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Mentalism Versus Behaviourism in Economics: a Philosophy-Of-Science
Mentalism versus behaviourism in economics: aphilosophy-of-scienceperspective⇤ Franz Dietrich Christian List CNRS & University of East Anglia London School of Economics 18 November 2012 Abstract Behaviourism is the view that preferences, beliefs, and other mental states in social- scientific theories are nothing but constructs re-describing people’s behavioural dis- positions. Mentalism is the view that they capture real phenomena, no less existent than the unobservable entities and properties in the natural sciences, such as elec- trons and electromagnetic fields. While behaviourism has long gone out of fashion in psychology and linguistics, it remains influential in economics, especially in ‘re- vealed preference’ theory. We aim to (i) clear up some common confusions about the two views, (ii) situate the debate in a historical context, and (iii) defend a men- talist approach to economics. Setting aside normative concerns about behaviourism, we show that mentalism is in line with best scientific practice even if economics is treated as a purely positive science of economic behaviour. We distinguish men- talism from, and reject, the radical neuroeconomic view that behaviour should be explained in terms of people’s brain processes, as distinct from their mental states. 1 Introduction Economic theory seeks to explain the social and economic behaviour of human (and sometimes other) agents.1 It usually does so by (i) ascribing, at least in an ‘as if’ mode, ⇤This paper was presented at the LSE Choice Group workshop on ‘Rationalizability and Choice’, July 2011, the D-TEA workshop, Paris, July 2012, and the EIPE seminar, Rotterdam, September 2012. We are grateful to the participants and especially Nick Baigent, Walter Bossert, Richard Bradley, Mika¨el Cozic, Eddie Dekel, Ido Erev, Itzhak Gilboa, Conrad Heilmann, Johannes Himmelreich, Marco Mariotti, Friederike Mengel, Clemens Puppe, Larry Samuelson, David Schmeidler, Asli Selim, Daniel Stoljar, Kotaro Suzumura, and Peter Wakker for comments and discussion. -
Psychological Correlates of University Students' Academic Performance: A
Psychological Bulletin © 2012 American Psychological Association 2012, Vol. 138, No. 2, 353–387 0033-2909/12/$12.00 DOI: 10.1037/a0026838 Psychological Correlates of University Students’ Academic Performance: A Systematic Review and Meta-Analysis Michelle Richardson Charles Abraham University College London University of Exeter Rod Bond University of Sussex A review of 13 years of research into antecedents of university students’ grade point average (GPA) scores generated the following: a comprehensive, conceptual map of known correlates of tertiary GPA; assessment of the magnitude of average, weighted correlations with GPA; and tests of multivariate models of GPA correlates within and across research domains. A systematic search of PsycINFO and Web of Knowledge databases between 1997 and 2010 identified 7,167 English-language articles yielding 241 data sets, which reported on 50 conceptually distinct correlates of GPA, including 3 demographic factors and 5 traditional measures of cognitive capacity or prior academic performance. In addition, 42 non-intellective constructs were identified from 5 conceptually overlapping but distinct research do- mains: (a) personality traits, (b) motivational factors, (c) self-regulatory learning strategies, (d) students’ approaches to learning, and (e) psychosocial contextual influences. We retrieved 1,105 independent correlations and analyzed data using hypothesis-driven, random-effects meta-analyses. Significant aver- age, weighted correlations were found for 41 of 50 measures. Univariate analyses revealed that demographic and psychosocial contextual factors generated, at best, small correlations with GPA. Medium-sized correlations were observed for high school GPA, SAT, ACT, and A level scores. Three non-intellective constructs also showed medium-sized correlations with GPA: academic self-efficacy, grade goal, and effort regulation. -
John B. Watson's Legacy: Learning and Environment
Developmental Psychology Copyright 1992 by the American Psychological Association, Inc. 1992, Vol. 28, No. 3, 360-367 OOL2-1649/92/$3.0O John B. Watson's Legacy: Learning and Environment Frances Degen Horowitz Graduate School and University Center City University of New \brk John B. Watson's contribution is evaluated in relation to his own time, with respect to his historical influence, and in light of current issues in developmental psychology. A survey of a nonrandom sample of current developmental psychologists revealed no consensus with respect to Watson's legacy to developmental psychology. The influence of Watson's insistence on an objective methodol- ogy in psychology remains, although is not necessarily acknowledged. His extreme environmental- ism has been rejected. His concern to understand the principles of learning is reflected in the subsequent work of the Hullians and the Skinnerians. The influence of his underlying premise about the importance of environment and of learning is to be found in such work as studies of the effects of intervention programs. I question the possible costs to the field of the continued rejection of a Watsonian emphasis on learning as an important process in development and behavior. In his time, John Broadus Watson (1878-1958) was contro- felt he had ignored biological variables, but the remainder versial. So he remains. In preparation for this reflective essay tended to disagree with that characterization. on his legacy to developmental psychology, I sent a question- Diversity of opinion is rife in developmental psychology to- naire to a nonrandom sample of mostly senior developmental day, but when asked to evaluate the theoretical and methodolog- psychologists.1 The 45 respondents ranged widely in their per- ical contributions of Baldwin, Binet, Darwin, Freud, Gesell, ceptions of Watson's contributions and in their evaluations. -
Understanding Human Consciousness: Theory and Application
o Journal of Experiential Psychotherapy, vol. 21, n 2 (82) June 2018 Understanding Human Consciousness: Theory and Application Maretha Prinsloo, PhD*i *Cognadev, UK “Consciousness implies awareness: subjective, phenomenal experience of internal and external worlds... Our views of reality, of the universe, of ourselves depend on consciousness. Consciousness defines our existence.” (Hameroff & Penrose, 2014, p. 39) Abstract Introduction: The study of consciousness attracts the attention of psychologists, philosophers and scientists. It is, however, mostly dealt with in a descriptive and speculative manner, without explaining the nature of the subjective experience and the dynamics involved. Objectives: This article aims to provide a brief overview of prominent philosophical, psychological, sociological and quantum physics perspectives on consciousness. The practical implications of consciousness theory are also addressed. Methods: Literature review. Results: From a social sciences point of view, Gebser’s Structure of Human Consciousness model, Clare Graves’s Spiral Dynamics (SD) model and Ken Wilber’s Integral AQAL model are briefly discussed to understand the concept of levels of consciousness and to differentiate between the developmental themes which characterise each of these levels. This is followed by a description of scientific theories and findings. Here the work of prominent philosophers of science, including Dennett and Laszlo, is briefly explored. Neurological and quantum physics discoveries, including the work of Bohm, Pribram, McTaggart, Hameroff and Penrose are referred to and the phenomenon of collective consciousness is explained in terms of the physics concepts of quantum nonlocality and entanglement. Next, the application of consciousness theory is addressed within the contexts of societal transformation, leadership, organisational development, organisational culture and education. -
Psycholinguistic Research Methods 251
Psycholinguistic Research Methods 251 See also: Deixis and Anaphora: Pragmatic Approaches; Freud S (1915). ‘Die Verdra¨ngung.’ In Gesammelte Werke Jakobson, Roman (1896–1982); Lacan, Jacques (1901– X. Frankfurt am Main: Imago. 1940–1952. 1981); Metaphor: Psychological Aspects; Metonymy; Lacan J (1955–1956). Les Psychoses. Paris: Seuil, 1981. Rhetoric, Classical. Lacan J (1957). ‘L’instance de la lettre dans l’inconscient ou la raison depuis Freud.’ In E´ crits. Paris: Seuil, 1966. Lacan J (1957–1958). Les formations de l’inconscient. Bibliography Paris: Seuil, 1998. Lacan J (1959). ‘D’une question pre´liminaire a` tout traite- Freud S (1900). ‘Die Traumdeutung.’ In Gesammelte werke ment possible de la psychose.’ In E´ crits. Paris: Seuil, II-III. Frankfurt am Main: Imago. 1940–1952. 1966. Freud S (1901). ‘Zur Psychopathologie des Alltagslebens.’ Lacan J (1964). Les quatre concepts fondamentaux de la In Gesammelte werke IV. Frankfurt am Main: Imago. psychanalyse. Paris: Seuil, 1973. 1940–1952. Lacan J (1969–1970). L’envers de la psychanalyse. Paris: Freud S (1905). ‘Der Witz und seine Beziehung zum Unbe- Seuil, 1991. wussten.’ In Gesammelte Werke, VI. Frankfurt am Main: Imago. 1940–1952. Psycholinguistic Research Methods S Garrod, University of Glasgow, Glasgow, UK This usually involves taking the average of the values ß 2006 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. of the dependent variable (response latencies) for each value of the independent variable (each list of words acquired at different ages) and establishing Psycholinguistics aims to uncover the mental repre- whether the differences associated with the different sentations and processes through which people pro- values of the independent variable are statistically duce and understand language, and it uses a wide reliable. -
The Cognitive Revolution: a Historical Perspective
Review TRENDS in Cognitive Sciences Vol.7 No.3 March 2003 141 The cognitive revolution: a historical perspective George A. Miller Department of Psychology, Princeton University, 1-S-5 Green Hall, Princeton, NJ 08544, USA Cognitive science is a child of the 1950s, the product of the time I went to graduate school at Harvard in the early a time when psychology, anthropology and linguistics 1940s the transformation was complete. I was educated to were redefining themselves and computer science and study behavior and I learned to translate my ideas into the neuroscience as disciplines were coming into existence. new jargon of behaviorism. As I was most interested in Psychology could not participate in the cognitive speech and hearing, the translation sometimes became revolution until it had freed itself from behaviorism, tricky. But one’s reputation as a scientist could depend on thus restoring cognition to scientific respectability. By how well the trick was played. then, it was becoming clear in several disciplines that In 1951, I published Language and Communication [1], the solution to some of their problems depended cru- a book that grew out of four years of teaching a course at cially on solving problems traditionally allocated to Harvard entitled ‘The Psychology of Language’. In the other disciplines. Collaboration was called for: this is a preface, I wrote: ‘The bias is behavioristic – not fanatically personal account of how it came about. behavioristic, but certainly tainted by a preference. There does not seem to be a more scientific kind of bias, or, if there is, it turns out to be behaviorism after all.’ As I read that Anybody can make history. -
JEROME SEYMOUR BRUNER COURTESY of RANDALL FOX 1 October 1915
JEROME SEYMOUR BRUNER COURTESY OF RANDALL FOX 1 october 1915 . 5 june 2016 PROCEEDINGS OF THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY VOL. 161, NO. 4, DECEMBER 2017 biographical memoirs s a student of narrative, Jerome (Jerry) Seymour Bruner knew well that one can tell many stories about an individual person, Aevent, and life. Indeed, at the start of his autobiography, Jerry Bruner wrote, “I can find little in [my childhood] that would lead anybody to predict that I would become an intellectual or an academic, even less a psychologist.” And yet, it is appropriate—if not essential—to begin this memoir with the fact that Jerry Bruner was born blind. Only at age 2, after two successful cataract operations (Jerry spoke of “good luck and progress in ophthalmology”) could Jerry see. For the rest of his lengthy and event-filled life, he wore memorably thick corrective lenses. And when he was not peering directly at you—be you an audience of one or of one thousand—he would grasp his glasses firmly in his palm and punctuate his fluent speech with dramatic gestures. As a younger child of an affluent Jewish family living in the suburbs of New York City, Jerry was active, playful, and fun-loving—not partic- ularly intellectual or scholarly. His sister Alice wondered why he was always asking questions; Jerry later quipped that he was “trying out hypotheses.” Freud said that the death of a father is the most important event in a man’s life. Whether or not cognizant of this psychoanalytic pronouncement, Bruner seldom referred to his mother; he devoted much more space in his autobiography and much more time in conver- sation to commemorating his father: “Everything changed, collapsed, after my father died when I was twelve, or so it seemed to me.” And indeed, as he passed through adolescence and into early adulthood, Bruner became a much more serious student, a budding scholar, a wide-ranging intellectual. -
Harry Harlow, John Bowlby and Issues of Separation
Integr Psych Behav (2008) 42:325–335 DOI 10.1007/s12124-008-9071-x INTRODUCTION TO THE SPECIAL ISSUE Loneliness in Infancy: Harry Harlow, John Bowlby and Issues of Separation Frank C. P. van der Horst & René van der Veer Published online: 13 August 2008 # The Author(s) 2008. This article is published with open access at Springerlink.com Abstract In this contribution, the authors give an overview of the different studies on the effect of separation and deprivation that drew the attention of many in the 1940s and 1950s. Both Harlow and Bowlby were exposed to and influenced by these different studies on the so called ‘hospitalization’ effect. The work of Bakwin, Goldfarb, Spitz, and others is discussed and attention is drawn to films that were used to support new ideas on the effects of maternal deprivation. Keywords Separation . Maternal deprivation . Hospitalization effect . History of psychology. Attachment theory . Harlow. Bowlby From the 1930s through the 1950s clinical and experimental psychology were dominated by ideas from Freud’s psychoanalytic theory and Watson’s behaviorism. Although very different in their approach to the study of (human) behavior, psychoanalysts and behaviorists held common views on the nature of the bond between mother and infant. According to scientists from both disciplines the basis for this relationship was a secondary drive, i.e. the fact that the child valued and loved the mother was because she reduced his or her primary drive for food. The central figure of this special issue, American animal psychologist Harry Harlow (1905–1981), in the 1950s shifted his focus from studies of learning in monkeys (e.g., Harlow and Bromer 1938; Harlow 1949) to a more developmental approach—or in Harlow’s own words a transition “from learning to love” (cf. -
Early Psychological Laboratories [1] James Mckeen Cattell (1928)
Early Psychological Laboratories [1] James McKeen Cattell (1928) Classics in the History of Psychology An internet resource developed by Christopher D. Green York University, Toronto, Ontario ISSN 1492-3173 Early Psychological Laboratories [1] James McKeen Cattell (1928) First published in Science, 67, 543- 548. Posted August 2000 Laboratories for research and teaching in the sciences are of comparatively recent origin. They may be regarded as part of the industrial revolution, for there is a close parallel in causes and effects between the development of the factory system and of scientific laboratories. The industrial revolution began with the exploitation by machinery of coal and iron in England; it may perhaps be dated from the use of the steam engine of Watts in the coal mines of Cornwall about a hundred and fifty years ago. The laboratory had its origin fifty years later in Germany as part of the scientific renaissance following the Napoleonic wars. The University of Berlin was founded by Wilhelm von Humboldt and Frederich William III in 1810. The first laboratory of chemistry was opened by Justus von Liebig at Giessen in 1824. This was followed by similar laboratories at Göttingen under Wöhler in 1836, at Marburg under Bunsen in 1840, and at Leipzig under Erdmann in 1843. The first English laboratory was the College of Chemistry, now part of the Imperial College of Science and Technology of the University of London, which was opened in 1845 by von Hoffmann, brought from Germany by Prince Albert. Benjamin Silliman founded at Yale University the first American laboratory for the teaching of chemistry. -
Agency & Choice
Erasmus Journal for Philosophy and Economics, Volume 12, Issue 1, Spring 2019, pp. 137-144. https://doi.org/10.23941/ejpe.v12i1.414 PHD THESIS SUMMARY: Agency & Choice: On the Cognitive and Conceptual Foundations of Agency in Economics and Behavioral Decision Research JAMES GRAYOT Doctorate in philosophy, February 2019 EIPE, Erasmus University Rotterdam In this thesis, I offer a philosophical perspective on the different conceptions of agency and choice as they are understood and employed in economics and behavioral decision research—this perspective is two- fold: on the one hand, philosophical analysis can clarify ambiguities in definitions and concepts that arise within interdisciplinary research. This is of particular importance given how philosophical concepts such as mind, cognition, and intentionality feature in economic studies of rational choice. Hence, one project of this thesis is to subject contemporary research on questions about agency and choice to such philosophical scrutiny. On the other hand, the questions and topics discussed in this thesis can be understood as an exercise in philosophy of science: they deal explicitly with questions and topics that pertain to the theoretical and empirical practices of scientists. This includes traditional microeconomic disciplines, such as decision theory and game theory, as well as interdisciplinary research in behavioral economics, neuroeconomics, and experimental psychology. Chapter 2 illustrates the contentious relationship between agency and choice by focusing on a cluster of debates -
Illusion and Well-Being: a Social Psychological Perspective on Mental Health
Psyehologlcal Bulletin Copyright 1988 by the American Psychological Association, Inc. 1988, Vol. 103, No. 2, 193-210 0033-2909/88/$00.75 Illusion and Well-Being: A Social Psychological Perspective on Mental Health Shelley E. Taylor Jonathon D. Brown University of California, Los Angeles Southern Methodist University Many prominenttheorists have argued that accurate perceptions of the self, the world, and the future are essential for mental health. Yet considerable research evidence suggests that overly positive self- evaluations, exaggerated perceptions of control or mastery, and unrealistic optimism are characteris- tic of normal human thought. Moreover, these illusions appear to promote other criteria of mental health, including the ability to care about others, the ability to be happy or contented, and the ability to engage in productive and creative work. These strategies may succeed, in large part, because both the social world and cognitive-processingmechanisms impose filters on incoming information that distort it in a positive direction; negativeinformation may be isolated and represented in as unthreat- ening a manner as possible. These positive illusions may be especially useful when an individual receives negative feedback or is otherwise threatened and may be especially adaptive under these circumstances. Decades of psychological wisdom have established contact dox: How can positive misperceptions of one's self and the envi- with reality as a hallmark of mental health. In this view, the ronment be adaptive when accurate information processing wcU-adjusted person is thought to engage in accurate reality seems to be essential for learning and successful functioning in testing,whereas the individual whose vision is clouded by illu- the world? Our primary goal is to weave a theoretical context sion is regarded as vulnerable to, ifnot already a victim of, men- for thinking about mental health. -
Jerome Bruner a Short History of Psychological Theories of Learning
Jerome Bruner A short history of psychological theories of learning Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/daed/article-pdf/133/1/13/1828748/001152604772746657.pdf by guest on 29 September 2021 Learning remains an elusive topic, de- form-wise? How do we learn the lay of spite the endless research lavished on it. the land? How do we learn to concen- And what we mean by it, of course, is trate our attention? shaped by how we choose to study it. And then there are questions about Concentrate on how children master differences in how learning occurs. Do their native language and you arrive at all species learn in the same way and do a very different conception of learning the bright and the dull go about it in like than had you researched how under- manner? And what about external in- graduates memorize nonsense syllables. ducements, rewards, and punishments? Does learning to ½nger a Bach cello so- Are all learning situations comparable? nata tap the same learning processes as I used to give the star performers of learning to trace your way through a the experiments I’d just completed to ½nger maze? Is all learning alike, re- my young daughter. These rats seemed ducible to a common set of principles? to develop a more open curiosity under Two learning tasks are said to be alike her magnanimous care. What, indeed, if mastering one makes mastering the does domestication do to an animal’s other easier–the so-called transfer cri- approach to learning? Were those in- terion. But what is transferred? Is it re- sights achieved by Wolfgang Koehler’s