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Rachel Simon-Kumar

Between Survival and Relevance remaking 30 years of the Ministry conform to the standards of new public management on the other (Sawer and of Women’s Unies, 1996; Teghtsoonian, 2004, 2005). Its ensuing struggles for legitimacy are as much about identity and ideology as they are about institutional structures Affairs and policy processes. Not surprisingly, the ministry has critics both within and outside the public sector. Since its establishment in 1984 the Ministry of Women’s As part of marking the 30th Affairs has had a controversial profile.1 What began as anniversary of the ministry, this article traces its institutional development and a feminist policy agency in the public sector discernibly the contested idea of its ‘effectiveness’. It reviews diverse narratives about the transitioned, in the course of a decade, into a mainstream ministry and re-examines the notion of policy agency whose function is to focus on issues of ‘relevance’ in an era of conservative fiscal and political ideologies. In so doing, the relevance to women (Curtin and Teghtsoonian, 2010). The article appraises the implications for the ministry’s representation of women’s ministry’s distinctive location at the crossroads of policy and diverse interests within the constraints gender places it in a maelstrom of contradictory expectations; of the current policy environment. There is substantial critical scholarship like other women’s policy agencies elsewhere in the world, about the Ministry of Women’s Affairs the Ministry of Women’s Affairs has historically been caught over this period that is a useful resource for reconstructing significant change between expectations from community to be its advocate, on periods (Sawyer and Unies, 1996; Teghtsoonian, 2004; Curtin, 2008; the one hand, and requirements from the public sector to Curtin and Teghtsoonian, 2010; Hyman, 2010). Additionally, this analysis draws Rachel Simon-Kumar is a senior lecturer in the School of Population Health, University of Auckland on a body of secondary policy data:

Page 32 – Policy Quarterly – Volume 11, Issue 1 – February 2015 government reports, policy documents Affairs under both Labour and National and policy output/outcome measures and parliamentary debates, among governments. framed definitions of effectiveness for the others. Finally, this article is informed Despite the array of work it undertakes ministry and replaced its non-hierarchical by interviews I conducted between 2008 to draw attention to the issues faced by community focus (Sawer and Unies, and 2012 with past ministry officials women, the ministry has no regulatory, 1996; Teghtsoonian, 2004; Curtin and and representatives of community enforcement or monitoring roles to Teghtsoonian, 2010; Hyman, 2010). organisations working in the area of ensure adoption of gender-aware policies Yet, despite a decade of ‘realignment’ women’s issues.2 or approaches in other public agencies. the ministry’s capability to be a strong policy ministry was found wanting, A brief profile Policy actor or policy advocate? Shifting as its feminist roots were judged to be The Ministry of Women’s Affairs is a small identities compromising its effectiveness. In a population-based agency within the New Over its 30-year lifespan the Ministry of 2003 review led by the State Services Zealand public sector focused specifically Women’s Affairs has been under continuous Commission, the ministry was castigated on issues that are of relevance to women pressure to reconstitute its institutional for an ‘internal culture [that] has been and that have a gender focus. It has, since identity and practices. Its early years were driven more by ideology/advocacy than its establishment, retained its status as a marked by explicit community-oriented being evidence-based’ and for lacking ‘a stand-alone ministry. Currently there are and feminist-collectivist approaches to its clearly identified and articulated focus 27 full-time staff positions and a total work defined, by its first chief executive, (it exhibits a mix of advocacy and policy annual operating budget of $4.79 million (Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2014). ­Its primary roles include advising the minister The election of a National-led of women’s affairs on the implications of government policies; monitoring and government in 2008 heralded a period initiating legislation and regulations in order to promote equality of opportunity of instability and loss of ground for and for women; and operating a nominations within the ministry. service for the appointment of women to statutory and quasi-government bodies. In addition, the ministry is also required to report periodically back to the United Mary O’Regan, who saw the ministry as focus)’ (Mallard, 2003, p.3, italics added). Nations on ’s international an ‘insider’ for women in communities. The review recommended new leadership commitments on gender status (Mallard, In her words, the ministry was a ‘bridge’ (or what it called ‘internal enhancement’) 2003; www.mwa.govt.nz). within the public sector: that would focus on changing internal Although not the sole agency working culture, with a focus on ‘public sector in the sphere of women’s issues, the [I told women’s groups] [w]e have values’, improved management systems ministry has spearheaded gender policy got a symbiotic relationship. You and policy capability. work in the public sector, including have your networks. You have access There was a turnaround within strategic work on gender analysis/gender to the community and we have access government in the perception of the mainstreaming across the public sector to cabinet. We need each other. We ministry’s contribution as a public sector in the 1990s; women in leadership [the ministry] are the bridge. So if agency in the years following that review. programmes, particularly the ‘Women on we work well together, that’s a strong The ministry’s Action Plan for Women Boards’ nominations scheme; improved bridge and we can get things done. (2004), which outlined its strategic vision data on women’s lives (especially the (Mary O’Regan, interview with the for improved outcomes for women for development of the Time Use Survey author, 2011) the next five years, was received well by in 1998–99); and changes in key policy other public sector agencies as well as by areas, including child care, sexuality The feminist/community approach community stakeholders. By 2007 the New education, pornography and violence, was a stark anomaly in the public sector Zealand Institute of Economic Research including rape (Curtin, 2008; Curtin and and very quickly fell foul of government (NZIER) ranked the Ministry of Women’s Teghtsoonian, 2010; Hyman, 2010). The professional standards for bureaucracy. Affairs as consistently providing high- ministry has also highlighted the diverse Subsequent appointments to the position quality policy advice, and, in fact, judged needs of women through its research of chief executive were career bureaucrats its policy papers as among the best briefs and policy work with Mäori, Pacific who strove to re-align the ministry that it had scored (NZIER, 2007, p.1).3 Island and, more recently, minority with prevailing public management The ministry also developed a positive ethnic women. Since the 2000s women’s principles and instituted corporate-style reputation for working in collaborative economic independence has been an governance and accountability structures. relationships with other agencies and was area of focus of the Ministry of Women’s By the 1990s, performance management an integral member of several high-level

Policy Quarterly – Volume 11, Issue 1 – February 2015 – Page 33 Between Survival and Relevance: remaking 30 years of the Ministry of Women’s Affairs taskforces and committees facilitating key If the ministry seems to have faltered ed women’s groups, in the main these processes in the intra-government and in meeting the standards expected of it as a have been with groups that fall, as community collaborations, including the public policy institution, it has fared little Hyman (2010) points out, at the ‘liberal’ Taskforce for Action on Violence within better in the eyes of women’s community end of the feminist spectrum, and it Families and the Taskforce for Action on groups and gender scholars, particularly encourages policy change through Sexual Violence. following the euphoric early years. As accepted institutional practices, notably This success as a mainstream policy Hyman (2010) points out, its strategy of submissions and writing letters to the agency was short-lived. The election eschewing a feminist lineage has alienated minister, thereby clearly distancing itself of a National-led government in 2008 it from key community stakeholders from a role as an advocacy agency. heralded a period of instability and loss whose presence, as has been argued, is Feminist scholars have also pointed of ground for and within the ministry. integral to raising women’s issues on the to the shifts in the ministry’s values There was ‘lack of clarity on its main policy agenda (Weldon, 2002; Celis et al., towards neo-liberal interpretations of purpose and strategies following the 2008). Through the 1990s, as the ministry gender equality. Specifically, there was change of government’ (State Services developed its sharpened focus as a policy an unmistakable emphasis on ‘individual Commission, Treasury and Department ministry, its role in community funding rights’ and ‘choices’, particularly to of the Prime Minister and Cabinet, 2011, and its community-orientated focus achieve independence and self-reliance p.17), compounded by successive changes diminished.4 In interviews conducted in through paid work (Curtin, 2008; Curtin and Teghsoonian, 2010). Kahu and Morgan (2007) demonstrate that the Action Plan for Women frames women Neo-liberal and gender-neutral positively when they are constructed as discourses, found in both Labour and economically active workers and less so in roles such as motherhood. Alongside this, National policy framings, individualise there is an explicit rejection of ‘feminism’ as a value framework and its replacement women’s experiences of discrimination, by gender-neutral and family-oriented underplaying the systemic nature of approaches: ‘the feminist approach of the past has given way to a more inclusive inequality ... set of values recognising the important role that family/whänau and men play in improving outcomes for women’ (Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008, in leadership at the chief executive and 2011, women’s groups voiced a lack of p.10). This repudiation of feminism has ministerial levels. Welfare reforms, cuts confidence over what they perceived as continued over the years: in 2014, in the in community funding, changes in legal growing distance between the ministry third term of the National government, aid funding and reporting of domestic and community groups: the newly-appointed minister for women, violence, and the disestablishment of the , announced that she was dedicated unit progressing pay equity, We don’t have a lot to do with them not a feminist. The Ministry of Women’s among other things, created a policy [the ministry] really. I personally Affairs’ contemporary gender ideology context that was at odds with the forward- am not particularly satisfied by what also emphasises women’s individualism looking goals set under the 2004 Action their priorities are. For example, rather than a feminist collective: ‘It is also Plan (Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2005a, they are doing a huge amount of important for us to recognise that young p.3). As the ministry struggled to find work on Women on Boards which women today are more likely to shape its purpose, its effectiveness as a policy I’m a little sceptical of in terms their thinking in terms of individual agency was compromised. In the NZIER’s of a liberating process. I think it rights and entitlements than in terms of annual ranking, the Ministry of Women’s represents a very liberal feminist social movements’ (ibid.). Affairs’ ‘mean quality score’ for policy agenda. (Community-based NGO, Neo-liberal and gender-neutral advice declined: it fell below its high of interview, 2011) discourses, found in both Labour and 8.11, in 2007, to its lowest in 2010 of 7.50 I don’t know there is a great National policy framings, individualise (and 7.85 and 7.95 in subsequent years). connection between MWA and women’s experiences of discrimination, In the 2011 Performance Improvement working women. There is not a lot of underplaying the systemic nature of Framework review led by the central engagement at that level. (Women’s inequality (Simon-Kumar, 2011). Indeed, agencies, the Ministry of Women’s Affairs group representative, interview, 2011) the reframing of domestic violence using was found to be ‘needing development’ in gender-neutral language was criticised three out of the five key assessment areas While it is true that the ministry in the United Nations Committee on (ibid.). has ongoing collaborations with select- the Elimination of Discrimination

Page 34 – Policy Quarterly – Volume 11, Issue 1 – February 2015 Against Women 2012 report’s concluding Gendering policy effectively, however, Treasury and Department of the Prime observations to the New Zealand does not equate to effective gender Minister and Cabinet, p.13). Yet, by the government: ‘The Committee notes with policy: it is here that the difficulty in government’s own estimate, the welfare concern … the recourse to gender-neutral demonstrating categorical linkages reforms have contributed to a reduction language with respect to gender-based between the ministry’s policy work and by at least 10,292 in the number of violence, including domestic violence’ positive outcomes for women makes working-age women beneficiaries, while (United Nations, 2012, p.2, italics added). any definitive pronouncements on the corresponding reduction in male Furthermore, the dismissal of feminism is effectiveness impossible. Perspective beneficiaries since the reforms was half misplaced at a time when there is social is also critical here, as the ministry’s that (, 2014). disquiet around issues such as rape, sexual various stakeholders carry diverse criteria The instances of ongoing inequalities in consent, domestic violence, pay equality for assessing effectiveness of outcome. the labour market, especially of lower- and poverty in New Zealand, as stirrings of The nominations service is a case in paid ‘female’ work and among minority a feminist activist renaissance are emerging point. This service has continued to women (see Hyman, 2015) and the in the streets and in social media. receive excellent reviews (‘professional persistent poverty of single mothers In sum, in the last three decades and efficient’, according to the 2011 (Dwyer, 2015), raise important questions there has been a transformation of Performance Improvement Review). about the well-being of women who the Ministry of Women’s Affairs into a While such programmes undoubtedly are no longer on welfare. The reforms gender technocracy. In the course of this transition, there have been substantial reconsiderations in the way the ministry Research has consistently shown that ‘does’ policy: who its key stakeholders and client groups are, who it is accountable ‘newness’ and the ‘junior’ ranking of to, and its understandings of gender bias and equality. women politicians compromise their ability to represent the interests of Reviewing ‘effectiveness’ Evaluating effectiveness in this climate women ... of shifting institutional identities and ideologies constitutes its own challenge. Success or failure is clearly inseparable are important for correcting women’s have also been treated with caution by from who makes that assessment, whether unequal representation within the UN Committee on the Elimination the ministry is assessed for its institutional boardrooms (McGregor and Olsson, of Discrimination Against Women, efficiency as a policy agency or, further 2004; McGregor, 2014), whether a surge which seeks assurance that ‘the ongoing downstream, for the impact of its policies of women in leadership will translate welfare reforms do not discriminate on women. Furthermore, what constitutes into advancing women’s broader interests against disadvantaged groups of women ‘impact’ is heavily reliant on the priorities is a complex argument (Phillips, 2009). and that an independent evaluation of of the political context of the time. More immediately, as the community their gendered impact is made’ (United As a policy agency seeking to participant quoted above observed, the Nations, 2012, p.10). The neo-liberal turn mainstream gender into public policy, efforts at boardroom representation in the public sector and in politics more the ministry has received mixed reviews. appear removed from the everyday widely, in fact, is perceived as contributing Its strategic gender analysis tools appear struggles of women. to the ministry’s apparent insignificance to have limited uptake within the sector, Furthermore, the benchmarks of neo- in leading transformative gender policy; and, where utilised, appear to lack liberalism – whether that be efficiency as a representative of a community rigour (Ministry of Women’s Affairs, goals or cutbacks in social programmes organisation commented in an interview, 2005a, 2005b), but by 2008 seem to – have proven to be intractable barriers ‘[the ministry was] dying in a neo-liberal have become a muted component of in the pursuit of simultaneous goals of kind of way’ (personal interview, 2011). the ministry’s work (Curtin, 2014). In both policy efficacy and gender well- Despite this culture of neo-liberalism, the mid-2000s the ministry had built a being; indeed, the schism between the the ministry has demonstrated the ability reputation for providing robust policy two deepens when neo-liberalism is at its to advance women’s interests. In large advice and was placed in the top tier of most stringent. For instance, in the 2011 part, its ability to counter conservatism, agencies that provided quality advice, but review by central agencies, the ministry neo-liberal and otherwise, has been reliant this success, as noted, lasted only briefly. was applauded for its ‘[r]ecent support on the political capital it has been able to While its policy advice is still recognised provided to the Minister on potential marshal. ‘Insiders’ in authority who have as commendable, as at 2013 it was rated Welfare Reform’ as a demonstration that championed and led the ministry’s policy as ‘Adequate’ by the NZIER (below the it has the ability to ‘underpin effective work have been important in this regard. categories of High and Respectable). interventions’ (State Services Commission, Ministers of women’s affairs with high

Policy Quarterly – Volume 11, Issue 1 – February 2015 – Page 35 Between Survival and Relevance: remaking 30 years of the Ministry of Women’s Affairs cabinet rankings and a commitment to bill’ (Goodhew, Hansard, 25 July 2012).5 The first contradiction it faces is in progress women’s work have been pivotal Without the presence of high-ranking its fundamental gender frameworks. to the advances made by the ministry. The Cabinet ministers or, alternatively, strong The ministry’s potential to provide Labour Party’s Labour Women’s Council champions from within the governing consistent, first-principles policy analysis was an influential forum for advancing party, the ministry is increasingly inclined – identifying strategic issues, amassing women-friendly policy through well- to advocate for gender equality policy evidence, offering comparative analysis placed, sympathetic ministers of women’s from within the status quo. and generating policy actions – is affairs such as in 1985–87 Additionally, the loss of other allies perceived as being compromised by the and in 1987–90 (Curtin, and partners working on women’s lack of ‘analytical underpinning’ (NZIER, 2008). But significant policy advances and issues in the bureaucracy has further 2011, p.4). Gender policy requires institutional stability have also been noted diminished the prospects for the ministry encompassing what Woodward (2001) during the tenure of National’s , to be effective in ways that challenge the calls the ‘irrational’: the underlying from 1990 to 1999, and then-Alliance political ethos of the day. The closure of institutional and societal discriminatory member Laila Harré in 2002–05 (Curtin the Pay Equity Unit at the Department values that are seemingly opaque to reason. In the current climate of ambivalent gender political ideologies and an absence The Ministry of Women’s Affairs’ 30- of strategic policy visions (Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2005a), the ministry year history is a story of remarkable lacks the political wherewithal to generate adaptability to the changes in its policy viable gender analytical frameworks that grapple with the deep-seated nature of environment. structural discrimination. The second contradiction relates to the ministry’s relationship with stakeholders. and Teghtsoonian, 2010). Furthermore, of Labour in 2008 and the conversion of The ministry deploys strategic the period of the fifth Labour government its ongoing work into ‘further research’ relationship-based policy as a means (1999–2008), with strong female leadership by the Ministry of Women’s Affairs, and to encourage gender accountabilities in government, significantly provided a the transfer of the National Advisory within the public sector. It has gained better climate for progressive and women- Council on the Employment of Women’s some repute and success in ‘brokering’ friendly politics within which the ministry accountability lines to the minister of gender equality policy, creating a culture could be effective. women’s affairs, signal the emergence of ‘client focus’ within the organisation. Ministerial positions after 2008 of an era of conservative gender politics The 2011 central agency review noted have not, for any sustained period, and re-set expectations about the priority that much of this focus has been on been retained by similarly high- given to women’s issues. relationships with other government ranking female ministers. Research has agencies and with its own minister, and consistently shown that ‘newness’ and Regaining relevance has recommended that the ministry foster the ‘junior’ ranking of women politicians For all the reasons outlined above – ‘closer engagement’ with ‘key non-profit compromise their ability to represent evidentiary gaps in causal linkages and agencies’ (State Services Commission, the interests of women, especially if it shifting ideologies – concepts such as Treasury and Department of the Prime requires questioning the leadership’s ‘effectiveness’, ‘outcomes’ and ‘impact’ Minister and Cabinet, 2011, p.22). While policy directives (Beckwith, 2007; Celis consign the ministry to lacklustre success this mandate offers the ministry an et al., 2008; Childs, 2001, 2006; Cowley as a policy shop. Arguably, since its opportunity to rebuild ‘bridges’ with the and Childs, 2003). The 2012 debates formation the Ministry of Women’s Affairs community sector, it is important that, to around the extension of paid parental has maintained its relevance through be relevant, such partnerships transcend leave exemplify these concerns, when the adaptation: it has adopted supportive the established repertoire of public sector minister of women’s affairs ’s and facilitative roles with agencies in the interactions – namely, client-focused, position in Parliament was in line with public sector, a range of policy strategies brokering or consultative relationships the party view that the government that are not reactive but which aim at the – and instead foster the development could not make commitments that long range, and tend to be politically non- of strategic alliances, a space where, as attracted budgetary liabilities: ‘Just controversial. However, in the future the Curtin (2014) notes, women are present because it is a good idea does not mean fuller prospects for relevance will emerge at the point of policy problem definition. that the money is magicked up out of from the ministry’s ability to navigate A third contradiction relates to the fresh air to deliver it. We are concerned through its own contexts of contradiction, issues that are advanced on the policy at the financial implications of nearly negotiating both its technocratic agenda. Htun and Weldon’s (2010) doubling the amount of paid parental obligations and socially transformative concepts of ‘doctrinal’ and ‘non-doctrinal’ leave, which has been proposed in this (indeed, feminist) potential. policy issues are useful in this regard.

Page 36 – Policy Quarterly – Volume 11, Issue 1 – February 2015 Based on their global research, Htun which satisfies both policy and gender/ to the ministry by its previous name. 2 This data was collected as part of the author’s research and Weldon identified doctrinal policies transformative imperatives. project ‘Engaging Women in Public Policy’, funded by a Marsden fast-start grant (2009–12). A range of community as those that subscribe to a society’s organisations were interviewed, including some which core religious or cultural doctrines and, Conclusion work on specifically women’s issues (such as motherhood or abortion); some which work in areas where women are therefore, are more difficult to make The Ministry of Women’s Affairs’ 30-year disproportionately, but not exclusively, represented (such as violence); and some that do not have gender as their major progress on compared to non-doctrinal history is a story of remarkable adaptability focus but have particular units or sections which target policies. Extending this frame somewhat to the changes in its policy environment. women’s needs in their area. 3 The NZIER’s rankings are intended for a specific, limited liberally to the context of women’s Whether its legacy of survival as a policy purpose and are not a comprehensive measure of the merit of policy agencies, one might argue that agency has made it an effective institution policy advice. Their analysis of ‘quality’ does not engage with the substantive content of policy analysis and instead focuses the Ministry of Women’s Affairs faces for advancing women’s equality is another on factors such as utilisation of graphs and charts, fitness for purpose, structure and organisation, length and turgidity fewer barriers and greater success in non- – and rather hotly debated – matter. (or what they call ‘the risk of a numbers soup’). There are doctrinal policy areas: e.g. women in There is still unfinished business here. As also limitations in the data comparison from year to year, as there is no clear systematic or standardised method for the leadership. Despite societal conservatism, it considers its next (hopefully) 30-year selection of papers. Furthermore, as the NZIER itself reports, the assessment does not take into account any circumstantial the ministry has been successful in journey, ‘relevance’ for the ministry will factors which may have influenced the production of a doctrinal areas as well: more recently this require re-envisioning a transformative particular brief. 4 The Ministry of Women’s Affairs has never had a role in has been in sexual violence. Although a role in a way that goes beyond the policy service delivery, which is likely to have contributed to its range of social factors have contributed advocacy versus policy agency binary. Its survival through periods of neo-liberal funding cuts which led to the closure of women’s policy agencies in other countries to putting sexual violence on the policy challenge will be to enhance its technical (Teghtsoonian, 2004). 5 http://www.parliament.nz/en-nz/pb/debates/debates/50Hans agenda, the Ministry of Women’s gender policy skills while simultaneously D_20120725_00000032/parental-leave-and-employment- Affairs (in partnership with key public engaging anew with innovative pathways protection-six-months%E2%80%99-paid). and community sector partners) has of transformative relevance. played an instrumental role in making 1 The ministry was renamed the Ministry for Women and policy progress in this area. The ability its minister the minister for women in December 2014 at to raise ‘doctrinal’ matters for policy the time this article was being written. As the change is still in process, and for the sake of continuity with existing consideration is an indicator of relevance scholarship and official documentation, this article will refer

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Policy Quarterly – Volume 11, Issue 1 – February 2015 – Page 37 NZIER (2009) Reassessment of Quality: looking at the MWA policy Teghtsoonian, K. (2003) ‘W(h)ither women’s equality? Neoliberalism, advice, report to the Ministry of Women’s Affairs, Wellington: New institutional change and public policy in British Columbia’, Policy and Zealand Institute of Economic Research Society, 22 (1), pp.26-47 NZIER (2011) Quality Review 2011: advice from Ministry of Women’s Teghtsoonian, K. (2004) ‘Neoliberalism and gender analysis Affairs, report to the Ministry of Women’s Affairs, Wellington: New mainstreaming in Aotearoa/New Zealand’, Australian Journal of Zealand Institute of Economic Research Political Science, 39 (2), pp.267-84 NZIER (2012) Policy Advice Quality Review 2012: NZIER final report to Teghtsoonian, K. (2005) ‘Disparate fates in challenging times: women’s Ministry of Women’s Affairs, Wellington: New Zealand Institute of policy agencies and neoliberalism in Aotearoa/New Zealand and Economic Research British Columbia’, Canadian Journal of Political Science, 38 (2), NZIER (2013) Policy Advice Quality Review 2013: NZIER report to pp.307-33 Ministry of Women’s Affairs, Wellington: New Zealand Institute of Teghtsoonian, K. and L. Chappell (2008) ‘The rise and decline of Economic Research women’s policy machinery in British Columbia and New South Wales: Phillips, A. (2009) ‘Democracy and representation: or, why should it a cautionary tale’, International Political Science Review, 29 (1), matter who our representatives are?’, in A. Phillips (ed.), Feminism pp.29-51 and Politics, 2nd edn, Oxford: Oxford University Press United Nations (2012) Concluding Observations of the Committee on Sawer, M. and N. Unies (1996) Femocrats and Ecorats: women’s policy the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women: New Zealand, machinery in Australia, Canada and New Zealand, Geneva United CEDAW/C/NZL/CO/7, accessed at www.mwa.govt.nz Nations Research Institute for Social Development, UNRISD Weldon, S. L. (2002) ‘Beyond bodies: institutional sources of Simon-Kumar, R. (2011) ‘Differences that matter: from “gender” to representation for women in democratic policymaking’, Journal of “ethnicity” in contemporary Aotearoa New Zealand’, Women’s Politics, 64 (4), pp.1153-74, doi:10.1111/1468-2508.00167 Studies Journal, 25 (2), pp.74-90 Woodward, A. (2001) Gender Mainstreaming in European Policy: State Services Commission, Treasury and Department of the Prime innovation or deception?, discussion paper FSI01-103, Berlin: Minister and Cabinet (2011) Performance Improvement Framework: Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin für Sozialforschung formal review of the Ministry of Women’s Affairs, Wellington: State Services Commission What is your passion? Follow your passion. Make your difference. Get up to date. Learn with great people. Start Now With a refreshed 4-Course professional Fully revamped Public Management courses certificate in the School Managing for Results /Managing People / Managing Public Resources Leading Change in Public and Community Organisations of Government Brand new Public Management and Public Policy courses Governance and Governing/ State, Economy and Society/ Policy and Management Practice Fully revamped Public Policy courses Analysis and Advising / Policy Methods and Practice/ Economics and Policy/ Policy Workshop

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