! LUTHER’S THEORY OF MUSIC ANDREAS LOEWE provided a useful oversight of Luther’s statements on music in THE MELBOURNE COLLEGE OF DIVINITY English, as Schalk explained, their works ‘caused frustration because of a lack of documentation’: where Nettl’s slender ‘Musica est optimum’: monograph was entirely unreferenced, Buszin’s study ‘was Martin Luther’s Theory of Music restricted because of its brevity’.2 In addition, both studies subscribed to a now largely outmoded Protestant paradigm of the reformation and therefore require substantial re-evaluation.3 Abstract: Schalk’s principal concern, however, was not to provide such a Martin Luther’s appreciation for music as a practical instrument to promote reassessment, but to sketch a thorough overview of the the message of the reformation by the creation of vernacular hymnody and ‘relationship between music and [the church’s] common life’ in specifically Lutheran liturgical music has dominated studies on Luther and the writings of Martin Luther.4 This he undertook by tracing music. The examination of his systematic understanding of music, on the other ‘certain paradigms of praise’ in Luther’s statements on music and hand, has been consistently neglected. This article argues that, more than twenty years into his reformation, the philosophical basis of his music theory relating them to a theological understanding of music that, in his remains very much indebted to the work of Johannes de Muris and his view, continued to influence music-making in Lutheran churches humanist successors, shedding light on his understanding of music as a to date.5 quadrivial art form and the queen of philosophical learning. The work of Robin Leaver significantly extended Schalk’s scholarship, while sharing Schalk’s emphasis on the practical 1. Introduction: implications for liturgy and music-making in Luther’s writings on music. In 1989 Leaver’s long-established interest in hymnody and Some twenty years ago, Carl Schalk published a slender volume, liturgical music led him to address the liturgical reforms of Martin Luther on Music (1988), one of the first academically rigorous Luther.6 From 1997-2006, he published a stream of articles on studies on the subject. Schalk’s work significantly updated earlier Luther, Lutheranism and music, which he combined in a studies in English on the reformer’s understanding of music, in particular Walter Buzsin’s Luther on Music (1946) and Paul Nettl’s popular Luther and Music (1948).1 While Buszin and Nettl !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! Luther und die Musik: Eine Gabe an das deutsche Volk zum Reformations-Jubiläum ! (Zwickau: Herrmann, 1916). Neither appear to have been aware of the article All translations my own. I should like to thank Dr Katherine Firth, Prof ‘On Luther’s Love for and Knowledge of Music’ The Musical Times, 1.11 (1845), Markus Rathkey, Dr Grantley McDonald and my research assistant Philip 82-83, 87, by an anonymous ‘German Student’, which provides a first Nicholls for valuable feedback on the article, Alistair Clark for proofreading, comprehensive English-language compilation of Luther’s sayings on music. and the State Library of Victoria Melbourne and Ms Sabrina Lindemann for 2 Schalk (1988), 7. readily granting reproduction rights for the images used in this article. 3 In particular, Nettl (1967), 2-6: ‘Music in the Catholic Church and in the 1 Carl F. Schalk, Luther on Music: Paradigms of Praise (St Louis, MO: Concordia, Reformed Churches’, 105-112. 1988), 19; Walter Buszin, ‘Luther on Music’, The Musical Quarterly 32 (1946), 80- 4 Schalk (1988), 31. 97; Paul Nettl, Luther and Music (Philadelphia, PA: Muhlenberg Press, 1948; 5 Schalk (1988), 31. reprint New York: Russell & Russell, 1967). Where Nettl’s work is indebted to 6 Robin A. Leaver, ‘The Lutheran Reformation’, in: Ian Fenlon, ed., The Johannes Rautenstrauch, Luther und die Pflege der kirchlichen Musik in Sachsen Renaissance from the 1470s to the End of the Sixteenth Century (Englewood Cliffs: (Leipzig: Breitkopf und Härtel, 1907), Buszin’s is based in part on Karl Anton, Prentice Hall, 1989), 263-285. ! ! 2 ANDREAS LOEWE LUTHER’S THEORY OF MUSIC comprehensive study, Luther’s Liturgical Music (2007).7 Both considering his music theoretical base in favour of his practical Schalk’s and Leaver’s works concentrate on Luther’s practical approach: ‘For Luther as a theologian, music was not primarily a reforms to liturgical music and the history of the music employed matter for mystical or allegorical speculation, but a practical art, in Lutheran worship and education, especially Luther’s hymnody. closely tied to … the proclamation of the Word’.11 Neither addresses in any detail the theoretical basis that More specialised studies on sixteenth-century German underpins the reformer’s insights into music, though both Schalk music, among them Ralph Lorenz’ dissertation, Pedagogical and Leaver acknowledge—in passing—that the reformer is Implications of musica practica in Sixteenth-Century Wittenberg (1995), or indebted to late-medieval philosophy for his theoretical specifically Lutheran music, including Rebecca Wagner understanding of music.8 Oettinger’s Music as Popular Propaganda in the German Reformation Schalk’s and Leaver’s emphasis on Luther’s practical use (1999) and Christopher Brown’s Singing the Gospel (2005), also of music rather than his theoretical understanding of music tended to focus on the practical uses of music for Lutheran should not surprise: previous studies on Luther and music almost education and the importance of music as an instrument to universally concentrated on Luther’s aptitude as a musician, his disseminate reformation thought, rather than exploring Luther’s enthusiasm for music as an art form, and his practical use of philosophical or theoretical understanding of music.12 From the music to further his reformation, and so bypassed the subject of outset Leaver’s magisterial Luther’s Liturgical Music (2007) affirms his music theory altogether.9 Even studies that intentionally set that the work is principally dedicated to an exploration of out to investigate Luther’s philosophy of musical aesthetics, such Luther’s liturgical music and invites other researchers to as Joe Tarry’s ‘Music in the Educational Philosophy of Martin undertake the task of revealing ‘more about Luther’s Luther’, banish the subject of his music theory to a couple of understanding of music’.13 footnotes.10 While Schalk at least affords an entire paragraph to The present contribution takes on Leaver’s challenge and Luther’s theory of music, he dismisses the importance of presents a detailed assessment of the reformer’s music theory. ! Rather than speculate on what Luther might have written in a 7 Robin A. Leaver, Luther’s Liturgical Music: Principles and Implications, Lutheran projected (but never written) treatise on music, however, this Quarterly Books 6 (Grand Rapids IL: Eerdmans, 2007). article examines only extant sources in order to establish a 8 Schalk (1988), 18; Leaver (2007), 27-30, 34-5. 9 Johannes Rautenstrauch (1907), 6, comments on Luther’s ‘theoretical knowledge’ [theoretische Kenntnisse], although only with reference to his knowledge of the musical genre, in particular Luther’s understanding of ! harmonics and his ability to offer practical advice on how compositions might 11 Schalk (1988), 19. be improved. Similarly, Nettl (1967), 31-32, offers a brief general overview of 12 Ralph Lorenz, Pedagogical Implications of musica practica in Sixteenth-Century the development of a late-medieval philosophy of music but confines his Wittenberg, unpublished Doctoral Dissertation (Bloomington IN: Indiana observations on Luther to practical reforms. University School of Music, 1995); Rebecca Wagner Oettinger, Music as Popular 10 Joe E. Tarry, ‘Music in the Educational Philosophy of Martin Luther’, Journal Propaganda in the German Reformation 1517-55, unpublished Doctoral of Research in Music Education, 21.4 (1973), 355-365, unfortunately does not Dissertation (Madison WI: University of Wisconsin, 1999); Christopher follow up on his suspicions, 356n, that Luther’s understanding of music was Brown, Singing the Gospel: Lutheran Hymns and the Success of the Reformation influenced by Boethius and, 357-8, that he regarded music as one of the (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005). quadrivial arts. 13 Leaver (2007), 19-20. ! 3 ! 4 ANDREAS LOEWE LUTHER’S THEORY OF MUSIC theoretical framework for Luther’s music theory.14 Drawing on studied music theory as a compulsory part of his liberal arts his writings and Table Talk, in particular his sustained systematic degree at Erfurt. In a letter dated 1520, a fellow-student and later reflection on music, the Preface to the Symphoniae Iucundae (1538), rector of Erfurt University, Crotus Rubeanus [Johannes Jäger] the article outlines Luther’s theory of music and, wherever addressed Luther: ‘You were among our group of students the possible, identifies and follows his own classification of music.15 musician and erudite philosopher’, suggesting that among his It contends that, despite the fact that Luther had already contemporaries Luther excelled in his understanding of music as significantly departed from late-medieval philosophy in many of a philosophical discipline.17 his theological writings, in his writings on music he remained Certainly from the twelfth century onwards music had strongly indebted to a late-medieval understanding of music as a been classified as part of the quadrivium—arithmetic, geometry, quadrivial art, and therefore continued to draw on essential music and astronomy—four sciences that were studied alongside elements of scholastic philosophy throughout his life. 18 the trivium of grammar, logic and rhetoric. Together, the quadrivial and trivial arts formed the corpus of learning in the arts 2. Music among the Seven Liberal Arts: faculty of the medieval university. At the heart of musical studies from at least the mid-fourteenth century onwards had been An enthusiastic singer, capable lute player, competent composer Boethius’ De institutione musica libri quinque (c. 500) and Johannes and prolific hymn writer, Martin Luther frequently asserted that de Muris’ influential commentary on the work of Boethius, Musica 16 he ‘always loved music’. Luther not only loved music but had speculativa secundum Boetium (c. 1323).19 De Muris’ musica speculativa not only provided a commentary on the philosophical and ! arithmetic foundations of music, but combined music theory with 14 Leaver (2007), 85-97, attempts to construct such a work, using Luther’s brief 1530 outline for the projected treatise Peri Tes Mousikes [On Music] against the !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! enthusiasts, Martin Luther, D. Martin Luthers Werke: Kritische Gesamtausgabe meals, the Doctor would sing, for he was a lute player’ [Vnnd nach Tische sang [WA], Joachim Karl Friedrich Knaake, ed. et al. (Weimar: Hermann Böhlau, auch Doctor bißweilen, wie er auch ein Lautenist war]. 1883-1985), WA 30.2: 696, and a famous letter of October 1530 to composer 17 Luther, Briefe 1520-22, WA Br 2: 91, 141-2: ‘Eras in nostro quondam Ludwig Senfl, Briefwechsel [Br], WA Br 5: 639, no. 1727, as a basis. contubernio musicus et philosophus eruditus’. 15 Luther, Praefatio zu den Symphoniae Iucundae, 1538, WA 50: 364-374. The 18 For the role played by musical education in the Quadrivium, see: Anja editors, WA 50: 366, 12, suggest that the Latin version of the Preface is Luther’s Heilmann, Boethius’ Musiktheorie und das Quadrivium, Hypomnemata 171 original but include a contemporary German version which translates and, in (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 2007), 68-104, and Karl Gustav some instances, amplifies the Latin. Walter Blankenburg, ‘Überlieferung und Fellerer, ‘Die Musica in den Artes Liberales’, in: Joseph Koch, ed. et al., Artes Textgeschichte von Martin Luthers ‘Encomion musices’”, Lutherjahrbuch 39 Liberales: Von der Antiken Bildung zur Wissenschaft des Mittelalters (Leiden: Brill, (1972), 80-104, suggests that the German was Luther’s original. Since the 1976), 33-49. heading of the German text, WA 50: 368, 13: ‘never previously published in 19 Gottfried Friedlein, ed., Anicius Manlius Severinus Boethius, Boetii De German’ [vormals nie Deudsch im Druck ausgegangen], allows for the Institutione arithmetica libri duo; De institutione musica libri quinque (Leipzig: B. G. possibility of a previous Latin edition, this article uses both versions in parallel. Teubner, 1867); for a comprehensive introduction to Boethius, see: Henry 16 WA, Tischreden [Tr], Tischreden aus den Jahren 1540-44, WA Tr 5: 557, 18, no. Chadwick, Boethius: The Consolations of Music, Logic, Theology and Philosophy 6248: ‘Musicam semper amavi’; Johannes Mathesius, Historien von deß (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990); Johannes de Muris, Musica speculativa secundum Ehrwürdigen in Gott seligen theuren Manns Gottes, D. Martin Luthers, Anfang, Lehre, Boetium, in: Christoph Falkenroth, ed., Die Musica speculativa des Johannes de Muris, Leben (Nürnberg: Paul Kauffmann, 1608), 135v: ‘And at times, following Beihefte zum Archiv für Musikwissenschaft 34 (Stuttgart: Steiner, 1992). ! 5 ! 6 ANDREAS LOEWE LUTHER’S THEORY OF MUSIC such strong ‘pedagogical qualities that his writings [were assured] Erfurt from 1501, Luther had a thorough philosophical a wide diffusion until the end of the Middle Ages’.20 grounding in the seven liberal arts.22 The curricular evidence of the continued use of Boethius and his later commentators like de Muris at Erfurt’s philosophy faculty, as well as Jäger’s approbation of Luther’s excellence in mastering the philosophy of music, strongly support Blankenburg’s assertion that Luther ‘successfully completed a regular course in musica speculativa as part of the liberal arts’.23 Although the curricular requirements at Erfurt do not explicitly include the study of theorists such as Adam von Fulda, Leaver is right in suggesting that he influenced the reformer’s understanding of music: his Preface to the Symphoniae

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! ‘music for one month’ [musica per 1 mensem] every year. In addition, 2: 134, 21-22, Masters and Baccalaureate students in the liberal arts read Boethius ‘for four months’ [per quartuor menses] The statutes governing the quadrivial examination of Masters students certainly make provision for an examination on ‘the Music of de Muris’ [musicam Muris], 2: 138, 23. For the place of de Muris in the Quadrivium at Paris, see: Joseph Dyer, ‘Speculative “Musica” and the Medieval University of Paris’, Music and Letters 90.2 (2009), 177-204, 181. At Oxford, the work was used from 1431, according to James Weisheipl, ‘Curriculum of the Faculty of Arts at Oxford in the early fourteenth century’, Medieval Studies 26 (1964), 143-185, 171, probably alongside the anonymous Commentum Oxoniense in musicam Boethii, see: Matthias Hochadel, ed., Commentum

Oxoniense in musicam Boethii, Veröffentlichungen der Musikhistorischen Figure 1: Mathematical properties of pitch using a Monochord, from: Anicius Komission der Bayrischen Akademie der Wissenschaften 16 (München: C. H. Manlius Severinus Boethius, De Musica, fol. 35v. Late Tenth-Century Italian Beck, 2002), lxxix-xc. 22 Manuscript. State Library of Victoria, Melbourne. Weissenborn (1884), 2: 219, 12: the Easter term matriculations for 1501 record the admission at Erfurt of ‘Martin Luther from Mansfield’ [Martinus Ludher ex Mansfeldt]. An integral part of the quadrivium, de Muris’ work became 23 Weissenborn (1884), 2: 134, 138; Walter Blankenburg, ‘Luther, Martin’, in: a set text for students at universities in England, France and Friedrich Blume, ed., Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart: Allgemeine Germany, including the university of Erfurt.21 As a student at Enzyklopädie der Musik [MGG], 17 vols., (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1949-68), 8: cols. 1334-1346, 1335: ‘Ein reguläres und erfolgreiches Studium der Musica ! speculativa im Rahmen der Artes liberales’; Blankenburg further explained that 20 Emmanuel Pouelle, ‘John of Murs’, Dictionary of Scientific Biography, ed. in addition to the work de Muris, Luther certainly would also have studied late- Charles Goulston Gillispie (New York: Scribner, 1973), 7: 128-133, 128. medieval commentators such as Johannes Tinctoris, in: ‘Martin Luther und die 21 J. C. Hermann Weissenborn, Acten der Erfurter Universität, Historische Musik’, in: Erich Hübner and Renate Steiger, eds. et al., Kirche und Musik: Commission der Provinz Sachsen (Halle: Otto Hendel, 1884), 2: 134, 13, the Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Geschichte der gottesdienstlichen Musik (Göttingen: 1449 statutes of Erfurt University certainly make provision for the study of Vandenhoek und Ruprecht, 1979), 20. ! 7 ! 8 ANDREAS LOEWE LUTHER’S THEORY OF MUSIC

Iucundae (1538) is clearly dependent on Adam von Fulda’s music In December 1538, the reformer had told a company of theory.24 singers that he admired their music-making greatly.28 In their ensuing discussion on music Luther suggested that music was one Because Luther’s systematic reflections on the nature and of the ‘prime matters’; a point he reiterated in writing the same function of music are few, his Preface to the Symphoniae Iucundae 29 affords unrivalled insights into the reformer’s understanding of year. In speaking about music as a discipline, therefore, Luther 25 drew on a Boethian understanding of music and its place within the theory of music. Luther had been asked to provide a preface the created order: ‘prime matter’, the sixth-century philosopher for a collection of 52 motets by 19 composers, including Ludwig Boethius held, following Nichomachus of Gerasa and Aristotle, Senfl, Johann Walter, Heinrich Isaac and Pierre de la Rue was matter that had never been shaped or formed by human compiled by Georg Rhau, a former Cantor of St Thomas’ Leipzig 26 action, and therefore was ‘natural’ (prevalent in nature), rather and composer turned Wittenberg publisher. Luther’s reflections than ‘artificial’ (shaped by artisans or artists).30 In the context of a on the origin, role and function of music in the Preface closely convivial debate among singers, recorded as such in his Table follow those of late-medieval and humanist commentators. Talk, Luther’s reference to ‘prime matter’ might suggest a casual Leaver’s suggestion, therefore, that ‘in his understanding of the inventio of music Luther is distinctively different from his medieval or imprecise use of the term. However, the fact that Luther 27 referred to music as ‘prima materia’ more than once, suggests that predecessors’, stands in need of reassessment. the reformer used the term intentionally, referring his hearers back to a philosophical school still very much prevalent in the third decade of the sixteenth century.31

! Not only Luther’s understanding of the order of music 24 For the influence on Luther of Adam von Fulda’s De Musica, see: Leaver within creation shows that his views on music were underpinned 32 (2007), 34-35. by traditional late-medieval music theory. The reformer 25 For Georg Rhau, see: Marie Schlüter, Musikgeschichte Wittenbergs im 16. Jahrhundert: Quellenkundliche und sozialgeschichtliche Untersuchungen, Abhandlungen ! zur Musikgeschichte 18 (Göttingen: Vandenhoek und Ruprecht, 2010), 170- 28 Luther, Tischreden aus den Jahren 1538-40, WA Tr 4: 191, no. 4192, n5: ‘In the 180; for his Symphoniae Iucundae, a collection of 52 motets for church use, see: year [15]38, on 17 December, when Dr Martin Luther hosted some singers Wolfram Steude, Untersuchungen zur mitteldeutschen Musiküberlieferung und who cheerfully sang some motets, he said admiringly’ [Anno 38, 17. Musikpflege im 16. Jahrhundert, Musikwissenschaftliche Studienbibliothek Decembris, cum Doctor Martinus Lutherus apud se haberet cantores egrerias (Leipzig: Peters, 1978); for his influence as a publisher of the Lutheran motettas canentes, dixit admirans]. reformation, see: Walter Wölbing, Der Drucker und Musikverleger Georg Rhau. Ein 29 WA Tr 4: 191, 34: ‘Est materia prima’; for the Artistotelian understanding of Beitrag zur Drucker- und Verlegertätigkeit im Zeitalter der Reformation, unpublished prime matter, see: C. J. F. Williams, Aristotle’s De Generatione et Corruptione, Doctoral Dissertation (Berlin: Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität, 1922). Oxford Aristotle Series (Oxford: University Press, 2002), xv and in particular 26 Luther, Praefatio zu den Symphoniae Iucundae, 1538, WA 50: 364, 7-10; 22-23: the discussion ‘Prime matter in De Generatione et Corruptione’, in Appendix, 211- ‘asked Luther and Melanchthon for prefaces’ [sich Vorworte von Luther und 219; for its Boethian adaptation, see: Heilmann (2007), 305-307. Melanchthon erbat]. Melanchthon’s preface to Rhau’s Selectae Harmoniae quatuor 30 Heilmann (2007), 306n. vocum de Passione Christi, 1538, is reproduced in: Corpus Reformatorum [CR], Karl 31 Luther, Tischreden aus den Jahren 1538-40, WA Tr 4: 191, 34, no. 4192; Praefatio Gottlob Bretschneider, ed. et al. (Braunschweig: C. A. Schwetschke & Sohn, zu den Symphoniae Iucundae, 1538, WA 50: 370, 9. 1834-1946), 5: 918-21. 32 For the Aristotelian understanding of music among the prime matters, see: 27 Leaver (2007), 71. Eckhard Roch, ‘Zwischen Geist und Materie: Grundlagen des musikalischen ! 9 ! 10 ANDREAS LOEWE LUTHER’S THEORY OF MUSIC consistently classified music in strictly quadrivial terms as part of Appeal to the Counsellors of all Cities of German Nation (1524) the study of the mathematical disciplines, alongside (and possibly encouraging town counsellors to set up schools and teach a subordinate to) arithmetic.33 In Boethian terms, music theory had Lutheran curriculum, he expressed the hope that all children long been regarded as a subset of arithmetic: should ‘learn music alongside the whole of mathematics’.36 His The four mathematical disciplines of the quadrivium were paired by classification of music as a subset of mathematics strongly Boethius … depending on whether the discipline concerned suggests that, despite the far-reaching reforms of his theological multitude (arithmetic, music) or magnitude (geometry, astronomy). opinions, Luther’s understanding of the music continued to be Accordingly, arithmetic is multitudo per se, while music is multitudo ad informed by late-medieval philosophy. aliquid (i.e. one number related to another proportionally).34 Towards the close of the sixteenth century, music would At German-speaking universities courses in music were increasingly be defined in terms of its bridge-function between frequently taught by mathematicians: in Vienna, the arithmetician the trivial and quadrivial arts, a centrality among the arts that was Erasmus Heritius [Höritz] taught both music and arithmetic, extolled by Luther. This bridge-function of music was not only while in Frankfurt an der Oder the ‘chair in sacred mathematics’ expressed in philosophical writings but was also reflected Ambrosius Lacher undertook the teaching of speculative music architecturally: in the 1589 redevelopment of the town hall in the from his own influential textbook Johannes de Muris in Musicam 35 Lutheran Hanseatic town of Lemgo, music takes centre place Boecii (1508). Luther regarded music in similar terms: in his among the seven liberal arts on an outstanding late-renaissance 37 !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! bas-relief. Its central position below the first floor bay window Materialbegriffes in Philosophie und Rhetorik’, Archiv für Musikwissenschaft 59 of the Kornherrenstube provides a link in stone of the rhetorical (2002), 136-164, 138-144. 33 For the place of music as a subset of mathematics, see: Eva Hirtler, ‘Die Musik im Übergang von der scientia mathematica zur scientia media’, in: Frank Hentschel, ed., Musik und die Geschichte der Philosophie und Naturwissenschaften im Mittelalter: Fragen zur Wechselwirkung von ‘Musica’ und ‘Philosophia’ im Mittelalter, !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! Studien und Texte zur Geistesgeschichte des Mittelalters 62 (Leiden: Brill, Musiktheorie des 15. bis 17. Jahrhunderts I: Von Paumann bis Calvisius (Darmstadt: 1998), 19-38. Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2003), 69-98, 78. 34 Joseph Dyer, ‘The Place of Musica in Medieval Classifications of 36 Luther, An die Ratsherren aller Städte deutschen Landes, 1524, WA 15: 46, 15: Knowledge’, The Journal of Musicology, 24.1 (2007), 3-71, 6; John Butt, Music ‘Die musica mit der gantzen mathematica lernen’. Education and the Art of Performance in the German Baroque, Cambridge Musical 37 I am grateful to Prof. Markus Rathkey for alerting me to this outstanding Texts and Monographs (Cambridge: University Press, 1994), 3; Heilmann architectural expression of the bridge function of music in the late sixteenth (2007), 103: ‘The subordination of music theory to arithmetic’ [Die century. For the architectural development of Lemgo’s town hall, and the Subordination der Musiktheorie unter die Arithmetik]. Kornherrenstube, see: Otto Gaul and Ulf-Dietrich Korn, eds., Die Stadt Lemgo, 35 Ambrosius Lacher, Euclides Elementorum libri VI sumptu et opera Ambrosii Lacher Bau- und Kunstdenkmäler von Westfalen 49.1 (Münster: Aschendorff, 1983), de Merspurgk excussa (Frankfurt an der Oder, Magister Ambrosius: 1506), 490 and 520f. and Max von Sonnen, Die Weserrenaissance: Die Bauentwicklung um frontispiece: ‘Sacre Mathematice … ordinarius’; idem, Epytoma Johannis de Muris die Wende des XVI. und XVII. Jahrhunderts an der oberen und mittleren Weser und in in musicam Boecii (Frankfurt an der Oder, Magister Ambrosius: 1508); for his den angrenzenden Landesteilen, Niedersächsische Renaissance 1 (Münster: music theoretical teaching at Frankfurt, see: Klaus Wolfgang Niemöller, Aschendorff, 1969); for role of music in Lemgo during the renaissance, see: ‘Deutsche Musiktheorie im 16. Jahrhundert: Geistes- und Hans Hoppe, ‘Musikalische Renaissance in der alten Hansestadt Lemgo und institutionsgeschichtliche Grundlagen’, in: Theodor Göllner, ed. et al., Deutsche am Hofe Simons VI. zu Brake’, in: Heimatland Lippe 57 (1964), 93-97. ! 11 ! 12 ANDREAS LOEWE LUTHER’S THEORY OF MUSIC arts—grammar, dialectic and rhetoric—with the mathematical Although it only takes up 83 lines in the Weimar edition, Luther’s arts—arithmetic, geometry and astronomy.38 Preface to the Symphoniae Iucundae provides the most detailed outline of the reformer’s theory of music. The Preface is framed by his praise of the ‘many and great uses’ of music.39 He sets out by extolling ‘this excellent gift of God’, which he ‘commends to everyone’,40 and ends with a concluding commendation of ‘this noble, salutary and gladdening creation of God’.41 A solemn warning not to abuse the gift of music ‘in service of the enemy of God, the enemy of nature, and of this most joyful art’, concludes his reflection on music.42 Since the Preface was primarily addressed to music lovers and musicians (and not theologians or philosophers), Luther made use of terminology that could easily be understood by those without quadrivial music theory. While this means that the language of the Preface is more accessible than many earlier textbooks on music philosophy, the work is neither philosophically lightweight nor unstructured.43 Luther made clear at the beginning of the Preface, that music was ‘such a wonderful and noble art’ that he found it hard ‘to determine where I should to begin or stop praising it, let alone

! Figure 2: Detail of Georg and Ernst Crossmann’s 1589 sandstone bas-relief at 39 Luther, Praefatio zu den Symphoniae Iucundae, 1538, WA 50: 368, 5-6: the town hall in Lemgo, showing Music at the centre of the Seven Liberal Arts, ‘Multitudine et magnitudine virtutis et bonitatis eius’; 368, 19: ‘Viel und grosse bridging trivial and quadrivial learning. The Art of Music is represented by a nutze’. trumpeting female figure holding a music manuscript, seated in front of an 40 WA 50: 368, 4-5: ‘Omnibus commendatum esse donum illud diuinum et organ and next to a drum and a harp. The attributes of trumpet and harp refer excellentissimum’; 368, 17: ‘Schöne vnd köstliche Gabe Gottes’, 369, 14: ‘Von to ‘Jubal, the father of those who play the harp and wind instruments’ (Gen. jederman tewr vnd werd zu achten ist’. 4.3). Photography: Sabrina Lindemann, University of Applied Sciences 41 WA 50: 373, 8: ‘Tu … commendatam hanc nobilem, salutarem et laetam Ostwestfalen-Lippe, 2008. creaturam’; 373, 20-21: ‘Darumb wil ich jederman … diese Kunst befohlen vnd sie hiemit vermanet haben, das sie jnen diese köstliche, nützliche vnd fröhliche Creatur Gottes tewr, lieb vnd werd sein lassen’. 3. Sources for Luther’s Theory of Music: 42 WA 50: 374, 4: ‘Hostem Dei et aduersarium naturae et artis huius iucundissimae’; 50: 374, 8-9: ‘Ein Feind Gottes, der Natur vnd dieser lieblichen Kunst’. ! 43 In the Preface for instance, Luther likened the human voice to prime matter, 38 Created in 1589 by Georg and Ernst Crossmann, the ornate sandstone bas- WA 50: 370, 9: ‘seu materia prima’, and commented that philosophers may relief of the Kornherrenstube [Offices of the Supervisors of the grain trade] is have classified and ‘observed, but not fully grasped’ [mirantur, sed non adorned with seven allegorical depictions of ‘Grammatica, Dialectica, complectuntur, WA 50: 370, 10], the complexities of the voice, let alone of Rhetorica, Mvsica, Arithmetica, Geometria, Astrono[mia]’. human emotions. ! 13 ! 14 ANDREAS LOEWE LUTHER’S THEORY OF MUSIC to find manner and form to praise it’.44 Whether or not he really 1480-1541),47 and the Maastricht theorist Matthäus Herbeneus (c. was a loss as to the proper ‘manner and form’ for his praise of 1445-1538).48 music, he certainly resorted to a traditional theoretical form of Though Luther’s Preface reflects the influence of all three classifying music for his brief treatise, adopting a theoretical theorists, it shows particular affinity with Herbenus’ Nature of framework he had studied at university. In Erfurt ‘musica Muris’ Singing and the Miracle of the Voice (1496).49 Herbenus had dedicated had been a central part of Luther’s philosophical education.45 ! There are numerous parallels between de Muris’ and Luther’s 47 For Adam’s potential connection with Nicolaus Wollick, see: Slemon (1994), thoughts on the origins of music, which strongly suggest an 132; for a critical edition of Wollick’s seminal Opus Aureum Musice intellectual dependence on de Muris’ textbooks. In addition, castigatissumum de Gregoriana et figurativa atque contrapuncto Simplici percommode Luther drew on scholastic and humanist predecessors; his tractans (Köln: Quentel, 1501), see: Die Musica Gregoriana des Nicolaus Wollick, ed. reflections on the origin, form and function of music follow a Klaus Wolfgang Niemöller, Beiträge zur Rheinischen Musikgeschichte 11 structure common to three humanist music theorists then (Köln: Staufen, 1955), 1-80, and idem, Nicolaus Wollick, 1480-1541, und sein Musiktraktat, Beiträge zur rheinischen Musikgeschichte 13 (Köln: Arno Volk working in Germany: the Wittenberg music theorist Adam von Verlag, 1956). 46 Fulda (c. 1445-1505), the Cologne theorist Nicolaus Wollick (c. 48 For Matthäus Herbenus [Herben], from 1485 rector [Praefectus] of St Servaas School, gospeller [Evangelarius] and, following his priesting in 1504, chaplain [Capellanus] of St Servaas Collegiate Church in Maastricht, see: Regionaal Historisch Centrum Maastricht, MS Collection 14B.002A: Kapittel van St Stervaas te Maastricht, 980-981; Kapelanen, 14; and Heinrich Hüschen, ‘Herbenus (Herben), Matthaeus’, in: MGG 6: 190, revised by Klaus-Jürgen Sachs (2002), MGG 8: 1359-60; H. H. E. Wouters, ‘Mattheus Herbenus Trajectensis, een humanist van het eerste uur’, in: Miscellanea Trajectensia. Bijdragen tot de geschiedenis van Maastricht, Werken uitgegeven door Limburgs Geschied- en Oudheidkundig Genootschap 4 (Maastricht: Limburgs Geschied- en Oudheidkundig Genootschap, 1962), 263-329; G. J. M. Bartelink, ‘Bemerkungen über die Quellen der Schrift “De natura cantus ac miraculis vocis” von Herbenus Traiectensis’, Humanistica Lovaniensia 21 (1972), 51-64, and J. IJsewijn, ‘The coming of humanism to the Low Countries’, in: Heiko ! Augustinus Oberman, Thomas A. Brady Jr., eds., Itinerarium Italicum. The profile 44 WA 50: 368, 6-7: ‘Neque initium neque finem neque modum rationis of the Italian renaissance in the mirror of its European transformations, dedicated to Paul inuenire queam’; 368, 19-20: ‘Ein herrliche vnd edle Kunst ist, das ich nicht Oskar Kristeller on the occasion of his 70th birthday, Studies in Medieval and weis, wo ich dieselbe zu loben anfahen oder auffhören sol, oder auff was weise Reformation Thought 14 (Leiden: Brill, 1975), 193-301. vnd form ich sie also loben möge’. 49 Matthäus Herbenus, De natura cantus ac miraculis vocis, Joseph Smits van 45 Weissenborn (1884), 2: 138, 23. Waesberghe, ed., Herbeni Traiectensis De natura cantus ac miraculis vocis, Beiträge 46 For Adam von Fulda, see: Peter Slemon, Adam of Fulda on musica plana and zur rheinischen Musikgeschichte, vol. 22 (Köln: Arno Volk, 1957), 16-78; The compositio: De musica, Book II, A Translation and commentary, unpublished Doctoral original of the work, completed ‘in Maastricht on 5 May 1496’ [Ex Traiecto Dissertation (Vancouver: University of British Columbia, 1994), 6-19, super Mosam, quinto Kalenda Maias Anni dominici MCCCCXCVI] the and incorporating a new edition of Adam von Fulda’s De Musica, also published in: dedicated to Dalberg, is located in München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, MS Martin Gerbert, ed., Scriptores ecclesiastici de musica sacra potissimum ex variis Italiae, Clm [Codices Latini Monachense] 10277, f. 2r-56v, a copy, produced in Galliae et Germaniae codicibus manuscriptis collecti et nunc primum publica luce donati, Germany and dedicated to Johann II of Baden, Bishop of Trier, in Berlin, [GS], 3 vols. (St Blasien, 1784; repr. Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1963), 329-81. Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz, MS lat. Quarto 479, f. 1-37. ! 15 ! 16 ANDREAS LOEWE LUTHER’S THEORY OF MUSIC his work to Johannes von Dalberg, Bishop of Worms and adornment of Germany, but a promoter of learning in Chancellor of the Palatinate Court in Heidelberg. Herbenus’ Germany’.52 theory of music has very concrete practical implications for voice Despite the fact that, prior to the publication of a modern building and voice production (a characteristic that may well have critical edition (1957), Herbenus’ Nature of Singing and the Miracle of been attractive to Luther). During his visits to Heidelberg, the Voice was only ever published in part, he was instrumental in Herbenus had sought to ‘reform the renowned Schola Cantorum at 50 shaping the understanding of the interdependence of rhetoric and the Palatinate Court … in line with his thoughts on music’. In 53 music in later humanist writings on music. In addition to the addition to his collaboration with the Kapellmeister of the two extant copies in Munich and Berlin, eighteenth-century Palatinate Court, Johannes Susato [von Soest], at Heidelberg antiquarian accounts report the existence of two further copies of Herbenus came into contact with a circle of leading humanists the work in the ‘Zurich library’ [Bibliotheca Tigurina] and ‘in the including Rudolf Agricola, Johannes Reuchlin, Jodocus Gallus 54 former library of Raymund Kraft in Ulm’. Herbenus influenced [Jost Han], Johannes Vigilius, Dietrich von Pleningen, his close the work of his Heidelberg companion, the Augustinian Rutgerus friend Johannes Trithemius [von Trittenheim], and the young 51 Sycamber who, in his Dialogus de musica (1500), praised both Philipp Melanchthon. At the end of his life, recalling his own Herbenus and his work: ‘so learned a man and so great and time among the humanists gathered around Dalberg as a youth incomparable a musician and writer that, without a doubt, he may [deinde adolescens vidi], Melanchthon praised the Palatinate 55 be said to be most appealing’. In his Tetrachordum musices (1511) Academic Sodality [sodalitas litteraria Rhenana] ‘not only as an Johannes Cochlaeus also ‘follows [Herbenus’] opinions’, Müller- ! 52 Karl Hartfelder, ed., Melanchthoniana Paedagogica: Eine Ergänzung zu den Werken Melanchthons im Corpus Reformatorum (Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1892), 71: ‘Non ! solum ornamento Germaniae fuit, sed etiam studijs profuit’. 50 Peter Walter, ‘Johannes von Dalberg und der Humanismus’, in: Claudia 53 The dedication and preface of Herbenus’ work were reproduced in: Johann Helm, Jost Hausmann, eds., 1495—Kaiser, Reich, Reformen: der Reichstag zu Georg Schelhorn, Amoenitates Literariae: Quibus Variae Observationes, Scripta item Worms: Ausstellung des Landeshauptarchivs Koblenz in Verbindung mit der Stadt Worms quaedam anecdota & rariora Opuscula exhibentur (Frankfurt and Leipzig: Daniel zum 500jährigen Jubiläum des Wormser Reichstags von 1495 (Koblenz: Bartolomäus, 1725), 2: 82-86. Landesarchivverwaltung Rheinland-Pfalz, 1995), 139-171, 148: ‘durch seine 54 Jean-François Foppens, Bibliotheca Belgica, sive Virorum in Belgio vita, scriptisque Überlegungen auf die berühmte Sängerkapelle am pfalzgräflichen Hof in illustrium (Brussels: Petrus Foppens, 1739), 2: 867; Georg Wilhelm Zapf, Über Heidelberg Einfluss nehmen wollte’. He certainly knew and in 1469 had very das Leben und die Verdienste Johann von Dalbergs (Augsburg: NP, 1789), 42-43, n. probably travelled from Maastricht to Rome with the then succentor of St 30: ‘in der ehemaligen Raymund Kraftischen Bibliothek zu Ulm’. Both Mary’s Maastricht, Johannes Susato [von Soest] who, in 1472, was appointed collections have been subsumed into larger collections, neither of which Kapellmeister of the Heidelberg Schola, see: Klaus Pietschmann and Steven appear to hold the manuscripts today. Rozenski, Jr., ‘Singing the Self: The Autobiography of the Fifteenth-Century 55 Rutgerus Sycamber de Venray, Dialogus de musica, Fritz Soddemann, ed., German Singer and Composer Johannes von Soest’, Early Music History 29 Beiträge zur rheinischen Musikgeschichte 54 (Köln: Arno Volk, 1963), 1-64, (2010), 119-159, 130-132. 26: ‘Tam docto viro, tam magno et incomparabili musico et scriptori, quod 51 For Johannes Susato, see: Pietschmann and Rozenski (2010), 119-121, sine dubio dixerim, delectabilissimo’; for Sycamber, see: Konrad Wiedemann, Heinrich Hüschen, ‘Susato, Johannes de’, in: Karl Gustav Fellerer, ed., ‘Rutgerus Sycamber’, in: Peter Bietenholz and Thomas Deutscher eds., Rheinische Musiker (Köln, 1966), 4: 165–7, and Sabine !ak, ‘Die Gründung der Contemporaries of Erasmus: A Biographical Register of the Renaissance and Reformation Hofkapelle in Heidelberg’, Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, 50 (1993), 145–63. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987) 3: 301-2. ! 17 ! 18 ANDREAS LOEWE LUTHER’S THEORY OF MUSIC

Heuser and Niemöller suggest.56 Similarly, in his Pandectae (1548), overlap in the understanding of the nature of music, and its place the Zurich bibliographer and musicologist Conrad Gesner also and function in creation, between Herbenus’ writings on music refers to Herbenus’ work, which suggests that the work was well and Luther’s Preface. known both in Catholic and Protestant humanist circles.57

Regardless of whether Luther got to know Herbenus’ 4. Luther’s Theory of Music: work through Melanchthon and other members of the Heidelberg humanist sodality, through a widely-travelled music Luther believed that it was by praising God in music that humans theorist and fellow-Augustinian like Sycamber, the Erfurt friends were enabled to ‘to taste with wonder (but not to comprehend of Abbot Trithemius,58 or even through the pages of a theological fully) the absolute and perfect wisdom of God in his wonderful 61 opponent like Cochlaeus—his Preface to the Symphoniae Iucundae work of Music’. In his Preface, he presented his readers with a shares two key concepts formulated by Herbenus:59 the insistence vision of music as an instrument that has the ability to connect on the significance of music as an instrument to communicate the entire created order with its Creator. His Preface follows an arc God’s Word, and a sense of marvel at the power of music to that takes as its origin the very beginning of creation and control the human emotions.60 Since Herbenus also makes use of descends from God to those who have been given a voice, in de Muris’ philosophical framework, there is further significant order to return to heaven through composed music: the praises sung by his readers had the potential to take the singers straight ! back to heaven, and the ultimate origin and goal of music, Luther 56 Franz Müller-Heuser, Vox humana: ein Beitrag zur Untersuchung der explained. Stimmästhetik des Mittelalters, Kölner Beiträge zur Musikwissenschaft 196 (Regensburg: Gustav Bosse, 1997), 46: ‘In dieser Einstellung folgt ihm 1511 Like the philosophers of music he followed in his Preface, Johannes Cochlaeus’; Klaus Wolfgang Niemöller, ‘Die Musikalische Rhetorik Luther adopted a traditional Boethian classification of the various und ihre Genese in Musik und Musikanschauung der Renaissance’, in: forms of music, distinguishing between the music of the natural Heinrich F. Plett, Renaissance-Rhetorik (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1993), 285-311, 290, world [musica naturalis, natürliche Musica, WA 50: 368, 10-372, 10] supports his view. and the music that ‘rests in various instruments’ [quae in quibusdam 57 Conrad Gesner, Pandectae (Zurich: Froschauer, 1548), no. 100: ‘Matthaei Herbeni de natura vocis ac ratione Musicae libri 5’; Lawrence F. Bernstein, constituta est instrumentis], that is music composed through the ‘The Bibliography of Music in Conrad Gesner’s Pandectae (1548)’, Acta exercise of skill [musica artificialis, durch die Kunst gescherfft vnd poliert, Musicologica, 45.1 (1973), pp. 119-163, 134: ‘The works of Jean Gerson (nos. 117 and 177) and Mathaeus Herbenus (no. 100) would undoubtedly have passed through Gesner’s hands’. 58 For Trithemius’ Erfurt connections, see: Harald Müller, Habit und Habitus: Mönche und Humanisten im Dialog, Spätmittelalter und Reformation Neue Reihe 32 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2006), 214. ! 59 Leaver (2007), 35, suggests that both the works of Cochlaeus and Wollick 61 WA 50: 372, 12-13: ‘Hic tandem gustare cum stupore licet (sed non influenced the Compendaria musicae artis (Leipzig: Stöckel, 1516) of Michael comprehendere) absolutam et perfectam sapientiam Dei in opere suo mirabile Koswick and, through him, music education at Wittenberg in the first decades Musicam’; 372, 30-32: ‘Da sihet vnd erkennet man erst zu teil (denn gentzlich of the reformation. kanns nicht begrieffen noch verstanden werden) mit grosser verwunderung die 60 Herbenus (1957), 41, 48; Luther, Praefatio zu den Symphoniae Iucundae, 1538, grosse vnd volkomene weisheit Gottes in seinem wunderbarlichem werck der WA 50: 369, 11-371, 12. Musica’. ! 19 ! 20 ANDREAS LOEWE LUTHER’S THEORY OF MUSIC

WA 50: 372, 11-373, 6] and performed either by voices, or that were called into being at the ‘very beginning of the world’.65 instruments, or both.62 De Muris explained that both its provenance as a first fruit of creation and a fruit of the Spirit was attested to by the ‘prophets’ Luther’s comments on natural music are subdivided into [Psalmists]: indeed, the very ‘heavens declare the glory of God’ three further categories: adopting a categorisation of music 66 outlined in Adam von Fulda’s De Musica (1490) and Nicolaus (Ps 19.1). Luther developed these insights further: the testimony of the Psalmists to the creative gift of music was not only Wollick’s Opus Aureum Musice (1501), Luther in turn addressed the evidence for its essential nature but proof that the gifts of the music of the natural world [musica mundana], the music of the Spirit were communicated through music itself. Music, therefore, human voice [musica vocis humanae, Kunst der Menschlichen Stimme] 63 was both an intrinsic part of creation that dated back to the very and the music of heaven [musica caelestis]. beginning of the cosmos and in itself an agent of God’s ongoing work in creation. It also had the capacity to communicate the 4.1. The Origins of Music: gifts of the Holy Spirit to humankind: ‘through music the Spirit’s gifts were instilled in the Prophets [i.e. the Psalmists]’, Luther Johannes de Muris had postulated that music had been at the knew.67 The Psalmists, in turn, used their spiritual gifts to enable heart of creation from the time before ‘the first substances were 64 others to share in singing the eternal song that lies at the heart of separated’. Luther closely followed de Muris’ early fourteenth- all creation, thereby concluding the arc that links the Creator to century textbook definition that ‘music belonged to the humankind, and humankind to its maker. transcendental matters’ in numbering music among those things

! ! 62 Boethius, De institutione musica libri quinque, 1: 2, in: Friedlein (1867), 187.20- 65 WA 50: 369, 1-2: ‘Musicam esse ab initio mundi’; cf. Johannes de Muris, 23; Ernest T. Ferand, ‘“Sodaine and Unexpected”: Music in the Renaissance’, Speculum musicae, Liber primus, in: Walter Grossmann, Die einleitenden Kapitel des Musical Quarterly 37.1 (1951), 10-27, 27, provides a helpful schematic overview. Speculum Musicae von Johannes de Muris: Ein Beitrag zur Musikanschauung des 63 GS 3: 333: ‘There are two forms of music: natural and artificial music. Mittelalters (Leipzig: Breitkopf und Härtel, 1924; reprint ed., Natural music is [divided into] universal and human music. Universal music Nendeln/Liechtenstein: Kraus, 1976), 53-93, 76: ‘rerum transcendencium’; WA includes that of the heavenly and supernatural bodies that resonate through the 50: 369, 1: ‘ab initio mundi’. From the mid-twentieth century onwards, the motion of the spheres … a genre researched by mathematicians. Human Speculum has been re-attributed to Jacques de Liège, see: Klaus-Jürgen Sachs, [music] exists in body and soul, … a genre researched by physicians, about ‘Zur Funktion der Berufungen auf das achte Buch von Aristoteles “Politik” in which I shall say nothing at present. Articificial music is a genre researched by Musiktraktaten des 15. Jahrhunderts’, in: Hentschel (1998), 269-90, 274, and musicians that falls into instrumental and vocal music. Instrumental music is Frank Hentschel, Sinnlichkeit und Vernunft in der mittelalterlichen Musiktheorie, the sound created by diverse instruments. Although [this sound] is created by Beihefte zum Archiv für Musikwissenschaft 47 (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, the voice, nevertheless its sounds are musical’ [Musica est duplex, naturalis et 2000), 14. However, previously the work was not only thought to have been artificialis. Naturalis est mundana et humana. Mundana est supercoelestium authored by de Muris but frequently published together with his Musica corporum ex motu sphaerarum resonantia… et hoc genus considerant Speculativa. mathematici. Humana exstat in corpore et anima … et hoc genus considerant 66 De Muris (1976), 77: ‘As the prophet says about these things, “The heavens physici, de quibus nihil ad praesens. Artificialis: hoc genus tenent musici. Est declare the glory of God”.’ [De quibus dicit propheta: Celi enarrant gloriam vel instrumentalis vel vocalis. Instrumentalis est sonus per diversa instrumenta dei]. causatus, qui cum sit vocalis, tamen eius voces sunt materiales]. 67 WA 50: 371, 10-11: ‘Dona sua [Spiritui Sancti] per eam [musicam] Prophetis 64 De Muris (1976), 77: ‘A prima substantias separatas’. illabi’. ! 21 ! 22 ANDREAS LOEWE LUTHER’S THEORY OF MUSIC

Luther’s introductory remarks in the Preface echo natural music:72 musica mundana, the sounds of the natural world; Herbenus’ belief that ‘God is excellently honoured … by the art musica humana, the music that humans and animals make when of music’, and that creation itself praised God’s ‘unbounded joy, they laugh, cry or speak; and musica caelestis, the music of heaven.73 utter love, peak of wisdom and incomprehensible power’ through Luther adopted their distinctions, addressing first the subject of music from the very beginning.68 While both writers share much musica mundana [WA 50: 369, 2-11], secondly the subject of musica common ground, there are differences. Where Herbenus couched humana [WA 50: 369, 12-370, 12], and lastly the music of heaven his belief in the eternity of music in a rhetorical question—‘Who [WA 50: 370, 13-372, 10].74 would deny that … music exists eternally in God?’—Luther expressed the same insight by a positive affirmation: ‘Music existed from the beginning of the world’.69 Rhetorical preferences notwithstanding; both subscribed to the belief that music existed 4.2.1. Musica mundana: from the very beginning of creation. Herbenus affirmed that As its name suggested, musica mundana is constituted by the music was ‘from eternity before the creation was made from sounds that occurred in the natural world. In his treatise De nothing … before it was finished and separated from God’s Musica, Adam von Fulda explained that ‘musica mundana is 70 nature’. Luther elaborated further that music was not only comprised of the music of the heavenly and supernatural bodies eternal but that, from the moment of creation, it had been that resonate by the motion of the spheres … a genre researched imparted to all creation, ‘instilled and implanted in all creatures, by mathematicians’.75 Like Fulda and de Muris, Luther believed 71 individually and collectively’. that that there was nothing in existence that, when moved [tamen motus sit, durch was beweget vnd getrieben wird], did not make a sound.76 4.2. Musica naturalis: De Muris had stipulated in his Summa Musice that it was ‘not Luther’s belief the centrality of music in the created order next ! led him to consider the various forms of music in the natural 72 See the excellent schematic overview provided by Ferand (1951), 27, showing the classification of music into naturalis and artificialis in both works. world. In his analysis, he followed the philosophical framework Where Adam von Fulda, GS 3: 333, divided musica naturalis into mundana and set out in Adam von Fulda’s De Musica (1490) and Nicolaus humana, Wollick (1955), 12, divided it into humana and ‘coelestis aut mundana’. Wollick’s Opus Aureum Musice (1501) who, themselves both Unlike Wollick (1955), 12, who equated the music of heaven with that of the broadly following Boethius, identified distinctive subgroups of ‘heavenly bodies and sounds of the spheres’, Luther regarded celestial music in terms of music in praise of God, like Herbenus (1957), 67. Almost certainly attracted by its Trinitarian parallels, Luther adopted a three-fold subdivision ! into mundana, humana and caelestis. See WA Tr 1: 395, 10-16, no. 815, for 68 Herbenus (1957), 36: ‘Deus excellentius honoraretur’, cf. WA 50: 368, 10- Luther’s strong conviction that the Blessed Trinity could be discerned in 369, 11. similar three-fold structures throughout the seven liberal arts. 69 Herbenus (1957), 36: ‘Quis negaverit … discantandi aeternaliter in Deo 73 Friedlein (1867), 187-9. existere?’; WA 50: 369, 1-2: ‘Musicam esse ab initio mundi’. 74 WA 50: 368, 10: ‘Primum’ [firstly]; 369, 20: ‘erstlichen aber’ [first of all]; 369, 70 Herbenus (1957), 16-78, 35: ‘Ab aeterno antea in Creatore fuisse quam 31: ‘zum andern’ [secondly]. creatura facta ex nihilo… quam finito et a natura sua alieno’. 75 GS 3: 333: ‘Mundana est supercoelestium corporum ex motu sphaerarum 71 WA 50: 369, 1-2: ‘Inditam seu concreatam creaturis vniuersis, singulis et resonantia … et hoc genus considerant mathematici’. omnibus’. 76 WA 50: 369, 2; 369, 36. ! 23 ! 24 ANDREAS LOEWE LUTHER’S THEORY OF MUSIC possible for bodies to be moved rapidly and persist without In this way, even entities that were invisible, such as air, sound’.77 In the Preface Luther closely followed the language of de could be perceived by the senses, Luther made clear: ‘even air, Muris’ argument: ‘Nothing exists at all [nihil enim, nichten nichts] which is in itself invisible and cannot be grasped by all senses … that does not make a noise or sound’.78 when moved brings its own forth music, its own sound’.82 Unlike Towards the beginning of his Musica speculativa, de Muris de Muris, however, Luther was less interested in providing his readers with a detailed examination of the physical processes had identified three elements requisite for the generation of required to create sound, than in bringing the ‘miracle’ of sound sound: itself to the attention of his readers.83 The fact that sound made it The generation of sound of necessity requires three elements: that possible for human beings to perceive aurally things that had which strikes, that which is struck, and the medium through which ‘previously been neither audible nor comprehensible’, even things this percussion occurs. The first rapidly breaks the air, the second is a body with the ability to resound naturally, the third air which is that can neither be seen or touched [inuisibilis et inpalpabilis, violently struck.79 vnsichtbarlich vnd vnbegreifflich], was nothing short of the miraculous.84 Music can in particular be noticed when the air moved an For de Muris, the processes through which air was able to inanimate object, de Muris held: ‘for sound is the movement of generate sound led to a sustained mathematical investigation of air generated by the impulse of a mover on a moved object’.80 musical proportions.85 In his Preface Luther, on the other hand, Luther shared this view, and explained to his readers that was content to leave the physics of acoustics unexplored. He did When [air] passes through something, or moves something and not explore the subject beyond noting that it was a combination brings forth its music, its sound, and things that previously were silent of air [aer, Lufft] and movement [motus, beweget vnd getrieben] by, on [inpalpabilis, stumm] … become audible, and [turn into] music that one can hear and perceive.81 or through another entity [was: literally ‘something’, the tertium quid of scholastic ontology] that enabled human beings to hear and sense things that they might otherwise not perceive. At the ! end of his brief reflection on the sounds of the universe and their 77 Johannes de Muris, Summa, GS 3: 190-248, 199: ‘Non fuit possible, tanta generation Luther returned to his overarching theme: musica corpora tam velociter moveri et tam continue absque sono’. 78 WA 50: 369, 2-5: ‘Nihil enim est sine sono, seu numero sonoro, ita vt et aer ipse per sese inuisibilis et inpalpabilis, minimeque omnium musicus’; 369, 22-7: !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! ‘Da ist nichten nichts in der Welt, das nicht ein Schall vnd Laut von sich gebe. sehet dann an, lautbar vnd eine Musica zu werden, die mans als denn hören Also auch, das auch die Lufft, welche doch an jr selbs vnsichtbarlich vnd vnd begreiffen kann’. vnbegreifflich … gibt sie auch jre Musica, jren klang von sich’. 82 WA 50: 369, 3-5: ‘Et aer ipse per sese inuisibilis et inpalpabilis, omnibusque 79 De Muris (1992), 79: ‘Ad generationem soni necessario tria requiruntur: sensibus … tamen motus sit sonorus et audibilis, tunc etiam palpabilis’; 369, percutiens, percussum, medium percutiendi. Primum frangens aerem celeriter, 23-29: ‘Auch die Lufft, welche doch an jr selbs vnsichtbarlich vnd secundum corpus sonabile naturaliter, tertium aer fractus violenter’. vnbegreifflich … wenn sie durch was beweget vnd getrieben wird, so gibt sie 80 De Muris (1992), 79: ‘Est igitur sonus fractio aeries ex impulsu percutientis auch jre Musica, jren Klang von sich’. ad percussum’. 83 WA 50: 369, 5: ‘Mirabilia’; 369, 19: ‘wunderbarlich’. 81 WA 50: 369, 5: ‘Tamen motus sit sonorus et audibilis, tunc etiam palpabilis’; 84 WA 50: 369, 4: ‘Plane mutus et nihil reputatus’; 369, 29: ‘Die zuvor nicht 369, 26-29: ‘Wenn sie [the air] durch was beweget vnd getrieben wird, so gibt gehöret noch begreifflich war’. sie auch jre Musica, jren Klang von sich, vnd die zuvor stum war, dieselbige 85 De Muris (1992), 83-89. ! 25 ! 26 ANDREAS LOEWE LUTHER’S THEORY OF MUSIC mundana was a ‘wonderful and spiritual mystery’.86 He concluded birds’, were prime examples of musica humana.92 Indeed, the the section by expressing his regret that he was unable to patron of all sacred music, the ‘elaborate on [the mystery of sound and its generation in the most musical King and singer of God, David, sings and prophesies universe] in this place’. Unfortunately, in his later writings he himself with great wonder and passionate spirit about the marvellous never returned to a sustained discussion on the subject.87 song of birds in Psalm 104: ‘Above them the birds of heaven have their habitation; they sing among the branches’ [Ps 104.12].93

4.2.2. Musica humana: In his first book on the voice, Matthäus Herbenus had Since the sounds and noises of animals were ‘even more explained that it was their dignitas, their place and order in wonderful’ than the way the air created sounds and noises in and creation, that had granted humans the gift of intelligent speech through inanimate objects, Luther believed, he next explored the and discourse:94 88 concept of musica humana. In his De Musica, Adam von Fulda, Human beings stand out from the sensitive creatures on account of following de Muris, had defined musica humana as ‘the music that their dignity and excellence. … Thus they have not only been given a exists in body and soul’, explaining, ‘this genre is explored by ! 89 natural philosophers’. Where Fulda had cut short the debate on 92 WA 50: 369, 7: ‘Musica in animantibus, praesertim volucribus’; 369, 32: ‘Der musica humana and the genre of physics it inspired with a simple Thieren vnd sonderlich der Vogel Musica’. ‘about which I shall say nothing at present’, in his Book of the 93 WA 50: 369, 8-11: ‘Vt Musicissismus ille Rex et diuinus psaltes Dauid cum Nature of Singing and the Miracle of the Voice Matthäus Herbenus ingenti stupore et exultante spiritu praedicit mirabilem illam volucrum peritiam et certitudinem canendi, dicens Psalmo centensimo tertio [following the reflected at length on the ‘voices’ that occurred in the natural numbering of the Vulgate], “Super ea volucres coeli habitant, de medio 90 world. The voice was granted to the ‘nobler’ creatures Herbenus ramorum dant voces”’; 369, 32-35: ‘Wie denn der König David, der köstliche held: ‘those with voices are easily proved superior to mute and Musicus, welcher auff seinem Psalter vnd Seitenspiel lauter Göttlichen Gesang inanimate beings’.91 Luther also believed that the ‘music of singet vnd spielet, selbs bezeuget vnd mit grosser verwunderung vnd freidigen animals’ was superior to that of inanimate objects in nature: the [i.e. leidenschaftlichem] Geist von dem wunderbarlichen Gesang der Vogel am 104. Psalm weissaget vnd singet: “Auff denselben sitzen die Vogel des Himels ‘sounds and noises that animals make, especially the music of vnd singen vnter den Zweigen’. 94 Herbenus (1957), 68; ‘The dignity of our nature is manifested in the human voice’ [Ex voce humana manifesta est nobis naturae dignitas]; for Giovanni ! Pico della Mirandola and his understanding of dignitas hominis, see: August 86 WA 50: 369, 5-6: ‘Mirabilia in hoc significante spiritu mysteria de quibus hic Buck, ed., Giovanni Pico della Mirandola: Über die Würde des Menschen, tr. Norbert non est locus dicendi’; 369, 29-30: ‘Durch welches der Geist wunderbarliche Baumgarten, Philosophische Bibliothek 427 (Hamburg: Felix Meier, 1990), vii- vnd grosse Geheimnis anzeiget, dauon ich itzund nicht sagen wil’. xxvii, and idem, ‘Die Rangstellung des Menschen in der Renaissance: dignitas 87 Leaver (2007), 85-97, attempts to outline a projected treatise on music by et miseria hominis’, Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 42 (1960), 61-75; for other Luther. humanist exponents of the concept, including Lorenzo di Valla, Giannozzo 88 WA 50: 369, 7: ‘Mirabilior’; 369, 32: ‘Noch viel wunderbarlicher’. Manetti and Juan Luis Vives, see for instance: Sven Grosse, ‘Renaissance- 89 GS 3: 333: ‘Humana [musica] exstat in corpore et anima … et hoc genus Humanismus und Reformation: Lorenzo Valla und seine Relevanz für die considerant physici’. Kontroverse über die Willensfreiheit in der Reformationszeit’, Kerygma und 90 GS 3: 333: ‘De quibus nihil ad praesens’. Dogma 48 (2002), 276-300, and Erik de Bom, ‘“Homo ipse ludus ac fibula”: 91 Herbenus (1957), 35: ‘Quae voces edunt praestantiores et mutis et inanimis Vives’s Views on the Dignity of Man as Expressed in his Fabula de Homine’, facile perhibentur’. Humanistica Lovaniensia 57 (2008), 91-114. ! 27 ! 28 ANDREAS LOEWE LUTHER’S THEORY OF MUSIC

voice, like other creatures, but use discourse and speak with their scholars agreed that the place of formation of sounds [locus voice.95 formationis eius] was ‘deep in the chest, for others in the upper regions of the throat, for some between closed teeth, for others Luther shared Herbenus’ understanding of discourse and speech by the movement of the tongue against the palate’.100 Again, in terms of a divine gift: the human voice was a gift graciously Luther’s comments appear to have been inspired by Herbenus: bestowed [begnadet] on human beings by their creator in his ‘philosophers and learned folk’ had not yet been able to fathom ‘abundant and incomprehensible munificence and wisdom’.96 the mysterious art [mirabile artificium, wunderbarlich Werck] of how While ‘music, sound and song’ of animals such as birds was ‘words, sounds, song and noise, endowed with force [gewaltig]’ superior to the music of the wind and the air, and as such could be created by the ‘mere flow of air and the smallest ‘marvellous’, the miracle of the human voice was greater still, 97 movement of the tongue and the even smaller movement of Luther believed. Since the human voice possessed the capacity 101 throat and windpipe … directed and steered by the mind’. for discourse and speech [articulationem vocis et verborum] and the gift of emotion [gemüt], in the natural world it was without peer: Where Herbenus devoted an entire chapter on the ‘the human voice cannot be compared to all other songs, sounds different forms of the human voice, constrained by the overall or noises, for God has blessed it with such music, that it cannot brevity of his Preface, Luther restricted his comments on the and may not be grasped’.98 subject to a few lines.102 Both marvel at the different expressions of each voice: voices ‘not only differ specifically and individually, In the opening chapter of his extensive reflection on the but also from person to person, and individual to individual’, voice, ‘On the Nature of Song and the Miracle of the Voice’, Herbenus knew: ‘each human voice is different according to a Herbenus provided a useful overview of the ‘descriptions of the 103 99 manifold variety of factors: age, condition and status’. Luther voice according to the ancients’. Even the philosophers had shared this view: ‘one cannot find two human beings with exactly been unable either to grasp the innate quality [ingenium] of the the same voice, speech and pronunciation; even if one of them human voice nor were they able to tell precisely how it was that humans were enabled to speak, Herbenus admitted. Some ! 100 Herbenus (1957), 22: ‘Quidam in imo pectore eam formari arbitrati sunt, ! quidam in suprema gutturis regione, nonulli intra complexum dentium, alii 95 Herbenus (1957), 35: ‘Sed cum super sensibilem creaturam dignitate atque obiectu linguae ad palatum’. excellentia emineat homo. … Itaque non solum vociferatur ut ceterae 101 WA 50: 370, 18: ‘Philosophi vnd gelerten Leut’; 370, 24: ‘Gewaltig Wort, animantes, immo vero et sermone utitur et voce loquitur’. Laut, Gesang vnd Klang’; 370, 2-4: ‘quo modo tam leui motu linguae 96 WA 50: 369, 14-370, 1: ‘Supereffusa et incompraehensibilis munificentia et leuiorique adhuc motu gutturis pulsus aer funderet illam infinitam varietatem et sapientia’; 370, 16-17: ‘Seine vberschwengliche vnd vnbegreiffliche Güte vnd articulationem vocis et verborum’; 370, 20-23: ‘Das die Lufft durch eine solche Weisheit’. kleine vnd geringe bewegung der Zungen, vnd darnach auch noch durch eine 97 WA 50, 369, 21-22: ‘Der Vogel Musica, Klang vnd Gesang’. geringere bewegung der kelen oder des halses … durch das gemüt geregieret 98 WA 50: 369, 38-370, 18: ‘Des Menschen Stimme, gegen welcher alle andere vnd gelenckt wird’. Gesenge, Klang vnd Laut gar nicht zu rechnen sind, denn dieselbigen hat Gott 102 Herbenus (1957), 29-30: ‘Quae appellations singulis vocibus accidere mit einer solchen Musica begnadet [die …] nicht kan noch mag verstanden possint’; WA 50: 372, 5-10; 372, 21-29. werden’. 103 Herbenus (1957), 29: ‘Non solum sunt voces … discrepantes specifice ac 99 Herbenus (1957), 22: ‘De natura cantus ac miraculis vocis’; ‘Descriptiones individualiter, immo etiam singillatim ac suppositaliter’; ‘Vox in eodem homine vocis secundum antiquos’. pro diversitate aetatum, conditionum ac statuum multipliciter mutatur!’ ! 29 ! 30 ANDREAS LOEWE LUTHER’S THEORY OF MUSIC assiduously seeks to follow the other exactly and seeks to ape all want to address the subject of tears) comes from’.109 the other does’.104 Furthermore, Herbenus had explained that, in Unfortunately, Luther did not venture an explanation of the the exercise of their calling and standing, each voice adapts to the generation of the human emotions, either (although he did office and work of the speaker: ‘[the voice] of the shepherd consider the effects of music on the human emotions [affectus] in herding his flock turns rustic, that of the soldier militaristic and his reflections on musica caelestis). He merely noted that the that of a duke for instance is aristocratic, while the emperor’s is philosophers had not been able to research it fully [könnens nicht entirely imperious’.105 Again Luther shared Herbenus’ view that erforschen] and therefore, ‘marvelled, but did not comprehend’.110 human voices reflect each individual’s standing and call: the Although they had been unable to offer a comprehensive difference in voice, pronunciation and discourse reflects how ‘one answer to the subject of the voice, its generation and its place and can be far superior to the other’.106 use in creation, philosophers of music explored the subject in far More impressive even than the generation of intelligent greater detail than Luther. Where Herbenus had devoted two speech, or the immense variety of human voices and their uses volumes to the study of the voice, Luther condensed his for differing purposes, was the subject of the human emotions, argument to two paragraphs, one as part of his consideration of Luther believed. Early modern philosophers of music genuinely musica humana [WA 370, 1-9; 370, 18-25], another as part of his appear to have been at a loss to explain the generation of tears reflection on musica caelestis [WA 50: 372, 5-10; 372, 21-28]. Since beyond stating the obvious: that sadness can lead to tears and that the reformer’s intended audience would have consisted primarily often ‘music gladdens the sad’.107 Even Herbenus, who devoted of singers and music enthusiasts and not, as in Herbenus’ case, two chapters of his second book ‘On the Miracle of the Effects rhetoricians and philosophers of music, it was sufficient to of the Voice’, restricted his observations to noting that tears provide a brief overview of the complex nature and immense gift could be turned to laughter through the power of song.108 Luther of the human voice, Luther felt: ‘I merely wanted to raise the is therefore right in stating that ‘as yet no one has shown up who subject briefly’.111 He summed up his reflection by inviting others could explain and show where human laughter (for I do not even to research the subject further: other scholars, with ‘more time on their hands than we do’, would do well to consider [bedencken] the 112 ! complexity of the human voice. He concluded his discussion 104 WA 50: 372, 25-28: ‘Das man nicht zween Menschen könne finden, welche on musica humana by pointing his readers once again to the gantz gleiche stimme, sprach vnd ausrede haben möchten, Vnd ob gleich einer mysterious nature of the human voice. As at the end of his sich auf des andern weise mit hohem vleis gibet, vnd jm gleich sein vnd wie reflection on musica mundana, ultimately, the sound of the human der Aff alles nach thun wil’. 105 Herbenus (1957), 29: ‘Pastor gregum efectus, pastoralis fuisset. Sin in aliqua ! insigni urbe editus, vox penitus foret urbana; miles factus, militaris; ducis enim 109 WA 50: 370, 27-29: ‘Ja, es ist auch noch keiner nicht komen, welcher hette ducalis est. Nam Imperatoris tota imperialis est’. können sagen vnd anzeigen, wo von das Lachen des Menschen (denn vom 106 WA 50: 372, 7-8: ‘Vt alius alium mirabiliter excellat’; 372, 25: ‘Einer dem Weinen wil ich nichts sagen) kome’; Herbenus (1957), 48-49. anderen also weit vberlegen ist’. 110 WA 50: 370, 10: ‘Mirantur, sed non complectuntur’; 370, 30: ‘Des 107 For instance Adam von Fulda, Musica pars prima, GS 3: 333: ‘Musica verwundern sie sich, darbey bleibts auch, vnd könnens nicht erforschen’. laetificat tristes’ and Johannes Tinctoris, Complexus effectuum musices (c. 1474-5), 111 WA 50: 370, 32-33: ‘Den, so mehr zeit, denn wir haben, zu bedencken GS 4: 194, ‘Musica tristitiam depellit’. befehlen, ich habs allein kürztlich wollen anzeigen’. 108 Herbenus (1957), 48-49. 112 WA 50: 370, 32: ‘So mehr zeit, denn wir haben’. ! 31 ! 32 ANDREAS LOEWE LUTHER’S THEORY OF MUSIC voice was not only reason for great wonder [verwunderlich], but for Matthäus Herbenus extended this concept significantly, gratitude to God for this ‘unique creation’ bestowed on suggesting that heavenly music had the capacity to direct and humankind by ‘God’s immeasurable wisdom’.113 control not only the manner in which humans performed music, but also the ability to influence the human will. The music of the 4.2.3. Musica caelestis: ministers of God [Dei ministerii] in heaven could ‘faithfully express the will of God within us and … to open a way to guide the good For Luther, the final category of ‘natural music’ was the music of on the path of virtue, direct the evildoers towards the way of heaven, musica caelestis. Heavenly music offered humankind a righteousness, console the sad, and assist the afflicted’.116 Yet glimpse of heaven in the world around them. It communicated even here on earth [terrena nostra corpora], by agency of this divine something of God and, just as God’s Word was able to direct the art [divina arte] humans were still able to experience the ‘support, human will, so musica caelestis also had the capacity to influence guidance and governance of the divine mind’.117 The music of people profoundly. For that reason, ‘music, next to the Word of heaven was there to enable humans to ‘admire and honour the 114 God, deserves the highest praise’, Luther famously held. Earlier divine goodness and eternal majesty of God in harmony’, in commentators, such as Petrus dictus Palma, whose Compendium de heaven as on earth.118 Discantu Mensurabili (c. 1336) was well-known at Erfurt where a copy remains extant in the University’s Bibliotheca Amploniana, Luther shared Herbenus’ belief that music could govern had already argued that measured music [musica mensurabilis] had the human will. In his Preface, he emphasised that ‘music dominates and governs human emotions … in the same way as the capacity to determine the way in which musicians performed: 119 directing ‘the voices of all musicians, watching over them, they are governed and often mastered by their Lords’. The mastering and governing them’.115 ability to influence the human heart was in itself sufficient praise for Luther: ‘no greater commendation of music than this can be found (at least not by us)’.120 Luther’s followers, most notably ! Hermann Finck in his Practica Musica (1556), readily adopted this 113 WA 50: 370, 11: ‘Vna Creatura’; 370, 31: ‘Einigen Creatur’; 370, 11: ‘Infinita insight: next to the praise of God the principal use of music was sapientia Dei’; 370, 31: ‘vnmesslichen weisheit Gottes’. 114 WA 50: 371, 1-2: ‘Musicam esse vnam, quae post verbum Dei merito ! celebrari debeat’; 370, 36-38: ‘Das nach dem heiligen wort Gottes nichts nicht 116 Herbenus (1957), 33: ‘Divinam voluntatem fidelissime nobis enuntiant et … so billich vnd so hoch zu rhümen vnd zu loben, als eben diese Musica’. insinuant, bono in via virtutum custodientes, malos ad iter rectitudinis 115 Petrus dictus Palma, Compendium de Discantu Mensurabili, Erfurt, Bibliotheca dirigentes, tristes consolantes, afflictis assistentes’. Amploniana, MS 94, in: Johannes Wolf, ed. ‘Ein Beitrag zur Diskantlehre des 117 Herbenus (1957), 41: ‘Divina mente nostra ferri, dirigi, gubernari’. 14. Jahrhunderts’, Sammelbände der Internationalen Musikgesellschaft 15.3 (1914), 118 Herbenus (1957), 41: ‘Divinam bonitatem atque maiestatem sempiternis 504-534, 507: ‘Musica mensurabilis est … omnium musicantium vocum concentibus possimus admirari et honorare’. speculatrix, gubernatrix et magistra’; see also: J. W. Herlinger, ‘A Fifteenth- 119 WA 50: 371, 2-4: ‘Domina et gubernatrix affectuum humanorum … quibus Century Italian Compilation of Music Theory’, Acta Musicologica, 53.1 (1981), tamen ipsi hominess, ceu a suis dominis, gubernantur et saepius rapiuntur’; 90-105, 97: ‘Musica mensurabilis est vere perfecta quod [read perfecteque] 371, 16-18: ‘Ein Regiererin, je mechtig vnd gewaltig ist, durch welche doch cantandi scientia omnium musicalium vocum imperatrix, magistra, et oftmals die Menschen, gleich als von jrem Herren [note the singular in the gubernatrix’ [Measured music is the true and perfect science of singing; the German draft], regiert vnd vberwunden werden’. empress, mistress and governor of the voices of all musicians]. Palma contrasts 120 WA 50: 371, 4-5: ‘Hac laude Musicae nulla maior potest (a nobis quidem) the ordered singing of measured music with the freer flow of plainchant. concipi’. ! 33 ! 34 ANDREAS LOEWE LUTHER’S THEORY OF MUSIC that of being ‘the governor of the emotions’.121 Closely following power of the Lord came on him’ (2 Ki 3.15).124 Like his Aquinas, who held that ‘sung music had great power to move the predecessors, Luther interpreted the passage to suggest that the souls of its hearers: whether it lightly touches the ears, or steels gifts of the Spirit were conveyed through music to prophets (a wills, incites warriors to battle, recalls the lapsed and desperate, term that included psalmists and musicians):125 ‘the disarms mercenaries, soothes the irate, gladdens the sad and encouragement and promotion of all kinds of graces and good anxious, pacifies those who quarrel, drives away vain thoughts, or works is conveyed through music to the prophets’.126 Heavenly tempers frenzied rage’, Luther elaborated on his theme:122 music had the ability to communicate heavenly gifts ‘because the For whether one wishes to comfort the sad, to terrify the happy, to Holy Spirit himself praises and honours this fine art as the proper 127 encourage the despairing, to humble the proud, to calm the instrument of his office’, Luther explained. passionate, or to appease those full of hate (and who could number all these masters of the human heart, that is: the emotions, For his suggestion that the music of heaven had the inclinations and affections that move people to do evil or good); what capacity to drive away evil, Luther again drew on the historical more effective means than music could one find?123 writings of the Old Testament. Like de Muris and his numerous followers, including Nicolaus Wollick, Adam von Fulda and Johannes Tinctoris, he cited the famous example of David The music of heaven not only was an effective control 128 [inuenias efficatius] of human emotions but fulfilled two further playing the harp before Saul in 1 Sam 16.23. However, where important functions: it was able to convey the gifts of the Holy his predecessors had interpreted the episode in terms of the Spirit, and able to drive away evil. Following Herbenus and Adam power of music to soothe the human temperament, and ‘recall von Fulda, Luther cited the example of the prophet Elisha in the Saul from his demented fury’, he regarded it in much more second book of Kings who called for a musician to enable him to ! prophesy and found that ‘while the musician was playing, the 124 Herbenus (1957), 71, Adam von Fulda, Musica Pars Prima, GS 3: 334: ‘By the beat of the psaltery Elisha is attended by the Spirit of prophecy’ [Ad tactum psalterii Elisaeus prophetiae spiritum consecutus est]. ! 125 WA 50: 317, 25-31; Luther first explored this concept in his Dictata super 121 Hermann Finck, Practica musica Hermanni Finckii, exempla variorum signorum, Psalterium, 1513-16, in considering Psalm 4.1, WA 3: 40, 15-17: ‘It is the proportionum et canonum, iudicium de tonis, ac quaedam de arte suaviter et artificiose function of music to arouse the sad, sluggish and dull spirit. Thus Elisha cantandi continens (Wittenberg: Georg Rhau, 1556), A 3r: ‘Gubernatrix summoned a psaltery player so that he might be stirred up to prophesy’ [Habet affectuum’. enim natura Musice, excitare tristem, pigrum et stupidum animum. Sic 122 Thomas Aquinas, Ars musice, ed. Mario di Martino (Napoli: Eugenio di Heliezeus vocavit psalten, ut excitaretur ad prophetiam]. Simone), 23-39, 27: ‘Quam magnam vim commovendi animos auditorum 126 WA 50: 371, 26-27: ‘Das seine Gaben, das ist, die bewegung vnd anreitzung cantus musyce habet: Si quidem aures mulcet, mentes erigit, proeliatores ad zu allerley tugend vnd guten wercken, durch die Musica den Propheten bellum incitat, lapsos et desperantes revocat, latrones exarmat, iracundos gegeben werden’. mitigat, tristes et anxios letificat, discordes pacificat, vanas cogitationes 127 WA 50: 371, 25-26: ‘Ja der heilige Geist lobet vnd ehret selbs diese edle eliminat, freneticorum rabiem temperat’. Kunst als seines eigenen ampts Werckzeug’. 123 WA 50: 371, 5-9: ‘Siue enim velis tristes erigere, siue lactos terrere, 128 De Muris, GS 3: 195-6; Wollick (1955), 3; Adam von Fulda, GS 3: 334; desperantes animare, superbos frangere, amantes sedare, odientes mitigare, et Johannes Tinctoris, Complexus viginti effectuum nobilis artis musices, in: Edmond de quis omnes illos numeret dominos cordis humani, scilicet affectus et impetus Coussemaker, ed., Scriptorum de musica medii aevi nova series a Gerbertina altera, 4 seu spiritus, imulsores omnium vel vertitutum vel vitiorum? Quid inuenias vols. (Paris: Durand, 1864-76; reprint Hildesheim: Olms, 1963), 4:195-200, efficatius quam ipsam Musicam?’ 195-197. ! 35 ! 36 ANDREAS LOEWE LUTHER’S THEORY OF MUSIC fundamental terms. Luther’s use of the story of David soothing rhetorical tradition. Matthäus Herbenus’ work was devoted to Saul’s spirit as evidence for the ability of music to drive away evil exploring the relationship between rhetoric and song, the marks a sea change in humanist interpretation:129 the episode combination of message and music. He knew ‘that the human demonstrated [angezeiget] that music was even able ‘to drive away voice has great power, that the word has great power, and lastly Satan, who tempts people to all kinds of sins and vices’.130 While that great and incredible power lies in the mystery of song’.134 previous interpreters, like de Muris and Adam von Fulda had Luther shared his opinion. The capacity to combine Scripture both identified Saul’s evil spirit as demonic, neither interpreted with music [sermo et vox], to draw on heavenly music and heavenly the story in terms of music driving away Satan.131 Both Luther’s words, was what ultimately distinguished human beings from interpretation of the ability of music to drive away evil and his animals: ‘after all, word in combination with music was gifted identification of Saul’s spirit as Satanic is adopted by Lutheran only to human beings, to enable them to praise God with both successors like Johannes Lippius who, in his Synopsis Musicae word and music’.135 It was this insight that had led Luther to (1612), asserted that ‘Satan is the enemy of God’s beautiful and employ music as an effective practical instrument to further his most delightful gift of music’.132 reforms and that, in turn, led to the establishment of a distinctive For Luther, celestial music was able to accomplish three Lutheran choral tradition where musicians and theologians collaborated in creating musical art works in order to allow their fundamental things: it conveyed the gifts of the Spirit, encouraged communities to share in ‘singing and preaching’ the good news.136 the fostering of a habit of goodness in hearers and performers, and prevented evil and vice. In combination with the Word of God, it was ideally suited to move human hearts [die hertzen der 4.3. Musica artificialis: Menschen bewegen].133 Here Luther once more follows the humanist A final part of Luther’s Preface to the Symphoniae Iucundae explores ! 129 Wollick (1955), 3: ‘Saul a furore dementiae refocillabatur’. the concept of ‘artificial music’, the music of artists. Composed 130 WA 50: 371, 12: ‘Per eandem [musicam] expelli Satanam, id est omnium music had the ability to amplify and shape [gescherfft vnd poliert] vitiorum imopulsorum’; 371, 31-33: ‘Das durch die Musica der Sathan, welcher natural music, Luther held. By employing their God-given gifts of die Leute zu aller vntugend vnd laster treibet, vertrieben wurde’, following composition, writers of music were able to ‘correct, shape and Chrysostom, in: Jacques Paul Migne, ed., Patrologiae Cursus Completus, Series expound’ natural music and to create a piece of art that was Graeca [PG] (Paris: Imprimerie Catholique, 1857-88), PG 55: 157, who held 137 that the singing of psalms was a safeguard against evil habits inspired by Satan, greater than its component voices or parts. In his Book of the such as convivial drinking [ta polla en symposiois o diabolos ephedreuei] and, ! 162, an antidote to demons [daimones] and powers of evil [dunameis]. 134 Herbenus (1957), 61: ‘Magna igitur in voce humana vis inest, magna in 131 Adam von Fulda, GS 3: 334; De Muris, GS 3: 195: ‘The obsessed King Saul sermone potestas, magnum denique et incredibile pene in cantu mysterium’. was released from a demon of demons’ [Saule rege obsesso a daemone 135 WA 50: 372, 2-4: ‘Denique homini soli prae caeteris sermo voci copulatus daemonium effugasse]. donatus est, vt sciret, se Deum laudare oportere verbo et Musica’; 372, 16-18: 132 Johannes Lippius, Synopsis musicae novae omnino verae atque methodicae universae, ‘Dem Menschen aber ist allein vor allen Creaturen die stimme mit der rede in omnis sophiae praegustum [Parergos] inventae disputatae et propositae omnibus gegeben, das er solt künnen vnd wissen, Gott mit gesengen vnd worten philomusis (Argentorati [at Strassburg]: Paulus Ledertz, typis Carolus Kieffer, zugleich zu loben’. 1612), 17 r: ‘Der schönen und herrlichsten Gaben Gottes ist die Musica, der ist 136 WA 50: 372, 4: ‘Sonora praedicatione’. der Satan sehr feindt’. 137 WA 50: 372, 10-11: ‘Musica artificialis, quae naturalem corrigat, excolcat et 133 WA 50: 371, 39. explicet’. ! 37 ! 38 ANDREAS LOEWE LUTHER’S THEORY OF MUSIC

Nature of Singing and the Miracle of the Voice, Herbenus had singers joining voices ‘in the clear, sonorous preaching and praise expressed the strong belief that humans were given a mind ‘in of God’s goodness and mercy, when beautiful words and order to join their voices artfully … so that they can honour their delightful music are heard in harmony’.141 Such ‘concerted’ Creator by singing, and in artistic partnership with their fellow singing required the skill of composers. Only where musica humana human beings’.138 and musica caelestis were shaped by musica artificialis was it possible for ‘three, four or five separate parts together with … the melody Luther shared Herbenus’ belief: the two principal or tenor’, to share on earth in the worship of heaven, Luther purposes of artificial music were, firstly, to provide a bridge held:142 between the music of heaven and the music of humans by enabling many voices to share in singing God’s praises, and Where natural music is tempered and polished through artistic secondly, to point beyond itself to God the creator and giver of endeavour, one is able to see and perceive in part (for one cannot ever comprehend or understand it fully) with great wonder the music. Whenever human beings used their voice to sing God’s immense and complete wisdom of God in his wonderful work of praises, musica humana and musica caelestis were conjoined. In music.143 combination, the music of humans and heaven made known ‘God’s goodness and grace by beautiful words and lovely songs at Just as Herbenus had foreseen the music of heaven as ‘full one and the same time’.139 This principle held true regardless of of unity and perfection where all voices resound together, sung whether one or many voices joined in singing God’s praises, or by all, most melodiously without any mistake at all’, so Luther whether that praise was sung in unison or multiple musical parts. also envisaged a heavenly harmony.144 In heaven there was a The skill of composers merely shaped the singing of God’s praise, perfect polyphony of voices, ‘singing adorned by many voices’ making it possible for more than one part to share in singing or that, through the art of composition and the skill of artists, ‘led as playing to God’s glory. it were a heavenly dance’ in music, as each part ‘plays and moves When he praised the combination of word and music, in sundry ways and tones the same tune is wonderfully Luther clearly thought of multiple voices in multiple parts singing ornamented and decorated’, Luther explained.145 Polyphonic God’s praises. Like Herbenus, who posed the rhetorical question ! ‘what if all the voices before [the throne of] God were single, and 141 WA 50: 372, 18-20: ‘Mit dem hellen, klingenden predigen vnd rhümen von were emitted entirely in silence? How much more do we believe Gottes güte vnd gnade, darinnen schöne wort vnd lieblicher klang zugleich würde gehört’, cf. WA 50: 373, 1-3. them to be in a well-arranged concert of voices by which the 142 140 WA 50, 372, 34-35: ‘Drey, vier oder fünff andere stimmen … vmb solche heavens resound with praise’, Luther also envisaged many schlechte [i.e. common] weise oder Tenor’. ! 143 WA 50: 372, 29-32: ‘Wo aber die natürliche Musica durch die Kunst 138 Herbenus (1957), 36: ‘Voces suas artificialiter coniungere possent … gescherfft vnd polirt wird, da sihet vnd erkennet man erst zum teil (den cantando quoque cum naturae suae consortibus artificialiter Creatorem suum gentzlich kans nicht begrieffen noch verstanden warden) mit grosser honorare possit’. verwunderung die grosse vnd volkomene weisheit Gottes in seinem 139 WA 50: 372, 19-20: ‘Gottes güte vnd gnade, darinnen schöne wort vnd wunderbarlichem werck der Musica’. lieblicher klang zugleich würde gehöret. 144 Herbenus (1957), 33: ‘Summa unitate atque perfectione, ubi omnium voces 140 Herbenus (1957), 45: ‘Quodsi tanti sunt apud Deum voces singulorum et communes omnibus sine ulla discrepantia melodissime consonant’ fere in silentio emissae, quanti tandem credimus eas esse quae in bene 145 WA 50: 373, 13: ‘Gesang mit viel stimmen geschmückt’; 372, 38: ‘Einen disposito concinentium choro caelos conscendunt cum iubilo?’ Himlischen Tantzreigen füren’; 372, 36-38: ‘Spielen vnd springen vnd mit ! 39 ! 40 ANDREAS LOEWE LUTHER’S THEORY OF MUSIC music composed to the glory of God not only had the capacity to Conversely, Luther pointed out in his Preface, the align performers with the heavenly voices, but also to transport unworthy [non digni sunt] who have no appreciation of God’s gift hearers to the courts of heaven, Luther knew: ‘those who of music, never even perceived the music of heaven. This was not perceive it a little and are moved by it, marvel greatly and believe a simple example of ‘pearls before swine’ (Mt 7.6), but rather a that there is nothing more wonderful on earth than such reflection of the insight, formulated by Luther’s predecessors, polyphonic singing’.146 that not all creatures had been endowed with capacity to shape music. God’s greatest gift to humankind, Herbenus had explained As suggested by his vision of many human voices joining in his chapter ‘On the Different Ways in which Angels and in the praise of God on earth, mirroring the praises sung in Humans and certain Animals praise God by their Voices’, was the heaven, the greatest quality of musica caelestis was its capacity of fact that human beings were able to use their talents to give shape bridging heaven and earth. Following the publication of his Preface and order to music: ‘Animals lack art because they have no mind to the Symphoniae Iucundae Luther had told a group of musicians by which they can join their notes in composition’.150 Luther assembled at his home to sing motets in December 1538 that merely elaborated Herbenus’ thought: for the unworthy, the among the ‘dross of this life’, music was ‘a noble gift that our Lord God has granted us’.147 Its beauty permitted glimpses of music of heaven remained musica mundana at its most base level, remained the song of animals. Because they lacked the mind to God’s glory and insights into the nature and wisdom of God 148 perceive God’s gift of ordered, composed music, to them ‘a [weisheit gottes]. The music of heaven was not restricted to the Chorale is like the brute, wild braying of donkeys, or the music of music of the angels in heaven, that from time to time (most dogs and sows’, the reformer explained.151 On the other hand, significantly at the birth of Christ in Lk 2. 15) could be heard on when humans offered the gift of musica humana to the Giver, by earth, providing an occasional musical bridge between heaven and earth. Rather, whenever human beings sang the praises of joining their voices in the ordered singing of the praise of God, they were enabled to ‘taste with wonder (though never quite God, they aligned their voices with those of heaven, and so the 149 comprehend) the absolute and perfect wisdom of God in his music of heaven could resound on earth, Luther held. wonderful work of music’, Luther knew.152 At table with his musician friends in December 1538, Luther reiterated the same !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! conclusion: musica caelestis pointed beyond the ephemeral to the mancherley art vnd klang dieselbige weise wunderbarlich zieren vnd schmücken’. !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 146 WA 50: 372, 38-373, 3: ‘So solches ein wenig verstehen vnd dadurch bewegt ehrt und lobt auch mein gesang/ Und sagt jm ein ewigen danck’, see also the werden, sich des hefftig verwundern müssen und meinen, das nichts setsamers discussion of the poem in WA 48: 293-297, and Leaver (2007), 73-76. in der Welt sey, den nein solcher Gesang mit vielen stimmen’. 150 Herbenus (1957), 36: ‘Arte quidem carent quia mentem, qua voces suas 147 WA Tr 4: 191, 31-32: ‘So vnser Her Gott in diesem leben in das scheißhaus artificialiter coniungere possent, non habent’. [literally: latrine] solche edle gaben gegeben hat’. 151 WA 50: 373, 5; 373, 15-17: ‘Das wüste, wilde Eselsgeschrey des Chorals, 148 WA 50: 372, 31-32. oder der Hunde oder Sewe Gesang vnd Musica’. 149 In the same year, Luther expressed the same insight in his famous poem 152 WA 50: 372, 12-14: ‘Gustare cum stupore licet (sed non comprehendere) Fraw Musica, 1538, WA 35: 484, 33-40: ‘Day and night Music sings and sounds absolutam et perfectam sapientiam Dei in opere suo mirabili Musicae’; 272, 31- God’s praise/ Since nothing will tire her in praising him/ my own song, too, 33: ‘Da sihet vnd erkennet man erst zum teil (denn gentzlich kans nicht shall honour him/ and give him thanks eternally’ [Dem [Gott] singt und begrieffen noch verstanden werden) mit grosser verwunderung die grosse vnd springt sie [Musica] tag und nacht,/ Seines lobs sie nichts müde macht,/ Den volkomene weisheit Gottes in seinem wunderbarlichen werck der Musica’. ! 41 ! 42 ANDREAS LOEWE LUTHER’S THEORY OF MUSIC eternal; indeed, it was in itself a part of ‘eternal life … where actual practise of voice and instruments, in order to achieve his everything is most perfect and joyous’.153 vision of ‘natural music tempered by art’, rather than an external work.159

4.4. Music as a habitus and model of goodness and praise: Although there is no doubt of his love for music as a discipline, and his firm belief in music as a force for great good, Both in its essence [res, die sach] and in its use [der nutz], ‘this noble Luther ended his Preface to the Symphoniae Iucundae with a art is far greater and richer than could be recounted in this brief resounding note of caution: just like any other gift of God, music 154 space’, Luther noted in conclusion. Music pointed beyond itself had the capacity to be abused by depraved souls [deprauos animos] to the Creator of all things, and enabled human beings to for their own ends:160 recognise glimpses of God in this world [Creatorem agnoscere].155 Its beauty could effect a profound response of love in humans, both Impudent poets … whom the Devil carries off against nature (which 156 is that they would and should praise God, the author of this gift, for the Creator and for his creature music. Music was the alone), these bastards [adulterini filii, Wechselbelge] then snatch away the principal instrument through which humans were able to express gift of God, and cultivate it for the enemy of God, who is the enemy their response of love for God and his gifts, giving voice to of nature and the enemy of this most joyful art.161 human ‘laud and praise’.157 It was also a powerful force to promote goodness and to overcome evil, both in society and ! within the universe, Luther believed: this ‘delectable, salutary and 159 WA 50: 372, 29: ‘Natürliche Musica durch die Kunst gescherfft’; for joyful creature of God’ made it possible for all people, especially Luther’s views on music as an essential part of public education, see: J. A. the young, to develop a permanent habit [Gewohnheit] of ‘shunning Loewe, ‘Why do Lutherans sing? evil thoughts and the avoidance of evil company as well as sinful Lutherans, Music and the Gospel in the first Century of the Reformation’, 158 PAGEREF. behaviour’. Building up such a habit relied both on the 160 Once more, Luther’s opinion finds parallels in a number of earlier writers, individual’s recognition [erkenntnis] of the salutary function of not least Vittorino da Feltre’s student Sassuolo da Prato [Saxolus Pratensis] (c. music and their assiduous practise [vleissige vbung]. Luther here 1416-49), mathematician and musician at the court of Alessandro Gonzaga in referred to both strenuous mental effort to strive to attain the Mantua, who famously noted in his De Victorini Feltrensis Vita, , in: Eugenio moral benefits he associated with music making, as well as the Garin, ed., Il pensiero pedagogico dell’umanismo (Firenze: Guintine & Sansoni, 1958), 530, that contemporary [haec huius temporis] music had the capacity to ! be ‘polluted, indecent, corrupt as well as corrupting’ [iniquinata, impudens, 153 Luther, Tischreden aus den Jahren 1538-40, WA Tr 4: 191, 33: ‘Ewigen leben corrupta atque corruptrix]. … ubi omnia erunt perfectissima et iucundissima’. 161 WA 50: 374, 1-5: ‘Impudici poetae … quod Diabous eos rapitat contra 154 WA 50: 373, 18-20: ‘Es ist die sach vnd der nutz dieser edlen Kunst viel naturam, vt quae hoc dono vult et debet Deum solum laudare autorem, isti grosser vnd reicher, denn das es also in einer kürtze möge erzelt werden’. adulterine filii, rapina ex dono Dei facta, colunt eodem hostem Dei et 155 WA 50, 373, 8-10: ‘Nobilem, salutarem et laetam creaturam’; 373, 22-23: aduersarium naturae et artis huis iucundissimae’; 372, 27-374, 10: ‘Die ‘Diese köstliche, nützliche vnd fröliche Creatur Gottes’. vnzüchtigen Poeten … das solche der Teuffel, wider die Natur, also treibet, 156 WA 50: 373, 22: ‘Value, love and esteem this … Creature of God’ [Diese … welche Natur, dieweil sie allein Gott, den Schöpffer aller Creaturn, mit solcher Creatur Gottes tewr, lieb vnd werd sein lassen]. edlen Gabe sol vnd wil ehren vnd loben, so werden diese vngeratene Kinder 157 WA 50: 373, 25: ‘Loben vnd preisen’. vnnd Wechselbelge durch Satan dazu getrieben, das sie solche Gabe Gott dem 158 WA 50: 373, 22-24: ‘Böse gedancken vertreiben vnd auch böse Gesellschaft HERRN nemen vnd rauben vnd damit den Teuffel, welcher ein Feind Gottes, vnd andere vntugende vermeiden’. der Natur vnd dieser lieblichen Kunst ist, ehren vnd damit dienen’. ! 43 ! 44 ANDREAS LOEWE LUTHER’S THEORY OF MUSIC

Music was so attractive, Luther knew, that it had the inherent This survey of Martin Luther’s Preface to the Symphoniae Iucundae has potential to be used as much for the promotion of the good shown that, more than twenty years after the beginning of the news, as it could for the promotion of selfish, perverted, even evil Wittenberg reformation, the reformer continued to draw on a goals. Ultimately for Luther the responsibility to choose wisely traditional late-medieval theoretical understanding of music, its and to use music as an instrument to promote goodness, lay with generation and its classification into natural and artificial music. It each individual. The reformation had made it possible to sing is clear that for Luther music is the principal among the quadrivial with understanding, by introducing vernacular church music as arts: in his writings he continues to relate music to the wider field well as by providing sound education in literacy and music; the of mathematics, regarding it as part of arithmetic in his Appeal to obligation to be discerning in their choice and use of music now the Counsellors of all Cities of German Nation (1524),165 and relating it squarely lay on the shoulders of each singer and instrumentalist.162 to the study of the heavens—astronomy—in his consideration of the generation of music in the Preface, and his reflections on the Luther knew that such choices required not only the habit creation of the universe in the Lectures on Genesis (1535).166 Music of practising one’s art as a musician and the continuous conscious not only occupied a chief position among the quadrivial arts. For effort to turn away from evil but, above all, the free gift of God’s grace. Music was ‘lieblich’, a word he had parsed in his German Luther it undoubtedly is the first of the four mathematical arts. As he famously observed in a letter to the Bavarian court Bible as ‘comforting, most blessed, grace-filled’ and was clearly 163 composer Ludwig Senfl (1530): ‘the prophets [Psalmists] did not regarded by Luther as an agent, if not a vehicle, of grace. make use of any [quadrivial] art other than music, attaching their Having commenced his Preface by ‘wishing all lovers of the liberal theology neither to geometry, nor arithmetic, nor astronomy, but art of music … grace and peace from God our Father and the music’.167 Lord Jesus Christ’, he concluded the work by commending his readers—‘all of you’—to God in the certain hope that they would indeed employ God’s gift to God’s glory.164 ! 165 Luther, An die Ratsherren aller Städte deutschen Landes, 1524, WA 15: 46, 15: 5. Conclusion: ‘Learn music among the whole of mathematics’ [Die musica mit der gantzen mathematica lernen]. ! 166 Luther, Vorlesungen über 1. Mose von 1535-45, WA 42: 94, 32-35: ‘In the same 162 For the concept of ‘singing with understanding’ [meta suneseôs psallontes], way in which we do no longer marvel at the incredible light the sun gives, see: Chrysostom, Expositio in Psalmum XLI, PG 55: 157; for a brief summary of because it is given daily, we do no longer marvel at the countless other gifts of the debate about ‘singing with understanding’ among continental humanists creation either, for we have become deaf to what Pythagoras aptly called this and reformers, see: Willis Jonathan Willis, Church Music and Protestantism in Post- wonderful and most lovely music coming from the harmonies of the motions Reformation England: Discourses, Sites and Identities, St Andrews Studies in that are in the celestial spheres’ [Sic non admirantur illam admirabilem solis Reformation History, (Farnham: Ashgate, 2010), 45. lucem, quia quotidiana est, non admirantur alia creationis dona infinita, 163 WA DB 7: 235 (in a marginalium to Col. 3.16): ‘Das ist Tröstlichen obsurduimus enim ad hace, sicut Pythagoras bene dixix, mirabilem concentum holdseligen gnadenreichen etc.’. et suavissimum aedi ab illa harmonia motum, qui sunt in ordibus coelestibus]. 164 WA 50: 368, 14-16: ‘Allen Liebhabern der freien Kunst Musica wünsch ich 167 Luther to Senfl, October 1530, Briefwechsel 1529-30, WA Br 5: 639, 18-20, … Gnad vnd Fried von Gott dem Vater vnd vnserm Herrn Jhesu Christ’; 374, no. 1727: ‘Prophetae nulla sic arte sint usi ut musica, dum suam theologiam 10-11: ‘Thus I commend you all to the Lord God’ [Hiermit will ich euch alle non in geometriam, non in arithemeticam, non in astronomiam, sed in Gott dem Herrn befohlen haben]. musicam digesserunt’. ! 45 ! 46 ANDREAS LOEWE LUTHER’S THEORY OF MUSIC

At the same time for Luther and his followers music to rhetoric as it does to arithmetic, to dialectic and geometry, to formed an important bridge between the quadrivial and trivial grammar as well as to the grammar of the universe, astronomy. It arts.168 His positioning of music between the three rhetorical arts therefore forms a natural link between what later came to be and the three mathematical arts enabled Luther to trace classified as ‘the sciences’ and ‘the arts’. Luther highlighted this distinctive groups of three in the philosophical arts themselves: central function of music in epitomising philosophical learning by three mathematical arts, three rhetorical arts and music, which in naming music as the foremost of the seven liberal arts: ‘music is itself was based on a number of tripartite units.169 This buttressed the best of the arts’.172 his opinion that the blessed Trinity was all-pervasive in the Luther’s famous dictum that music was ‘next to theology’ philosophical arts:170 makes much more sense when understood in terms of his in astronomy, motion, light and flux; in music, the three notes re, mi, perception of music as the most important of the seven liberal fa; in geometry, the three dimensions lines, surfaces and bodies; in arts.173 If music epitomised all philosophical learning, it naturally grammar, the three parts of an oration; in the Hebrew language, the three major letters; in arithmetic, three numbers; in rhetoric, was next to theology: it did, after all, present the sum of all other disposition, elocution and action or gesture … in dialectic, definition, learning and therefore comes a close second to the queen of division and argument.171 sciences, comes ‘next after theology’. Luther affirmed: ‘I plainly judge and do not hesitate to affirm that, after theology’, not it Luther’s liberal use of ideas common to one of the foremost itself one of the seven liberal arts, ‘there is no art that can equal humanist interpreters of the relationship between music and music’.174 In that way, music is akin to theology, but not the same rhetoric, Matthäus Herbenus, in the compilation of his Preface, as theology: it remains a philosophical art with its own important further underlines the importance of music as a connector function of summing up and unifying the traditional sciences and between the quadrivial and the trivial arts: music relates as much the arts. ! Finally, for Luther music had supernatural qualities: ‘it is a 168 As exemplified by its positioning at the centre of the seven liberal arts in the great enemy of Satan, and an instrument to drive away 1589 bas-relief at Lemgo town hall, shown in Figure 2, above. 175 169 For instance Luther’s division of natural music into musica mundana, musica temptations [Anfechtungen] and evil thoughts’. Because of its humana and musica caelestis, above 4.2.1-3. ability and to enable people to withstand Anfechtungen, music for 170 A concept taken on by numerous Lutheran musicologists, among them Luther intriguingly also assumed a function akin to that of late- Joachim Burmeister, Hypomnematum musicae poeticae (Rostock: Reusner, 1599), scholastic supernatural habitual grace.176 Luther’s opinion that in: Benito V. Rivera, tr. and ed., Joachim Burmeister: Musical Poetics (New Haven/London: Yale University Press, 1993) 212-213: ‘That from the one ! godhead of the triad who would deny you derived/ your beginning, O divine 172 WA Tr 1: 490, 8, no. 968: ‘Musica ist der besten Künsten eine’. music?’ [Abs uno triados, quis te duxisse negaret,/ Numine, principium, 173 WA Tr 6: 348, 22-4, no. 7034: ‘Ich gebe nach der Theologie der Musica den musica dia, tuum?] nähesten Locum und höchste Ehre’. 171 Luther, Tischreden, 1531-46, WA Tr 1: 395, 10-16, no. 815: ‘In astronomia 174 WA Br 5: 639, 12-13, no. 1727: ‘Et plane iudicio, nec pudet asserere, post motus, lumen and influentia, in musica re mi fa, tres tantum notae, in theologiam esse nullam artem, quae musiciae possit aequari’; WA 50: 371, 1; geometria tres dimensiones: linea, superficies, corpus, in grammatical tres 371, 25. orationum partes, in dictione apud Ebraeos tres literae substantiales, in 175 WA Tr 1, 490: 6-7, no. 968: arithmetica tres numeri, in rhetorica dispositio, elocutio et actio seu gestus … 176 WA Tr 1, 490: 22-23: ‘Musica ist eine halbe Disciplin und Zuchtmeisterin, in dialectica definitio, divisio, argumentatio’. so die Leute gelinder und sanftmüthiger, sittsamer und vernüftiger macht’. ! 47 ! 48 ANDREAS LOEWE LUTHER’S THEORY OF MUSIC music enabled people to endure the very Anfechtungen that led him the practise of music for the purposes of God’s praise could to challenge the late-medieval doctrine of justification in the first confirm a habit of goodness that enabled performers and hearers place is theologically significant. Like the scholastic supernatural of music alike to believe in their justification and, out of that habit of grace, music also was a free gift [Gabe, donum] created by faith, joyfully to sing of it. It is this quality of music to enable God.177 Like the habit of grace, music was in itself grace-filled humans to sing the story of salvation, ‘especially when sung by [gnadenreich].178 Like the habit of grace, music had a profound the entire congregation together’, that convinced Luther of the effect on the human soul, encouraging and enabling other habits importance of music as a tool for proclamation of his theological of goodness and grace.179 In this way, while it was not in itself an message and his reformation.182 Music was best employed ‘to agent of justification, music contributed to the formation of a speak and preach of the promise and grace of God so that others character or habitus that closely resembled the late-scholastic might come to hear of it and partake of it … and to incite people supernatural habit of grace [gratia creata]. As Luther made clear in to do good, and teach them’.183 As a result, music education his Marginalia to Peter Lombard’s Sentences (1509-12), rejecting the formed the nucleus for much of Luther’s pedagogical concept, scholastic distinction between created and uncreated grace as just as the composition and singing of hymns are central to the artificial, ‘that habit is the Holy Spirit’.180 communication of his reformation message.184 Despite its close resemblance to a created habit of grace, Notwithstanding this appreciation and effective use of music was never in itself able to promote justification, a process music as a practical instrument in spreading the theological that could only be accomplished by the uncreated grace of the insights of his reformation, for Luther music remained an art: Holy Spirit. As an instrument of the Holy Spirit, however, music both a philosophical art as well as a practical art. It is his shared in the work of the Spirit, in particular in its function of a positioning of music at the nexus between reformation and the communicator of Spiritual gifts to humankind.181 Furthermore, late-medieval schools, theology and philosophy, the arts and the sciences, combined with his profound appreciation of music as a ! gift of God capable of inspiring a response of love for the 177 Luther, Praefatio zu den Symphoniae Iucundae, WA 50: 368, 4: ‘Donum illiud creator, that makes Luther’s theory and practise of music so diuinum’; 368, 17-18: ‘sehr schöne vnd köstliche Gabe Gottes’; Tr 1: 490, 6: valuable and fascinating. There is no doubt that, among the ‘Der schönsten und herrlichsten Gaben Gottes eine ist die Musica’. 178 WA DB 7: 235. 179 WA Tr 1, 490: 22-23: ‘Music is both a dicipline and mistress of manners, that makes people mild and mellow, courteous and sensible’ [Musica ist eine halbe Disciplin und Zuchtmeisterin, so die Leute gelinder und sanftmüthiger, sittsamer und vernüftiger macht]. 180 Luther, Randbemerkungen zu den Sentenzen des Petrus Lombardus, 1509-12, WA ! 9: 44, 4: ‘Habitus autem adhuc est spiritus sanctus’. Alister McGrath, Iustitia 182 Luther, Von den letzten Worten Davids, 1543, WA 54: 34, 1: ‘Wo der hauffe Dei: A history of the Christian Doctrine of Justification, The Beginnings to the Reformation mit singet’. (Cambridge: University Press, 1986), 154, is still one of the most accurate and 183 33, 18-22: ‘Redet und prediget von solcher verheissung und gnade Gottes, succinct summaries of Luther’s critique of the role of supernatural habits of das ander Leute auch dazu komen, und der teilhaftig werden … auch die grace. menschen nützlich zu reitzen und zu leren’. 181 WA 50: 371, 10-11: ‘Through music the Spirit’s gifts were instilled in the 184 For Luther’s educational use of hymns and music, see: Brown (2005), 54-76; Prophets’ [Dona sua [Spiritui Sancti] per eam [musicam] Prophetis illabi]. Loewe, PAGEREF. ! 49 ! 50 ANDREAS LOEWE reformers, Luther was indeed both ‘the musician and erudite philosopher’.185

! 185 Crotus Rubeanus to Luther, October 1520, Briefe 1520-22, WA Br 2: 91, 141-142: ‘Eras in nostro quondam contubernio musicus et philosophus eruditus’. ! 51