Fare Hike and Urban Protest Calcutta Crowd in 1953 Siddhartha Guha Roy

Riots and insurrections have been part of Calcutta's history and one of the interesting features of crowd action in the city, before and since independence, is the attack on tramcars by frenzied mobs. This paper attempts to capture the urban disturbance and mob violence that erupted in Calcutta in 1953 in the wake of a sudden rise in second class tram fares and studies the tramwaymen's attitude towards people's protest as also the reaction of the West Bengal government to the episode. CALCUTTA, as a city, has a long history compelled the company to give certain con­ The much-talked-of resistance and boycott of riots and insurrections* mob frenzy and cessions to its employees. But this did not did not actually take place, as only those mass violence The city population, par­ make any dent in its profits, as it took an who travelled by first class were affected. ticularly its poorer section, often resorted to immediate decision to raise the tram fares. But the incidents of 1953 did not reflect the practice attacking the locus of political The burden of the additional labour cost fell a similar story. In the middle of June, a news power which affected their lives. They fre­ on commuters, who by and large represented item appearing in the press announced the quently indulged in riots or insurrections or the poorer sections of the city population.5 possibility of raising the second class fare otherwise exerted direct pressure on the The decision to increase tram fares caused in Calcutta trams. On June 22, the Calcutta authorities operating within their range. One disgruntlement among the people of district committee of the CPI, opposing the of the interesting features of crowd action Calcutta. The Employees' Association, move to increase fares, exposed the "hidden in Calcutta, during both colonial and post- representing white collar employees of hands of the West Bengal government colonial periods, was the attack on tramcars several concerns of Calcutta, articulated behind this move" and appealed to the by frenzied mobs. One of the earliest in­ their protest in Karmi, the mouthpiece of the Calcut tans to resist this "fresh attack on the stances took place as far back as October Bengali middle class.6 But this protest in interest of the common people".13 1907. Police repression on a Swadeshi rally the early 20s remained a mere intellectual On June 25, 1953 the company announ­ triggered off a serious outbreak of mob exercise, in the form of writing articles. ced its decision to increase second class fares violence in Calcutta and trams were the / Immediately after the transfer of power from the July 1, 1953. The decision was sup­ "ready victims".1 According to an estimate, in August 1947, the tram company was once ported by the government of West Bengal14 at least twenty-nine trams were damaged in more seized with the idea of raising the fare. 2 A section of the political forces operating the first two days of violence. But this time people from all walks of life in West Bengal suspected that, in view of the Dennis Gill, a British tramcar specialist, threatened not to pay the enhanced fares and 7 opposition of the private bus owners and to wrote in this connection, to boycott trams. The government in placate the people's reaction to the move, the Because they are easily accessible, tramcars apprehension of people's protest, immediate­ government "deferred for the time being, its have frequently been targets for attack by ly appointed a commission, under the chair­ plan to increase bus fares".15 unruly elements. In some disturbances heavy manship of justice Das of the Calcutta High damage has been inflicted on them by violent Court, to examine the pros and cons of the On June 27, a joint statement by the mobs bent on destroying everything in their situation relating to the proposed enhance­ leaders of the opposition parties, including path. Nowhere this has been more prevalent ment of tramfare. In a written statement the CPI, Praja Socialist Party (PSP), Revolu­ 3 than in Calcutta. before the commission, the CTWU criticised tionary Socialist Party (RSP),,Socialist Unity Eric Hobsbawm had also observed that of the decision of fare rise by the company. In Centre (SUC), Forward Bloc, etc, opposed all forms of urban transport in Calcutta, the support of its statement, the CTWU. the government move to increase the fare. tramways, in particular, were "usually con­ categorically mentioned two things: the The same evening witnessed the formation venient for rioters". He saw two reasons wartime abolition of cheap midday ticket, of the Tram and Bus Fare Enhancement behind this. He described a fare hike in any all-day ticket, etc, which were not still rein­ Resistance Committee comprising leaders of public transport system as a "natural precipi­ troduced, as well as the subsequent abolition these political parties. Veteran Forward Bloc tant of trouble" which tended to affect the of the surplus profit tax by the government leader Hemanta Basu was its president, poorer section of the city On the other hand, had already led to an enormous increase in while Jyoti Basu (CPI), Subodh Banerjee the rioters could help themselves by block­ the profits of the company.8 Purnendu (SUC), Suresh Banerjee (PSP) and Satya ing the streets and disrupting traffic with the Sekhar Basu, a councillor of the Calcutta Priya Banerjee (Marxist Forward Bloc) were burnt or overturned large and track bound Corporation, therefore asked the commis­ the members. Eventually this committee 4 came to be known popularly as Resistance vehicles. sion not to support the company's decision 16 Urban disturbance and mob violence to raise the fares. His statement was furnish* Committee or Pratirodh Committee. erupted in Calcutta in 1953, in the wake of ed with figures indicating the steady increase Meanwhile the CTWU registered its a sudden rise in the second class tram fares. in the company's profit since May 1947.9 vociferous protest at the decision of raising It is instructive to have a look at the tram­ Naren Sen, representing the CTWU, told the second class tram fare. It organised several waymen's attitude towards people's protest commission that the people of Calcutta were rallies and processions through the Calcutta and at the same time the reaction of the West already digruntled over the proposed fare streets to mobilise public opinion against the 17 Bengal government to the entire episode The rise and that such fare rise would hinder the proposed fare rise. It published detailed Calcutta Tramways Company was a British- smooth running of tramcars in the city.10 facts and figures in the daily Swadhinata, owned concern registered in London. Even After going through all relevant documents, then the Bengali organ of the CPI, showing after the transfer of power in 1947, British justice Das came to the conclusion that the how the fare hike was "absloutety uncalled ownership continued. Before going into the rise in fare at that particular stage was not for" in view of the "swelling profits of the details of the movement against the fare hike at all essential, as the company "almost company". The CTWU also expressed utter in 1953, it is essential to look into the doubled its profit" from the level of 1935, disbelief in the statement of the company background which he took as the base year.11 In 1949, that the increase was essential to meet the The first instance of fare rise took place the Calcutta Tramways Company arbitrarily additional expenses for replacing and im­ in early 1922. The labour unrest in the raised only the first class tram fare People of proving the tramcars, as the company still Calcutta Tramways throughout 1921 had Calcutta protested, but not so vehemently.12 had a huge reserve fund and a massive

Economic and Political Weekly December 29, 1990 2863 balance in its renewal and replacement tense as a result of all this that the city's tram crowding into second class trams and ap­ fund." services on all but five of its sections were pealing to the people not to pay the enhan­ On June 29, the Resistance Committee withdrawn in the afternoon of July 3 and ced rates, the agitators stayed outside; asked people to refuse to pay the enhanced by 6.30 p m all cars were back in their respec­ shouted boycott slogans and appealed to the fare. Accordingly posters appeared with such tive sheds.25 public not to travel by tram.51 Another new appeals in each and every corner of the Faced with heavy losses for the preceding aspect of the movement was mass participa­ 19 city. But all such protests went unheeded, two days, the tram company decided to tion of the students of Calcutta. A Calcutta as the British company stuck to its earlier "enforce new fares with the help of the daily reported that "in fact, it was they decision. The West Bengal Government also police". As the people refused to pay the new [students], who caused the police the greatest went on Supporting the proposed fare rise. fare, they were arrested. This brought the worry".52 The intervention of the police and The agitation against fare rise started in "forces of law and order under direct attack" arrests of several students gave the full force from the very first day of the fare by the people. This incidentally resulted in demonstration a more violent turn. To make hike, i e, July 1. Hundreds of Resistance turbulent clashes in different areas of the things worse; a police contingent entered the Committee volunteers, mostly young men, city. Being hindered by the police in their Asutosh College building in south Calcutta in their respective areas, called upon the peo­ "free sway" in the cars, a section of the and resorted to "severe torture''.53 This ple to refuse to pay the increased fare. They agitators resorted to more "violent" means added* fuel to the fire and students themselves boarded the trams and offered of voicing their disapproval of the new fares. throughout the city erected barricades over old fares. As the conductors were not Barricades were erected across the tram tram tracks, improvised with dustbins and authorised to accept the old amount, they tracks at Baghbazar-Chit pore Road, bullock-carts. As the police set itself to the rode free. With the approach of the office Harrison Road, Rashbehari Avenue and the task of removing the barricades, it faced stiff hours, the trams began to be filled up and Lower and Upper Circular Roads—but they resistance from the demonstrators, resulting the shouting of slogans turned the ''condi­ were all removed by the police. In in severe disturbances in Hazra, Kalighat, tion inside the cars unbearable".20 The Ballygunge, Kalighat, Bhowanipur and Chitpore and Bowbazar.54 agitators were numerically reinforced at Syambazar, police tried to keep the crowd The call for boycotting the trams by the every stop, as fresh elements got in. The in check. Lathi and teargas charges and even Resistance Committee met with "surprising agitation was taken up rather hesitantly in scattered firing by the police, in some "sen­ response" in Calcutta and Howrah from July the early morning. But by the afternoon, the sitive" zones of the city, failed to curb ten­ 7 and (he busy streets of Calcutta witnes­ people themselves had taken it up and en­ sion. All this resulted only in violent clashes sed almost empty trams running from one thusiastic crowds boarded the trams refus­ between the agitators and the police. At least 55 21 depot to the other. This told heavily on ing to pay the enhanced fare. On July 2 six hundred people, including leaders of the the earnings of the company, which even also the same tense situation prevailed in the CPI and other non-Congress parties, were made it think of a closure of its business in city as free rides and slogan shouting inside imprisoned. Among the arrested leaders Calcutta. ACT Blease, the then agent of the cars continued, causing enormous loss were Jyoti Basu and Ganesh Ghosh, both the Calcutta Tram Company, in a press inter­ to the Calcutta Tramways Company. The of CPI, Subodh Banerjee, of the SUC, and view did not rule out the "possibility of agitators adopted a new form of struggle. Jyotish Joardar of the Socialist Republican suspending tram services" in the trouble-torn They boarded the trams, armed with plenty Party. All of them were members of the city. He added that the company was losing of coins of various denominations so that Bengal legislative assembly. The Resistance money daily and when "a business is unable the passengers, willing to pay the old fare Committee, in protest against the arrest and to meet its bills, it has to close down".36 might be able to tender the exact amount other types of "police atrocities", gave a call rather than giving any chance to the conduc­ for a general strike on July 4.26 On July 7, the students and citizens put tors to return them change after deducting up a massive demonstration before the head 22 The hartal (general strike) seriously 57 the new fares. disrupted life in the city and its surrounding office of the company at Mango Lane. On the evening of July 2, the then West areas. Shops and markets remained closed. Five Resistance Committee leaders, in­ Bengal chief minister, B C Roy, defended the Dams and buses were off the road. Train ser­ cluding Jyoti Basu (who was freed on bail increase of fare in unequivocal terms. In a vices in Sealdah were badly dislocated and on the 5th), met Blease and asked him "to press note, he claimed that the fare struc­ " taxis and private-cars were obstructed by the revert to the old second class tariff". ture for second class travellers, after the pro­ agitators. Police fired several rounds Although Blease gave an assurance that he posed increase, was perhaps the lowest in the throughout the city "to disperse the defiant would forward their demand to the board world. In defence of the increase, the press crowd".27 of directors in London as well as to the West note stated that the expenses of running the Bengal government, he refused to recom­ tram cars had "mounted tremendously" in On July 5, the Resistance Committee mend such a proposal. The Resistance the recent past and the government was com­ organised a meeting at Subodh Mullick Committee then stuck to the decision of con­ Square in which they appealed to the people tinuing their agitation. The same evening the pelled to support the proposed fare rise ac­ 28 cording to the provisions of the Calcutta to boycott the tram cars. On the same Calcutta police, anticipating a more violent Tramways Act of 1951. In his statement, the evening, B C Roy, on the eve of his depar­ turn of the movement arrested at least five chief minister gave a clear hint of govern­ ture for Europe, strongly condemned the hundred citizens, including Jyoti Basu, 58 ment "offensive to-combat violence", when movement and stated that a government under the Preventive Detention Act. "can never accept the position that rowdy he categorically commented that any case of 1 29 The police action was strongly condemn­ default to pay the fare was punishable under elements should control the city affairs". ed and on July 8, six members of parlia­ law, and the government could not "sit idle The comment of the chief minister invited ment, who also happened to be residents of in the face of such lawlessness on the part vociferous protest from different sections of Calcutta, in a telegram urged the prime of the picketers".23 the people of Calcutta. Reacting sharply to minister of India, Jawaharlal Nehru, to in­ July 3 turned out to be an eventful day, it, the Crossroads editorially commented: tervene in the indiscriminate application of when the Congress government of West "Describing the peoples' leaders as rowdies, the Preventive Detention Act against the Bengal unleashed a "reign of terror" deploy­ the present chief minister of West Bengal is "leaders and participants in. the peaceful walking closely in the footsteps of its British movement of persuading the people to ing its entire police force, including the 30 reserves. This, however, could not stop the predecessors." refrain from travelling in the tram can in Resistance ' Committee volunteers from Only July 6, the agitation against the fare protest against arbitrary increase of fares". picketing, demonstrating and appealing for rise took a new and more 'serious' turn. It In course of a statement, they urged the West not paying the increased fare. Consequently was then that the demonstrators attempted Bengal government to "cease the policy of there followed "police action to curb ten­ to enforce a boycott of tram travel in place repression which it has launched" and re­ sion".24 The overall situation became so of the non-payment of the fares. Instead of quested it to advise the tram company "to

2864 Economic aad Political Weekly December 29. 1990 rescind the increase in fares, which has won't be tolerated" was in the hands of Tinu, CTWU formed a joint strike committee roused such widespread opposition". a well known anti-social element of north along with another union of the tram- Meghnad Sana, the eminent scientist, and Calcutta!50 The mass meeting or the subse­ workers, the Calcutta Tram Mazdoor Hiren Mukherjee, the famous historian, were quent procession organised by the Congress Panchayat. The Joint Strike Committee among these MPs who had signed the failed to make any impact. A popular 39 decided to launch an indefinite strike from statement. Bengali daily commented: "the antics of the July 17 in support of the demands raised by Meanwhile another factor played a vital Congress only helped to strengthen the the Resistance committee.60 The decision of role in precipitating the crisis, viz the police determination of the people''.51 the tram workers to withdraw themselves firing in Burnpur, an industrial township in On July 15, West Bengal saw one of its from their duties meant a signal blow to the West Bengal. Police let loose terror when if biggest and most successful general strikes British company as well as their 'protec­ opened Tire on the striking workers there on in its history. About ten lakh people struck tor', the West Bengal government. July 5, killing at least seven and injuring work, affecting practically every industry, in­ 40 The entire press, excepting the British- many. The public wrath was at its height cluding jute mills, collieries, engineering owned Statesman and the Congress organ and the entire working class of West Bengal works, bus transport and offices. Shops and Janasevak, sharply criticised the government protested "against the anti-people policies markets remained closed even in the Con­ 41 activities. The Jugantar and the Ananda of the Congress Raj". On the initiative of gress strongholds like Burrabazar area Bazar Pathka editorially supported the the BPTUC, several trade union organisa­ dominated by Marwari business magnates. peoples' reaction against fare rise.61 But the tions, excluding the Congress-affiliated Bandh was observed in many of the rural Statesman in its editorial took a different INTUC, got together with a view to chalking districts as well.52 A series of clashes took 42 stand. It was professedly sympathetic to out plans for facing the new 'threats'. place between the people and the police those who were "genuinely upset by the in­ On July 8, a Joint Strike Committee was throughout the day. The police repeatedly crease in second class fare" and, at the same formed, comprising the representatives of resorted to lathi charge, teargas and firing time, was convinced that the "people have 53 the BPTUC, UTUC and HMS. With them in ' many places as a result of which a a right to expect a fall and not a rise in the also were several middle class employees' worker of a small factory in Jadavpur, nam­ cost of living." Yet it branded the protest 54 federations, not affiliated to any central ed Sannyasi Sardar, died of gunshot. But against the fare rise as 'unscrupulous'.62 organisation. The Joint Strike Committee the general strike was marred by one lacuna. Puzzled at the increasing intensity of the issued an appeal to the people of West The city's tramwaymen "who had so long agitation and tramwaymen's decision of Bengal to observe a general strike on July 15, been regarded as the traditional leaders of launching an indefinite strike on the one as a protest against enhancement of second any general strike in Calcutta" did not par­ 55 hand and reeling before the attack of the class tram fare, rise in the prices of essen­ ticipate in this strike. This aspect, will be press on the other, the government sought tial commodities, retrenchment in different dealt with later. the advice of the Press Advisory Council for industrial sectors and, particularly, against The situation did not improve even on the a way out to defuse the crisis. The Press government "repression in Burnpur and 16th, as fierce clashes between the police and Advisory Council, consisting of the editors 43 Calcutta" At this stage, the West Bengal the people continued. Peoples protest of important newspapers, made three recom­ state committee of the CPI, with a view to against the increase of tram fares went to mendations: (I) referring the question of fare "echo the sentiment of masses" and such dizzy heights that the West Bengal to a tribunal, (2) withdrawal of Section 144 "canalise peoples' discontent in a correct government was compelled to clamp Section of Indian Penal Code from the city, and direction", raised the demand that the Con­ 144 of the Indian Penal Code, which pro­ (3) release of all prisoners arrested in con­ gress ministry in West Bengal should resign hibited assembly of five or more persons nection with fare increase resistance move­ 44 and seek a fresh mandate of the people. anywhere within the town and suburbs of ment.63 Similar advice was given by a com­ The call for a general strike unnerved the Calcutta.56 On the evening of July 16, mittee of prominent citizens, headed by government. A high-powered bureaucrat, troops were called out.57 Radha Binode Pal, the noted jurist.64 describing the new programme of people's From July 16 to 18, police and military On July 9 the West Bengal government agitation, commented, "amateurs have 45 cracked down on different localities of seemed to beat a retreat from its erstwhile retired and professionals have taken over". Calcutta. Numerous firings by the police and rigid stand, when it announced that the tram Under the new circumstances, the ruling military turned the situation worse. A sixty fare issue would be referred to a tribunal, party also could no longer remain passive. year-old school teacher was beaten to death pending which the old rate would be On July 21, the West Bengal Provincial Con­ by the police, while the army killed an rstored,65 But the government persisted gress Committee met at Congress Bhavan eighteen year-old student. In different areas, with imposition of Section 144 in the city and decided to make all-out effort to "resist barricades were set up by local youth to and, at the same time, refused to release the goondaism being committed in the name of block the mobility of the forces of law and thousands of detenus arrested in connec­ Fare Increase Resistance Committee".46 order, "spontaneously turning the paras into tion with the resistance movement.66 Atulya Ghosh, president of the Provincial fortresses". Another new technique was The Resistance Committee, with a view to Congress Committee, in a statement assured adopted by the local youth, in face of severe violating Section 144, decided to organise a 'protection' from 'hooliganism' with the aid repression by the military and police forces. mass meeting at Calcutta Maidan on of the Congress volunteers to all those who They would smash the bulbs of the street July 22. Defying Section 144, thousands of would not join the general strike on the lamps or cut the electric wires and thereby Catcuttans assembled at the Maidan. Police 15th.47 The Provincial Congress Committee plunge the whole area into darkness, making atrocities broke out to disrupt the meeting, also held a public meeting on July 14,' just it difficult for the police and army to move but with no result. Failing in its mission to on the eve of the proposed general strike. about.58 Police and army atrocities bring about a disruption in the meeting, the After the meeting a very thinly attended throughout Calcutta were condemned police made the press reporters their Special 'anti-hooliganism' procession, organised by everywhere. Manik Bandyopadhyay, the target—'you have already taken enough of the Congress, paraded the streets and famous Bengali writer, disturbed at the our photographs"—and smashed their shouted slogans denouncing the general police and army actions in the city on July cameras. En masse protest of the pressmen strike.48 When the procession came in front 15 and 16, wrote his famous Chhara which only helped to invite police attack on of a massive pro-strike demonstration near was published in Swadhinata on July 17.59 them.69 This assault on the pressmen Esplanade, the handful of Congress But the final blow at this stage came from became an "international scandal blacken­ volunteers however staged 'a hasty retreat' the tramworkers of Calcutta. The tram­ ing the face of West Bengal government".70 under police protection.49 In this connec­ waymen, with a view to breaking their isola­ The Indian Journalists' Association sent a tion, mention may be made of a story cir­ tion from "the main current of democratic telegram to the prime minister of India, culating in the city. In the aforesaid Con­ movement" decided to join the struggle seeking protection against "the savage gress rally, a placard reading "Goondaism launched by the Resistance Committee, The assault on the pressmen". The telegram also

Economic and Political Weekly December 29, 1990 2865 stated that the recent attack on the press manhandling of a number of them.77 ment to the people's pressure with good reporters of Calcutta represented a "reprisal During the first few days of the movement, grace. The Eastern Economist of the Birlas for the exposure of the police excesses".71 the agitators were tremendously aided by the described the entire incident as an "ig­ Public indignation was at its height in the tram workers. During that particular stage nominious surrender". by the West Bengal wake of this incident and the demand for of the agitation, when the demonstrators government. It wrote: the resignation of the acting chief minister, and the people refused to pay the enhanced It is a signal blow to the Congress Govern­ Prafulla Chandra Sen, and home minister, fare, the tram workers "helped the movement ment; and every blow to a Congress Govern­ Kalipada Mukherjee, was echoed by the by their sympathy and generally by not ment of this magnitude is a blow to the Con­ people, the press and even by a 'section of pressing for the increased fares and in many 94 72 78 gress organisation and to its President. Congressmen'. other ways" Not a single instance of clash The crowd action of Calcutta in 1953 The government on July 26 hastily between the demonstrators and the workers stands out as a glorious instance of protest withdrew Section 144 from the city and had been reported. On the 4th, when the against the whimsical decision of the released five leaders of the Resistance Com­ Resistance Committee gave the call for a authorities that meant an economic strain mittee including Jyoti Basu, Hemanta Basu 'bandh', the tramwaymen "refused to bring 79 for the poorer section of the city population. and Ganesh Ghosh. But the rank and file out the trams, with help of the police". The crowd was violent, impulsive, easily of the agitators who were jailed were not What was then the factor that temporarily 73 swayed by rumour and quick to panic—but released. On July 29, the prisoners in prevented the tram workers from joining the it would be a mistake to paint them as fickle Presidency Jail, arrested in connection with central strike of July 15, the call for which and peculiarly irrational elements. The the agitation, went on a continuous hunger was given given by the Central Trade Union Calcutta crowd of 1953 was in fact George strike, demanding their classification as and the CPI? Rude's Crowd in History, which reacted political prisoners. On July 31 the prisoners No evidence is at all available for answer­ sharply to a specific historical situation. of the Dum Dum Central Jail joined ing this intriguing question. Newspaper 74 Hence, to dismiss the crowd behaviour of them. sources, CPI pamphlets and official papers, Calcutta as a mysterious, vague and As the situation in Calcutta grew worse fail to throw any light on the issue. Contem­ haphazard phenomenon, composed of and efforts of the government to establish porary communist leaders or the leaders of social misfits, would be overdrawn, tenden­ an ordered life failed, Bidhan Chandra Roy, the Calcutta tramwaymen did not open their tious and misleading. the chief minister of West Bengal, had to cut lips in spelling out the cause of the non- short his European tour and return home participation in the general strike of July rather hastily. On July 31, B C Roy assured 15.80 Hence we are forced to have recourse Notes the leaders of the Resistance Committee that to a plausible assumption During the first 1 Suranjan Das, 'The Crowd in Calcutta all their demands would be accepted. The few days of the agitation, the tramwaymen Violence' in Basudcb Chattopadhyay and Committee then decided to withdraw its despite their 'help' and 'sympathy' towards others (ed). Dissent and Consensus: Social agitation. The Joint Strike Committee of the the agitators, possibly received some Protest in Pre-lndustrial Societies, Calcutta, tram workers also called off the strike "in maltreatment from them. It was nothing 1989, p 234. deference to the wishes of the travelling unusual, as in the preliminary stage of the 2 Ibid. 75 public" of Calcutta on the same day. struggle, the main participants came from 3 Dennis Gill, Tramcar Treasury, London, On August 2, 1953, Roy agreed to release the petty bourgeois sections of the people 1963, p 100. all prisoners and also to allow bail to those and possibly also anti-social elements. 4 E Hobsbawm, 'Cities and Insurrections* in prosecuted for acts of violence. Relating to Hence, the men on duty being harassed by Revolutionaries, London, 1982, p 221. the tram fare, he gave a written statement some of the demonstrators became tem­ 5 Karmi'(Bengali version), Magh 1328 (BS), that even if the tribunal advised increase, he porarily alienated towards the fare increase Vol I, No 6, p 113. would consult public opinion before agree­ resistance movement and thus did not res­ 6 Karmi (Bengali version), Chaitra 1328 (BS),. ing to it. He also agreed to provide govern­ pond to the general strike call of July 15. Vol I, No 8, p 143. mental relief to the injured and to the However realising their mistake, they soon 7 Ananda Bazar Patrika, January 14, 1948. families of those killed during the clash with joined hands with the people and decided 8 Ananda Bazar Patrika, February 15, 1948. police. He also announced a judicial enquiry to launch a continuous strike. In fact, this 9 Ananda Bazar Patrika, March 4, 1948. 76 10 Ananda Bazar Patrika, March 11, 1948. into the attack on the pressmen. People decision brought about a qualitative change 11 Ananda Bazar Patrika, February 25 and accepted the announcements with in the entire situation. Being alarmed at the March 25, 1948. new development, the government decided jubiliation. 12 Crossroads, Vol V, No 2, July 12, 1953. Now let us look into the attitude of the to step down from its, early rigidity and an­ 13 Ibid. tram workers towards this agitation at its dif­ nounced that the decision of fare rise would 14 Ananda Bazar Patrika, June 26, 1953. ferent phases. Despite their glorious tradi­ be examined by a tribunal. It appears that 15 New Age (monthly), November 1953, p 73. tion of struggle against the management and only the participation of the most organised 16 Ananda Bazar Patrika, June 28, 1953. their long history of responsive reaction section of the working class.could decisively 17 New Age, November 1953, p 73. towards significant political issues, they for influence the peoples' movement at this 18 Ibid. the first time experienced a movement laun­ stage and "save it from being wrecked on the 19 Ibid. 81 ched primarily against their management, shoals of petty bourgeois revolutionism". 20 The Statesman, July 2, 1953. the leadership of which did not rest with Thus the Calcutta trams played a leading 21 New Age, November 1953, p 73. them. We have noted in course of our discus­ role in generating a mass movement in 22 The Statesman, July 3, 1953. sion that in 1948 the representatives of the Calcutta. An apparently small economic 23 The Statesman, July 3, 1953. CTWU spoke against the raising of fare issue of fare rise was made the basis of a 24 The Statesman, July 4, 1953. before the Das Commission. This time also, large-scale challenge to the forces of law and 25 The Statesman, July 4, 1953. 26 The Statesman, July 4,1953; also New Age, in June 1953, the CTWU tried to mobilise order. The fight against fare rise was essen­ November 1953, p 74. public opinion against the proposed rise in tially a struggle against British capital. But the second class fare. Due to their sym­ 27 The Statesman, July 5, f953. the entire tide of mass indignation finally 28 The Statesman, July 6, 1953. pathetic attitude towards the Resistance went also against the Congress regime of 29 New Age, November 1953, p 74. Committee, the Calcutta tram workers fell West Bengal, which posed as the most 82 30 Crossroads, July 12, 1953, prey to police attacks from the very begin­ trusted ally of British capital. The episode 31 The Statesman, July 7, 1953. ning of the resistance movement. On the also discredited the Congress as a political 32 Ibid. evening of July 1, for example, the police party in the eyes of the people throughout 33 Crossroads, July 12, 1953. 83 assault on the workers began with the raid India. Even the capitalists did not take the 34 The Statesman, July 7, 1953. on the tram workers' mess in Belgachhia and ultimate surrender of the Congress govern­ 35 New Age, November 1953, p 74.

2866 Economic and Political Weekly December 29, 1990 36 The Statesman. July 10, 1953. 61 Ananda Bazar Patrika, July 10, 1953 and menon may persist even if the earnings (actual 37 New Age, November p 74, also Jugantar, July 9, 1953. or expected) in self-employment are somewhat 38 The Statesman, July 8, 1953. 62 The Statesman, July 4, 1953. lower than that in wage employment. This type 39 The Statesman, July 9, 1953. 63 New Age, November 1953, p 77. of status respect provides motivations and 40 Ananda Bazar Patrtya, July 6, 1953, and 64 Ibid. avenues for self-employment accompanied by also New Age, November 1953, p 74. 65 The Statesman, July 20, 1953. prospects of enhanced productivity (or earn­ 41 New Age, November 1953, pp 74-75. 66 Ibid; New Age, November 1953. p 77. ings) over time. Absence of a status respect in 42 New Age, November 1953, pp 7475. 67 Ibid. Kerala probably restrains growth of viable self- 43 Ibid, p 75. 68 Ananda Bazar Patrika, July 23, 1953. employment. Thus it is plausible that a higher 44 Ibid. 69 Crossroads, July 26, 1953, degree of class-consciousness and workers' 70 New Age, November 1953, p 77. movement manifested through 'phycho-cost* on 45 The Statesman, July 9, 1953. the one hand and 'cultural value systems* 46 The Statesman, July 13, 1953. 71 Crossroads, July 26, 1953. 72 New Age, November 1953, p 77. favouring wage employment on the other may 47 New Age, November 1953, p 75. have resulted in a prematuredly retarded growth 48 Crossroads, July 26, 1953. 73 Ananda Bazar Patrika, July 27, 1953; New Age, November 1953, p 77. of the unorganised sector in the state. 49 New Age, November 1953, p 75. The second hypothesis could be the relative 50 Crossroads, July 26, 1953. 74 New Age, November 1953, p 77. 75 Ibid; The Statesman, August 1, 1953. absence of inter-firm linkages between the 51 Ananda Bazar Patrika, July 15, 1953 organised large and the unorganised sector 52 New Age, November 1953, p 75. 76 The Statesman, August 3,1953; New Age, November 1953, p 77. because of the relative inability of the former 53 Ibid. to control or promote the latter. This could 54 The Statesman, July 16, 1953. 77 Crossroads, July 12, 1953. 78 New Age, November 1953, p 73. happen partly due to predominance of the suite 55 New Age, November 1953, p 75. owned enterprise which might be lacking the 56 Ibid, p 76. The Statesman, July 17, 1953. 79 Crossroads, July 12, 1953. required dynamism to provide fillip to the un­ 57 New Age,, November 1953, p 76. 80 Gopal Acharya, Dhiren Majumdar, etc, the organised-small-scale units. The inter-firm 58 New Age, November 1953, p 76, veteran CTWU leaders, refrained from linkages often get established through personal- 59 Swadhinata, July 17, 1953. making any comment about this affair. social contacts [Shah, 1982], and a somewhat 81 New Age,, November 1953, p 79. rigid bureaucratic management might be 60 The Statesman, July 17, 1953, and also New 82 New Age., August 1953, p 6. hampering this process. Age, November 1953, p 76. The quote is 83 Ibid. While it is difficult to test the validity of the from the latter source. 84 Eastern Economist, July 24, 1953. above hypotheses with the existing data, the issue of constrained development of small- DISCUSSION unorganised sector in the state can hardly be overlooked. For, apart from often being a low productivity (hence low paying) sector, this sub­ Distorted Scalar Dynamism system of industrial production has a definite positive role to play in the growth of the entire manufacturing sector. The positive role Amita Shah emanates from the built-in flexibility which is THE set of articles on Kerala's Industrialisation needs to be understood more closely. The a special feature of the production of small- (EPW, September 15) provides a very com­ paradoxical situation according to the author unorganised sector. Due to this characteristic prehensive understanding of the paradoxical is an outcome of 'regional' rather than the the small-unorganised sector can facilitate characteristics of the state's industrial sector. 'structural' factors. smoothening of the market fluctuations aris- Among the various dimensions, the issue of Which are these regional forces? And how ing out of seasonality, small size of demands, scalar organisational structure is of special do they constrain the growth of small- changing preferences/specifications, wearing relevance. The scalar structure has a direct unorganised sector? Alice's analysis has not off of old machinery, etc. Thus, in a way, this bearing on employment generation which is gone into these questions; hence we propose sector worts as a 'shock absorber' to a grow­ perhaps the most crucial challenge facing the two exploratory hypotheses.1 The first ing industrial system, particularly in those Kerala model of growth. Hence our specific hypothesis refers to the general environment of segments where economies of scale are still not focus is mainly on the article by Alice class-consciousness among the workers which important. Albin [1990]. may get manifested through different forms in Kerala's process of industrialisation thus ob­ In a detailed analysis of the organisational different segments of the unorganised sector. viously lacks the necessary scalar dynamism for structure, Alice Albin has clearly demonstrated For instance, the most relevant factor for the ensuring rapid industrialisation. Conceding that the* unorganised (household + non-factory non-household and non-factory small-scale that there is a strategic resistance to the growth small-scale) sector has remained less developed units could be the entrepreneur's 'psycho-cost* of small-unorganised sector due to its in Kerala as compared to industrially more ad­ which has evidently proved to be the major con­ (allegedly) 'exploitative' nature and employ­ ment-generating effect which is too 'scattered* vanced states. This has been evidenced by the straining factor for the growth of small-scale 3 fact that: as compared to other states (a) the (factory) sector in the state.2 The workers in to'be (easily) mobilised, there may still be relative share of household sector has declin­ Kerala are generally class-conscious and its ef­ scope for reviewing its role in the industrial ed at a faster rate (Table 8); and (b) the growth fect pervades the entire economy. It is quite system. The relevent issues to be considered of unorganised small (i e, non-household and likely that the psycho-cost of this class- would be: (i) Is the small-unorganised sector non factory) sector is almost the lowest among consciousness is felt more severely by the en­ always more 'exploitative* than the other the major states in India (Table 9). Thus it is trepreneurs in the unorganised sector because sectors? (ii) Is there any scope for improvement indicated that the unorganised sector has of their fragile socio-economic power compared in productivity of this sector by adopting alter­ remained a relatively less active partner in to those in the organised small-scale sector. native production organisation? (iii) Can en­ whatever slow industrialisation Kerala has The rapid decline of household sector could suring a 'reasonably good level' of earning (in achieved. also be partially attributed to the social value the absolute sense and not relative to the earn­ ings of the organised sector) to a large number The above phenomenon is quite contrary to system which attaches higher status to wage of workers in small-unorganised sector be view­ the expected pattern (a la Anderson's employment as against self-employment. Given ed as an acceptable goal? If, the answer to the framework [1982]) which suggests low or declin­ the overall higher awareness among the workers, the wage income, either actual or expected is last question is in the affirmative, the immediate ing share of household-small-scale units only task would be to examine in detail the con­ when the economy attains an advanced stage often higher than that from self-employment. This is quite contrary to the process taking straining factors—may be on lines of our of industrialisation. Moreover, in view of the proposed hypotheses—and provide positive en­ fact that the unorganised sector still continues place in industrially more advanced states (e g, Gujarat), where the self-employment (or couragement to small-unorganised sector at to occupy a significant place in some of the least in selective industries, It must, however, more developed states like Andhra Pradesh, ownership of even a tiny business/manufactur­ ing unit) acquires a superior social status over 'be understood that the revival and strength­ Tamil Nadu, Gujarat, etc, its stunted growth ening of the small-unorganised sector has to at the early stage of industrialisation in Kerala the status of being employed. This pheno

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