity men's hierarchy of Greek status among college women (table values and goals is in many ways distinct not included). Among women in this sample, from other undergraduates' (men's and no significant differences in the ranking of women's), and aligned with a more tradi any job characteristics appeared between tional vision of success and the American sorority women and Independents. The ef Dream. What remains to be determined, fects of being Greek on the ranking of job however, is whether these differences are characteristics differentiate onty among col attributable to selection processes that con lege men, not among college women. There strain movement or selection into fraterni is an important gender-Greek status inter ties to those men who already share these action among college students when it values and aspirations, and/or whether the comes to students' goals and aspirations differences are due to fraternity culture and for life and jobs after college that sets frater socialization processes among the mem nity men apart from others. For college bers with regard to these particular goals. women, in contrast, the effects of Greek sta The source of these differences cannot be tus on desired job characteristics are determined here, but it remains an impor trumped by the effects of doing gender (West tant question for future investigations. & Zimmerman 1987). When we put these data together with pre CONCLUSIONS, CONCERNS, AND viously cited work using the same sample IMPLICATIONS data, what we see among the college stu The data in this paper are used to exam dents is that fraternity men rank financial ine aspects of the American Dream among security and material things more highly than college students today. From life goals to other college students (Abowitz & Knox desired job characteristics, we see a gen 2003a, 2004; Abowitz 2005), and, as shown eration in flux -between older more traditional above, they exhibit a significantly greater pref visions of the good life and newer more all erence for jobs that provide high salary and encompassing ones. Today's college stu benefits. These particular students may not dents represent the oldest members of a directly equate happiness per S8 with finan new cohort, Gen Y. They are not Baby Boom cial success, any more than the rest of their ers, they are not Gen Xers - yet they are the peers do, but their aspirations for financial children of both these cohorts. They want to success (as measured by the relative im be happy and to be financially successful portance they assign to attaining financial but do not equate or confuse the fwo. They security, material things, and high paying see these as distinct goals, but value happi jobs) are significantly greater than for other ness more highly. When it comes to jobs college students, male or female. after college, these students most aspire to Further, fraternity men see greater oppo an "interesting" job, rather than one that sition between the bourgeois and bohemian brings high salary and benefits or recogni impulses than other college students in the tion and respect. Even fraternity men believe sample. When analyzed separately (and an interesting job is most important. This compared with the correlations in Table 2), result is surprising among those who most the negative correlation increases in size value financial rewards and who most among fraternify men between having a job closely endorse traditional Algerian notions with high salary and benefits and a job that of merit as a determinant of social class in is useful and contributes to society (r; -.55, America today (see Abowitz 2004). p < .01). They also see much stronger oppo But is the tendency to put bohemian fulfill sition between jobs that provide good ment and happiness above bourgeois finan chances for advancement and those that are cial success, as we see here, typical of this interesting (r;-.48, p<.05) or fulfilling (r; -.47, cohort as a whole, or IS it related in some p < .05). Finally, these college men in par- way to a sample bias with these data? This Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 NO.2 November 2005 127 is an important question to consider. Are stu taged tamily backgrounds place less, not dents from an elite private institution, living more, importance on achieving financial suc up on '1he hill," primarily children of the edu cess and material comfort after college and cated upper and middle classes, more or are more likely to value public service. less likely to put the bohemian above the College students make clear and impor bourgeois, personal happiness above finan tant distinctions among life goals and de cial success? Would students trom a public sired job characteristics. Despite a great university, or children of the working and deal of consistency among them in their hier middle-middle classes, be more likely to rate archies of goals and aspirations, they do not the importance of bourgeois success more all value the same things. Significant differ highly? One could argue that they would. ences emerged here both by gender and by Having less assurance of family connections Greek status - two key status variables in and financial support down the road, stu campus life and politics. Perhaps the most dents from less economically advantaged interesting finding is that among college stu families might be less inclined to pursue an dents, the strongest adherents today to the interesting job over one that pays well and traditional tenets of the American Dream are offers financial security. fraternity men. For them, Alger's Dream of To partially address this concern, the ef attaining wealth and affluence seems to be fects of family class background were briefly alive and well. considered in the analysis here. The rankings There are important implications of these of life goals and job characteristics were data for high school and college personnel. analyzed both by subjective tamily class po Teachers and faculty who advise students sition and reported family income. As it turns about prospective majors and careers, ad out, the importance assigned by students to ministrative staff who work with students on financial security and material wealth did vary internships and in job placement centers, significantly by family class position, but they and career counselors who focus on gradu were both more important to students from ating seniors and recent alumni all need to "upper class" families, not less. The mean carefully consider - even reconsider - the ranking for financial security among students assumptions they make about students' life from "upper class" families was 1.13 as com goals and job aspirations. Those used to pared to 1.89 tor those from middle and work working with Gen Xers are likely going to ing class families (p < .05). The mean value need to reorient their thinking as they work assigned to having nice material things was now with the graduates of Gen Y. New op also highest among "upper class" students tions will be needed to help graduates find and lowest among students from the "work those "interesting" and "fulfilling" internships ing class" (1.78 vs. 3.06, P < .01). When fam and post-graduate careers. With the excep ily income was considered, no significant tion, perhaps, of fraternity men, for whom a differences appeared tor these life goals or traditional, corporate career path still seems job traits. What is of interest to note, further suited, students today face more compli confirming that a sample class bias, such cated and difficult career choices if they want as it is, is not the source of the larger pattern to achieve their multi-faceted life goals and of results, is that students reporting "below find jobs with the characteristics they desire. average" tamily income were more likely (p While undergraduates today do not believe <.01) to value public service - playing a role that money buys happiness, they nonethe in politics or public life - (m=3.11) than were less dream of having both. More than that, those whose families had "above average" they believe they can have both. We will have income (m=3.65) or "average" income (m= to wait and see whether their pragmatism or 4.07). What stands out is that these differ optimism wins out. ences all run CDunterto the concern that stu dents from more elite or privileged families REFERENCES (more likely to be found at an "elite" liberal Abowitz D.A. 2005. Social mobility and the Ameri arts institution?) would more easily disre can dream: what do college students believe? gard the importance of material and tinan College Student J 39716-28. cial concerns. Rather, in this sample of col Abowitz D.A. & D. Knox. 2003a. Life goals among Greek college students. College Student J 37 lege students, albeit at an "elite" liberal arts 96-99. institution, those who come from less advan- 128 Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology ---c' 2003b. Goals of college students: some Karabell Z. 2001. A Visionary Nation: Four Centu gender differences. CoJJege Student J 37 550 ries of American Dreams and What Lies 56. Ahead. NY: Perennial (HarperCollins). _~_. 2004. The effects of gender, Greek sta Kasser T. & R.M. 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J Social & Social America's Best Kept Secret.lthaca, NY: Cornell Welfare 28 3-22. University/lLR Press. Hammersla J.F. & L.F. Frease-McMahan. 1990. Uni versity students' priorities: life goals vs. rela tionships. Sex Roles 231-14. Hochschild J.L. 1995. Facing up to the American dream: Race, Class, and the Soul of the Na tion. Princeton: Princeton U Press. Howe N. & W. Strauss. 2000. Millennials Rising: The Next Great Generation. NY: Vintage. Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 129 ACKNOWLEOGMENTS alphabetical order): Brooke Fruchtenbaum, Dana This article is based on a paper presented at C. Jensen, Alexis C. Kaufmann, Krista M. McCabe, the annual meetings of the Eastern Sociological and Spring C. PotoGzak. Requests for reprints Society in New York City, February 2004. For their should be directed to: [email protected]. assistance with this project, the author thanks (in 130 Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology this ~Iicotion is available in mictofonn Please send me additional information. Universit), Microfilms International 300 North Zeeb Road 18 Bedford Row Dept. P.R. Dept. P.R. Ann Arbor, MI 48106 London. WeiR 4EJ U.S.A. England Name _ Institutioll 1 City _ StfCC·"======1Stalc======!:.Z~1P':=:======.II Free Inquiry In Crealive Sociology Volume 33 NO.2 November 2005 131 SONG LYRICS IN CONTEMPORARY METAL MUSIC AS COUNTER-HEGEMONIC DISCOURSE: AN EXPLORATION OF THREE THEMES Adam Rafalovich, Pacific University and Andreas Schneider, Texas Tech University ABSTRACT This paper discusses modern forms of metal music as extensions of the politics of youth culture, Based upon the premise thai texts form an 'ideological contract' with their audiences, an extensive examination of the aesthetic and lyrical content of metal music is provided. The authors conclude thai the conlenl of metal music exists in a reciprocal relation with its listening base, and provides a lens through which their modern-day subjective experiences lllay be understood. In illustrating this reciprocity the authors explore the vasl literature which casts a condcnlnalory gaze upon metal music and then demonstrates how a discourse analysis of this musical genre may avoid such condemnation. and posit a political discussion of it. Three of metal music's most predominant themes are discussed at length: I) psychological chaos: 2) nihilism/violence: and 3) alternative religiosity. Such themes arc placed against a cultural backdrop depicting the dominant modes of 'appropriate conduct: and arc articulated as a political reaction against such modes in Western societies. INTRODUCTION A 'contract' involves an agreement that a The discussion of metal music as a po text will talk to us in ways we recognize. It litical formalion 01 youth culture is a margin will enter into a dialogue with us. And that alized one. We argue here tor the necessity dialogue, with its dependable elements and of such a perspective-thai the lyrical and form, will relate to some aspect of our lives aesthetic content of metal music are integral in our society. (Barker 1989 261) aspects of youth identity and reflect the power struggles young people have with contem Barker further argues that the popularity of a porary culture. Moreover, metal music is not cultural form is largely contingent upon its just a forum for young people to vent amor perceived authenticity: in "speaking to" an phous and undefined aggressions, but in audience it must reflect the experiences of stead, speaks directly to them. This essay that audience. Text and audience are there will explore some of Ihe major themes that fore mutually-obligated; the text provides a typify metal music in the American and Euro reflective capacity for the audience who in pean scene, and demonstrate how these turn become its interlocutor. themes are indicative of some of the cultural Barker's and other writings of this ilk il problems young people confront. The seem lustrate the contractual agreement between ingly dogmatic subscription to messages in text and audience in ways that are very rel metal music-for example, those of violence, evant for understanding the politics of con insanity, and Satanism-illustrate resistance temporary youth and their motives for con to socielal conditions that are legitimately suming and contributing to various forms of experienced by young people. We discuss popular culture. Of particular concern in this patterns in the narrative structure of popular study is the cultural form of metal music' and metal music lyrics as well as some aesthetic the degree to which this musical genre dem aspects of this music genre. Adopting a multi onstrates a political reciprocity with young theoretical approach, we contend that such people. Two theoretical propositions need lyrics constitute valuable texts that may be mentioning here: first, the scope of a cultural used to better understand contemporary an form-including its national and international tagonisms between social tends and the visibility-is contingent upon the mainte youth who are subjected to such trends. nance of a contract that involves a commit As disseminators of ideology, texts es ment to reflect people's experiences, and tablish reciprocity with their readership. For second, a cultural form's amount of influ example, Martin Barker (1989) contends that ence, its "staying power," is contingent upon the relationship between a text and its audi a degree of fit between audience and its ence is "contractual": message. From these propositions it can 132 Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology be argued that the marked international in guably many other metal recording artists, fluence of metal music stems from the fact the demolition of established truths begins that the genre continues to reflect the vicissi a process of asserting one's own personal tudes of youth culture. Today's metal scene truth. The "tuck it" message of metal provides engages in a symbolic interplay with its lis the fertile soil for exploring the possibility of tening base, where young listeners match becoming "anything you want." its lyrical and aesthetic content to their own subjective experiences. Hence, the narrative METHOD structure of popular music is continually The academic literature addressing the changing. Though it is a matter ot course metal genre must include the perspectives that audiences "relate" in some way to the of those having first-hand experience with it. music they appreciate, the specifics of this As an avid listener for many years and drum symbolic interplay need further elaboration. mer in a metal band, the first author writes We may begin with lyrics from Roadrun as a "native" to the metal scene. The second ner recording artists and platinum-selling author is also an avid listener to past and metal band, Slipknot: contemporary metal music, and has been involved with the punk and rock scene in the Fuck it all. Fuck this world. Fuck everything US and Europe' for three decades. Together, that you stand for. Don't belong, don't exist, both of us have seen hundreds of rock and don't give a shit. Don't ever judge me. metal shows and have read more librettos (lyric inserts) than one could possibly count. An interpretation of these words conjures a Because of our long-term involvement with discussion of nihilism; not in the haughty, metal, we feel that we can avoid the con Nietzschean sense, but rather, a shallow, list demnatory stances that characterize previ less nihilism forced upon the listener as an ous accounts of the genre and provide a instruction to turn his back on all codes of glimpse into some of its political meanings. morality and head down the path of self-de Our data selections for this paper are struction. Furthermore, the immense popu based upon a convenience sample, where larity of such lyrics (Slipknot's debut album we keep in mind some of contemporary sold over 3 million copies) may be seen as metal's most influential domestic and inter indicative of many of the problems associ national recording artists. We did an exhaus ated with today's youth: a lack of role mod tive content analysis of librettos from over els, a lack of attainable goals, a Nintendo two·hundred metal recordings. Librettos numbed sensibility in which responsibilities were analyzed according to an interpretive are shirked, and so on. However, Slipknot approach, using grounded theory techniques member Shawn Crahan offers a very differ (Glaser 1978,1992; Glaser & Strauss 1967; ent perspective on his band's music and the Strauss & Corbin 1990). Analyses of the data messages it conveys: began with "open coding," where data were categorized indiscriminately, followed by a We are here to wake you up and kilt the part "closed coding" procedure in which data were of your brain that tells you that you can't. examined for specific themes after prelimi It's not about me. It's about what I'm doing nary categories had been established. for kids. When I walk out onstage, there's Following a summary of the condemna 15,000 kids that, to me, represent potential. tory stances taken toward metal music in aca· And I'm here to tell you, to tell them that no demic writing, this paper is organized into matter what they say, you can be from no three sections which discuss predominant where and you can break out and become themes in this musical genre. The first of anything you want. Because the bottom line these sections is devoted to the illustration is that this is your lifetime. This is your time, of psychological chaos in metal music-a here, now, on this planet. (Orshoski 2001 theme that attacks established notions of 16) mental hygiene that define who is emotion ally "heaithy" and who is not. This narrative To '1uck everything" from this perspective is questions the pathologizing of chaotic states to demolish what young people have been of mind, and the belief that others should be told to believe in, but not for the sake of demo a source of emotional solace. The second lition. Instead, according to Crahan, and ar- section, nihilism/violence, draws from a con· Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 NO.2 November 2005 133 glomeration of narratives in metal music that 1993), Satanism (Trzcinski 1992) and sui advocate multiple forms of anti-social behav cidal ideation (Graham 1993; Stack 1998; ior. We argue that the expression of the pos Scheel & Westerlield 1999). Some of these sibility of anti-social behavior, rather than its studies contend that metal is an influential actual enactment, is highly political. The third variable in troublesome behaviors and atti section, alternative religiosity, explores tudes, while others contend that preferences loday's Satanic narratives in metal music, tor metal are "red tlags" for concerned par and also those which invoke Nordic religious ents and child psychologists. Whether im systems. To illustrate this we focus upon the plicating metal as a causal variable in the cultural politics of metal music stemming troubles of youth or viewing the popularity at from Scandinavian countries. Based upon the genre as a warning sign, such perspec this analysis, we conclude with that the lyri tives stigmatize the genre and those who lis cal content of metal music provides a fan ten to it. tasy structure tor a generation of youth who The now decades-old stigmatizing dis struggle in an era of increasing social con cussion of metal is well represented in the trol. lay realm and has repeatedly surlaced in the court system. These include the lawsuits filed PREVIOUS ACCOUNTS: METAL MUSIC AS in 1985 against Ozzy Osbourne tor his song AN ACADEMIC AND LAY PROBLEM "Suicide Solution," and its apparent influence As the literature demonstrates, metal over the suicide at John McCuilen; in 1990 music is often pigeon-holed into discussions against the band Judas Priest, who were ac that almost exclusively tocus on the moral cused of inserting subliminal messages into and social savior faire of the genre's audi their music that supposedly contributed to ence and artists. It is not surprising that po the suicidal demises of Ray Belknap and litically-oriented discussions-particularly, Jay Vance; and in 2000 against the band discussions that focus on the significance Slayer, whose apparently violent messages of metal music in reflecting the power asym prompted three of their young male fans to metry between youth culture and the domi murder 15-year-old Else Pahler.' Such legal nant culture-remain scarce. actions are no doubt bolstered by the efforts Metal music and its multitude of sub of censorship-oriented, special interest or~ genres are inextricably linked to youth cul ganizations such as the Parent's Music Re ture. Hence, numerous studies that address source Center (PMRC), a collective who are metal discuss this cultural form as an influ best known for lobbying Congress to force ential variable in the attitudes and behavior music distributors to included warning la of young people. With Robert Walser's Run bels, such as the famous "Tipper Sticker'" ning with the Devil (1993) bein9 one of the that is placed on metal and other music CDs few notable exceptions, the bulk of this dis dubbed to contain "explicit content." cussion of metal's connection to, or influ Some of the less stigmatizing portrayals ence upon youth are overwhelmingly evalu of metal music discount many of the con ative (Richardson 1991; Weinstein 2000). nections to metal and anti-sociability. Such Seemingly out of touch with the audience accounts often contend that the connection centered, "fan-zine" forum exemplified by between metal and the listener is a spuri magazines such as Hit Parader, Metal Mani ous one. For example, Christine and Ronald acs, and Metal Edge, the bulk of academic Hansen (1991) argue that many at the "dam literature on metal music is inundated with aging" messages metal conveys through its inquiries regarding the extent to which metal lyrical content are not adequately processed harms the listener, the greater culture, or by the listener, that the concepts metal pro both. Attacked from perspectives as seem vides are not internalized, and finally, that ingly divergent as feminism and right-wing metal fans enjoy the overall aesthetic of conservatism, preferences for metal music metal, rather than any specitic kind of mes are repeatedly shown to be connected to ju sage the genre may transmit. Portrayals at venile delinquency (Klein, Brown, Childers, metal music also seem wont to place the Oliveri, Porter & Dykers 1993; Singer, Levine genre and its listeners underneath the ru & Jou 1993), wanton sexuality (Arnett 1993), bric of a "subculture" (Gross 1990), denoting misogyny (Kenske & McKay 2000; Rubin, the metal scene as a collection of people West & Mitchell 2001), drug abuse (Arnett following an unrefined ideology, linked to- 134 Volume 33 NO.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology gether through shared forms of meaning point" of these time signatures. The arrival of less personal adornment and "scene identi· the resolution point may be long in coming, lication." The metal subculture, it is argued, depending on which meters are played represents the rebellious" phase of adoles against each other. Anticipation of the time cence (Bleich, Zillman & Weaver 1991) and when the meters resolve creates a state of is merely an extension of youth exploring and anxiety in the listener.' Such an anxiety typi breaching the boundaries of social norma fies the subjective moment of the adrena tivity. Metal Is something kids eventually line-rush musical tapestry so commonly as "grow out of." sociated with today's metal bands and their themes of psychological confusion. Some PSYCHOLOGICAL CHAOS metal bands which employ polyrhythmic tech The aesthetics of metal music have been niques are: Meshuggah (Sweden), Dog argued to reflect the compleXities of contem Faced Gods (Sweden), Anthrax (USA), Hel porary culture. As the world has become con met (USA), and Pantera (USA). It is also ar jointly more fractured and psychologically guable that the implementation of such com alienating, the song structure of metal bands positional devices partially refutes previous has mirrored these social changes. As Rob assumptions which claim metal is a genre ert Walser states: based around a "relatively simple song struc ture" (Epstein & Pratto 1990 68). Thrash metal bands like Metallica and The illusion of dark chaos found in the Megadeth have developed a musical instrumentation of metal music, character discourse ... Their songs are formally ized by distorted low-tuned guitars, and even more complex, filled with abrupt cacophonous time-shifting rhythms, is changes of meter and tempo that matched by lyrical content. Such lyrics would model a complex, disjointed world be unfitting if they conveyed "sunny" narra and displaying a formidable en· tives. Instead, they explore dark states of semble precision that enacts collec mind rarely addressed in other music genres. tive survival. (1993 157) Slayer, an American metal band with in ternational renown, often depict themes with According to Walser (1993), both song struc traumatic psychological motifs: ture and the precision (or "tightness" in musician's terms) with which loday's metal You better learn my name compositions are performed are part of the Cause I'm the one insane genre's collective message of modern sur And I'm a constant threat vival. In abruptly and precisely following You run in fear of my dark silhouette changes of meter and removing superflu Inside my violent mind ous5 elements from their compositions, Chaos is all you'll find metal bands strip down the music's aes Anarchy uncontained thetics to emphasize a cacophonic rough Bear witness to the scorn of my campaign ness. (From the song, "Perversions of Pain" Modern metal's disjointed, yet precise ca {1998]). cophony is further illustrated by the infusion of complex rhythmic techniques that further There are at least two messages present the earlier aesthetic directions begun by here. The first concerns the graphic descrip bands like Metallica and Megadeth. As a con tion of a violent mind, characterized by the tinuing reflection of metal's modeling of words "chaos," and "anarchy." The second today's psychological anxiety and as sign of directs an admonishment toward the listener. the genre's increasing musical sophistica One of these found in the first line directs the tion, metal bands since the early 1990s in listener towards a familiarity with the men creasingly utilize polyrhythmic techniques in tality of the speaker. To not learn this per their compositions. The use ot polyrhythms, son's "name" is to deny the existence of this most notably employed in avant-garde jazz state of mind and perhaps become victim circles, involves the performance of two or ized by such a facet of the human condition. more time signatures simultaneously Another prominent metal band, who com (Magadini 1995). A pattern emerges after the pleted a 1999 North American tour with listener repeatedly hears the "resolution Slayer, and were the second stage headlin- Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 NO.2 November 2005 135 ers at the 2002 Ozzlest tour, is Sweden's first part of the song describes, and reach a Meshuggah. A similar message to the above state of self-awareness which reveals the excerpt from Slayer comes from their song arbitrary nature of such a cage. Such themes "Beneath" (1995): of redemption repeatedly portray psychologi cal pain as an individual problem with an It's time to go lnto the me below individual solution-an assertion that inher My morbid self beneath ently questions the validity of seeking solace A peril trip the last way out in others. I spin as J let go. The metal genre, in this sense, repre sents a discourse opposed to the actions of Resonating with the song's title, this excerpt the obsequious "confessing animal" de depicts a part of self that is unseen or unac· scribed in Michel Foucault's The History 01 knowledged in conventional social life: the Sexuality (197859).' Examining the modali self of morbid fascination that has been ties of psychotherapy through his account of shunned and pathologized. Another Meshug sexuality, Foucault argues that one of the func gah song, "Inside What's Within Behind" tions of modern psychiatric practice was not (1995) describes the ravages ot emotional only to find out what someone hides in the pain: psyche, but also discover what the individual was hiding from him/herself (Foucault 1978 Life neglected infected by strain 66). This was part of the bifurcated duty of I fall into the smothering the even modern psychotherapy in which the patient Flow of ravaging pain must be made aware of his/her mechanisms This my temple of self-caged contempt for avoiding the deeper roots of his/her pa A body slowly pierced by thology then be given the symbolic tools to Inevitable me. combat such mechanisms. It can be argued that this role of modern psychiatry was con Expressed through barking lyrics which are ducive to creating a relationship between unintelligible to the ear (thank goodness for confessing SUbject and therapist which was lyric inserts), this song conveys the aesthetic based on subservience and the dissolution experience of confused hopelessness. The of emotional self-sufficiency. "even tlow ot ravaging pain" is a symbol (de However socially abhorrent, the individu scribed as a "temple") of a condition caused alized, self-empowered discourse of metal by oneselt. This is a fatalistic portrayal of self music is an extension of the politics implied centeredness in which the process of s811 in Foucault's work. It is a counter-discourse torture appears "inevitable." There is a larger to that which has grown to dominate West commentary implied in this passage, but it ern notions of mental health both in clinical is unclear until the song shifts focus and ex and popular realms. Metal music represents presses the possibility of redemption: a rebellion against assumptions that psy chological problems must be resolved Turn your eyes toward the inside through the establishment of a relationship Dig deep within I'm sure you'll find between self and something external, A different self a different soul whether that is another person or an orga To put you in peace with mind. nized therapeutic apparatus. This thematic shift in the song, accompa NihilismNiolence nied by an ambient and markedly more intel Nihilistic themes in metal music are those ligible change in vocal style, advocates an that portray a denial of culturally-constructed individual solution to the aforementioned tur codes of conduct and their concomitant sys moil. Through a self-empowering sugges tems of morality. Such a theme may be trans tion, the song asks the listener to overcome mitted through a substantial demystification the condition of pain-ravaged self-centered ot humans. Take tor example, these lyrics ness and find a greater self somewhere from the German metal band Rammslein: "deep within." The speaker asks the listener to trust the human capacity for self-reflection Was macht ein Mann and discover a higher self. This requires the (What does a man) listener to no longer be "self-caged" as the Was macht ein Mann 136 Volume 33 NO.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology (What does a man) the ability to wreak havoc upon the world. der zwischen Mensch and Tier nicht Take, for example, this song from the siow unterscheiden kann tempo, dark American metal band, Crowbar; (who cannot distinguish between man and animal) Looking at me smothering you Was Destroying all (what) Looking at me punishing you Er wird zu seiner Tochter gehen Destroying it (He will go to his daughter) Pushing you down and pulling you down sie ist schon und jung an Jahren I'm crushing all (she is beautiful and young in years) Pushing you down pUlling you down und dann wird er wie ein Hund mit eigen I'm dragging you under Fleisch und Blut sich paaren (From the song, "Wrath of Time be Judg (and then, like a dog, he will mate with his ment" [1996]). own flesh and blood) Another example comes from the American From an anthropological stance, this excerpt band Machine Head, and their song, "Ten explores the possibility of human behavior Ton Hammer" (1997): when animalism reigns supreme. Taboos, especially those that concern incest, may be I can feel this pain is real broken when the essential basis of these I hate deep down inside taboos-our culture and its consequent hu And like broke glass you'll shatter manity-are removed. In exploring the pos With bloody fists I'll batter sibilities of enacting behaviors that are largely Like a ten ton hammer unacknowledged, stigmatized, and re pressed, metal offers a critique against the I'll be the trembling in your breath moral codes that prohibit such behavior. Trickle of blood upon your flesh These behaviors often involve the sexual and! You'd love to watch me take the fall or physical degradation of another, and are I'll be the thing that you despise commonly regulated through formal means 'Cause I'm the path to your demise of social control. And I'm a be there standing taiL Given the often anti-social content of metal lyrics, it is not surprising that studies have Both of the previous passages depict a pro explored the connection between such lyri nounced power asymmetry between the cal themes and outward violence (Ballard & speaker and the outside world. The speaker Coates 1995; Epstein, Pratto & Skipper dominates this world with such ease s/he 1990). This includes studies which explore appears superhuman. The other in this abra metal's misogynistic overtones and the pro sive relation remains unnamed and general; pensity for male violence towards women the violence can be directed toward anyone (Kenske & McKay 2000; Weinstein 2000). or anything. "You" denotes a person, institu However, a close look at contemporary metal tion, emotional state-any number of enti lyrics reveals violent themes which are rarely ties perceived to be worthy of a violent on gender-specific, and more rarely directed at slaught. The passage constructs a shared women. This is not to say that there is no subjectivity between the speaker and the lis misogyny present in the current culture of tener, where they both need not share the the metal scene-a scene invariably domi same "you" to mutually explore the finitudes nated by young males-but rather, that the of violent fantasy. The function of metal mu explicit anti~female themes so readily visible sic in this regard may be likened to the en in 1970s and 1980s rock music are not re joyment audiences derived from watching tained in today's metal music. The violent films like Fight Club, in which fantasies of themes in contemporary metal lyrics speak physical violence were a way of breaking up more to issues of emotional catharsis than the monotonous life of the mall-trotting, IKEA to a blatant maintenance of the patriarchal shopping, modern human. Such metal lyr order. B ics appear antagonistic, if not blatantly cruel. Such cathartic themes often allude to ulti However, the description of physical violence mate forms of self-empowerment, including may be better interpreted euphemistically. In Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 137 a world perceived by cynical metal fans to be Political analyses of anti-Christian tainted by a rafionalistic Weberian sluggish themes in music have been previously pos ness, violence symbolizes the beauty of rapid ited, and are typified in Elizabeth Jane change. In conveying the human capacity for Hinds's 1992 article, "The Devil Sings the violence, metal bands symbolize one's abil Blues," which focuses on the classic rock ity to effect immediate and visible alterations band, Led Zeppelin. In examining the sub in the course of events in the world. versive aspects of Zeppelin, the article com In a political sense, fhe individualistic and pares the band's anti-Christian occult mo violent motifs in metal lyrics resonate with tifs to the rise of late 18'" century Gothic lit those portraying psychological chaos. Dur erature. From Hinds's perspective, the domi ing a time when 5-10 percenf of school-age nant moral order, instilled in the European boys are faking Ritalin for behavioral prob populace through the advent of Christianity, lems (Breggin 1998), and when the propen is a specific focus of disdain for hard rock sity for violence and anti-institutional behav listeners. Such disdain is directed at two loci ior is categorized under mental disorder la of Christian control, including the control held bels such as Conduct Disorder and Opposi over bodily pleasure, subverted through the tional Defiant Disorder (American Psychiat lyrical expression of sexual gratification, and ric Association 199485-94), the appeal to the control over sources of spiritual contact, the virtues of violence is counter-hegemonic. subverted through sympathetic portrayals of Satan. For Hinds, discourses of bodily plea ALTERNATIVE RELIGIOSITY sure and narratives of underworld connec The metal genre is probably most famous tion comprise a postmodern politics. This for its consistent undermining of Christian perspective resonates strongly with Robert ity. This is notably the case with Scandina Walser's discussion of the postmodern poli vian "black metal" artists purporting Satanic tics of heavy metal, in which he describes motifs, characterized by bands like Emperor Satan as a '1ransgressive icon" (Walser 1993 (Norway), Dimmu Borgir (Norway), and Dis 151 ). section (Sweden), and also motifs rooted in Academic explorations of Satanism and traditional Nordic mythology, characterized by its effect upon the metal listener are as pro bands like Enslaved (Norway), Burzum (Nor lific as studies that rigorously scrutinize the way), Borknagar (Norway), and Einherjer connection between metal music and highly (Norway). anti-social behavior (see Trzcinski 1992). The term "black" has multiple meanings Most studies which address Satanic content for those who would interpret this sub-genre discuss bands which weakly allude to Satan of metal music. It is frequently argued that ism, rather than bands which explicitly in the term "black" represents a negative rela~ voke Satanic nomenclature. Artists such as tion to Christian notions of purity. Hence, Iron Maiden, Judas Priest, and Ozzy Os black metal artists commonly invoke images bourne, fall under this rubric. Through mix of black magic, "dark angels," and activities ing a variety of themes into their music, in which occur during nighttime. One band, Dis cluding those as unrelated as drug and al section, states on the credits of their album, cohol abuse (i.e. Ozzy's "Suicide Solution"), Storm of the Light's Bane (1995), that the and Greek mythology (i.e. Iron Maiden's entire project was written during hours of "Flight of Icarus"), such bands' messages darkness; sort of a statement of authenticity. are amorphous. They have been attributed The term "black" also has political interpre "Satanic" status by unwitting parents and tations, representing the color for right-wing other concerned authorities by default. politics (opposite of lett-wing "red" political The fact that the music under scrutiny re positions) in most of Europe. In an introduc ma',ns thematically ambiguous partially ex tion to Kevin Coogan's article, "How Black is plains why studies tend to discount the con Black Metal?" Jeff Bale states: nection between metal music and any seri ous involvement with Satanism. For example, It (the term "black") poses the question of in "The Role of Suggestion in the Perception whether today's fascinating black metal of Satanic Messages in Rock and Roll Re counterculture is intrinsically associated cordings," Thorne and Himmelstein (1984) with far right political attitudes. (Coogan contend that listeners tend to hear a back 1999 33) masked Satanic message in a song when 138 Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology they are told the message is there, rather The angels heart froze to ice than through the message's "subliminal" The blackness that falls is coming to stay power. In addition, Jonathan S. Epstein and Under the snow lies angels so cold David Pratto's "Heavy Metal Rock Music: Ju (Dissection, "Where Dead Angels Lie" venile Delinquency and Satanic Identification" [1995]). contends that the This excerpt typifies Satanic black metal, con Satanic element exists more for its shock veying the temptation of the ultimate symbol value than for any kind of real identification of Christian purity by the taboo qualities of on the part of the vast majority of Metal the night. Believing "the whispering lies" of listeners. (1990 72) the shadows, the angel meets its demise. Curiously, the angel does not become a part Such studies are important, but overlook of the dark side through the realization that the fact that Satanism is a very real narrative darkness is better than light. This is not a in today's metal music that is dogmatically narrative about the conversion of an angel adhered to by black metal artists and their into a being of the dark. In an outright dis fan base. For example, Satanic lyrics often missal of anything Christian, the angel is fro conjure images that distort or mock Chris zen under the snow and left to be forgotten. tianity. Emperor's song "the Oath" (1997), A prevalent and more recent black metal stands as an example: theme involves the subscription to Nordic My thology. Norway's Einherjer, for example, is Hark, 0' Night Spirit a band whose name refers to slain Viking Father of my dark self warriors sent to the hall Valhalla, who feast From within this realm, wherein thou the night away and return to fight and be slain dwelleth the next day (Grant 1990 26). Bands like By this lake of blood, from which we feed Einherjer have gone to great lengths to trans to breed mit traditional Nordic messages, both sym I call silently for Thy presence, as I lay this bolically and textually. Their CD, Odin Owns oath. Ye All, has the image of a bearded man miss ing an eye-a symbol for the Norse god Odin, Perverting the Christian ritual of commun who surrendered his eye to the god of wis ion, in which a person may symbolically drink dom, Mimir (Grant 1990 13). the blood and eat the body of Christ, the Einherjer's song "Out of Ginnungagap" speaker derives spiritual sustenance from (1998) tells the story of Nordic creation: an entire reservoir filled with blood. Through the appropriation of Old English this excerpt Out of emptiness further perverts Christian rites, and attempts Out of Ginnungagap to raise the validity of Emperor's dark oath to Came Yggdrasil that of Christian prayers with similar invoca Came Life tions. Out of emptiness In addition to the perversion of Christian Out of Ginnungagap rites, Satanic black metal bands also attack Came all of what is today. Christian symbolism: Very similar to the Greek notion of Chaos, as In the dawn an angel was dancing described in Hesiod's tale of creation, Surrounded by an aura of light Theogyny(Morford & Lenardon 198529-30), But in the shadows something was watch- Ginnungagap is the eternal void from which ing all existence comes. From Ginnungagap And with patience awaiting the night came Yggdrasil, Nordic mythology's "world Angel whispers: "Mournful night, tree," which links the nine worlds of the uni Attractive night your dark beauty obsesses verse and connects all of the Viking gods me" (Grant 199041). An angel bewitched by the shadows Black metal is wrought with Viking narra Seduced by the whispering lies tive and symbolism. Burzum's CD, Hlidskialf (1999), for example, is titled after the highest A spell was cast and the sky turned red throne of the gods, in which Odin oversees Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 NO.2 November 2005 139 the nine worlds. The CD narrates present turies of Christian missionary work, includ day Viking battle scenes in which sacred tra ing the inclination towards censorship (Moy ditions are reasserted, threatening those nihan & S0derlind 1998 40). Moynihan and who defy the resurgence of traditional Nor S0derlind see the appeal to a different religi dic beliefs with the crushing hooves of osity, more particularly, the appeal to the na Sieipnir, the 8-legged horse of Odin. Songs tive Viking religion, as indicative of a battle like Enslaved's "In Chains Until Ragnarok" against this legacy, spearheaded by Scandi (1998) retell the Nordic story of the day of navian youth. The early 1990s, for example, reckoning in which evil will inherit the Earth saw numerous Christian churches torched (Grant 199036). In addition, bands like En in Norway and other parts of Scandinavia. slaved and Borknagar have the Mjollnir (the Taking credit for the burnings were a new hammer of the Nordic god, Thor) woven into sect of Odinists inextricably linked to the their CD cover art and often brandish this black metal scene. As Moynihan and S0der symbol around their necks. The focused and lind state: coherent use of Nordic symbols debunks earlier speculation that metal's use of sym Black metal would provide the foot soldiers bols is a "signature 01 identification with ready to plunge headlong into battle, fire heavy metal, not. ..a religious or philosophi brands in hand to brazenly set alight the cal statement of faith" (Gross 1990 125). cathedrals and churches of Europe. (1998 It is increasingly argued thaf biack metal xi) is an extension of a larger religious and cul tural movement with the youth of Scandina CONCLUSION: THE POLITICS OF FANTASY via, and more recently, greater Europe and in Marxism and the Philosophy of Lan North America. Citing the editor of Aorta guage (1973), Russian linguist and political magazine, Keving Coogan states: philosopher, Vaientin Volosinov, asserts that shifts In the language of modern media rep Norwegian black metalists are modern day resent changes in social relations, primarily examples of an ancient martial/mystical band those between an art form and its interlocu of Werewolf-like "berserker" warriors tors. The change in social relations in the known as the Oskorei. (Coogan 199944) contemporary metal scene is one in which the genre has an implicit message of advo Coogan (1999 44) also mentions the con cacy for the conditions of youth. In the case nection between black metal and the tradi~ of metal's exploration of the darker parts of tional Nordic religious movement known as self, the politics of the dialogue is apparent. the Asatru Alliance in Europe and in the We live in an era in which psychiatric dis United States. courses have systematized humanity to such The berserker mentality reflected in mod an extent that only the most drastic modes of ern metal can be seen through religious ide· expression are politically visible. Indulgence ology, where Nordic symbolism and narra in the pathologized states of humanity tive are vehicles for anti~Christian sentiment. dubbed most abhorrent represents a pojj~ Tales at Ginnungagap and Ragnarok are tics against current psychiatric modalities. antithetical to the dominant Christian mythol This politics is largely the same when ad ogy. The former places creation outside the dressing the multiple forms of nihilistic be control of a sentient being, counter to the fa havior, including wanton violence and taboo mous six day process as described in the breaking. Metal's counter-Christian senti Bible's Book of Genesis. The latter claims ment also expresses this dialogue: the youth that the world will not end in the control at of today are not increasingly secular, as good as described by the Book of Revela much as they are trying to find a new founda tion, but instead will succumb to the forces tion for what is sacred. Within the moral or of evil. der of Christianity, the invocation of other Such a discourse is heavily counter-he myths and modes of behavior (including gemonic in Norway, an 88 percent Protes Odinistic rituals and acts of outright violence) tant country. As Michael Moynihan and Didrik are starkly marginalized. Today's metal S0derlind (1998) point out in their history of scene, it can be argued, offers a vehicle to black metal, Lords of Chaos, the populace of express the subjective condition of cultural Norway inherited the cultural legacy of cen- repression. 140 Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Similar to earlier types of rock music, metal REFERENCES is an expression of protest against greater American Psychiatric Association. 1994. Diagnos cultural practices. Some may argue that be tic and Statistical Manual, fourth edition (DSM cause metal artists are adored, if not made IV). Washington DC: Published by the APA. Arnett J. 1993. Three profiles of heavy metal fans: into icons, the current youth generation is at a taste for sensation and a culture of alien the peak of its freedoms. However, one has ation. Qualitative Soc 16 423-43. to consider the increases in regulations, the Ballard M.E. & S. Coates. 1995. 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Theoretical Sensitivity: Ad tions 01 its time, metal music functions simi vances in the Methodology of Grounded larly to earlier rock music, but not in its advo Theory Mill Valley, CA: The Sociology Press. cacy of overt political upheaval. Instead ______. 1992. Basics of Grounded Theory today's metal music invites its audience to Analysis. Mill Valley, CA: The Sociology Press. Glaser B.G. & A.L. Strauss. 1967. The Discovery partake in fantasies that reflect experiences of Grounded Theory: Strategies for Qualita of oppression. Fantasies are counter-hege tive Research. NY: Aldine. monic, in this sense. They are a resource Graham M. 1993. Adolescent suicide: music pref left to a "straight-jacketed" generation. Metal erence as an indicator of vulnerability. J Amer confronts psychological chaos, allows one Academy Child & Adolescent Psychiatry 32 to explore the possibilities of nihilism, and 530-35. provides Antichristian sentiments that chal Grant J. 1990. An Introduction to Viking Mythol lenge religious domination. Whether or not ogy. London: Chartwell. one subscribes to the notion that metal mu Gross R.L. 1990. Heavy metal music: a new sub culture in American society. J Popular Culture sic is a "phase" of youth development, it re 24 119-30. mains that the dialogue between this widely Hansen C.H. & R.D. Hansen. 1991. Schematic in popular genre and its audience is fueled by formation processing of heavy metal lyrics. the asymmetry in power between estab Communication Res 18 373-412. lished cultural practices and the young Hinds E.J. 1992. The devil sings the blues: heavy people who feel coerced into following them. metal gothic fiction and 'postmodern' discourse. Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 141 J Popular Culture 26151-165. ENDNOTES Ian M. 1997. The name of the father is Jouissance: 1, As metal music is constituted by a wide array of why the symbolic is the real in heavy metal sub-genres, including heavy metal, dark metal, music. J Psychoanalysis Culture & Society 2 black metal, speed metal, metalcore, grindcore, 154-8. gothic metal, satanic metal, industrial metal and Kenske L. & J. McKay. 2000. Hard and heavy: many others, and because the Jines of demar gender and power in a heavy metal subcul cation between these different sub-genres are ture. Gender, Place, & Culture 7 287-305. often blurred, it is clear that a unified term for Klein J.D., J.D. Brown, K. Childers, J. Oliveri, C. this type of music is excessively problematic. Porter, and C. Dykers. 1993. Adolescents' risky For this reason, we use the terms "metal mu behavior and mass media use. Pediatrics 92 sic" or "metal" as generic nomenclature refer 24-31. ring to any number of different sub-genres, or Lasch C. 1979. The Culture of Narcissism: Ameri· combinations of them. We differentiate this ge can ute in an Age of Diminishing Expecta neric concept of metal music from punk and tions. NY: W.W. Norton. skinhead music, as well as classic rock music. Magadini P. 1995. Polyrhythms for the Drumset. Punk and skinhead genres influenced metal, NY: Warner Music Publishing. creating subgenres with a specific following Morford M.P. & R.J. Lenardon. 1985. Classical in Northern Europe. Skinhead and punk-oriented Mythology. NY: Longman. sub-genres of metal in Germany and Scandi Moynihan M. & D. S0derlind. 1998. Lords ofChaos: navia are more likely to be expressed through The Bloody Rise of the Satanic Metal Under a national language which reflects national cul ground. Venice, CA: Feral House. ture. This is part of the reason why such sub Orshoski W. 2001. Emerging from the middle of genres are largely absent from the interna Iowa. Billboard 113 16. tional metal scene that, with a few notable ex Richardson J.T. 1991. Satanism in the courts: from ceptions, is dominated by English-a medium murder to heavy metal. In The Satanism Scare. of international communication and marketing. J.T. Richardson & D.G Bromley, eds. NY: Aldine 2. As described in Andy Bennett's (2002) method de Gruyter. ological critique, research concerning youth Rubin A.M., D.V. West, and W.S. Mitchell. 2001. culture and popular music often lack method Differences in aggression, attitudes toward ological precision and/or substantial means of women, and distrust as reflected in popular empirical investigation. While this study does music preferences. Media Psychology 3 25 by no means employ rigid empirical sampling, 42. we employ our specific cultural knowledge to Scheel K.R. & J.S. Westerfield. 1999. Heavy metal systematize the investigation through domes music and adolescent suicidability: an empiri~ tic and cross-national comparisons. Such a cal investigation. Adolescence. 34 253-273. perspective helps to identify sub-genres and Singer S.I., M. Levine, & S. Jou. 1993. Heavy metal tendencies of metal music whose dynamics music preference, delinquent friends, social are not only explainable in terms of historical control, and delinquency. J Res Crime & De developments and linkage to other genres, but linquency 30317-29. by the genre's own international cross-fertifi Stack S. 1998. Heavy metal, religiosity, and sui zation. This dynamic is demonstrated by metal cide acceptibility. Suicide and Ufe Threaten bands' international touring and the increasing ing Behav 28 388~395. internationalization of the marketing of bands Strauss A.L. & J. Corbin. 1990. Basics of Qualita that are signed by smaller music labels. Part of tive Research: Grounded Theory Procedures this marketing certainly involves the interna and Techniques. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. tional exchange of MP3 files via newsgroups Thorne S.B. & P. Himmelstein. 1984. The role of or shared distribution providers. With the ad~ suggestion in the perception of satanic mes vent of internet technologies and the conse sages in rock and roll recordings. J Psychol quent high availability of all types of music, ogy 116 245-248. including metal, we may conclude that a rec Trzcinski J. 1992. Heavy metal kids: are they danc ommended analysis of metal would involve a ing with the devil? Child & Youth Care Forum discussion of the genre on an international 21 7-22. scale. Volosinov V. 1973. Marxism and the Philosophy 3 All of the above court cases either ended with of Language. NY: Seminar Press. dismissal of the charges or acquittal of the Walser R. 1993. Running with the Devil: Power defendants. Gender and Madness in Heavy Metal Music. 4. This term, of course, refers to the role of Tipper London: Wesleyan U Press. Gore in beginning the PMRC and in lobbying Weinstein D. 2000. Heavy Metal: The Music and congress to have warning labels placed on its Culture. London: Da Capo Press. explicit content CDs. The term "TIpper Sticker" is often invoked by ex-Dead Kennedys front man, Jello Siafra, during his spoken word en- 142 Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology gagements, in which he discusses censor ferent meter. Played in such a manner, this type ship of today's music, and how the messages of rhythmic structure emphasizes the gaps be transmitted through heavy music are widely tween notes and makes for a disturbing ma misunderstood by adult authorities. chine-like aesthetic. Polyrythms in jazz are 5. We are reminded here of the stark distinction based upon the same rhythmic principle, but between metal bands and the so-called "hair usually employ multi-tonal melodic devices in bands" of the mid-eighties. With most of these different meters, rather than strictly rhythmic bands such as Winger, Warrant, Poison, and devices. The melodic emphasis of jazz largely the like, the song structure rarely deviated from covers gaps in the rhythmic structure. In some a predictable 4:4 time signature. Most of these ways, this makes the polyrhythms in jazz more compositions featured rather simplistic guitar difficult to feel. Hence, jazz is considered more riff structures oriented around melodic vocals. "cerebral" and metal more "aggressive." Hence, the "hook" of most of the hair bands' 7. Christopher Lasch's the Culture of Narcissism songs stemmed from the vocal lines and not (197916-21) also addresses the phenomenon the collective participation of the entire band. of modern day confessing, albeit differently 6 Due to its emphasis on rhythm, ratherthan melody, than Foucault. From Lasch's perspective, the it may be argued that the psychological tension tendency to confess ourselves to others is an engendered by polyrhythmic song structure in extension of a narcissistic sensibility in which metal is much more intense than that created in we continuously need others for external vali jazz music. In metal, polyrhythms are based dation. upon sudden bursts of mono-tonal, noise-gated, a For a concise and compelling discussion of metal highly distorted, and low-tuned guitar noise that music as a vehicle for the expression of young is often juxtaposed with drums played in a dif- male pain and rage, see Ian (1997). Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 143 TRAUMA REGISTRIES AS A POTENTIAL SOURCE OF BORDER EPIDEMIOLOGY WORK GROUP INDICATOR DATA: TRENDS FROM 1996-2000 Nickalos A. Rocha, Thomason General Hospital Trauma Registry; Alberto G. Mata, Jr., University of Oklahoma; Alan H Tyroch, Texas Tech Medical Center-EI Paso, Texas; Susan Mclean, Texas Tech Medical Cenler-EI Paso, Texas and Lois Blough, Thomason General Hospital Trauma Registry ABSTRACT Drug abuse problems in U.S.-Mexico border colllmunities are largely defined as drug trafficking problems. Thus, the measured response remains one thai is couched within criminal justice perspectives instead of social service or treatment initiatives. There is a clear need for data and data systems that altend 10 the major aspects of drug usc, drug abuse vulnerability, and health & social consequences in borderland commu nities. In Texas. the Trauma Registries system (TR) has been established for nearly a decade and a half. Data for this presentation covers the last five years. As in other pans of the nation, Texas hospitals' emergency care systems have come to use TR: I) to measure the quality of trauma care and to evaluate the effective ness on health outcome; 2) to serve as a data source for injury surveillance; and 3) to measure costs of trauma care by hospitals and ERs. In terms of substance abuse surveillance and monitoring purposes, for the U.S.-Mexico Border region, all hospital TRs have important potential for measuring drug and alcohol health consequences. The data collected varies by TR, hut they usually include patient demographics, injury severity. medical care procedures. henJth outcome, and medic'll costs. Most of the state's hospitals nlready repon alcohol - few repon drug abuse data. All ERs could collect and repon drug abuse by patients entering Emergency Rooms. hut most do not! Border communities' public health drug abuse concerns nnd issues need to be key components of u.s. national and internmional drug ahuse monitoring and surveillnnec systems. Outside of symbolic nnd courtesy visits, systematic substantive sustained public health nnd community capacity building effons on the U.S.-Mexico Border remain outside nmional, state and third sector policy makers planning nnd programming effons. With occasional episodic and passing public health and commu nity capacity building. one's community concerns and issues about border communities drug abuse problems remain largely missing from federal national drug abuse surveillance systems and unattended in state block grants or in discretionary programs. Collection, reponing and improving of these data would serve 10 assist policyrnakers and planners in addressing substance abuse as a more serious consequence of patients present ing 10 ERs. There exists bi-national potenlinl 10 collect, repon and assess the same health consequences in Mexico Ihat need to be explored by those working on the U.S.-Mexico drug ahuse policy control matters. For the last tifty years, the U.S.-Mexico bor der. While in the pasf decade, border gate der region's communities have been seen way cities have again drawn national media largely as narco·trafficking centers and tar and policymakers' attention and interest, it geted for special federal and state initiatives has been largely in narco-trafficking terms seeking to curb and confrol drug trafficking and largely wifhin a Criminal Justice System from Mexico into the U.S. But, public health (CJS) perspective. There is a clear need for concerns about drug abuse in these commu data and data systems that attend to other nities are iargely symbolic, often fragmented major aspects of drug use, drug abuse vul or simply passing demonslrafion efforts. In nerability and drug use consequences this paper, we will explore the TRs role, utility especially one within a public health perspec and limitations for drug abuse monitoring tive. and surveillance at local, area, state, national This paper will address the pofential and and possibly international levels (Beachley, limitations of Trauma Registries across the Snow, & Trimble 1988; Goldberg, Gelfand, border and along the border. The use and Levy, & Mullner 1980; Champion & Teter 1988; improvement of Trauma Registries (TRs) by Mendeloff & Cayten 1991). In an effort to en national and state health and mental agen hance and improve knowledge and under cies would serve to enhance, extend and pre· slanding aboul drug abuse and drug abuse sent policymakers, researchers and practi· services along the U.S.-Mexico Border, there tioners with important drug abuse health con is a need to understand drug use and abuse sequences data and data systems (Pollack at local community levels throughout the bar- & McClain 1989; Vestrup, Phang, Vertesi, 144 Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Wing, & Hamilton 1994; West, Williams, these efforts are limited to community or Trunkey, & Wolferth 1988). With the excep school, and usually exploratory. Moreover, tion of San Diego, U.S.-Mexico border gafe they fail to adequately? to drug abuse and way cities are outside national surveillance health consequences. With the exception of and monitoring systems: Arrestee Drug a major highway safety study, the more seri Abuse Moniforing Program (ADAM/DUF), ous health consequences - unintended in Drug Abuse Early Warning System (DAWN), jury and mortality involving trauma care sys NDATUS, Substance Abuse and Mental tem (TCS) remain largely unattended. In our Health Services Administration's National nation's major monitoring and surveillance Drug Abuse Household Survey (SAMHSA systems, ADAM, PULSE, DAWN, NHHS and HHS), Center for Disease Control's Youth MTF, most border communities are miss Risk Behaviorai Assessment (YRBA) and ing. Even in Border Epidemiology Work Group even the Nafional Institute on Drug Abuse's (BEWG) reports, health consequence data (NIDA) Monitoring the Future and the Depart reporting is uneven, not always comparable ment of Labor's Youth Longitudinal Survey. and/or missing for juveniles and young In short, what is the role and nature of hospi adults. There is a clear need for enhancing tal TRs for border surveillance and monitor and expanding border communities' TR ing system? What does it promise? What data, potential and limitations (Cales 1984; are some limitations? What alternative per· Eastman, Lewis, Champion, & Mattox 1987; spective and implications do TR drug abuse Guss, Meyer, Neuman, Baxt, Dunford, Griffith monitoring systems pose? And, what possi & Guber 1989). There is a need for ADAM bility for international TR and drug abuse and PULSE to include health consequence monitoring system exists? data in their reporting efforts. In short, there is a clear need for data and data systems The Need 10 Redefine Drug Abuse Problems that attend to major aspects of drug use, drug Along Ihe U.S.-Mexico Border abuse vulnerability and consequences in Periodically, the U.S.-Mexico border com borderland communities. munities' drug problems are "rediscovered." Border communities' public health drug The problems remain largely defined as drug abuse concerns and issues need to be the trafficking problems and are presented within key component of US national and interna criminal justice perspectives, policy and re tional drug abuse monitoring and surveil sponses. With occasional episodic and pass lance systems. The promotion and improve ing pUblic health and community capacity ment of hospital TRs in the U.S. and recent building, one's community concerns and is advances in microcomputer technology, soft sues about drug abuse remain missing and ware and networks have rekindled interest unattended. Drug abuse remains a key con in TRs for basic, administrative and applied cern among communities along both sides research (Jurkovich, Rivera, Gurney, Seguin, of the U.S.-Mexico border. National, state and Fligner, & Copass 1992; Richards, Clark, Hol third sector efforts need to build, expand and brook, & Hoyt 1995). We first will address enhance local communities capacities and what TRs are and their potential for address infrastructure to plan, provide services and ing drug abuse health consequences. Thus, evaluate these efforts. While various federal this paper suggests the importance and lim and state-level data reports and data sys its of Texas-based TRs for monitoring, sur tems exist, border communities are miss veillance and policy research (Champion, ing from DAWN, YRBA, SAMHSA's National Sacco, & Hunt 1983; MacKenzie, Siegel, Sha Drug Abuse Household Survey, NIDA's Moni piro, Moody & Smith 1988; Ellis, Michie, Esu toring the Future and the Department of fali, Pyper, & Dudiey 1987). We then argue Labor's Youth Longitudinal Survey. Even in the need for enhancing and expanding pub the Department of Education's (DOE's) Safe lic health and health consequence data in and Drug Free funding for border communi national and state planning and program ties, these programming efforts have yet to ming purposes (Flint 1988; Rutledge, Mes lead to any model programming that would sick, Baker, Rhyne, Butts, Meyer, & Ricketts help address border communities unique 1992). Second, we will discuss how utilizing circumstances and needs relative to drug TRs in border communities will help rede abuse and the U.S.-Mexican Border. fine the U.S.-Mexico Border drug abuse prob While subject to occasional studies, iem. Here we will present data that suggests Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 NO.2 November 2005 145 key trends and patterns for major border gate It must be recognized that collecting stand way cities - that need to be compared and ardized data is generally set by the state leg contrasted to other border cities (Runge islature and corresponding state agency(s). 1993; Kellermann 1993). Lastly, we discuss In 1989, the Texas state legislature, recogniz the potential ot this data on both sides of the ing the need and challenge that collecting border and the implications for bi-national standard data from over 450 hospitals would monitoring, reporting and service planning. present, allowed reporting entities to file elec Here we will suggest that these data are tronically either on a quarterly basis or an available across sister cities and would pro nual basis. As of August 31, 1996, Section of vide important health consequences data for 157.129 of the state trauma registry rule es basic, applied and administrative research. tablished Texas hospital standard data set requirements, TR case inclusion, and what TR and Drug Abuse Monitoring: constituted major trauma. Promise and Limitations The two major types of hospital TRs are In Texas, TR have been established for paper and computerized. Trauma care is pro nearly twelve years. While data for this pre vided through a four tier system of providing sentation was generated from Thomason care to acute and injured patients. Level one Hospital's TR that was initiated in 1995, this trauma centers are tertiary care facilities cen paper only covers the last four years. As in tral to any Trauma Care System (TCS). Level other parts of the country, hospitals' Emer two provides initial definitive care regardless gency Departments and Intensive Care Units of severity of injury. They can be academic, (ED/lCU) used TR to measure the quality of community, public or private facilities located trauma care and to evaluate the effectiveness in rural, suburban and urban settings. on health outcome. A second major utility of Generally, level 3 and 4 trauma centers the TR is as a data source for injury surveil have monthly volumes of 0-15 patients a lance and patient health-care outcome. The month and are manually abstracted monthly data collected varies by TR, but state man and then reported to their RAC or directly to dated reporting usually includes patient de the state oversight agency. Level 1 and 2s mographics, injury severity, medical care pro are generally utilizing mainframe and/or per cedures, health outcome, and medical costs sonal computer-based systems due to the (Goldberg, Gelfand, & Levy 1980; Kane, volume and amounts of data processed. 1 The Wheeler, Cook, Englehardt, Pavey, Green, TRs are associated with trauma care and Clark, & Cassou 1992; Rutledge, Fakhry, may reside as part of hospital Management Baker, & Oller 1993). In terms of substance Information System (MIS) or operate as a abuse surveillance and monitoring pur stand alone program usually in the ER and poses, forthe U.S.-Mexico Border region, TRs ICU. There is no single software package have important potential for measuring drug being promoted by the Texas Trauma Reg and alcohol consequences. Since the first istry for use by Texas hospitals to fulfill their 1950's Chicago Trauma Registry, the role of trauma reporting requirements. Hospitals TRs has been to monitor and evaluate may use any computer, modem and software trauma patient care for health-care entities as long as they are able to collect and elec and the regional EMS systems that they be tronically transmit the Texas Hospital Stan long to; to identify and report major trauma dard Data Set to the Texas Department of injuries and outcomes; and to provide a Health (TDH 2003). sense of how to prevent, treat and reduce The Centers for Disease Control (CDC) trauma costs. TRs are databases that col and Prevention have developed a hospital lect, archive and report information about trauma registry software package. With its patients that they receive through a trauma permission, the Texas Trauma Registry de care services continuum. Patient inclusion veloped a software module that works with into a TR system generally require that pa CDC software to collect and electronically tient population meet certain criteria: transmit the Texas Hospital Standard Data Set. Both of these software packages are 'ICD-(Codes (800.0-959.5) available free to interested hospitals by con ~ All trauma patients have Injury Severity tacting the Texas Trauma Registry. Scores (ISS) The actual collection of TR data is guided ~Admission to leu or hospital floor by hospital needs and state reporting guide- 146 Volume 33 NO.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Table 1: Number of Total Trauma Admissions by Year for Drugs and Alcohol Between 1996 2001 Number of Trauma Admissions by Year Far West Texas & Southern New Mexico Thomason Hospital Regional Advisory Council on Trauma 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 Total Admissions 1031 1145 1496 1663 1595 1647 1046 1769 2031 2299 2789 2735 Drugs Only 155 201 264 219 248 205 155 271 333 265 249 205 Alcohol Only 439 330 420 413 382 338 439 504 629 510 484 441 Source: Thomason Hospital Trauma Registry lines. This unfunded mandate has allowed the TR in 1994 and has provided TDH state hospitals to report essential elements and mandated minimal trauma level data. It desired optional elements. In a sense, there serves as the lead hospital for this area. are minimal and desired data elements. EPTH belongs to the Far West Texas and Minimal data sets are comprised of TR data Southern New Mexico Regional Advisory that involve all ICU and hospital floor trauma Council. The existing RAC has eight hospi data needing to be reported to the Texas De tals within the region that participate on an partment of Health. Desired data elements ongoing basis.' The RAC is unique in that it are these in which state, professional, and covers 4 Texas counties and 7 New Mexico some local agencies would like to see col counties.' The state of Texas is divided into lected, but that are not mandatory. 11 RACs. The TDH agency sets reporting dead lines, quality measures, and means by which DRUG USE AMONG TRAUMA ADMISSIONS: data is to be sent. This data can be collected, Thomason Hospital and RAe Hospitals accessed, and reported by public domain The trauma registry data of Thomason and commercial personal computer soft Hospital reported here covers the years 1996 ware packages. The American Society of -2000. Thomason is the only teaching hos Trauma offers courses about management pital in EI Paso, Texas. Many of the patients and training of personnel. come from southern New Mexico where CDC and state TR guidelines set the data medical resources are limited. The TR data that gets reported by the hospital. On August comes from one of eight hospitals that handle 31,1996, the State of Texas required the de trauma cases in the region. partment of health and hospital trauma units to gather data about trauma in Texas. One DRUG USE AMONG TRAUMA ADMISSIONS objective was to identify severely injured THOMASON HOSPITAL: trauma patients within each health care A Profile of the 1997-2000 Admission agency. Others were to monitor patient care During the 2000 calendar year, there were within each health care unit and regional 1,595 trauma admission cases as com· emergency medical services network and to pared to 1,031 in 1996 (Table 1). Since 1996, identity the total amount of uncompensated there has been a 35 percent increase in total trauma care delivered each fiscal year. All trauma admissions. While drug abuse trau medical facilities need to report to the TDH ma admissions have increased from 155 Injury and Control Division the state required cases in 1996 to 253 cases in 2000, the per elements or minimal data. Due to the need cent increase from the base year ot 1996 tor confidentiality, public reports of the data was 39 percent for drug cases. In terms of are reported in the aggregate; security mea alcohol-related admissions, the number has sures and guidelines need to limit aCCess to decreased significantly each year from 1996 registry data. Four regions ranging from EI to 2000. In 1996, there were 439 alcohol Paso to Brownsville cover the Texas border related admissions, which decreased to 382 (TDH 2001). In 1990, the state legislature cases in 2000. The percent ot change tor mandated the reporting of certain trauma drug·related cases was a 3 percent increase, cases. Generally, they include 800 and 959 yet for alcohol cases there was a decrease ICD cases. of 6 percent. EI Paso's Thomason Hospital (EPTH) is In 2000, there were 248 drug-related trau a level 1-trauma facility and the lead agency ma admissions at Thomason Hospital for trauma care in the area. EPTH initiated (Table 2). Forty percent of these admissions Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 147 Table 2: Thomason Hospital Trauma Patient Profile for Drugs and Alcohol Between 1997~ 2000 Alcohol Drugs 1997 1998 1999 2000 1997 1998 1999 2000 Characteristic (N=330) (N=420) (N=413) (N=382) (N=201) (N=264) (N=219) (N=248) Gender Male 85% 83% 91% 93% 77% 75% 91% 93% Female 15% 17% 9% 7% 23% 25% 9% 7% Age 0-12 0% 0% 1% 1% 2% 1% 1% 1% 13-17 6% 4% 8% 5% 14% 6% 8% 5% 18-25 26% 26% 28% 29% 26% 27% 28% 29% 26-35 29% 29% 35% 28% 24% 28% 26% 28% 36-46 23% 25% 21% 30% 22% 25% 21% 30% 47+ 16% 15% 7% 7% 11% 12% 6% 7% Race/Ethnicity Hispanic 83% 77% 83% 80% 74% 72% 83% 80% White-non~Hispanic 15% 21% 13% 17% 20% 25% 13% 17% African-American 2% 1% 1% 2% 4% 2% 1% 2% Other 1% 1% 3% 1% 2% 1% 3% 1% Source: Thomason Hospital Trauma Registry had used drugs or alcohol, whereas 16 per ams (Table 3). One should keep in mind that cent of the admissions had used "drugs only" patients may report using more than one sub (Table 1). Eighty-five percent were male. Over stance. For cocaine between 1995-1998 three-fourths (81 %) were Hispanic, 2 per there was a 50 percent increase. Between cent were African-American, and 1 percent 1999-2001 there was a decrease in number were members of other racial/ethnic groups. of individuals under the influence of cocaine. White, Non-Hispanics comprised 15 percent. Individuals under the influence of marijuana A majority (27%) at trauma patients in 2000 increased between 1995-2000, with a per were between the ages of 18-25 and male. cent change of 62 percent. However, in 2001 Between 1997-2000, there was a 21 percent marijuana cases started to decrease. Indi increase in the total number of drug-related viduals under the influence of opiates con cases seen at Thomason Hospital. Also, tinued to increase between 1995-2001 with there was an 8 percent increase in the num an increase percent change of 94 percent. ber of males being admitted to Thomason However, in 2002 individuals admitted un Hospital for drug-related issues. There was der the intluence of opiates started to de a 3 percent increase in males being admit crease. Individuals under the influence of ted for alcohol-related cases between 1997 amphetamines increased between 1995 2000, and an 8 percent increase in males 2001, with a percent change of 70 percent. being admitted for drugs. However, for fe However, in 2002 cases have decreased sig males there was a 2 percent decrease for nificantly. Benzodiazepine cases increased alcohol-related trauma and an 8 percent in between 1995-1998, but decreased from crease for drug-related cases. There was 1999-2002. However, when looking at the no significant age increase when examining percent change there is still an increase of the data by individuals being admitted as per 40 percent. Barbituates continue the fluctu the 1997 data. There was a decrease be ating pattern on a yearly basis. The only cat tween 1-7 percent pertaining to ages from 0 egory in which we see a continued and con 17 and an increase between 3-5 percent for sistent decrease is for "other" drugs. drug-related cases. Regarding ethnicity, The majority of 2000 admissions who had there was no significant decrease for alco used substances were injured on the "street hol cases involving Hispanics. However, or highway" (67% for alcohol and 64% for there was a 5 percent increase for Hispan drugs). Slightly more than 10 percent were ics who were admitted for using illegal drugs, injured at "home" or in a "residential institu all other ethnic groups stayed the same or tion," 12 percent involving drugs, 3 percent decreased by 1 percent. involving alcohol in a "public building," 4 per We next will report on drugs identified by cent involVing alcohol, or 22 percent involv TR drug abuse admissions toxicology ex- ing drugs in "other" places (e.g. "tarm," 148 Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Greative Sociology Table 3: Type of Drug Abused by a Sample of Trauma Admissions at Thomason Hospital in EI Paso, Texas Between 1995-2002 Drugs' 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002" Cocaine 47 75 97 138 109 112 94 38 Mariiuana 37 67 92 81 93 98 63 33 Benzodiazepines 15 23 29 46 23 45 25 18 Opiates 8 24 26 57 55 97 126 42 Barbituates 4 15 28 16 4 6 5 3 Amphetamines 3 3 5 7 4 5 10 3 Other 6 12 2 1 0 0 1 0 *Number of drugs will not match total because some patients will be listed for multiple drugs. ·*2002 comprises until June Source: Thomason Hospital Trauma Registry Table 4: Type of Injury for Thomason Hospital Patients Between 1997-2000 1997 1998 1999 2000 Alcohol Drugs Alcohol Drugs Alcohol Drugs Alcohol Drugs (N=330) (N=199) (N=420) (N=264) (N=413) (N=219) (N=382) (N=248) Motor Vehicle Crash 46% 46% 42% 45% 44% 44% 41% 43% Motorcycle Crash 3'% 3% 5% 5% 5% 7% 3% 4% Pedestrian Crash 5% 5% 6% 6% 6% 3% 7% 5% Gunshot Wound 5% 7% 4% 6% 3% 5% 5% 5% Stabbing 17% 17% 10% 11 % 10% 9% 11% 11% Fall 10% 9% 13% 8% 13% 11% 14% 12% Other 15% 14% 20% 19% 2% 21% 20% 21% Source: Thomason Hospital Trauma Registry "places of sports," "industrial sites"). the rates decreased for females from 1997 The largest number of drug and alcohol to 2000, there was an increase among related injury cases involve Motor-Vehicle males. Stabbings and gunshots also de Crashes (MVC) - when combined with Mo creased, but the rate of decrease is greater tor-cycle Crashes (MCG), they involve 44 to for stabbings than for firearm injuries. Where 47 percent of all trauma substance abuse stabbing decreased by almost half for males related cases in 2000 (Table 4). While the trom 1997 to 2000, firearm mentions de number of cases increases for both alcohol creased only slightly, from 14 to 10 cases. and drug admissions cases, drug abuse~ Again, only as it concerns falls and Others related cases increased more from 1997 to mentions does one find an increase, but the 2000 than did alcohol-related cases in 1997 increase is only a slight one. 2000. In terms of penetrating wounds involving SUMMARY: THE NEED FOR BI-NATIONAL firearms and stabbings, TR data decreased SUBSTANCEABUSETRPROJECT for alcohol, but not for firearms. While the There is a clear need for data and data actual number of cases increased for both, systems fhat attend to major aspects of drug the percent change is smaller for alcohol use, drug abuse vUlnerability and conse related cases than for drug abuse-related quences. And there is a clear need to de cases. During this period, falls and pedes velop, cUltivate, and evaluate drug abuse trian accidents increase only slightly. The monitoring systems and data along the U.S. category of Other increased by 5 percent when Mexico border. On the U.S. side of the border, one compares 1997 to 2000. In 1997, MVC, community leaders are concerned that na stabbings and other injuries were involved tional and state policymakers view border nearly 4 in 5 substance abuse-related cases. cities as largely narco-traffficking centers and Yet in 2000, MVC is followed by falls, then rely iargely on a CJS approach to the drug stabbings. problem. Moreover, many are troubled by the In terms of MVC alcohol-related admis lack of a more comprehensive and balanced sion cases, nearly twice the number are al~ public health and community approach to cohol-related cases than are drug related. drug abuse within border communities. While Male rates are greater than females for all this administration like past administrations' fypes of injuries, but especially in terms of has rekindied an interest in border drug MVC, stabbings, and firearm injuries. While abuse issues, public health issues are left Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 149 wanting. The need tor border drug abuse sur explore and pilot a collaborative TR project veillance and monitoring systems can be based on a drug abuse surveillance system partially met by taking advantage of the infor designed particularly for Mexican border cit mation in U.S.-TRs' - especially those ex ies that complements, if not parallels exist isting along the U.S. side of the border. The ing ones in the U.S. EPTH TR provides an important drug conse quence data system and attends to issues IMPLICATIONS FOR A BI-NATIONAL closely found in DAWN. Moreover, the EPTH MONITORING AND REPORTING SYSTEM FOR TRs like other hospitals' ED/ER/ICUs, par THE U.S.-MEXICO BORDER: ticipates in state reporting systems. Unlike RECOMMENDATIONS some hospitals, EPTH TR reports all drug The Thomason TR data show that trauma and alcohol-related cases. It should be kept data can be a useful indicator of drug abuse in mind that hospital MIS department main patterns and trends. There is a need to es tain complete patient databases, while tablish collaborative projects on both sides trauma registry data can collect two types at of the border to collect and analyze trauma data - TR essential and additional desired data related to drug abuse. These data can data for their own hospital use. The need tor be useful in: access to the desired data should serve as an impetus to develop a collaborative moni e Developing area and regional surveillance toring and surveillance eftort of the area's systems. RAC and major border TR hospitals. e Establishing the need and range of ser TRs represent one of the better mecha vices necessary for border communi nisms for U.S.-Mexico surveillance systems ties. and for collaborative research. There is clear e Demonstrating the ways drug problems ly a need for developing a TR Substance impact border communities. Abuse Monitoring & Surveillance eftort work • Serving as a baseline for prevention and group of border TRs. This workgroup could allowing for specialized studieS of bor also explore the need and utility of making der communities. bi-national TR surveillance monitoring opera e Showing the costs related to the drug tional. They would begin by taking stock of problem. current operating and potential reporting net e Demonstrating border twin city collabo works on both sides 01 the border; explore rative and cooperative efforts in using points of similarity, differences and gaps; trauma data. develop a mutually agreeable protocol that could serve as long-term goals and objec FINDINGS tives; on a pilot basis look a ICUs' and TR The current findings are broad but sug drug abuse report networks; convene a group gest sustainability for the implementation of to further explore how to enhance and im TR in Mexico. Currently, there is support to prove existing data. TR surveillance monitor establish a Juarez, Mexico TR with the same ing project could also serve as a basis for capabilities as TR in Texas. There is a signifi specialized sub-studies - reliability stud cant push in comparing data between Mexico ies, comparative studies, drug-related vio and the U.S. pertaining to trauma data. The lence, rapid assessment study site, Motor~ TR system is ideal in assessing drug and Vehicle Crash (MVC) and Motor-cycle Crash alcohol use along the border and the impact (MCC) study, cost/benefit analysis, etc. A TR imposed upon hospitals in dealing with the surveillance-monitoring project could also substance abuse issue. There is a large serve as a basis for applied studies and spe need for social science researchers to use cialized sub~studies - intervention, reliabil this data in assessing the substance abuse ity studies, comparative studies, and drug problem at another level, instead of just the related violence. The EPTH TR pilot effort with criminal justice perspective. Juarez suggests that its Mexican counterparts The main findings of this paper are: have demonstrated implementing a similar system in Mexican border cities. The EPTH eTR data is measurable both quantita TR must be kept within guidelines suggested tively and qualitatively. by Pollack and yet still meet basic state and erR data can state a cost based on national TR needs. There is a need to further substance abuse to the local 150 Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology hospitals. Eastman A.B., F.R. Lewis Jr, H.R. Champion, & K.L. erRs can track individuals yearly by Mattox. 1987. Regional trauma system design: region to see if they are a reoccur· critical concepts. Amer J Surgery 154 79-87. ring cost for local hospitals. Ellis B.W., H.R. Michie, S.T. Esufali, R.J. Pyper, & H.A. DUdley. 1987. Development of a micro eTRs can be instrumental in supporting computer-based system for surgical audit and public policy change. patient administration: a review. J Royal Soci eTRs can measure the impact on the local ety Medicine 80 157-161. healthcare system due to substance Flint C.B. 1988. The role of the trauma coordinator: use. a position paper. J Trauma 28 1673-1675. eA TA will be implemented in Juarez, Goldberg J., H.M. Gelfand, & P.S. Levy. 1980. Reg Mexico in about one year. istry evaluation methods: a review and case eThere is tremendous potential in using a stUdy. Epidemiologic Rev 2210-220. TAs for substance abuse research. Goldberg J., H.M. Gelfand, PS. Levy & R Mullner. 1980. An evaluation of the Illinois trauma regis eThere are limitations to the TR, but they try: the completeness of case reporting. Medi appear minor. ca/ Care 18 520-531. eThe trauma registry is relatively new as Guss D.A., F.T. Meyer, T.S. Neuman, W.G. Saxt, compared to other systems. J.V. Dunford Jr, L.D. Griffith, & S.L. Guber. 1989. eMany youths who use illegal substances The impact of a regionalized trauma system on are captured in TRs, which might not trauma care in San Diego County. Annals Emerg be caught otherwise. Medicine 18 1141-1145. eSpecifically for Texas, TAs can be linked Jurkovich G.J., F.P. Rivera, J.G. Gurney, D. Seguin, statewide to assess substance use/ C.L. Fligner, & M. Copass. 1992. Effects of alco hol intoxication on the initial assessment of trau abuse if data is collected on a continu ma patients. Annals Emerg Medicine 21 704 Ous basis. 708. • Some RAC regions collect substance Kane G., N.C. Wheeler, S. Cook, R. Englehardt, S. abuse data, others do not. Pavey, K. Green, O.N. Clark, & J. Cassou. 1992. Impact of the Los Angeles County Trauma Sys The data and approach presented herein tem on the survival of seriously injured pa needs to be compared to data from other EI tients. J Trauma 32 576-583. Paso hospitals, then to other border cities. Kellermann A.L. 1993. Obstacles to firearm and Sister cify research has suggested which violence reserch. Health Affairs XX 142-153. strategy is more likely to bear fruit and meet MacKenzie E.J., J.H. Siegel, S. Shapiro, M. Moody, & RT Smith. 1988. Functinonal recovery and changing and future demands. Some effort medical costs of trauma: an analysis by type needs to be spent on assessing and improv and severity of injury. J Trauma 28 281-297. ing the quality of the TR data. The authors Mendeloff J.M. & e.G. Cayten. 1991. Trauma sys recognize the need not to oversell or overex tems and public policy. Annu Rev PUblic Health tend trauma center programs, staff and ca 12401-424. pabilities. Nonetheless, the Border Epidemi Pollack D.A. & PW. McClain. 1989. Report from the ology Workgroup would benefit by involving 1988 Trauma Registry Workshop, including rec~ trauma registry programs and staffs in their ommendations for hospital-based trauma reg istries. J Trauma 29 827-834. efforts. Border-wide monitoring and surveil Richards C.F., R.F. Clark, T. Holbrook, & O.B. Hoyt. lance projects have long been touted and 1995. The effect of cocaine and amphetamines called for and trauma centers represent a on vital signs in trauma patients. J Emerg Medi viable vehicle for such an effort. cine 13 59-63. Runge J.W. 1993. The cost of injury. Advance in REFERENCES Trauma 11 241-253. Beachley M., S. Snow, & Trimble. 1988. Develop Rutledge R., S. Fakhry, C. Baker, & D. Oller. 1993. ing trauma care systems: the trauma nurse co Injury severity grading in trauma patients: a ordinator. JONA 18 34-42. simplified technique based upon ICD-9 coding. Cales R.H. 1984. Trama mortality in Orange County: J Trauma 35 497-506. the effect of implementation of a regional trau Rutledge R., J. Messick, & C.C. Saker, S. Rhyne, J. ma system. Annals Emerg Medicine 1315-24. Butts, A. Meyer, & T. Ricketts. 1992. Multivari Champion H.R., W.J. Sacco, & T.K. Hunt. 1983. ate popUlation-based analysis of the associa Trauma severity to predict mortality. World J tion of county trauma centers with per capita Surgery 74-11. county trauma death rates. J Trauma 33 29 Champion H.R. & H. Teter. 1988. Trauma care sys 37. tems: the federal role. J Trauma 28 877-879. Texas Department of Health. 2001. Texas Depart- Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 NO.2 November 2005 151 ment of State Health SeNices Injury Prevention ning to use existing software. Any of these Website - htlpJlwww.dshs.state.tx.us/injuryl packages (commercial, free or existing) can datal potentially satisfy the data reporting require --;;---c" 2003. Texas Department of State Health ments of the Texas Trauma Registry. The tech Services Injury Prevention Website - http:// nical specifications for these requirements are www.dshs.state.lx.us/injury/datal in the document entitled Texas Hospital Stan Vestrup JA, P.T. Phang, L. Vertesi, P.C. Wing, & dard Data Set. As long as the computer soft N.E. Hamilton. 1994. The utility of a multicultural ware package enables the collection and elec regional trauma registry. J Trauma 37 375-378. tronic transmission of the Texas Hospital Stan WestJ.G, M.J. Williams, D.O. Trunkey, & CCWolferth dard Data Set it can be used to satisfy the Jr. 1988. Trauma systems: current status-fu Texas trauma reporting requirements. ture challenges. JAMA 259 24 3597·3600. 2 These hospitals are William Beaumont Army Medi cal Center (WBAMC), Sierra, Las Palmas, ENDNOTES Culberson, Del Sol Medical Center, Southwest 1 There are several excellent commercial trauma ern General and Thomason Hospital. registry software packages on the market. 3 The Texas counties are Hudspeth, Culberson, However, commercial software is not neces Presidio, EI Paso. The New Mexico Counties sarily required, since there are also free soft are Hidalgo, Luna, Grant, Dona Ana, Sierra and ware packages available. Some hospitals have Otero. even developed their own software or are plan- 152 Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Sociology • the Social Sciences ••••••••• • ••••• •• •• ••• • • ••• ••• •• • • •••• • g BIRDS IN THE HAND If one bird in the hand is worth two in the bush ... Our two sources are invaluablt '" and right at your fingertips. 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I iilll'! - 1 PO Box 22206_ San Diego CA. 92192-0206 619/695-8803. fax 619!695~0416. em6!. socio@cerinetcorn Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 153 THE NOTION OF MASCULINITY IN MALE COLLEGIATE ROAD CYCLISTS David Powell, Beverly L. Stiles, Greg Half and Lon Kilgore Midwestern State University, Wichita Falls, TX ABSTRACT The aim of this study was to look aI notions of masculinity in male collegiate road cyclists and assess the masculinity scores of cyclist in one of the ten collegiate cycling conferences in the U.S. This study utilizes the Bem Sex-Role Inventory (HSRI. long form) to evaluate the masculinity scores of male collegiate road cyclists in order to open the discussion of masculinity as it pertains (0 cycling. Thirty-two male subjects, in the conference, participated in the study. Resuhs show a BSRII-ralio score of -IOAI. statistically different from that of the established norms of -6.:n (p The last decade has witnessed a recent 576). To date, reliability and validity tests on movement in men's studies and a growing the BSRI are reported as high, and although popularity of investigating different forms of the notion of masculinity is ever changing, it masculinity and their consequences for men is the most often used measure in this type (Beal 1996). The present study examines of research suggesting that it tests current maSCUlinity and how it pertains to male col masculinity ideals relevant to today's society legiate road cyclists. Cycling is a popular (Lenny 1991). sport with much research having been done regarding the science of optimal perfor THEORY mance. However, sociological aspects of the The theory behind the development of the sport are sparse and masculinity studies BSRI purports that culture defines what is have yet to stretch to the sport of cycling. This masculine and feminine, and that these are study seeks to redress the imbalance in cy two random components that the BSRI is cling research. designed to assess. Specifically, the BSRI Road cycling is an interesting activity in measures the degree "to which individuals terms of maSCUlinity. The sport of cycling con endorse these heterogeneous cultural clus tains the tight, ffamboyant colored spandex ters as self-descriptive" (Lenny 1991 594). clothing, leg shaVing and the slim, lean bod Much evidence to the ever-Changing notion ies that could be construed as feminine. In of masculinity will be presented that supports comparison, there is an overtly heterosexual this view. environment and testosterone pumped rac Analyzing masculinity, whether within the ing that can be dangerous and exciting, realm of sport or not, needs to be put into the which seems contradictory to the cyclist's context of the society in which the sport is appearance. In order to look at and discuss played, and in which the participants of the masculinity in collegiate road cyclists in one sport play it. Kimmel (2001) discusses the of the ten collegiate cycling conferences in notion of global masculinities, how they are the United States, the Bem Sex-Role Inven created and how they try to resist change. He tory (BSRI, reproduced with permission, Con argues that masculinity is not a constant for sulting Psychologists Press) was utilized to all places and all times, but rather is an ever evaluate masculinity scores of road cyclists. changing fluid pool of concepts and behav The Bem Sex Role Inventory, initially pub iors that vary dramatically. lished in 1974 in the Journal of Consulting Mascul"lnity and sport are two factors that and Clinical Psychology (Bem 1978, 1981), seem intertwined. Frank (1999 221) argues was used to rate male collegiate road cy that there are three sites of practice in which clists on a sex scale that could be compared masculinity stands out as important: "the to an established, normal population. The body, sports and sexuality." Sport and mas BSRI was one of the first sex tests published culinity are inextricable linked, with sports that was "specifically designed to provide in said to be an arena where "traditional no dependent measures of the individual's tions of masculinity can be reestablished and masculinity and femininity" (Lenny 1991 reproduced" (White & Gillett 199436). In fact, 154 Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology it has been argued that its construction and maintenance. Although no research couid be found specifically in organized sports, as a public spectacle, is the area of cycling and masculinify, a study a crucial locus around which ideologies of by Koivula (1995) looked to classify 60 differ mate superiority ... are constructed and natu ent sports on gender appropriateness, in ralized. (Messner 1989a 80) cluding cycling. The study classified cycling as gender-neutral (Koivula 1995; see also As Beal (1996 205) states, "sport is one of Parsons & Betz 2001; Meaney, Dornier & the most significant institutions of male Owens 2002). Furthering her work, Koivula bonding and male initiation rites." Further (2001) looked at all of the sports classified more, Messner, Dunbar and Hunt (2000) de previously and how these sports and those scribe real men as winners, suggesting that in these sports were characterized. Her clas to succeed in sport, against other men, sifications were rated on a 7-point scale, heightens notions of masculinity. ranging from 1, "not at all characteristic of If hegemonic masculinity were to have one the sport/sport participant" to 7, "very much defining visual representation, for sure it characteristic of the sport/sport participant" would be that of musculature. White & Gillett (2001 379). Koivula questioned 403 partici (1994) looked at masculinity in terms of mus pants. Cycling, already defined as being gen cularity when they decoded advertisements der-neutral, did not show any particulariy high in Flex magazine. They argue idealistic mas or low scores on the twelve factor-based culinity is portrayed as being muscular (1994 scales. The highest score received was for 20) and that men seek to attain this idea of strength and endurance (5.7 out of 7) with the body beautiful in order to convey a mas the lowest score interestingly being on the culine image. aesthetics and femininity scale (2.0 out of 7). From the many allusions to masculinity Masculine defined sports tend to display found in the literature, masculinity can be features that are characteristically perceived described as being hard, fast, strong, pow as dangerous, risky or violent, involve a team erful, aggressive and tough; as successful spirit, speed, have elements of strength or ("winning isn't everything; it's the only thing" endurance, and are perceived to be mascu Messner 1989b 59), dominant and control line (Koivula 2001). In her recent work then, ling; by being competitive, athletic and ac Koivula found cycling to be perceived as tive; dangerous and risky; masculine, mus somewhere in the middle of the rating scale cular, and above all masculinity is purported for masculinity, suggesting that it holds only to be heterosexual (BeaI1996; Koivula 2001; certain aspects of the masculine definition. Laberge & Albert 1999; Messner 1989a, Sport is one of the most popular medi 1989b; Messner et al. 2000; Trujillo 1995; ated images, and American football is one of Whannel 1999; and White & Gillett 1994). the most watched sports and thus serves as Moreover, the feminine must be suppressed an important arena in which to look at mas (Gay 1992). culinity. Trujillo (1995) studied an entire sea The notion of masculinity can be a very son of ABC's Monday Night Football pro difficult idea to comprehend, with many val gram, finding considerable masculine laden ues making up the ideal masculine image. overtures from the commentators. His study Tensions within those that do not fit into its not only highlighted more universal notions vaiues are bound to exist. Frank (1999) ar of masculinity such as aggression and gues that trying to become the ideal hege power, but also aspects of masculinity relat monic male is full of struggles and tensions ing to "rigorous fraining techniques" and the and that changing notions of masculinity importance of practicing (1995 407). makes this difficult. Gay (1992) outlines fur Messner et a/. (2000) studied televised ther tensions resulting from the suppression sports content, aimed at and viewed by a of the feminine within since this ieads to a heavily young male audience, to determine distortion of masculine characteristics. the dominant themes that lie therein. Mess ner et al. (2000 381) argue "sports program REVIEW OF LITERATURE ming presents boys with narrow and stereo Masculinity did not undergo extensive typical messages about race, gender, and analysis till the mid-1980s (Whannel 1999), violence". Specifically, they argued that view and since then sport has played a key role in ers are continually absorbed in images and Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 155 commentary regarding the positive rewards images and representations of sport char that come from playing aggressively. Renzetti acteristically involve contestation and cat & Curran (1999) argue that media sports re egorization, marginalization and incorpora porting emphasizes toughness and courage. tion of elements of masculinity. (2002 64) Messner et al. (2000) found that sports created what they termed the 'televised sports Smith (2000) argues masculinity is complex manhood formula.' This is said to provide and has many dimensions, however, it can be sustained in part by other, non-hegemonic a remarkably stable and concrete view of attributes that contribute to its maintenance. masculinity as grounded in bravery, risk tak Laberge & Albert explain, ing, violence, bodily strength, and hetero sexuality. (Messner et al. 2000 392) masculine hegemony is not simply a product of the things men do but also the meanings their It is unsurprising that this is the case, with activities acquire through unequal social inter previous work by Messner concurring, actions. (1999 259) sports as a mediated spectacle provides Kimmel (1996) argues that historically it an important context in which traditional was through sports at the turn of the twenti conceptions of masculine superiority...are eth-century that men were able to define shored up. (1989a 79) themselves as men, and that sport turned bays into men. Messner (2003140) believes Whannel (1999) studied masculinity in sports that this was due to the fear of social femini with reference to sporting stars and its zation which led to "the creation of organized narrativization in the media in the United King sport as a homosocial sphere". Messner's dom. He concluded that sport is a male arena work looked at the construction of a mascu in which men both largely produce it and con line identity through organized sports as a sume it. child. His findings suggest that it is at an It is important to note that masculinity is early age when men find themselves thrust not only existent on one level. There is more into the world of sports and are impressed than one type of masculinity that is evident in upon to uphold the ideals of masculinity that society at anyone time, but it is the hege lay therein. monic masculinity that is the concern in this This thrusting of young men into the sport review, sometimes referred to as "exclusive ing world suggests that it is not merely an masculinity" (Wellard 2002 235). It is this individual choice to participate in sports, but hegemonic masculinity that will be the frame something that is coerced in the individual. of reference for masculinity used herein. Masculinity is not formed by the individual Whannel (1999) makes us aware that more alone, but shaped through the interaction be than one masculinity is evident in society, tween the individual and the society. Through and that there is a struggle with notions of organized sports, the challenged and taller masculinity in the sporting world. Whannel ing ideology of male superiority is reinforced (1999) contends that some images of mas (Messner 1988). culinity occupy a subordinate position to If masculinity were to have one defining masculinity as a whole. As Wellard succinctly visual representation, for sure it would be puts it: that of musculature (Gay 1992). White & Gillett (1994) looked at masculinity in terms of mus What prevails in sport and in turn reflects cularity when they decoded advertisements wider social values is the presentation of a in Flex magazine. They note that increasingly particular version of masculinity which is in today's capitalist society, men are "unsure ascribed higher cultural capital and, espe about their masculine identities" (1994 19). cially in sporting practices, viewed as a They argue idealistic masculinity is portrayed 'natural' form of behavior. (2002 236-237) as being muscular, in control, powerful, ag gressive and violent (199420) and that men Whannel also agrees with the idea that seek to attain this idea of the body beautiful. there is a struggle with notions of masculin The establishment of a significant symbol at ity in the sporting world, arguing masculinity, such as muscularity, under mines the acceptance of alternative body 156 Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology images, thus reinforcing hegemonic theo linities, the dominant hegemonic masculine ries of masculinity. ideal that is promoted in society is evident. In looking at male action toys and their Within the subculture of skateboarding fe evolving physiques, Pope, Olivardo, Gruber males had to prove their masculinity to be & Borowiecki (1999) argued that the trend come accepted. In creating the masculine over the years has seen an increase of mus subculture of skateboarding, the male skate cularity among the figures. Pointing to the boarders tashioned a culture that satisfied a increasing problem of muscle dysmorphia need for defining themselves as different from amongst men, they argue it could be be the feminine that would normally have been cause men teeI pressured by the tact that met by athletics for other males (Beal 1996). the male ideal is becoming increasingly Looking at the association of masculinity more muscular. Findings trom the study also with the choice to pursue, or not to pursue, show that action toys have become more athletic careers, Messner found that choices muscular through the years (Pope et al 1999; depended upon social ability to "construct a see also Luciano 2001). public masculine identity" (1989a 71). Mess A study along similar lines by Jirousek, ner argues that through organized sports, (1996) looked at the evolving visual ideals of boundaries of identification between oneself the American football uniform, and how it rep and another is accomplished, and that mas resents the changing notions of what is mas culinity serves to develop this identity. Mess culine within society. She tound that over time, ner believes sport represses natural simi the uniform has grown increasingly larger, larities between sexes, constructs differ especially in the shoulders, chest and thighs, ences, and then weaves a structure of signs yet becoming narrower in the waist, accen and interpretations around these difterences tuating male body parts to meet ideal mas that makes them natural (Messner 1989a). culine images and posing virtually unattain Also of note is a study by Harris & Hall (1978) able ideals tor men to aspire to. It is interest who found a hierarchy within sporting ath ing to note that at the turn of the twentieth letes depending on the type of sport played. century the opposite was true in that exces The athletes perceived to be most mascu sive protective gear was not generally con line were those involved in team sports, fol sidered manly and therefore wide-shoul lowed by those in individual sports and then dered pads were not worn. at the bottom were the nonathletes. Jirousek (1996) also discusses how men The study by Laberge & Albert (1999) ref with exaggerated muscles, such as the toot erenced previOUSly, examined conceptions ball hero, are being replaced by athletes with of masculinity and gender transgressions in more balanced proportions, such as the bas sport among boys in Quebec. They found ketball star. This would seem to contradict that boy's views of men undertaking partici current thought as to the notion of muscles pation in feminine sporting endeavors were and masculinity expressed by the other lit mixed, with some responses seemingly in erature reviewed, but may highlight a chang different and others attaching an "interior sta ing attitude of hegemonic masculinity that tus" to those men. It was argued that trans could yet be seen to be expressed in the gressive behaviors could be legitimate be future. A more recent study by Edwards & cause Launder (2000) maintains that, in general males still desire to be mOre muscular, sug moral strength (in this case for facing stig gesting Jirousek's conclusions were rather matization and discrediting by peers) and hopeful. physical prowess are used as proof of A study ot skateboarding subculture found masculinity. (Laberge & Albert 1999 257) that although a non-hegemonic masculinity was created, this revised torm still elevated Work undertaken by Loland (1999) looked skateboarding as masculine by differentiat at sport specific attitudes of sportsmen to ing themselves from females and femininity their bodies. She found that there are sport (Beal 1996). Historically, in response to specific ideals to what the body should look changing historical circumstances, sport like that contend hegemonic notions of the was promoted as one significant means of masculine ideal, but are, however, always ensuring that boys became "properly mas compared to what the ideal within the hege culine." Even in the creation of new mascu- monic society is. Loland believes that bodily Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 NO.2 November 2005 157 images that did not compare to the mascu line ideal were more related to functional ex pressions. Importantly however, other mas culine traits substituted tor the lack of the ideal image. Loland (1999) argues tensions often ex ist between sport-specific ideals of mascu linity and societal masculine ideals in gen eral. Sporting men often measure them selves by two standards, the predominant body ideal of the specific sport in which they participate, as well as ideals of society at large. It is a paradox that to enhance traditional masculine virtues such as dominance and control, ski jumpers have to minimize the primary sign of masculinity, namely muscles. (Loland 1999 299) Among the various sports that have been researched over the last decade that men's studies have become popular, cycling is a particularly interesting one to investigate due to the contradictions of norms, inciuding dress and the feminine type behaviors of shaved legs, as well as the body structure that is in opposition to much of what is con strued as masculine in our society. The present study employs the Bem Sex-Role C\I"=t ...... I"-OO METHODOLOGY Subjects. The sample population was male collegiate road cyclists from one of the ten collegiate cycling conferences in the United States. The population consisted of 99 male cyclists present for the conference. Subjects that agreed to volunteer in the study were handed an informed consent and ques tionnaire. Thirty-four subjects agreed to take part in the study, with 32 compieting it. Two subjects were removed from the study after defacing questionnaires. Data colleclion. The Bem Sex Role Inven tory (BSRI, long form) was used to ascertain the mean sex I-ratio score for the sample 158 Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Table 2: BSRI Scores Masculinity scale Femininity scale t-ratio 1978 Stanford Mean 5.12 Mean 4.59 -6.33 +/- 13.73 normative sample Median 5.10 Median 4.60 +/- 0.65 +/- 0.55 Male collegiate Mean 5.27 Mean 4.47 -10.41' +/- 10.87 road cyclists Median 5.33 Median 4.63 +/- 0.64 +/- 0.57 ·Statistically significant difference (p> 0.05). group. Reproduction rights were obtained the median split method of analysis shows from appropriate sources. Reliability and va participants to express androgynous scores lidity of the BSRI has been tested and is closely approaching masculinity. shown to be high (Lenny 1991). At registra Further analysis of the data shows, how tion for the conference championships, in ever, that there was a statistically significant the spring of 2003, the consent form and difterence between the overall I-ratio score ( BSRI were administered to participants. To 10.41) obtained from the results of this study test for possible spurious relationships be and those of the 1978 Stanford normative tween masculinity and cycling the question sample population (-6.33, 1(31) =-2.12, naire also contained descriptive questions p;;-0.05). A summary of the results is appar that pertain to the subject's age, height, ent in table 2. weight, body fat percentage, total training hours per week, race category and sexual DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION orientation (see Appendix). Completed ques Results from this study investigating mas tionnaires were collated and the BSRI was culinity suggest that male collegiate road analyzed. cyclists rate as "androgynous," but approach Statislics. Using Bem (1978, 1981), data ing masculine using the BSRI median split was converted to standard scores for mas method. Furthermore, evidence suggesfs culine and feminine scores, and overall t that they are more masculine than the 1978 ratio scores, in order for analysis. Microsoft Stanford normative sample population us Excel with Slats Plus v2.5 add-in software ing the I-ratio scores. Androgyny represents was used to analyze the data, with signifi a combination of masculine and feminine cance (0) set at p<0.05. A 1x3 ANOVA was characteristics within a person, no gender performed on the BSRI t-ratio scores broken role differentiation. This leads to greater be down by rider category. havioral flexibility in interacting with others. Results showed that no significant difter Messner et al. (2000) argue that real men ences were evident between any of the cat are winners, suggesting that the better an egories (1"0.05), illustrating thaf the groups athlete is, the more masculine he should were homogenous, and thus data was col~ be. However, the results from this sfudy found lapsed and analyzed together. A one-sample no significant difference between the mas t-test was then performed to compare the culinity scores of riders from different cat mean t-ratio SCore of the entire sample data egories (which examined athletes at differ to the established norm of the 1978 Stanford ent levels), which suggests that the level of sample population. the athlete has no particular influence over Descriptive data were analyzed to ascer their masculinity. Masculinity, defined in part tain means, standard deviations and percent as being successful, is shown here not to ages of responses. This information was be the case as higher level athletes appear then tabulated for ease of inspection (see to have similar masculinity scores as lower table 1 for descriptive data) level ones. Subjects in this study report very low body RESULTS fat percentage levels. Although measure Mean scores for masculine and feminine ments were not conducted by this study, these norms (5.26, (t (31) =1.28, 1"0.05), and 4.47, self-reported levels are not uncommon in (t (31) =-1.16, 1"0.05) respectively) were not cyclists, who are generally very lean. Mascu significantly different from the 1978 Stanford linity, in the literature reviewed, is often as normative sample population (5.12 and 4.59 sociated with muscles, and as such cyclists correspondingly). Using Bem (1978, 1981), fail to fit into this hegemonic masculinity Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 NO.2 November 2005 159 (White & Gillett 1994). The results of this other men. This homosocial environment in study seem to contradict this idea, and the which they compete leads to cyclists adopt masculine scores obtained by the sample ing an overtly heterosexual orientation. It was could well be explained through a hyper documented in some of the responses to masculine persona. It is suggested that cy the question on sexual preference, that there clists create a hyper-masculine image to were several explicitly heterosexual replies compensate for their lack of muscle bulk in stating that individuals 'liked chicks' or were order to satisfy the need to exert a masculine 'as straight as an arrow.' appearance in the context of cycling as a sport Some subjects abstained from answer (Beal 1996). ing the question on sexuality, and although White & Gillett (1994 20) believe that the homosexuality is not assumed, it does raise physical and dietary routines of bodybuild the question as to whether non-heterosexual ing are "disciplinary techniques some men individuals would refrain from responding to use to understand themselves as mascu protect their image of masculinity and place line." This suggests that regimented types within the sport of cycling. Answering truth of physical and dietary routines are a way of tully tor a non-heterosexual individual could defining what is masculine and thus, the ex have possibly led to an exclusion from the treme training involved with cycling and the overtly heterosexual world of collegiate cy evidence ot dieting may be a way in which cling, thus abstaining would have been an collegiate road cyclists identify their mascu expected and understandable choice. linity. The subjects in this study reported train Homoeroticism and clothing is another ing loads of an average 14.20 hours per issue that has been discussed in the litera week, and almost 30 percent of them report ture in relation to American Football. The tight ing having previously been or currently on clothing that the athletes wear is said to be diets. Trujillo (1995) believes that rigorous sexually charged as it closely adheres to the training and practice is manly, and it is ar shapes ot their buttocks (Trujillo 1995416). gued here that this, along with dieting to have The similar tashion at cycling clothing to control over their bodies, is a way in which 'tightly adhere' to the shapes of the male body cyclists' masculinity is defined and ex is clearly comparable to that of American Foot pressed. ball, and thus, creating a heterosexual envi Gender transgressions, an idea put for ronment minimizes the potential erotic plea ward by Laberge & Albert (1999) can be re sures that may be obviously derived from the lated to collegiate cycling. Not only do they appearance ot cycling clothes. rate as "androgynous" on the BSRI scale, In analyzing the current data, Lenny (1991) but the tight, brightly colored clothing and the discuses the two methods that were used. leg shaving often practiced by some cyclists The median split approach compares the seem to go against the dominating mascu masculine and feminine scores for the whole line ideal. Laberge & Albert found that trans group to the established norms. In this case, gressive behavior can be legitimate because when the median masculine score is higher than the norm, and the median feminine moral strength (in this case for facing stig score is above the norm, a sex rating of an matization and discredit'lng by peers) and drogynous is given to the sample group. As physical prowess are used as proof of the median for the feminine score is so close masculinity. (1999 257) to the norm, it is suggested that the subjects are approaching masculine scores using In a sense, cyclists make up tor their trans this method. The t-ratio scale is another way gressive behavior by being more masculine in which to look at the data, comparing the in other aspects. result of the difference between the mascu Trujillo (1995) suggests that masculinity line and feminine scores to give a relative is exhibited best when men perform in a finding. If t-ratios were small, a person would homosocial, but heterosexual, environment. be viewed as androgynous, whereas a lager Thus, TrUjillo is suggesting that masculinity t-ratio would equal a higher masculine or is not only heterosexual, but it is also most feminine score (Lenny 1991 579, 589). The powerful when conveyed in a male setting. median split approach can only classify a We see this with cyclists, who may often race person's sex, whereas using the t-ratio ap at the same time as women, but race against proach, a masculine quantity can be derived 160 Volume 33 NO.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology from the established normal data (Bem 1978, This research has extended masculinity 1981 ). studies to the sport of collegiate road cycling. This research did nof simply wish to de It is believed that as more research is done fine male collegiafe cyclists merely as femi using the BSRI with athletes that more de nine or masculine, but to the extent that they fined measures of normality can be devel are one or the other. Using the median split oped in which to compare sample groups. method, it is evidenf that the cyclists in the The question is whether cyclists are more study approach masculine. Although these masculine because they are cyclists or be medians are not significantly different from cause they are athletes participating in a male the established norms, placement above or dominated arena, sports, and in which ways below the median value is used to classify a are they more masculine. Further research subject's sex. However, using the t-ratio ap in the area of masculinity needs to be con proach, which scores individuals on their ducted, especially in the sparse field of cy sexuality rating, we can see a statistically sig cling. nificanf difference between the established Our research is not without shortcomings. norms and the findings of this study. First, our sample is small, but this is a fairly In evaluating the use of the BSRI, its reli large percentage of the population in the re ability and validity are high, and the BSRI is gion. Also, this study only examines males the most often used measure in this type of and their rating on the BSRI. While it is be research (Lenny 1991). It is also noted that yond the scope of this study to assess the scales used "have adequate freedom women's scores on masculinity versus femi from socially desirable responding" (Lenny ninity using the BSRI, how women in cycling 1991 591). fair in terms of gender is also of interest. In the study by Koivula (2001), where per These issues and other related questions ceived sport characteristics were looked at, define the agenda for future research on cy the highest score received for cycling was in clists. the strength and endurance scale (5.7 out of 7) with the lowest score interestingly being REFERENCES on the aesthetics and femininity scale (2.0 Beal B. 1996. Alternative masculinity and its ef out of 7). Masculinity in cycling was given 4.1 fects on gender relations in the subculture of out of 7, suggesting its classification of gen skateboarding. J Sport Behavior 19 3 204-220. der-neutral (Koivula 1995) is appropriate in Bem SL. 1978. 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Looking Good: Male Body Image Personal Information: in Modern America. NY: Hill & Wang. Meaney KS, LA Dornier, & MS Owens. 2002. Sex a) Please state your role stereotyping for selected sport and physi i. Age cal activities across age groups. Perceptual iL Height Motor Skills 94 3 1 743-749. iiLWeight Messner M. 1988. Sport and male domination: the iv. Body fat % female athlete as contested ideological terrain. (If unknown, please leave blank) Soc Sport J 53197-211. b) Are you male / female* ______. 1989a. Masculinities and athletic ca (*Please delete as necessary) reers. Gender & Society 3 1 71-88. c) What is your sexual orientation? . 1989b. The life of a man's seasons: male --cid-ce-n-otity in the life course of the jock. Pp. 53-67 (If you would prefer not to say, please leave in Changing Men: New Directions in Research blank) on Men and Masculinity. M. Kimmel ed. d) At what level/category do you race in at Newbury Park: Sage Publications. collegiate events? =-=:cc--:c::. _~_. 2003. 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Evolving ideals of male body image as 4) Do you ever go on a diet during the year? seen through action toys. International J Eat ing Disorders 26 65-72. 5) Is your weight an issue for you? Renzetti eM & OJ Curran. 1999. Women, Men, and Society. Fourth edition. Boston: Altyn & Bacon. Smith SL. 2000. British nonelite road running and masculinity: a case of ~running repairs"? Men and Masculinities 3 2 187-208. Trujillo N. 1995. Machines, missiles, and men: Im ages of the male body on ABC's Monday Night Football. Soc Sport J 12 403-423. 162 Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology WORD OF MOUTH CommunIcation is power. An idea, passed from person to person, and viliase to village, can transform the world. I Start with the nght idea Linguistics and Language Behavior Abstracts offering • abstracts of schoiany artiCleS and books • b!biiographlc entries for subject specific cissertations and book and other media rel/!e'h'S. LLBA's timely and comprer1enslve coverage speaks \'o:umes on currem ideas in iinguistics and language research. Avallabie in pnntl on CD-ROM Urorn SilverPlatter and NISC) and on magnetic tape Visit our Web site· \iv\-V'vv.socabs.org for prOdUct information, !Inks to reievant sites/ and subscription-based access to the llBA. Speech, Language and Heanns Pathology SUbset. Linguistics and Language Behavior Abstracts PO Box 22206. San Diego. CA 92192-0206 619/695-8803. Fax: 619/695-04'16· erno!;- se-c,o@cerfneLcom Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 NO.2 November 2005 163 AUTHOR INDEX, VOLUME 33, 2005: Title listed with first author Abbassi, Amir with Raghu N. Singh 111 Powell, David. The Notion of Mascu- 153 linity in Male Collegiate Road Cyclists Abowitz, Deborah A. Does Money Buy 119 Happiness? A Look at Gen Y Rafalovich, Adam. Song Lyrics in 131 College Student Beliefs Contemporary Metal Music as Counter-Hegemonic Discourse: An Amonker, Ravindra G. with Gary D. 063 Exploration of Three Themes Brinker Regoli, Robert M. with Rachel K. Bandy 003 Bandy, Rachel K. Farmed-Out: A Case 003 Study of Differential Oppression Rocha, Nikalos A. Trauma Registries 143 Theory as a Potential Source of Border Epi demiology Work Group Indicator Blough, Lois with Nikaloa A. Rocha 143 Data: Trends From 1996-2000 Brinker, Gary D. Factors Affecting Infant 063 Schneider, Andreas with Adam 131 Mortality in India Rafalovich Bryant, Clitton D. "Carpe Diem (Or the 021 Singh, Raghu N. Toward Developing a 111 Hour or Minute) and Wretched Profile of Suicide Terrorists: A Socio Excess": Some Conceptual Notes on logical Analysis Temporal Opportunity Structure, Deviance Compression, and Bingeing Stiles, Beverly L. with David Powell 153 Behavior TenHouten, Warren D. Primary Emo- 079 Cepeda, Alice with Avelardo Valdez 051 tions and Social Relations: A First Report Forsyth, Craig J. with Clifton D. Bryant 021 Tyroch, Alan H. with Nikalos A. Rocha 143 Haft, Gregg with David Powell 153 Ulsperger, Jason S. with Stan H. Hodges 035 Hewitt, John D. with Rachel K. Bandy 003 Ulsperger, Jason S. with Stan H. 093 Hodges, Stan H. Presentation of the 035 Hodges Paranormal: The Impression Manage ment Strategies and Professionaliza- Valdez, Avelardo. Precocious Transilions 051 tion Tactics of Psychics and Spirit and Substance Use Patterns Among Mediums Mexican American Gang Members Hodges, Stan H. Examining the X- 093 Walsh, Anthony with Huei-Hsia Wu 105 Files: An Integrative Conflict Model Adaptation for Contemporary Para Wu, Huei-Hsia. Romance Novels and 105 normal Thought Female Sexuality: Vicarious Partici pation? Kaplan, Charles D. with Avelardo Valdez 051 Kilgore, Lon with David Powell 153 Mata, Alberto G. with Avelardo Valdez 051 Mata, Alberto G. with Nikalos A. Rocha 143 Mclean, Susan with Nikalos A. Rocha 143 164 Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 33 No.2 November 2005 165 AUTHOR'S MANUSCRIPT SUBMISSION FORM MAIL TO: EDITOR, FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY OKLAHOMA STATE UNIVERSITY DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY 006 CLASSROOM BLDG STILLWATER, OK 74078-4062 Phone: 405-744-6126 Fax: 405-744-57RO Email: [email protected] SUBSCRIBERS: Subscription on a current calendar year oasis only. May and November. Fees of $30 (US resident) or $35 (US $) for individuals outside the U.S. Institutional ratcs are $40 in the U.S. and $45 (US $) outside (he U.S. Send check or mony order only. made payable to Fra Inquiry in Creative Sociologl: AUTHORS: Enclose 3 manuscript copies and I manuscript copy on a 3 1/1" computer disk. 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CREATIVITY demands inventive. inno\'aliV'c' &. \'Cnllll'c"Ome uppwaches 10 prohkms. propositions. queSlion" SlructuTeS. \lata SCl';. theory. &. snt'ial phenomena, Stran/!,' cn:U!ures un: welLonw if theic oUllines all: dear. DIVERSITY calb lor a pcr,,;islenl SP"~ilU (llmilleriuls in all aCl'm, of"\Li"logy_ giving "oic( hi \III lidd", pO,silions &. \Cclmolo/!res. We' ,'nn\ura~e M\L'lnlll!'iSls in micl1l-. Il1c'SI\-. &. mUl'n\-soeiolo~y. Cro,»-rlllilirill Mll\li"s lit. mantlsnipts from IOT'l-,i~n .i // ~ , " ." / II / 1JI / !// '-----+-----+--' /