Mental Capacity Act 2005: Post-Legislative Scrutiny
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Developing a Capacity Test for Compulsion in Mental Health Law Chris Heginbotham1 and Mat Kinton2
Journal of Mental Health Law May 2007 Developing a capacity test for compulsion in mental health law Chris Heginbotham1 and Mat Kinton2 Concepts of mental capacity are taking on an increased importance in the mental health law of the United Kingdom. For England and Wales, the proposal to introduce a threshold requirement of ‘impaired decision-making’ into the criteria for detention under sections 2 and 3 of the Mental Health Act 1983 was the first amendment to be voted upon in the House of Lords’ reading of the Mental Health Bill. Despite its emphatic (and whipped) resistance to this amendment, Government lost the vote by a wide margin3, although it seems possible, at the time of writing4, that the Government will seek to overturn their defeat in the Commons5. It is therefore timely to re-examine the role of such capacity tests in mental health legislation dealing with detention and treatment. This paper describes as yet unresolved definitional questions that must be encountered when concepts of mental capacity operate as a threshold for coercive psychiatric detention and/or treatment. Mental capacity tests in the Mental Health Act 1983 and other legislation In the House of Lords debate, the Minister stated that the proposal to introduce a test of impaired decision- making was “one of the core amendments that will undermine the broad intent of the Bill”6. Indeed, the clear implication of the Government’s resistance to this amendment was that the introduction of any sort of capacity-based criteria for detention would undermine the purpose of the Mental Health Act 1983 itself. -
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AAMICUSMICUS CCURIAEURIAE Journal of the Society for ADVANCED LEGAL STUDIES ISSUE 109 Spring 2017 IN THIS ISSUE A PROPOSAL FOR A GLOBAL OMBUDSMAN SERVICE Seeking redress for supply chain workers for harm done by from global corporations ..............................2 THE TRANSNATIONAL CRIME OF HUMAN TRAFFICKING Taking the Canadian human security approach .............................................20 LEGAL FORM AND INDEPENDENCE OF SPECIALIST REGULATORS The case of the Oil and Gas Authority .....................................25 Amicus Curiae GENERAL EDITOR Professor Roger Kain, Dean, School of Advanced Michael Blair QC, 3 Verulam Buildings Study, University of London Professor Barry A K Rider, Professorial Fellow, The Hon Mr Justice Cranston Development Studies Programme, University of Cambridge, Paul Kohler, School of Oriental and African Studies Fellow Commoner and sometime Fellow, Dean and Tutor of Professor Rosa Greaves, University of Glasgow Jesus College, Cambridge, Honorary Senior Research Fellow, The Rt Hon Lord Justice Lloyd Jones, Chair, Law IALS Commission Peter Harris, former Official Solicitor Ian Macleod, Legal Adviser to the Foreign and The Rt Hon The Lord Hope of Craighead KT, DEPUTY GENERAL EDITOR Commonwealth Office former Deputy President, The Supreme Court of the United Julian Harris, Associate Research Fellow, Institute of Kingdom Advanced Legal Studies Professor Linda Mulcahy, London School of Economics and Political Science Sonya Leydecker, Herbert Smith Freehills ADVISORY COUNCIL OF THE Professor Valsamis Mitsilegas, -
Background, Brexit, and Relations with the United States
The United Kingdom: Background, Brexit, and Relations with the United States Updated April 16, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RL33105 SUMMARY RL33105 The United Kingdom: Background, Brexit, and April 16, 2021 Relations with the United States Derek E. Mix Many U.S. officials and Members of Congress view the United Kingdom (UK) as the United Specialist in European States’ closest and most reliable ally. This perception stems from a combination of factors, Affairs including a sense of shared history, values, and culture; a large and mutually beneficial economic relationship; and extensive cooperation on foreign policy and security issues. The UK’s January 2020 withdrawal from the European Union (EU), often referred to as Brexit, is likely to change its international role and outlook in ways that affect U.S.-UK relations. Conservative Party Leads UK Government The government of the UK is led by Prime Minister Boris Johnson of the Conservative Party. Brexit has dominated UK domestic politics since the 2016 referendum on whether to leave the EU. In an early election held in December 2019—called in order to break a political deadlock over how and when the UK would exit the EU—the Conservative Party secured a sizeable parliamentary majority, winning 365 seats in the 650-seat House of Commons. The election results paved the way for Parliament’s approval of a withdrawal agreement negotiated between Johnson’s government and the EU. UK Is Out of the EU, Concludes Trade and Cooperation Agreement On January 31, 2020, the UK’s 47-year EU membership came to an end. -
Universal Declaration of Human Rights
Universal Declaration of Human Rights Preamble Whereas recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world, Whereas disregard and contempt for human rights have resulted in barbarous acts which have outraged the conscience of mankind, and the advent of a world in which human beings shall enjoy freedom of speech and belief and freedom from fear and want has been proclaimed as the highest aspiration of the common people, Whereas it is essential, if man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression, that human rights should be protected by the rule of law, Whereas it is essential to promote the development of friendly relations between nations, Whereas the peoples of the United Nations have in the Charter reaffirmed their faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person and in the equal rights of men and women and have determined to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom, Whereas Member States have pledged themselves to achieve, in cooperation with the United Nations, the promotion of universal respect for and observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms, Whereas a common understanding of these rights and freedoms is of the greatest importance for the full realization of this pledge, Now, therefore, The General Assembly, Proclaims this Universal Declaration of Human Rights as a common standard of achievement for all peoples and all nations, to the end that every individual and every organ of society, keeping this Declaration constantly in mind, shall strive by teaching and education to promote respect for these rights and freedoms and by progressive measures, national and international, to secure their universal and effective recognition and observance, both among the peoples of Member States themselves and among the peoples of territories under their jurisdiction. -
The Future Relationship Between the United Kingdom and the European Union
THE FUTURE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE UNITED KINGDOM AND THE EUROPEAN UNION Cm 9593 THE FUTURE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE UNITED KINGDOM AND THE EUROPEAN UNION Presented to Parliament by the Prime Minister by Command of Her Majesty July 2018 Cm 9593 © Crown copyright 2018 Any enquiries regarding this publication This publication is licensed under the terms should be sent to us at of the Open Government Licence v3.0 except [email protected] where otherwise stated. To view this licence, visit nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open- ISBN 978-1-5286-0701-8 government-licence/version/3 CCS0718050590-001 07/18 Where we have identified any third party copyright information you will need to obtain Printed on paper containing 75% recycled permission from the copyright holders fibre content minimum. concerned. Printed in the UK by the APS Group on This publication is available at behalf of the Controller of Her Majesty’s www.gov.uk/government/publications Stationery Office The future relationship between the United Kingdom and the European Union 1 Foreword by the Prime Minister In the referendum on 23 June 2016 – the largest ever democratic exercise in the United Kingdom – the British people voted to leave the European Union. And that is what we will do – leaving the Single Market and the Customs Union, ending free movement and the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice in this country, leaving the Common Agricultural Policy and the Common Fisheries Policy, and ending the days of sending vast sums of money to the EU every year. We will take back control of our money, laws, and borders, and begin a new exciting chapter in our nation’s history. -
Continuities of Risk in the Era of the Mental Capacity Act John Fanning*
Medical Law Review, Vol. 24, No. 3, pp. 415–433 doi:10.1093/medlaw/fww036 CONTINUITIES OF RISK IN THE ERA OF THE MENTAL CAPACITY ACT JOHN FANNING* School of Law and Social Justice, University of Liverpool, Liverpool, UK ABSTRACT When compared with the Mental Capacity Act (MCA) 2005, the Mental Health Act (MHA) 1983 seems an outlier. It authorises compulsory treatment of mental disorders on the basis of P’s risks. English law, therefore, discriminates between mental and physi- cal disorders. Following the UK’s ratification of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD), the MHA probably also violates international law. Against this backdrop, one might expect that decisions contingent on risk are confined to the MHA and have no relevance elsewhere. This article argues that the opposite is true: risk-based decision-making has colonised MCA processes and plays a key role in determining the nature of P’s interaction with health services. These ‘continuities’ of risk are most notable in the Deprivation of Liberty Safeguards (DOLS), where assess- ments of risk are implicitly significant for best interests and eligibility determinations. Using governmentality theory as an explanatory model, this article claims that the DOLS can be reconstructed as part of a wider legal apparatus for the regulation of the risks of harm associated with mental disorders. The article also argues that the Law Commission’s recent proposals to introduce a new ‘protective care’ scheme and expand the remit of the MHA hint at a ‘rehabilitation’ of risk as an integral component of mental health and capacity law. -
Suicide Killing of Human Life As a Human Right
Liberty University Law Review Volume 6 Issue 1 Article 3 August 2011 Suicide Killing of Human Life as a Human Right William Wagner John Kane Stephen Kallman Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/lu_law_review Recommended Citation Wagner, William; Kane, John; and Kallman, Stephen (2011) "Suicide Killing of Human Life as a Human Right," Liberty University Law Review: Vol. 6 : Iss. 1 , Article 3. Available at: https://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/lu_law_review/vol6/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Liberty University School of Law at Scholars Crossing. It has been accepted for inclusion in Liberty University Law Review by an authorized editor of Scholars Crossing. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SUICIDE KILLING OF HUMAN LIFE AS A HUMAN RIGHT The Continuing Devolution of Assisted Suicide Law in the United Kingdom Prof. William Wagner, Prof. John Kane, and Stephen P. Kallman† INTRODUCTION Throughout its remarkable history, Great Britain’s culture and law safeguarded the dignity of human life by refusing to recognize a “right” to suicide. Indeed, contemporary British statutes make it a serious crime even to assist in the commission of a suicide killing.1 Recent parliamentary proposals2 and a court decision,3 however, deliberately abandoned these deeply-rooted cultural, historical, and legal traditions. Most recently, in an † Before joining academia, Professor William Wagner served as a Federal Judge in the United States Courts, as an American Diplomat in the United States government, and as a Legal Counsel in the United States Senate. Professor Wagner currently holds a permanent appointment on the tenured faculty at the Thomas M. -
Harman-V-SSHD-1983-1-AC-280.Pdf
280 [1983] A [HOUSE OF LORDS] HARMAN APPELLANT AND SECRETARY OF STATE FOR THE HOME DEPARTMENT RESPONDENT B [On appeal from HOME OFFICE V. HARMAN] 1981 Nov. 16, 17, 18; Lord Diplock, Lord Simon of Glaisdale, 1982 Feb. 11 Lord Keith of Kinkel, Lord Scarman and Lord Roskill C Contempt of Court—Solicitor—Disclosure of documents—Solici• tor's implied undertaking not to use documents disclosed on discovery except for purposes of litigation—Confidential docu• ments disclosed and read in court at trial—Solicitor allowing journalist access to documents after trial for purposes of writing feature article—Whether breach of implied undertaking A solicitor, who was legal officer of the National Council p for Civil Liberties (" N.C.C.L."), was acting as solicitor for the plaintiff in an action against the Home Office arising out of his treatment in prison in an experimental "control unit." During the course of the action the Home Office disclosed a large number of documents. The Home Office, in a letter dated October 17, 1979, stated that the Home Office did not wish the documents to be used for the general purposes of the N.C.C.L. outside the solicitor's function as solicitor g for the plaintiff in the action. The solicitor replied to that letter on the same day, saying that she was well aware of the rule that documents obtained on discovery should not be used for any purposes other than for the case in hand. The Home Office was later ordered to disclose six confidential documents that they had objected to producing on the ground of public interest immunity. -
Making Decisions a Guide for People Who Work in Health and Social Care
OPG603 Making decisions A guide for people who work in health and social care The Mental Capacity Act A guide for people who work in health and social care Making decisions A guide for people who work in health and social care Helping people who are unable to make some decisions for themselves This booklet provides introductory information on the Mental Capacity Act 2005 and how it will affect the way you work. It is not a statutory Code of Practice issued under the Mental Capacity Act 2005 and is not a guide to how the law will apply to specific situations. 1 A guide for people who work in health and social care A guide for people who work in health and social care This document has been produced by: In association with the National Care Association: 2 3 A guide for people who work in health and social care A guide for people who work in health and social care Acknowledgements The Mental Capacity Implementation Programme (MCIP) published this booklet. MCIP is a joint government programme between the Ministry of Justice, the Department of Health, the Office of the Public Guardian and the Welsh Assembly Government that was established to implement the organisation, processes and procedures to launch the Mental Capacity Act. We are very grateful to Sheila Scott, Chief Executive of the National Care Association, who wrote this booklet assisted by Zoe Sampson, Ruth Scott and Viv Shepherd. They were supported by Nadra Ahmed and Dick Barton and three focus groups. We are also very grateful to our Advisory Group which was made up of organisations who work with or represent people who work in health and social care. -
Restricting Movement Or Depriving Liberty? Restricting Movement Or Depriving Liberty? Neil Allen1
Restricting Movement or Depriving Liberty? Restricting Movement or Depriving Liberty? Neil Allen1 “It is of course helpful to know that the question is one of degree and the matters which should be taken into account in answering it. But one also needs to be told what the question is. What is the criterion for deciding whether someone has been deprived of liberty or not?”2 This judicial appeal for clarity exposes a jurisprudential problem which threatens one of our most fundamental human values; the right to liberty. For no-one really knows what it means to be “deprived” of one’s “liberty”. The extremities are straightforward. Prisoners are deprived; picnickers are not. But liberty deprivations may “take numerous other forms [whose] variety is being increased by developments in legal standards and in attitudes”.3 Technology, too, has played its part in such developments by introducing novel ways of restricting movement beyond the paradigmatic lock and key. The more expansive those other forms, however, the greater the risk of legal uncertainty. The challenge in this paper is one of interpretation. Article 5 of the European Convention on Human Rights 1950 protects the “liberty and security of person” which is said to have a “Council of Europe-wide meaning”.4 But how should this autonomous concept be transposed into English law? Adopting Berlin’s classic dichotomy,5 does liberty relate to the absence of external barriers or constraints, where we enjoy it to the extent that no-one is preventing us from doing whatever we might want to do (negative liberty)? Or does it concern the presence of internal factors, where we enjoy liberty to the extent that we are able to take control of our lives and self-determine in our own interests (positive liberty)?6 These complex philosophical perspectives cannot be ignored and are, to varying degrees, protected by other Convention articles.7 But article 5 is not concerned with such broad notions of liberty because it contemplates liberty in its classic sense. -
Law Commission Mental Capacity and Deprivation of Liberty
Mental Capacity and Deprivation of Liberty 0 Law Com No 372 (Law Com No 372) Mental Capacity and Deprivation of Liberty Presented to Parliament pursuant to section 3(2) of the Law Commissions Act 1965 Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed on 13 March 2017 HC 1079 i © Crown copyright 2017 This publication is licensed under the terms of the Open Government Licence v3.0 except where otherwise stated. To view this licence, visit nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open- government-licence/version/3 or write to the Information Policy Team, The National Archives, Kew, London TW9 4DU, or email: [email protected]. Where we have identified any third party copyright information you will need to obtain permission from the copyright holders concerned. This publication is available at www.gov.uk/government/publications. Print ISBN 9781474141635 Web ISBN 9781474141642 ID 03031711 03/17 Printed on paper containing 75% recycled fibre content minimum Printed in the UK by the Williams Lea Group on behalf of the Controller of Her Majesty's Stationery Office ii The Law Commission The Law Commission was set up by the Law Commissions Act 1965 for the purpose of promoting the reform of the law. The Law Commissioners are: The Right Honourable Lord Justice Bean, Chairman Professor Nick Hopkins Stephen Lewis Professor David Ormerod QC Nicholas Paines QC The Chief Executive of the Law Commission is Phil Golding. The Law Commission is located at 1st Floor, Tower, 52 Queen Anne's Gate, London SW1H 9AG. The terms of this report were agreed on 02 March 2017. -
Protecting Human Rights in the EU (Withdrawal) Bill Overview Liberty
JOINT BRIEFING FOR SECOND READING Leaving without losing: protecting human rights in the EU (Withdrawal) Bill Overview Liberty and Amnesty International UK believe that in its current (imprecise) form this Bill poses a significant risk to the rule of law and to fundamental rights. As drafted, its extraordinary handover of law- making power from Parliament to Ministers reorders the UK’s historic constitutional balance and puts domestic rights and equality protections at risk. We urge Members to question that blank cheque and insert clear safeguards against misuse of new powers into the Bill. Further, we recommend Members press for amendments to ensure existing rights and equality standards are maintained. Leaving the EU must not result in ordinary people losing their rights. Suggested Questions/Issues to Raise for Second Reading Non-regression: Brexit must not result in roll-back of our rights and equalities standards at home. Will the government confirm it does not intend for Brexit to reduce human rights and equality standards in the UK, and commit to enshrining that promise in the Bill itself? Proper parliamentary scrutiny: Currently, the Bill gives Ministers the power to make sweeping changes to our laws, including equality and human rights law, without effective parliamentary scrutiny. Will the government commit to restricting the use of ‘Henry VIII’ powers in the Bill so that they cannot be used to dilute or diminish equality and human rights laws? Retaining and accessing protections: The Bill as drafted not only leaves important protections in the EU Charter on Fundamental Rights out of its retained EU law ‘snapshot’, but removes the power from ordinary people to enforce what rights they are left with.