Brooklyn Rivera

r 1 ===================================================F=R=ll=DOM===Soc==I==AL~.O.SUiiM.M.EiR.1i~iI.. ~~~~~~~~~~~!!~!!~ .. !!~~!!~ BY STEPHEN DURHAM If so, this is a radical policy depar ture for the Sandinistas who, until re onald Reagan, with the blessing of cently, have done their utmost to dis Congress, has turned up the fire tance themselves from other revolu R under revolutionary Nicaragua. tionary struggles. As late as February, The war faction in Washington has Daniel Ortega was assuring the U.S. gained the upper hand since April 23 that Nicaragua was not a Marxist when Congress, mindful of U.S. anti state, a "Soviet beachhead," or a rev war pressure, first rejected Reagan's olutionary threat to its capitalist neigh proposed $14 million in contra aid. bors. The Sandinistas' first concern, Undeterred, the president enacted a he insisted, was to achieve final, last sweeping trade embargo against Nica ing "peace" with imperialism. ragua on May 1. Then early in June, Congress used Nicaraguan President Revolutionary contradictions Daniel Ortega's aid-seeking trip to the The Nicaraguan revolution of 1979 Soviet Union during April and Mayas constituted a giant stride toward de a pretext to reverse itself and approve mocracy, social justice, and economic $27 million in funding to the contros. equality-an inspiration to the people In a May 23rd speech, Secretary of of Central America and the world. State George Schultz for the first time Nonetheless, Nicaragua is saddled explicitly raised the prospect of U.S. with terrible problems, the products of invasion. Recent U.S.-provoked battles its colonial past, current imperialist along Nicaragua's Honduran and onslaughts, and many of the class-col Costa Rican borders raise the spectre laborationist policies of the Sandinis of imminent attack to "protect" Nica tas themselves. ragua's neighbors against "aggression." Immediately after dictator Somoza's The Reagan administration's grow overthrow and the nationalization of ing belligerence may be pushing the his vast landholdings and personally Sandinistas to acknowledge finally the owned banks, the triumphant workers impossibility of peacefully co-existing and peasants pressed for sweeping ex with U.S. imperialism. The trade deal propriations of the capitalists. They with the Soviets indicates that the San were opposed by the Sandinistas. private and socialized economy and es nevertheless, have stamped their im dinistas foresee the hopelessness of Nicaragua's inherited economic pouse equal political rights for capital print on the policies of the state. Their relying on the weathercock of liberal backwardness and the resulting scar ist and anti-capitalist parties. They in organizations-Sandinista Defense sentiment in Congress to reverse U.S. city of technological and administra vited the bourgeoisie into the govern Committees, agricultural laborers' as decimation of the economy. tive knowledge precluded speedy tran ment, and plan to institute a parlia sociations, factory workers' commit On April 26 in Managua, Minister of sition to a socialized economy. But the mentary system of government based tees, the national women's organiza the Interior Tomas Borge delivered a Sandinistas have refused to enunciate on universal suffrage-the bourgeois tion (AMNLAE), and the Sandinista remarkably militant speech that prom even a general strategy toward work governmental form par excellence. youth brigades-maintain civil de ised the U.S. would have hell to pay ers' control of production. Anxious to The Sandinistas also have declined fense, police neighborhoods, oversee should it set foot inside Nicaragua. ally with Nicaragua's "anti-imperialist" to extend democracy to those most in and administer production in many Then on June 6, Defense Minister bourgeoisie, they have expropriated need of it: Women's right to abortion private as well as state enterprises, dis Humberto Ortega pronounced words only under mass pressure and when is outlawed, and the government con tribute basic commodities, lead na that had long seemed unsayable by the forced to by capitalist sabotage. Today tinues to refuse Nicaragua's Indians tional health and literacy campaigns, Sandinistas. He vowed that "popular approximately 60070 of production re their inalienable right to self-determi and carry out wide-ranging discussions forces in Latin America will unleash mains in private hands. The basic an nation. The mass workers' and peas and debate on national policy ques their violence" against the U.S. if it tagonism between anarchic capitalism ants' organizations are denied the de tions. While their recommendations invades. Ortega's statement was a tacit and the needs of planned state-owned cisive voice in shaping state policy. are not binding on the government, admission that Nicaragua and all the production, and between Nicaragua's These failures, along with past efforts they have input at the highest levels of oppressed in this hemisphere share workers and peasants and their capi to divorce the revolution from other state. More than once they have mo common revolutionary cause against talist exploiters is still unalleviated. anti-imperialist struggles, are intrinsi bilized in the cities and countryside to U.S. imperialism. The statement could The Sandinistas have attempted to cally connected to the Sandinistas' pressure the Sandinistas to implement be construed as an implicit appeal to resolve these contradictions by smoth strenuous efforts to appease and "co policies favorable to their interests, anti-imperialist forces to unite in prep ering efforts to extend the revolution. exist" with the imperialists. such as worker management of indus aration for war. They enshrine the concept of a "mixed" try and land reform. Collision course From the beginning, the Sandinistas The armed workers and peasants, topage 22 vera visited the FSP's national head Since the U.S. bourgeois press and quarters and addressed a few words to the FSLN have consistently portrayed an audience assembled for a public for the Indian struggle as part of the contra um. He described the Indians' continu war-the former to discredit the San ing struggle in Nicaragua, and thanked dinistas, the latter to discredit the In the FSP for its longterm support of dians-we could not trust this report. A their cause. He expressed the hope that call to Miskitu leader Armstrong Wig other U.S. progressives would soon re gins at the Indian Law Resource Center alize the justice of the Indians' position. in Washington, D.C. provided the fol His words were greeted with thun lowing clarification: derous applause. MISURASATA, MISURA and the Rivera is the chief negotiator for Southern Indigenous Creole Committee MISURASA TA at peace talks which (SICq have begun working together, have been held with the Sandinistas off and on June 16 announced formation Interview with and on since 1984. His trip to the U.S. of the ASLA (Unity) Commission to came on the heels of the third set of discuss how best to press the Indians' Miskitu leader talks, at which some progress seemed to demands on a united basis. The ASLA have been made. Commission is composed of Brooklyn But the fourth round of talks broke Rivera, Wycliff Diego of MISURA, Brooklyn down at the end of May, when the San and Jennie Lee Hodgson (SICC). dinistas refused to discuss the bottom Wiggins stated that the report that Rivera line issue-the Indians' right to auton the Indians wish to overthrow the San omy. Interior Minister Tomas Borge, dinistas is totally false. MISURA, he who oversees all matters relating to In said, has broken with the contros, dian affairs, charged that the Miskitus recognizing that its depredations are had "no tradition of legal autonomy against the Indians' interest. Fagoth's ... this is a concept that they picked up current relations with MISURA are from various international organiza unclear, but he is "not in the picture" tions"! Responded Rivera, "The gov as regards the ASLA Commission. ernment delegation completely refused Brooklyn Rivera was interviewed by to discuss the fundamental issues such Guerry Hoddersen, National Secretary rooklyn Rivera is the General This interview took place on April as land rights, cultural identity, natural of the Freedom Socialist Party and a Coordinator of MISURASATA, 28, 1985 in Seattle during a u.s. tour resources, and the political organization seasoned and highly respected activist B the organization of Miskitu, Su by Rivera to build support for the In of indigenous people. They have con in the Native American movement. mo, and Rama Indians fighting for ter dians of Nicaragua. Rivera hopes that tinued to deny our aboriginal rights." ritorial, economic, political, and cultur if MISURASA T A's position is under On June 25, United Press Interna • • • al autonomy within revolutionary Nica stood by Native Americans and the tional reported that, according to "rebel GH: How would Indian autonomy func ragua. Since 1981, Rivera has led Central American solidarity movement radio," MISURASATA and MISURA, tion in relation to the Nicaraguan armed Indian resistance against Sandi in the U.S., these groups will help an Indian organization identified with state? nista (FSLN) attempts to force Indians pressure a just and peaceful resolution contra supporter Steadman Fagoth, had Rivera: Autonomy means the exercise to leave their homelands and assimilate to the conflict. joined forces to "overthrow" the San of our aboriginal rights on our tradi into the majority Latino culture. The night before the interview, Ri- dinista government. to page 27 LETTERS Proper focus lerns. I have studied prodigiously, formed by people who broke away Just a note to tell you I complete and gained a basic understanding of from the SWP following policy ly agree with your outfit's analysis of Marxian ideology; the effect of class disputes, I consider the FSP to be a ...._, the Jackson Movement and himself. struggle on human history, the emer valuable source of information. -------____________ Also let me congratulate you on gence of the capitalist system, and I was introduced to the FSP Volume 9.

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