COMPETING DISCOURSES ON HILLTRIBES: MEDIA REPRESENTATION OF ETHNIC MINORITIES IN I

Krisadawan Hongladarom2 slash-and-bum farming. 3 The terms chao khao 'hilltribe pe~ple' or 'mountain Introduction people,' chaothai phukhao 'hilltribal Thai,' and rasadorn thai phukhao 'hilltribal Thai citizens' call upon such names as Lahu, Ethnic minorities in Northern Thailand Akha, Lisu, Hmong, Y ao, or Karen, have been characterized as hill dwellers though the latter group do not usually live who grow and make a living from in the highlands.4 Like ethnic minorities

I This paper is part of the research project 3 This piece of knowledge, or what I prefer to "Discourses on ethnic minorities in Thailand: call ·~ethnic stereotype," appears even in a list A study of the relationship between language of questions usually asked in examinations. and ideology," supported by the Silver Jubilee One such question for Pathom Five (Grade 5) Fund, Chulalongkom University. I am grateful pupils prepared by a private school is as to Chulalongkom University for the research follows: grant and for the financial aid which allows me -Which of the following cannot be to present this paper at the 7th International co~sidered a cause of deforestation? Conference on Thai Studies (ICTS7) in a. Capitalists illegally fell trees. Amsterdam on July 4-8, 1999. I would like to b.Chao khao do slash-and-bum thank several newspaper editors and farming. columnists who kindly answered my c. Villagers clear forests and make a questions. I thank Niramol Methisuwakul and living on the land. her Thung Saeng Tawan team for an insightful d. No law punishes wrongdoers. discussion and for the video-copying of productions on hilltribes. I am grateful to The expected answer is choice (d). So hilltribe Theraphan Luangthongkum and audiences of people, along with capitalists and villagers, are the seminar at the Institute for Thai Studies remembered as agents of deforestation. Note held on 30 April 1999 for their suggestions. that there is no race or ethnicity attached to the This paper has also benefited from the words capitalists or villagers, whereas the comments made by Ubonrat Siriyuwasak, term chao khao denotes non-Thai Northern Duncan McCargo, and other panellists in the minorities. panel Media, Cultural politics, and the Nation 4 Another recent term to refer to hilltribe State at the ICTS7. Last but not least, I thank people is khon chay khorp 'people at the Sinee Wanichanond and particularly Soraj margin'. This term was coined by and is used Hongladarom for their help. among academic circles and NGOs but hardly 2 Ph.D., Lecturer, Department of Linguistics, appears in the media or in government Faculty of Arts, Chulalongkom University, discourse. Bangkok, Thailand

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in other nation-states, these groups are believe that their factual reports have a subject to stereotypes formed by strong impact on society.5 dominant groups. The stereotypes are expressed in parent talk during Thung Saeng Tawan (Sunshine Field) is socialization, children's books, school one of a number of recent television textbooks, news and advertising in the programs which have reported on the press and on TV, parliamentary debates, striking ways of life of tribal minorities. and other forms of public discourse (van Visual images of green fields, elaborate Dijk et a! 1997: 164). Hill tribe people are rituals, traditional costumes, and innocent often represented in these discourses as faces of chao khao children stress the the other who are different from Thais, importance of preserving these varied full-fledged citizens of the nation-state in cultures. They also stimulate an awareness terms of race, language, customs, and that these people live in the same nation­ culture. Because of their values, some of state as Thais, and that the latter can learn which seem to oppose those of the a lot from their wisdom. Actually, nation-state, distinctive patterns of life, there have been several TV programs and remote place of residence, they are and documentary films broadcast on often regarded as agents of deforestation, TV which fe:;tture hilltribe stories, but narcotic trafficking, and other criminal activities, especially when these activities take place near the border. 5 The news report on 4 August 1998 in Phujadkaa Raiwan illustrates this position During this past decade there has been a well. According to the news, the newspaper lot of information on hilltribes in the mass sent a team to Tham Krabok, whose media. Literature on hilltribes, among Hmong residents were kept an eye upon by which are translations of personal local authorities for fear that they would be involved in drug trafficking or other illegal narratives and folktales from the native activities. The report stresses an important goal languages into Thai, is emerging in an of the newspaper, which is to search for the impressive quantity. Stories of hilltribes truth concerning this group of Hmong and to also appear in cultural magazines such as report what actually happened. It also Silapa Wattanatham, Sarakhadi, the emphasized the fact that what the newspaper Earth, Muang Boran, and Siam Araya. reported had a strong impact on the authorities. But the most influential sources of They agreed to release some Hmong who had knowledge about hilltribes are popular been put in jail. The following caption newspapers such as Thai Rath, Khao Sod, describes a picture of two Hmong girls holding Matichon, Daily News, and a few business her two baby brothers. They are surrounded by newspapers whose target readership is the three other unhappy looking siblings. All were just released from jail: middle class. The. most outspoken of the latter_type are Phujadkan Raiwan and All the seven children of Mr. Jong and Krungthep Thurakit. These newspapers Mrs. Bao Sae Hur, who were indicted with severn charges, have been released after "Phujadkan" presented the news and Tak MP agreed to bail out father, mother, and their children caught in jail.

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Thung Saeng Tawan is quite unique Following van Dijk (1995:243), in the sense that its main goal is neither ideologies are defined here as to present tribal minorities as objects fundamental systems of social cognitions of tourism nor to be a government shared by members of social groups. 7 mouthpiece in publicizing what the The notions attitude, knowledge, value, state does for these people. To me, one perspective, and stereotype possess both of the most important objectives of the social and cognitive aspects and are program is to present a positive image subsumed under the broader term of of the hilltribes as people who care for ideology. the environment and are entitled to land-use rights and the right to Thai This paper builds upon the body of citizenship. knowledge on the relations between discourse and ideology. It demonstrates My interest in media discourse stems from how ideologies are conveyed through previous works such as Kress and Hodge linguistic strategies, such as the use of (1979), Fairclough (1992, 1995), Kuusisto certain words, preference of certain and Ostman (1997), van Dijk (1995), grammatical structures, and foregrounding Blommaert (1997), and Mehan (1997), of certain information. For example, which are based on the assumption that passivization (presenting Y as a patient public discourse is an instrument of and demoting X into an implicit agent ideology and that discourse not only position or omitting it entirely) is among reflects reality but constructs and shapes the devices which convey the speaker's it in the way its producers want it to be.6 viewpoint concerning who should be responsible for an incident and who is affected by the action described. The 6 Blommaert (1997:7) argues that definitions study of media discourse thus provides of language should include the interwovennesss with society, and the scope of strong linguistic evidence that news is not language studies should include concerns that simply reported; it is a culmination of are far removed from its traditional restricted perspectives and stereotypes. In other domain. He asserts that linguists should pay words, journalists not only write the news; attention to the field of language politics and give more theoretical contributions to this field. Language politics-the articulation of ideologies, to quote Silverstein (1979), 7 In elaboration, van Dijk (1995:248) writes: encompasses various kinds of discourses Ideologies are basic frameworks of social ranging from political rhetoric to media cognition, shared by members of social discourse, institutional discourse and racism. groups, constituted by relevant selections of Discourse is an important aspect of social life sociocultural values, and organized by an which .reveals under what discursive practices ideological schema that represents the self­ people talk about one another, how discourse definition of a group. Besides their social relates to power, and how it constitutes function of sustaining the interests of groups, knowledge (Foucault 1972). In other words, ideologies have the cognitive function of discourse is not simply an extended sample of organizing the social representations (attitudes, speech with fixed rules of usage, a product of knowledge) of the group, and thus indirectly scrutiny by linguists alone. monitor the group-related social practices, and hence also the text and talk of its members.

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they construct it. The process of Data and Scope of the Study construction which occurs daily inevitably has a strong influence on the conception This work is a preliminary analysis of of people in a wide scale. If the media has media representation of hill tribe people. It negative attitudes towards ethnic is based on data drawn from front page minorities, the views manifested in what news and opinion articles in daily they write guide consumers' attitudes and newspapers. The materials in Thai form behaviors towards these ethnic groups. the basis of the analysis. This is because I think the data in Thai reflect perspectives In this paper I try to explicate ideologies and attitudes of Thais, the dominant relating to hilltribe people in media group, towards the other more clearly than discourse. The major argument is that those in English. Given the limited time there are conflicting views on these and scope of the work, I was unable to minorities as expressed or manifested in compare and contrast ideologies newspaper reports and television manifested in Thai daily newspapers and programs. The paper addresses the English ones, or those in the country's two following questions: (1) what can be major English newspapers: the Bangkok concluded about the ways journalists Post and the Nation. These should have write, talk, and tell stories about hilltribe revealed more interesting insights. people, (2) what specific semantic/lexical and discursive strategies are employed, My original intention was to analyze news and (3) what contrastive ideologies can be reports based on a 10-year frame which I derived from the different sources of believe would help us to see transformations "talks" about these ethnic groups. of ideas and attitudes of the media (and in Specifically, the paper examines implication those of people in the nation­ "ideological transformations of state) towards minorities. But this has discourse," to use Lee's (1992) term, proved too ambitious for this present paper. involving Hmong and Karen. It pays Thus I have chosen to restrict my analysis to special attention to the discourse which recent news articles, particularly those presents them as citizens in the nation­ covering events in 1998, when narcotics state, in comparison with the one which allegations brought the Hmong at Phop Phra presents them as aliens or enemies. 8 district, Tak province and at Wat Tham Krabok, into the limelight. The news discourse on the Hmong as well as on the Lahu or Museur and the Karen clearly 8 The term 'citizen' here is used to designate reflects the attitudes of the newspapers the word pholamuang in Thai, .in comparison towards hilltribe people in general and with the word rasadorn, which connotes the sense of, being a subject of a country, as these specific groups in particular. Archavanitkul et al ( 1999: xxxii) remarks: "Rasadorn tends to view itself as a lonely recognize the need for making sacrifices for person who awaits help from the senior and the public good." Interestingly, in official powerful (phu yai) ... At the same time, citizens reports hilltribe people are often referred to as demand a greater say, have a sense of duty vis­ rasadorn thai phukhao, and never pholamuang a-vis society, have a public sense, are able to thai phukhao. think freely, to take responsibility and to

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Another source of data which represents a Hmong.9 To one journalist, the name competing view on ethnic minorities is Karen refers to a war in Burma, and Thung Saeng Tawan. I have chosen this Hmong to opium and drugs. Front page TV program because it represents ethnic news about hilltribe people has been minorities in a creative and interesting dominated by issues of concern for the way, and its discourse on hilltribes is in well-being of the nation, such as sharp contrast with the news discourse. deforestation, drug trafficking, border What is unique about Thung Saeng Tawan unrest, and national security. Recently, is that children are the main participants. issues having a direct impact on urbanites, They tell stories, take viewers to their viz murder and illegal labor, have homes, and tell TV reporters of their captured the media's attention.IO These hopes, dreams, and fears. The program latter issues depict Karen as well as originated in 1991 and since that time, Burmese as robbers and murderers. These there have been 24 episodes, featuring two groups of people have migrated to big stories on the Karen, Akha, Lahu, Yao, cities and work as maids and factory and Hmong. Of all these, I focus on the workers. Several newspapers have paid Karen, as most of the episodes are about attention to this type of news. Matichon, for them, and these clearly reflect the example, covered the incident in which a ideology that hilltribe people are not Karen killed the mother of the newspaper's agents of deforestation. On the contrary, executive editor in consecutive issues over a they are, as one journalist calls them, period of several weeks in August 1998. nakanurak 'conservationists'. This may be because of the nature of murder stories in general, frequently generate In addition to the newspaper and considerable consumer interest, and because television discourses mentioned above, I of the feeling that these people are to blame. include data from informal interviews Ajournalist remarks: "They committed a with newspaper columnists and editors as well as with TV producers. These interviews help reveal covert attitudes and stereotypes and complement what is 9 See Rajah (1990) for a profound analysis of represented in the press. news on Karen separatists drawn from the Bangkok Post in May 1989. The News Discourse on Hilltribes I0 According to van D ijk et al ( 1997), the discourse on other ethnic groups is often When asked which news events dominated by such 'ethnic topics' as immigration, crime, cultural differences and concerning hilltribe people have been big deviance, discrimination and socioeconomic issues in the media, most journalists problems. On the contrary, the discourse whom we interviewed cited the political about 'us' is not limited only to this short list; it problem with Karen rebels along the Thai­ enjoys a variety of topics. This is exactly the Burma border and the problem with situation we fmd in Thailand. But as will be amphetamines associated with the seen in the remainder of the paper, some Thai media groups also perceive hilltribes as part of their community, thus viewing them from the 'us' perspective.

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crime on Thai soil without feeling grateful forest invaders and drug traffickers. to Thailand for letting them stay here". These representations, as I will argue below, are based on the conception that In fact, at present there are two groups of they, as well as other tribes, are enemies Karens and two groups of Hmongs living of the state. Even though there are voices in Thailand: those who have lived in the which oppose this ideology, they belong northern highlands of Thailand for a long mostly to non-journalists and are not loud time and those who, because of political enough. They are reported on the inside of unrest in their home countries (Burma and the newspapers which are harder to see respectively), immigrated to and not so fun to read, when compared to Thailand several years ago. Thais, in front page news. general, do not perceive the first group as villains or as people who they cannot be The Hmong as Forest Invaders trusted. Instead, they look at these people as ignorant tribes who do not know how to Among all the tribes in Northern assimilate to the mainstream. It is only Thailand, the Hmong are the group which recently that these attitudes have begun to gains the most distrust from the Thai change.ll The Karen are labelled authorities. When members of the 'separatists,' and the Hmong 'drug Network of Northern Farmers comprising traffickers.' The two groups are classified representatives from six tribes (i.e., as 'immigrants,' 'refugees,' 'aliens,' and Hmong, Lisu, Lahu, Akha, Karen and 'displaced persons.' Because of these Mian (Yao)) lodged a petition urging the labels, it is easy to understand why Karen government to remove a cabinet and Hmong are often treated with disdain resolution to remove hilltribe villagers and are associated with such problems as from forests, only the Hmong were illegal labor, robbery, and drug blamed for the action. The petition trafficking. It must also be noted that confirmed that these people "should be these latter groups of Karen and Hmong closely watched," for they are considered are classified as belonging to the same "extremists" and their number is "rising at group as chao khao. Therefore, what we an alarm rate" (Bangkok Post, 31 July read and hear about hilltribes these days 1998 "Policy Review Sought On Giving tends to deal with these urban problems Nationality Due to Hmong Criminal more than with traditional ones, i.e., Activity"). Note the hidden violence in the environmental destruction, land word extremist and the fright conveyed by encroachment, and opium distribution. the latter expression.

There was news about the Hmong more Hmong have been depicted as one of the often than about other tribal minorities in "big agents of deforestation," as can be 1998. · The Hmong are represented as seen in the following news report (Matichon, 22 June 1996):

II I would like to thank Theraphan Luangthongkum for sharing this insight with me.

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(1) tribal groups in media discourse. In other "Hmong" Invaded Conserved words, the names Hmong, Karen, Lahu, Forests and others are interchangeable in this Serious - Unresolvable Problem of discourse. These hilltribe people are often Muang Kluay Khail2 classified as if they were a homogeneous group: they are the chao khao, who are The report is based on the voice of the different from the rest of the population . deputy governor of Kampaeng Phet, which is explicit in the headline and in the Attajak Satayanuraksa (1998) comments caption beneath one of the two that if a lowland Thai is arrested on drug accompanying pictures. The report begins trafficking charges, the newspapers may with a description of Baan Paa Khaa as a report that Mr. X or Ms. Y is involved in remote village in a deep valley the trafficking. But when ethnic minorities (Paragraphs 1-4), followed by a are arrested, they are represented as a description of these chaothai phukhao group. Because they are ethnic minorities, 'mountain Thai people' and their simple when they commit a crime, the offense is way of life based on farming (Paragraphs more serious. Attajak's observation is 5-6). The remainder of the report focuses confirmed by the following news headline on what the officials discovered-areas and extract appearing in Suethurakit (21 , within the national forest were invaded June 1997): and destroyed, and what needs to be done- to relocate these people to the (2) lowlands. Governor Announces Firm Action Against People Who Invaded It is clear that the news is written from the ChongMek viewpoint that the Hmong are wrongdoers. Their crime is presented in A new group of citizens made an the headline framed in a transitive clause invasion again. The province with Hmong highlighted as the sole agent announced that their buildings be of deforestation. Under the first of the two removed by 23 June. If they refuse accompanying pictures, a caption, to leave, the province will take expressed in the passive voice, asserts this strong legal actions. (Paragraph 2) illegal act: "The green and abundant Ban Pa Kha valley is being invaded by the The non-pejorative word prachachon Hmong hilltribe". Throughout the text, 'people, population' appears in the Hmong are referred to as chao khao. This headline, and the word rasadorn 'citizen, is the most common term of reference subject' is used throughout the text, for the Hmong as well as for other emphasizing that these wrongdoers are citizens of the country who are ignorant of the laws. The last sentence indicates that if 12 Muang kluay khai literally means town of these people do not comply with the order, ftnger banana, which is a symbol of Kampaeng the province, as law keeper, will do Phet. This province is renowned for this kind something about it. of banana.

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This news report is in sharp contrast with dam 'black' augments feelings of distrust the one below, which appeared in the Thai and fear. Post on 28 March 1997: Reports like this one and the ones (3) mentioned above clearly illustrate the fact Hunt Black Museur Who Invaded that hilltribe people are still perceived as Conserved Forests those who destroy the forests.

Phayao - Let's hunt a group of The Hmong as Drug Traffickers Black Museur hilltribe people who invaded conserved forests hoping Drug trafficking became one of the most to settle and make a living there. If serious issues concerning the Hmong, arrested, they will be sent back to whose identity has always been associated where they came from because with opium growing (Tapp 1990). Three they have been found to have Hmong men from Phop Phra district, Tak dubious conduct. Some people province were arrested for amphetamines always send them food. It's feared possession in July 1998. Asking for the that they will come to cut trees release of these men, a number of Hmong and cause a great damage again. residents from Phop Phra went to a police (Paragraph 1) station in the province, and this is how the riot reported in (4) began. Interestingly, Although this report does not concern the the conflict is depicted as one between Hmong, it reproduces the same message­ highlanders and lowlanders, instead of one hilltribe people are forest invaders. To me, between minorities and the state. The this report is embedded-with the feelings following report illustrates how Hmong of distrust and hatred. The headline and are portrayed as agents of unrest and how the first line in the text are expressed in they challenge the authorities. Note the the imperative mood urging readers to term herm 'bold, arrogant' used to take part in the process of "hunting" characterize this ethnic group. hilltribe wrongdoers. Note the use of the word 'again' at the end of the last sentence, (4) which presupposes that this specific group Hit Police Almost Dead has committed this cnme before. Arrogant 'Hmong' invade and Moreover, when we compare this news destroy Police Station Second article with the one in (2), we see that the Time offense of the Black Museur is more (Siam Rath, 18 July 1998) serious than the one committed by Thai. Thai are being urged to remove their After only one night arrogant buildings from the land they claimed; Hmong rounded up more than 300 Museur are being hunted, and will be people to reinvade a Phop Phra arrested and sent back to where they came police station. This time they used from. In addition, as Museur, or Lahu­ sticks to beat policemen almost the name they call themselves- is not a dead. (Police) seized gun weapons familiar name to most Thai, the modifying and transmitters ... .It's feared that

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this will become a big problem Hmong Leaders Transferred to between lowlanders and Bangkok Jail (Matichon 19) highlanders. "Hmong" Arrested: Movement Using 'transitive clauses with Hmong in Spreads to Other Provinces the subject position and policemen in the War Weapons on Hand in Clash direct object position, the news writer with Police (Matichon 20) depicts the former as agents of unrest and the latter as those suffering from the Border Control Police Asked to violent and deadly acts committed by the Help Tak Police Keep an Eye on former. Upon reading this news article, Hmong (Matichon 22) readers cannot help but feel that the Hmong are insensible and that they may Hmong Challenge Authorities, have been engaged in a political Shooting Thai (Siam Rath 25) movement of some kind; otherwise, they would not have possessed weapons. Prepare to Invade Hmong Stronghold, Tham Krabok (Khaw The following list of headlines in Thai Sod29) daily newspapers in July 1998 alone illustrates how frightening the incident Trace Hmong Past, "Warriors of appears in the press and what attitudes the Opium War" (Thai Rath 29) press have towards this minority group US Intervenes Asking Chuan Not (the number in parenthesis refers to the to Relocate Tham Krabok Hmong date in which the article appeared in the (Matichon 30) newspaper).13 Crackdown on Hmong War (5) Storage in Center of Town (Khaw Sod 30) Hmong Surround Tak Police Station Snatching the Accused Tham Krabok Temple (Matichon 18) Investigated for Involvement with Amphetamine Hmong (Thai Rath Hit Police Almost Dead: Arrogant 31) 'Hmong' Invade and Destroy Police Station Second Time (Siam In this list of news reports which span a Rath 18) period of two weeks, Hmong are shown to be extremely violent. They destroyed a Fear "Hmong" to Rebel and Make police station, hit policemen, formed a · Trouble (Daily News 19) movement, possessed war weapons and prepared to use them to clash with the police, and were involved in drug 13 I must admit that the texture of the original trafficking. versions is missing in the translations of these headlines. The translations only give rough ideas of the representations.

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It is interesting to note that the discourse call Thai "amphetamine Thai," or "drug of the Phop Phra incident shifts its focus trafficking Thai," though we may from the Phop Phra Hmong to those at anticipate that the labels would be applied Wat Tham Krabok from 29 July onwards. to other ethnic minorities if they are This is how amphetamines are tied up involved in these illegal activities. with such issues as illegal aliens, war weapons, resistance movements, and even As expected, these incidents are reported the Communist Party of Thailand.l4 The mainly from the authorities' perspectives. headline in Khaw Sod names Wat Tham It is therefore not surprising to see that Krabok a Hmong stronghold. The term Hmong are represented as "arrogant and 'stronghold' is a translation of the Thai violence seeking," and "ungrateful people term rang 'nest, home (colloquial)' used who create a lot of problem on Thai soil". in the expressions: rang nok 'bird's nest,' In addition, there is hardly any serious klap rang 'return home,'rang }one distinction between Hmong who have 'bandit's nest/center'. Therefore, calling settled long ago, including those at Phop Wat Tham Krabok, where several Phra, and those who immigrated from thousands Hmong are currently residing, Laos and settled at Wat Tham Krabok rang does suggest that this group of quite recently. The categories 'citizens' people who have taken refuge in Thailand and 'immigrants'/'refugees' merge into one may abuse this temple as a center of becoming the notorious amphetamine illegal activities. Hmong.

Several negative labels have been created The news report with the headline in (6) to refer to the Hmong at Phop Phra and clearly illustrates the media's negative those at Tham Krabok. These terms attitudes towards Hmong. presuppose that there are pre-established social categories. For example, the (6) Hmong are characterized as Hmong's Past Traced, "Warriors "amphetamine Hmong," "amphetamine of Opium War" selling Hmong," or even "amphetamine trading Hmong gang," and "drug (Thai Rath, 29 July 98) trafficking Hmong gang". Hmong are also referred to as "Phop Phra Movement" There are several interesting features in instead of "Phop Phra Hmong" (Khaw this article which point to the ideology Sod, 30 July 1998). Note that the term that Hmong are enemy and that they are Phop .Pfua in this metonymic phrase waging war against the Thai state. The stands for the whole ethnic group of report portrays the Hmong as a tribe Hmong. Interestingly, the media never whose history has been associated with war. So it is quite convincing that they are now waging war against the Thai 14 According to Tapp (1989:19), one of the authorities, as is expressed in Paragraph 9: stereotypes Hmong have faced is that they are " .. .It's because the ethnic tribe of Hmong opium-producing 'komunit' (the Thai colloquialism for 'communist'). have been warriors from past to present...they fight like guerrillas ... ( ...).

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They have caused a lot of trouble for the and help (Ubonrat Siriyuwasak 1998). National Security Council for decades ..." Thung Saeng Tawan's Discourse of Several terms of reference for the Hmong Hill tribes illustrate their characteristics as an aggressive tribe. These terms are, for The picture of happy children holding example, Hmong warriors, Hrnong hands while dancing in the field is a movement, or even Hmong insurgents. familiar sight for Thung Saeng Tawan's The use of nominalized phrases young viewers who have to rise early in emphasizes these categories. For example, the morning on Saturdays "to follow the the phrase "the production and distribution kids," to use the reporter's common of amphetamines by the mountain phrase, to their communities. The verb 'to Hmong" presupposes that the Hmong who follow' conveys a figt.rrative meaning here. live in the mountains (indicating that they As an outsider, the reporter needs local are far away and can commit crimes people to introduce her to their easily) produce and distribute community. Children always play an amphetamines. In the same way, the important role in Thung Saeng Tawan's phrase "the trading road of undesirable discourse. There may be a question why goods of the Hmong" suggests that these the team prefers children to adults, people trade undesirable goods on this despite the fact that the latter should be road. Upon reading the news, readers more knowledgeable about their often take these nominalized phrases for communities. To Niramol Methisuwalcul, granted, so the information conveyed is chief producer, children's perspectives subtly accepted as part of the background are as important as those of others in the knowledge on the part of the consumers. community. But she stresses that the team do not rely on these perspectives alone. However, after the almost ten-day coverage of the Phop Phra riot and subsequent incidents, a few special reports They do consult other sources. But most by both newspapers columnists and importantly they do not force the children academics appeared in Phujadkan Raiwan to say things they want them to say. and Krungthep Thurakit. These reports Niramol emphasizes that children's challenge the view that Hmong are drug perspectives (and by implication native traffickers. Instead, they propose that ones) and those of the production team are Hmong as well as other ethnic minorities clearly demarcated. have become victims of society and will remain so as long as the media continue to (7) present what they believe to be true Q: All of them (all the without thorough investigation (Chutima episodes) start with Suncharoen, 1998). Hilltribe people in this children, right? Hilltribe opposing discourse are "friends who live children are the ones who in the same society," who share our present information. ideologies, and who deserve our attention

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N: Yes, but our data are the city do. They are villagers with from several sources, valuable traditions and plenty of advice such as NGOs, the for people from the mainstream culture. government, parents, In this discourse, hilltribe children, like relatives, and community other children in the Thai nation-state, are leaders. Then we simply dekdek 'children or kids,' as the synthesize from these opening of Withii Pakakeuyor 'Ways of perspectives, also taking the Karen', broadcast in January 1998, into account the children's illustrates. (The words children or kids in perspectives. When we (9) are translated from the Thai word have all the data, we start dekdek.) to outline a plot by looking at what the children (9) say first. Afterwards, we Narration: may get other kinds of information. If it does not Toong Saeng Tawan welcomes the go .. does not go along with year 1998 with stories from the (the children's perspectives), highlands, the world of children. how much children know Children learn stories and gain and understand, we'll let knowledge both from everyday them say only that. life and from home. While in Additional information school, each child has different we want to present is done subjects of interest, depending on through narration. their aptitude. There is a group of children. They are kids from the But in fact, it is almost impossible to say highlands at Mae Wang, Chiang that the production team simply present Mai. They are Karen or another facts, or in other words, they have no name Pakakeuyor. In this tribe-the underlying ideologies for each production, children feel that if their ways of as Niramol wants us to believe: life, beliefs, and various aspects of their culture, what their ancestors (8) told them, are not passed down, N: But in principle Thung when they grow up, they will not Saeng Tawan has no know who they are, which tribe hidden ideologies. We they belong to. So they want to simply think we will preserve their culture. Today we will narrate their ways of life see villagers and school teachers which we saw. help one another teach the kids. This is the school's local curriculum, Based on the 'us' perspective, Thung and the kids love it very much. Saeng Tawan depicts hilltribe people as members of the Thai nation-state. These Each production is full of children's people love and protect the environment voices telling their hopes and dreams, as much as or even more than people in recounting their everyday experiences,

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and asking questions such as why forests and live in harmony with nature hilltribe people are always blamed for helps counter-balance an image that these deforestation, despite the fact that "we people are to be blamed for deforestation. love forests". These voices are intertwined The first episode on hilltribe cultures, with those of local school teachers, Naaw Paa Son 'Cold Pine Forests,' community elders, parents, and, most features a Karen community in Mae Cham importantly, the reporter. The reporter's district, Chiang Mai. It illustrates how story is woven with a layer of texts, as she pine forests are important to Karen and reveals, consisting of official documents, how they preserve them. The theme of this research, teachers' reports, and NGO's specific production is conveyed mainly by work. These are complemented by a Karen girl named Sida. All images are personal experiences recounted by monks, carefully selected to stress the fact that and "friends in the media" who have seen Karen do not destroy forests. In one of the what happened but are not in a position to visual images, the reporter "follows the present it. Hence, each production is a children" into the forest to watch how they result of work and cooperation by those search for fallen pine wood. This activity who share the ideology that hilltribe is presented to confirm the message that people protect the environment. This Karen do not cut trees. The story is full of ideology is not directly asserted in the questions the reporter asks the children. interview, but it is manifested in most of These questions introduce the native the productions. perspectives, their defensive voices in retorting to the stereotypic view that Based on the idea that human beings must hilltribe people are selfishly destroying live together, even with limited natural the country. resources, the program is aimed at telling stories of man, nature, and culture by The following dialogue and narration at introducing communities that can be the end of the episode illustrate how considered environment protectors. Most Thung Saeng Tawan artistically of the 24 episodes on hilltribe people incorporates the ideology that Karen do dealing with such groups as the Akha in not destroy forests. Sida's answers khabuankan lai phi 'Driving Away strongly reflect how the natives feel when Ghosts' and the Museur in dorkmai sai their forests are destroyed by outsiders: nam 'Flower, Sand, Water' focus on rituals. This is because, as Niramol puts it, (10) rituals indicate "the strength of culture (Niramol is interviewing Sida's and community". The Lisu's ritual, grandfather (G) and Sida sakorway-apologizing to nature with (S) herself.) flowers, sand, and water-is a clear N: How important are pine indication of how much this tribe cares for trees to our life? the fact that man must live in harmony G: Very important. Without with nature. lots of pine forests, we won't have water. Without The discourse m which hilltribes are pine wood, we must use represented as people who live in the ·oil. If you have money,

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you can buy it. If you The dialogue in (10) and the narration in don't, you must stay in the ( 11) strongly assert that forests are dark. important to the Karen's life and, as Sida's N: What about you, Sida? response demonstrates, the natives are sad How important are the when trees are cut down, indicating they pine forests? are not the ones who cut them. S: I have lived in the forests even since I was born. I The following dialogue in (12) in Saithan don't have electricity like Haeng Khunkhao 'Stream of Mountain' is people in the city. I use an additional voice asserting that hilltribe the pine forests instead. people should not be blamed for We use maikea 'pine deforestation. This episode features Yao wood (Karen)' in place of rituals which help protect the environment electricity. And if the pine such as the ordination of trees and the trees are cut down, the feeding of ghosts who live in the forests. kids who are born after us will not get to see them (12) again. (Niramol is talking to two Yao N: When lots of people cut boys, X andY. Y is the one who trees, how do you feel? replies to her questions) S: I feel sad. I'm sad that the N: What do you think when forests must be like this. I someone says hilltribe want the forests back. I people cut trees and don't want trees to be cut. destroy forests? Y: I'm sad. The lowlanders (11) also cut them. N: What about the Narration (right after this dialogue): highlanders? Did they cut a lot? Nowadays forests are destroyed Y: Not really. We must help preserve them. N: Really? Sida's grandfather teaches us that Y: Really. man and forests cannot live N: In most cases what for? separately. Pakakeuyor must live Y: To do farming. in the forests. We are grateful to N: Is it necessary to fell big pine trees. They give us water. trees? Karen have helped one another Y: No. Only the small ones preserve them ·au along. There is are cut. an old Karen song saying "Don't N: Why do we have to fell admire other people's forests. We trees when we do must preserve our forests. And farming? Is it possible for then we'll have forests, water, not doing farming? clothes, and we can live on." Y: No. Without farming, there's nothing to eat.

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N: What should hilltribe the Mae Jai river and help it to people and lowlanders do prosper. (about the situation)? Y: We should protect forests. Songs and music are important devices in We should not destroy Thung Saeng Tawan's discourse. Although forests. they are most appropriate media to convey messages for children, and the production In (12) the reporter's questions frame the team explains that they .are only one of child's answers. A message is conveyed several techniques to keep young that it is true that hilltribe people cut trees audiences tuned in throughout the entire but they do so only because they have to, episode, I think songs function in more but even then they do not cut big trees to ways than that. They are most effective an extent that it can cause deforestation. strategies to convey ideologies. It should be noted that apart from songs that are This episode also disputes the accusation composed directly for each episode, there that highlanders cause conflicts with Thai are songs in native languages which make who live in the lowlands. The Yao and the production seem more authentic. As lowlanders join one another in the Fairclough (1995: 107) comments, "(A) ceremony of extending life to the river. .chieving authenticity is also partly a· The narration (13) which begins this matter of positioning the viewer through episode stresses this fact and asks those presupposition as someone who is already involved to shift the discourse of blaming familiar with the culture and community to the one of helping one another m depicted." Even though the production solving environmental problems. team are outsiders, they use this strategy to create an impression that they have (13) known the community for a long time. Narration: Calling Karen Pakakeuyor, the term the natives call themselves, as is done in The Upper North is an important Withi Pakakeuyor or Naw Pa Son is also watershed area of Thailand. There a strategy to convey a similar message. are various kinds of problems which have caused watershed Competing Representations of forests to be destroyed steadily. Hilltribes, and the Politics of the Nowadays several rivers are dry. Nation-State These include the Mae Jai of Phayao. There is no time for us to Interestingly, during the same year when quarrel with one another as to who news about Hmong became a big issue, a destroys watershed forests. In the discourse of Karen also emerged. The Baan Pang Puu Lau forest, Phayao Bangkok Post played an influential role in Yao and lowland villagers join rep~esenting this group with a new one another in conducting a identity-as members, or more ceremony to extend the life of the· appropriately, citizens of the nation-state river. It's hoped that these who are aware of their own rights. Reports watershed forest areas will sustain

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on Karen claiming land rights and taking Karen heritage. Another example of this democratic actions to protect their discourse is found in Outlook (17 July communities and the environment have 1998) in which the Karen at Samakae appeared both in the form of news articles village in Kanchanaburi protected their and opinion pieces in the daily Outlook forest from those who wanted to sell it to section and the weekly Sunday an open zoo operator. The report with the Perspectives. To illustrate, the news headline "United We Stand" illustrates a extract in (14) reports an action by "Thai strong sense of cultural identity among the Karens" who appealed for help in their Karen and how they, contrary to community. stereotypes, take part in preserving national forests. (14) Wildlife Sanctuary So although it is argued in Section 3 that Lead Mine Faces Rising hilltribe people, particularly Hmong, are Opposition represented in media discourse as agents Thai Karens Push For Its Closure. of deforestation and drug traffickers and (Bangkok Post, 14 July 1998) are represented in a way that reflects the ideology that these people are enemies of The Klity lead mine which the state, there is also a discourse which releases toxic waste water into opposes this ideology. This emerging Thung Yai Naresuan Wildlife discourse is quite recent and usually Sanctuary must be closed, appears in the form of opinion pieces such declared the Thai Karen in as the ones we found in the Bangkok Post. Western Thailand Group. Speaking on behalf of these indigenous The group-a network of mostly people, these voices express the ideology forest-dwelling ethnic Karen that hilltribe people are also members of in western Thailand-said they the nation-state but they are often will mobilise support from victimized by Thai authorities, environmental groups and Karen businessmen, and even the media. in other parts of the country in order to get the Klity mine closed. The Karen in the news discourse are (Paragraphs 1-2) associated with distinctive identities - as a tribal group, thus subject to the same stereotypes as other ethnic minorities, and This news article indicates that the Karen as ·members of the nation-state, the so­ have a strong sense of community. They called Thai Karen. Though it may be are aware that if they act as individuals, concluded that both Karen and Hmong are they may not be successful in realizing generally represented as in opposition to their goal. So they form a group and ask the state, the media representation of the for help from other Karen communities Hmong in 1998 gives a much more and non-Karen environmental groups. negative impression of this group than of Interestingly, the Karen in this news the Karen. One journalist remarked: article are called "Thai Karen" to reflect "After the coverage of the Hmong at Phop the view that they are also Thai but with Phra, the image of the Hmong as

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associated with amphetamines is much opinions publicly and dare to challenge worse-so bad that they can never be born the state if they feel their communities are again." That is, people will always in danger. Their cases illustrate that an remember the Hmong as those associated awareness of one's own rights is built with drugs. upon a strong sense of community and cultural identity. Presenting hilltribe stories from an insiders' perspective, Thung Saeng Tawan Several journalists whom I interviewed clearly demonstrates different ideologies think that the media representation of from those of the general news discourse. tribal minorities is much better than Hilltribe people are no longer seen as before, because people have more those who destroy the environment. understanding of traditional problems Moreover, the TV program employs associated with these minorities, viz. several linguistic and extra-linguistic slash-and-bum farming and opium strategies to convey the perspective that growing. But it must be admitted that hilltribe people belong to the same society there still remain two major flaws as people in the mainstream culture. That concerning news reports on hilltribes. Karen are great conservationists is the First, front-page news stories employ basis of this discourse. This is in sharp violent words which denote strong racism. contrast with news articles in daily Hilltribe people are represented as the newspapers asserting that Karen are other whom Thai cannot trust. A clear involved in national problems such as example is when the Karen are called murder, mugging, and robbery, border kariang naerakhun 'ungrateful Karen' problems with Burma, or constant who immigrated to Thailand and abused conflicts with Thai villagers. the kindness of those who gave them land and food (Thai Rath, 29 January 1991). According to Chavarong Second, news reports are still dominated Limpattamapanee ( 1999: 171 ), several by perspectives of local officials whose newspapers have become involved in the voices are louder and sound more process of transforming Thailand into a creditable. Besides, they speak the same civil society by acting as mouthpieces for language as journalists do. An interviewee the less fortunate so that their rights to comments that this problem concerns not land, work, and welfare can be protected. only hilltribe people but also other The type of news which concerns Karen members of the nation-state, especially found mainly in the Bangkok Post Thai farmers who are facing a lot of discussed above is a good sign that unreported problems. hilltribe people are using democratic means and taking part in the civil society The situation on TV ts quite movement. IS They are expressing their promising.Thung Saeng Tawan on Channel 3 is a modern phenomenon of Thai TV which does more than just 15 I would expect that similar news is also entertain viewers. It joins Khor Kid Duay reported in the Nation, but I have yet to Khon 'Let Me Think Too' on Channel 9, investigate this. and Lan Ban Lan Muang 'House Ground,

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City Ground' on Channel 11 in addressing paper concludes with a discussion that social concerns and letting local voices, racism still pervades Thai news discourse including those of ethnic minorities, be and this has an implication for the politics heard publicly. However, several of the nation-state. programs and documentary films broadcast on TV still present images of References hilltribes as exotic objects of tourism or are used to promote the results of the Archavanitkul, K.ritaya, Poungomlee, Anuchat, state's welfare development projects. J arusomboon, Wanna, and Broadcast in the early hours of Saturday chansomwong, Arphom. 1999. Thai civil society: The making of Thai mornings (7.30-8.00 hrs) and perceived as citizens. In Thai Civil Society: The a program for children, Thung Saeng Making of Thai Citizens, ed. by Tawan cannot deliver its message to Anuchat Poungsomlee, and Kritaya a wide audience. Therefore, Thai Archavanitkul, pp. xxvii-lv. Bangkok: conceptions of hilltribes are and will Research and Development of Civil continue to be guided by what they read in Society Project, Mahidol University. the headlines and news reports. Whether Blommaert, Jan. 1997. Introduction:Language or not hilltribe people are considered part and politics, language politics and of the nation-state depends largely on how political linguistics. In Political the media, particularly the newspapers Linguistics, ed. by Jan Blommaert and Chris Bulcaen, pp. 1-10. Belgian view them and how they voice themselves Journal of Linguistics 11. Amsterdam: in this form of public discourse. John Benjamins. Fairclough, Norman. 1995. Media Discourse. Conclusion London: Edward Arnold. ------· 1992. Discourse and Based on the assumption that ideologies Social Change. Cambridge, UK: Polity are embedded in discourse, this paper Press. demonstrates conflicting ideologies Kress, G. and Hodge, R. 1979. Language as concerning Northern ethnic minontles Ideology. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. which underpin news discourse and Thung Kuusisto, P, and Ostman, J.O. 1997. The Saeng Tawan's discourse in contemporary media as mediator: How foreigner Thai society. A number of lexical and discourse constructs ideology in discursive strategies are employed in Finnish newspapers. In Blommaert conveying contrastive ideologies of these and Bulcaen (eds.). competing discourses. The news discourse Lee, David. 1992. Competing Discourses: is based on the metaphor that hilltribe Perspective and Ideology in people, particularly the Hmong, are Language. London: Longman. enemies of the state, reflecting the 'them' Lirnpattamapanee, Chavarong. 1999. Bodbat perspective. On the other hand, Thung Sumuanchon Kap Kanpattana Khwampenprachasangkhom (Role of Saeng Tawan conveys an ideology that media in the making of civil society). hilltribe people are also Thai citizens. In Anuchat Poungsomlee and Kritaya Assuming the 'us' perspective, their Archavanitkul (Eds.),Thai Civil discourse is based on the metaphor that Society: The Making of Thai Citizens, hilltribe people are friends in society. The Pp. 163-182 .. Bangkok: Research

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and Development of Civil Society van Dijk, Teun A., Ting-Toomey, Stella, Project, Mahidol University. Smitherman, Geneva, and Troutman, Mehan, Hugh. 1997. The discourse of the Denise. 1997. Discourse, ethnicity, illegal immigration debate: a case culture and racism. In Discourse as study in the politics of representation. Social Interaction Discourse Studies: Discourse & Society 8.2: 249-270. A Multidisciplinary Introduction, Rajah, Ananda. 1990. Ethnicity, nationalism Volume 2, ed. by Teun A. van Dijk, and the nation-state: The Karen in pp. 144-180. London: SAGE Burma and Thailand. In Ethnic Publications. Groups across National Boundaries in Mainland Southeast Asia, ed. by Gehan Wijeyewardene. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. Satayanurak, Atthajak. 1998. Hmong kap bank (Hmong and bank). Krungthep Thurakit, 5 August 1998, P. 15. Silverstein, Michael. 1979. Language structure and linguistic ideology. In The Elements: A Subsession on Linguistc Units and Levels, ed. by R. Clyne, W. Hanks and C. Hofbauer, pp. 193-247. Chicago: Chicago Linguistic Society. Siriyuwasak, Ubonrat. 1998. Thini yang mi phunthii samrap.chao hmong, palonglisor, pakalweyor? (Is there still place for.Hmong, Palong, Lisu, Pakhakoeyor?). Krungthep Thurakit, II September 1998, P. 2. Suncharoen, Chutimaa. 1998. Pak Kham. .. Jarnloei talordkan (Testimony ... victirns forever). Krungthep Thurakit, 10 September 1998,P.l. Tapp, Nicholas. 1990. Squatters or refugees: Development and the Hmong. In Wijeyewardene (ed.), pp. 149-172. _____ . 1989. Sovereignty and Reb/lion: The White Hmong of Northern Thailand. Singapore: Oxford University Press. van Dijk, Teun A. 1995. Discourse semantics · and ideology. Discourse & Society 6.2: 243-289.

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