The 13TH Malaysia Elections Issues, Trends and Future Trajectories
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Islamic Political Parties and Democracy: a Comparative Study of Pks in Indonesia and Pas in Malaysia (1998-2005)
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ScholarBank@NUS ISLAMIC POLITICAL PARTIES AND DEMOCRACY: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF PKS IN INDONESIA AND PAS IN MALAYSIA (1998-2005) AHMAD ALI NURDIN S.Ag, (UIN), GradDipIslamicStud, MA (Hons) (UNE), MA (NUS) A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY SOUTHEAST ASIAN STUDIES PROGRAM NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE 2009 Acknowledgements This work is the product of years of questioning, excitement, frustration, and above all enthusiasm. Thanks are due to the many people I have had the good fortune to interact with both professionally and in my personal life. While the responsibility for the views expressed in this work rests solely with me, I owe a great debt of gratitude to many people and institutions. First, I would like to express my gratitude to Dr. Priyambudi Sulistiyanto, who was my principal supervisor before he transferred to Flinders University in Australia. He has inspired my research on Islamic political parties in Southeast Asia since the beginning of my studies at NUS. After he left Singapore he patiently continued to give me advice and to guide me in finishing my thesis. Thanks go to him for his insightful comments and frequent words of encouragement. After the departure of Dr. Priyambudi, Prof. Reynaldo C. Ileto, who was a member of my thesis committee from the start of my doctoral studies in NUS, kindly agreed to take over the task of supervision. He has been instrumental in the development of my academic career because of his intellectual stimulation and advice throughout. -
Politik Dimalaysia Cidaip Banyak, Dan Disini Sangkat Empat Partai Politik
122 mUah Vol. 1, No.I Agustus 2001 POLITICO-ISLAMIC ISSUES IN MALAYSIA IN 1999 By;Ibrahim Abu Bakar Abstrak Tulisan ini merupakan kajian singkat seJdtar isu politik Islam di Malaysia tahun 1999. Pada Nopember 1999, Malaysia menyelenggarakan pemilihan Federal dan Negara Bagian yang ke-10. Titik berat tulisan ini ada pada beberapa isupolitik Islamyang dipublikasikandi koran-koran Malaysia yang dilihat dari perspektifpartai-partaipolitik serta para pendukmgnya. Partai politik diMalaysia cidaip banyak, dan disini Sangkat empat partai politik yaitu: Organisasi Nasional Malaysia Bersatu (UMNO), Asosiasi Cina Ma laysia (MCA), Partai Islam Se-Malaysia (PMIP atau PAS) dan Partai Aksi Demokratis (DAP). UMNO dan MCA adalah partai yang berperan dalam Barisan Nasional (BA) atau FromNasional (NF). PASdan DAP adalah partai oposisipadaBarisanAltematif(BA) atau FromAltemattf(AF). PAS, UMNO, DAP dan MCA memilikipandangan tersendiri temang isu-isu politik Islam. Adanya isu-isu politik Islam itu pada dasamya tidak bisa dilepaskan dari latar belakang sosio-religius dan historis politik masyarakat Malaysia. ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^^ ^ <•'«oJla 1^*- 4 ^ AjtLtiLl jS"y Smi]?jJI 1.^1 j yLl J J ,5j^I 'jiil tJ Vjillli J 01^. -71 i- -L-Jl cyUiLLl ^ JS3 i^LwSr1/i VjJ V^j' 0' V oljjlj-l PoUtico-Islnndc Issues bi Malays bi 1999 123 A. Preface This paper is a short discussion on politico-Islamic issues in Malaysia in 1999. In November 1999 Malaysia held her tenth federal and state elections. The paper focuses on some of the politico-Islamic issues which were pub lished in the Malaysian newsp^>ers from the perspectives of the political parties and their leaders or supporters. -
Trends in Southeast Asia
ISSN 0219-3213 2017 no. 9 Trends in Southeast Asia PARTI AMANAH NEGARA IN JOHOR: BIRTH, CHALLENGES AND PROSPECTS WAN SAIFUL WAN JAN TRS9/17s ISBN 978-981-4786-44-7 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Singapore 119614 http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg 9 789814 786447 Trends in Southeast Asia 17-J02482 01 Trends_2017-09.indd 1 15/8/17 8:38 AM The ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute (formerly Institute of Southeast Asian Studies) is an autonomous organization established in 1968. It is a regional centre dedicated to the study of socio-political, security, and economic trends and developments in Southeast Asia and its wider geostrategic and economic environment. The Institute’s research programmes are grouped under Regional Economic Studies (RES), Regional Strategic and Political Studies (RSPS), and Regional Social and Cultural Studies (RSCS). The Institute is also home to the ASEAN Studies Centre (ASC), the Nalanda-Sriwijaya Centre (NSC) and the Singapore APEC Study Centre. ISEAS Publishing, an established academic press, has issued more than 2,000 books and journals. It is the largest scholarly publisher of research about Southeast Asia from within the region. ISEAS Publishing works with many other academic and trade publishers and distributors to disseminate important research and analyses from and about Southeast Asia to the rest of the world. 17-J02482 01 Trends_2017-09.indd 2 15/8/17 8:38 AM 2017 no. 9 Trends in Southeast Asia PARTI AMANAH NEGARA IN JOHOR: BIRTH, CHALLENGES AND PROSPECTS WAN SAIFUL WAN JAN 17-J02482 01 Trends_2017-09.indd 3 15/8/17 8:38 AM Published by: ISEAS Publishing 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Singapore 119614 [email protected] http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg © 2017 ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore All rights reserved. -
Writes to Guan Eng 4 Guan Eng Replies to Anwar 5 Changing Trmes 8 Three Feasts and a (Soap) Opera 10
u~t·r<~»••nt parties and NGOs, people from all races n!lta•iol'ia are coming together. he Anwar saga has Naturally these different and must be further pro g been an important ral groups with similar goals moted. lying point for the joined forces in the Gagasan reformasi movement. But con and Gerak coalitions to pursue The first item is a set of let cern for Anwar's sacking, as these goals vigorously. ters bet·ween Anwar and sault and unjust treatment Guan Eng from their respec generally have extended into The overall struggle has be tive jails: they exchange fes concern over wider issues. come more comprehensive tive greetings and discuss thb too: Justice for Anwar, for issue of ethnic relations. Sabri The ISA must go. Undemo Guan Eng, for Irene Zain's article Clznllging Times cratic laws must be reviewed Fernandez, for the 126 comments on pre\'ious ethnic so as to guarantee the rakyat's charged for illegal assembly, barriers breaking down. It is rights and liberties. The inde and now, for all prisoners too. a piece that lifts up the spirit. pendence and integrity of the No unjust toll hikes, boycott OJ Muzaffar Tate reports on judiciary, the Attorney irresponsible newspapers, en three functions he attended in Generalis chambers and the sure a free and fair election in Kuala Lumpur, while Anil Police must be restored. Sabah, etc. !\ietto and R.K. Surin write about their e>..perienceattend Cronyism must be gotten rid In this issue of AM, we carry ing a forum in Penang. -
A Brief Analysis of Malaysia's Eleventh General Election
UNISCI DISCUSSION PAPERS Octubre de 2004 A BRIEF ANALYSIS OF MALAYSIA’S ELEVENTH GENERAL ELECTION AUTOR1: JOSEPH CHINYONG LIOW IDSS- NANYANG TECHNOLOGICAL UNIVERSITY SINGAPUR FECHA: October 2004 Introduction The Malaysian general election held on 21 March 2004 proved to be the most successful electoral victory for the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN or National Front) in the history of Malaysian electoral politics. The BN coalition party, fronted by UMNO (United Malays National Organisation) along with major allies the MCA (Malaysian Chinese Association) and MIC (Malaysian Indian Congress), garnered a total of 199 of 219 parliamentary seats and limited the opposition to a meager 20 seats. All in all, the BN won 64% of popular support. Results of state elections, held concurrently in all the states in the Malaysian federal system with the general election except for Sarawak, were equally impressive, with the BN amassing a total of 453 out of 504 state seats. More striking however, were the results in Kelantan, the stronghold of the Islamic opposition PAS (Parti Islam Se-Malaysia), and Terengganu, which PAS managed to wrest from UMNO at the 1999 elections. How did BN manage such a dramatic reversal over such a short period, and what are the implications of this result for the future of Malaysian politics? 1999 Indeed, in order to assess the magnitude of the BN’s “comeback” at the 2004 general elections, it is worth revisiting the outcome of the previous elections in 1999 so as to give our discussion a proper context. 1 Las opiniones expresadas en estos artículos son propias de sus autores. -
Pendekatan Berbeza Tujuan Sama
Pendekatan berbeza tujuan sama Kepemimpinan Terengganu lebih fokus agenda untuk kebaikan rakyat Oleh Zulkofli Jamaludin MESKIPUN tiada kejutan besar ber laku dalam pengumuman barisan Ahli Majlis Mesyuarat Kerajaan Negeri Exco Terengganu beberapa per ubahan yang düakükan Menteri Besar Da tuk Ahmad Said dilihat membezakannya dengan pendekatan diambü kepemimpman lalu di bawah Datuk Seri Idris Jusoh Misalnya bagi memastikan semua Exco memberi tumpuan terhadap tugas yang di amanahkan Menteri Besar Terengganu yang baru itu mengumumkan tidak akan melantik mereka sebagai pengerusi anak syarikat kerajaan negeri termasuk syarikat yang disenaraikan di Bursa Malaysia Sebaliknya jawatan itu akan diisi oleh wakil rakyat dan mereka yang mempunyai pengalaman serta kepakaran bagi memas tikan semua anak syarikat kerajaan negeri mampu menjana keuntungan Malah beliau turut memansuhkan Ja watankuasa Pembangunan Islam Hadhari negeri yang diwujudkan kepemimpinan ter dahulu dan menggugurkan dua bekas Exco sebelum ini Datuk Rosol Wahid dan Datuk Din Adam Ketlka ditanya mengenai perkara itu Ah mad berkata Dalam politik setiap wakil rakyat perlu menerima kenyataan qada dan qadar Kita lihat ada bekas ketua menteri hanya dilantik sebagai setiausaha Parlimen apabila berpindah ke kerusi Parlimen Be gitu juga ada menteri besar yang menjawat jawatan itu beberapa penggal dilantik se bagai tünbalan menteri saja Begitu pun Rosol dan Din berikrar untuk membantu barisan Exco baru dan Ahmad untuk meneruskan pembangunan negeri Rosol memahaml hakikat itu apabila me nyatakan manusia -
Redalyc.A Brief Analysis of Malaysia' S Eleventh General Election
UNISCI Discussion Papers ISSN: 1696-2206 [email protected] Universidad Complutense de Madrid España CHINYONG LIOW, JOSEPH A brief analysis of Malaysia' s eleventh general election UNISCI Discussion Papers, núm. 6, octubre, 2004, pp. 1-5 Universidad Complutense de Madrid Madrid, España Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=76711307005 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative UNISCI DISCUSSION PAPERS Octubre de 2004 A BRIEF ANALYSIS OF MALAYSIA’S ELEVENTH GENERAL ELECTION AUTOR1: JOSEPH CHINYONG LIOW IDSS- NANYANG TECHNOLOGICAL UNIVERSITY SINGAPUR FECHA: October 2004 Introduction The Malaysian general election held on 21 March 2004 proved to be the most successful electoral victory for the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN or National Front) in the history of Malaysian electoral politics. The BN coalition party, fronted by UMNO (United Malays National Organisation) along with major allies the MCA (Malaysian Chinese Association) and MIC (Malaysian Indian Congress), garnered a total of 199 of 219 parliamentary seats and limited the opposition to a meager 20 seats. All in all, the BN won 64% of popular support. Results of state elections, held concurrently in all the states in the Malaysian federal system with the general election except for Sarawak, were equally impressive, with the BN amassing a total of 453 out of 504 state seats. More striking however, were the results in Kelantan, the stronghold of the Islamic opposition PAS (Parti Islam Se-Malaysia), and Terengganu, which PAS managed to wrest from UMNO at the 1999 elections. -
Studia 16-3-09 OK Minus Hal .Indd
Volume 16, Number 3, 2009 V o l u m e 16 , N u m b e r 3 , 2009 STINIAI$hIilIIKA ffi @ EDITORIAL BOARD: M. Quraish Shihab (UINJaharta) Taufk Abdulkh (LIPI Jakarta) Nur A. Fadhil Lubis (IAIN Sumatra Uara) M.C. Ricklefs (National Uniuersity of Singapore) Martin uan Bruinessen (Urecht Uniuersity) John R. Bouen (Vashington Uniaersity, St. Louis) M. Atho Mudzhar (UIN Jaharta) M. Kamal Hasan (Intemational Islamic Uniuersity, Kuak Lumpur) M. Bary Hooker (Austalian National Uniuersi4t, Autralia) Vi rginia M at h e s o n H o o h e r (Aut t ra lia n Natio na I Un iu e rs ity' Au s tra li a) EDITOR-]N.CHIEF Azytmardi Azra EDITORS Jajat Burhanudin Saiful Mujani Jamhari Fu'ad Jabali Oman Fathurabman ASSiSTANT TO THE EDITORS Setyadi Sulaiman Testriono ENGLISH LANGUAGE ADVISOR Dick uan der Meij ARABIC I-A.NGUAGE ADVISOR Nursamad COVER DESIGNER S. Prinka STUDIA ISLAMIKA QSSN 0215-0492) is a joumal published b1 the Centerfor the Studl of hkn and societ\ @PIM) UIN Syrif Hida\atulkh, Jabarta (STT DEPPEN No 129/SK/DITJEN/PPG/ STT/1976). It specializes in Indonesian Islamic studies in particulat and South-east.Asian Islamic Studies in general, and is intended to communicate original researches and cutrent issues on the subject. This journal wam| welcomes contributions from scholtrs of related dirciplines. All artictes pubtished do not necesaily represent the aieus of the journal, or other irctitutions to which it h afrliated. Thq are solely the uieus ofthe authors. The articles contained in this journal haue been refereed by the Board of Edirors. -
Malaysia's General Elections Amidst the Shadow of Re-Mahathirisation
Kajian Malaysia, Vol. 32, Supp. 2, 2014, 1–24 MALAYSIA'S GENERAL ELECTIONS AMIDST THE SHADOW OF RE-MAHATHIRISATION 1* 2 Ahmad Fauzi Abdul Hamid and Muhamad Takiyuddin Ismail 1School of Distance Education, Universiti Sains Malaysia, 11800 USM Pulau Pinang, Malaysia 2Centre of History, Politics and Strategy, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, 43600 UKM Bangi, Selangor, Malaysia *Corresponding author: [email protected] This article discusses the phenomenon of re-Mahathirisation which engulfed the politics of Malaysia's ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition and its main component party, the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO). Re- Mahathirisation refers to the increase in attachment towards the legacy of Malaysia's fourth Prime Minister, Dr. Mahathir Mohamad (1981–2003). Transpiring not long after Mahathir's relinquishment of official power, the process was seen as approaching a peak with BN-UMNO's campaign for the 13th General Elections (GE13) of May 2013. It was orchestrated especially by conservative elements in UMNO disillusioned with the political liberalisation began by his successor Abdullah Ahmad Badawi (2003–2009) and continued by Najib Razak. In line with an understanding of conservatism as characterised by resistance against radical change and by admiration of past values, re- Mahathirisation was employed by the BN-UMNO regime during the GE13 hustings to court the large pool of conservative-minded Malay voters. The successful dislodging of Abdullah Badawi from the party-cum-national leadership in 2009 signified a powerful return of Mahathirism to the foreground of UMNO and national politics. Although Najib Razak has pursued Abdullah's political liberalisation initiatives, he felt compelled to tolerate a rising public presence of Mahathir. -
February 11, 2016 the Honorable Mr. Barack Obama President of The
February 11, 2016 The Honorable Mr. Barack Obama President of the United States of America The White House 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW Washington, DC 20500 Dear Mr. President, As members of parliament from Southeast Asia, dedicated to the promotion and protection of human rights, we write to express our desire for you to make discussion of human rights and the democratic aspirations of the people of ASEAN a priority during the upcoming summit at the Sunnylands estate in California on 15-16 February 2016. As you are surely aware, democracy is struggling in Southeast Asia. Many countries in our region have taken dramatic steps backward in the past two years. While Southeast Asia appeared to be on the cusp of a genuine political transformation only a few years ago, more recently the region has instead witnessed military takeovers, the rollback of fundamental rights, intensifying government-sponsored discrimination against ethnic and religious minorities, and the increasing persecution of activists and opposition voices, including fellow parliamentarians. These setbacks constitute a fundamental threat to the future of the ASEAN Community and the US relationship with it. While we recognize and understand your administration’s desire to strengthen trade and security cooperation with Southeast Asian governments, we urge you to proceed with caution. Human rights, democracy, and basic dignity cannot take a backseat to economic or security prerogatives. Open dialogue on fundamental political and rights-based questions is vital to ensuring the sustainability of bilateral relationships and promoting broad-based benefits of trans-Pacific cooperation. When you sit down with ASEAN leaders in California, we urge you to press them on unfulfilled human rights commitments and to directly raise specific concerns with them. -
GE13: REFSA Chooses Transformation on Sunday, May 5, Malaysians Go to the Polls
SAYS GE13: REFSA chooses transformation On Sunday, May 5, Malaysians go to the polls. For the first time in our history, in the 56 years since Merdeka, we have a real choice in choosing who to grant the privilege of governing us. Which coalition will you choose? The incumbent Barisan Nasional (BN), which is the only federal government that all of us have known so far? Or the young upstart Pakatan Rakyat? We at REFSA have made our choice. We choose transformation. We choose Pakatan Rakyat. Pakatan has transformed race relations. Malaysians of all races gather congenially under the PAS moon and DAP rocket. A Malaysian-Chinese flying the PAS flag, or a Malay waving the DAP rocket symbol, would have been an unimaginable sight as recently as Feb 2008. Pakatan leaders have transformed the prisms by which we view each other, and led Malaysians from narrow communal siloes to broader, harmonious relations. Pakatan has transformed state governments. The federal Auditor- General has given Penang top marks for being the best financially- managed state; and the RM1.2b cash savings in Selangor are the highest in 28 years. Pakatan state governments were the first to give direct welfare aid to Malaysians: for example, the Senior Citizen Appreciation Programme in Penang and the TAWAS programme in Selangor. Pakatan has demonstrated that it is possible to be financially responsible and populist at the same time. Pakatan has proven that it can transform Malaysia for the better, in contrast to the „transformation‟ that (caretaker) prime minister Najib uses as a smoke-screen to hide business- as-usual shenanigans. -
PAS Risks Internal Split If It Rejoins BN Malaysiakini.Com July 30, 2014
PAS risks internal split if it rejoins BN MalaysiaKini.com July 30, 2014 YOURSAY 'But once Pakatan breaks in S'gor, it will break nationally.' Leaked PAS message: Team up with Umno in S'gor Quigonbond: A question that must be asked is why PAS is back-paddling on the idea of welfare state instead of hudud. Do they seriously think they can work with a corrupt BN? Whither ideas of justice and fairness in PAS? Why have they suddenly turned into racial-religious bigots? Is it because they did not win as much as they liked in GE13? But don't they realise that even if they join BN, they will still fight over the same pie with Umno? Or is this strictly over Selangor? Even if it is strictly Selangor, they should realise that once Pakatan Rakyat breaks in Selangor, it will break nationally. One's faith is inextricably tied to the other. Perhaps PAS is looking for a breakup. But then the challenge will be how the Erdogans can break the political stranglehold of the conservatives in the party and from there break into the rural hearts and minds in Peninsular Malaysia. They don't have much traction in Sabah and Sarawak - that remains the gauntlet for DAP and PKR. Malaccan: PAS research centre operations director Dr Mohd Zuhdi Marzuki has as good as admitted himself to have no honour nor integrity. He sickeningly explains his bigoted and extremist views about non-Muslims by claiming it was an analysis, and uses distraction in his Umno-like defence.