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The End of Détente* a Case Study of the 1980 Moscow Olympics
The End of Détente* A Case Study of the 1980 Moscow Olympics By Thomas Smith After the election of autonomous and must resist all pressure of any Jimmy Carter as US kind whatsoever, whether of a political, religious President, Prime or economic nature.”1 With British government Minister Margaret documents from 1980 recently released under the Thatcher flew to Thirty Year Rule, the time seems apt to evaluate the Washington on 17th debate about the Olympic boycott, and to ask the December 1979 for question: to what extent was the call by the British her first official visit. government for a boycott of the 1980 Moscow Five days later NATO Olympics an appropriate response to the invasion of announced the de- Afghanistan? ployment of a new Before the argument of the essay is established, it generation of American is first necessary to provide a brief narrative of the rockets and Cruise main events. Thatcher’s government began discussing missiles in Western the idea of a boycott in early January 1980; however, Europe. On the 25th their first action was to call for the Olympics to be December Soviet moved to a different location. Once the IOC declared troops marched into that relocating the Olympics was out of the question, Afghanistan. Thatcher told the House of Commons that she was now advising athletes not to go to Moscow and wrote Photo: U.S. Government to Sir Denis Follows, Chairman of the BOA, informing Introduction him of the government’s decision. The BOA, which was Britain’s NOC and the organisation that could During the 1970s, relations between the West and the accept or decline the invitation to the Olympics, Soviet Union were marked by an era of détente. -
Unravelling Britain’ 1 Module Handbook
HST4308 ‘Unravelling Britain’ 1 Module Handbook School of History HST 4308 UNRAVELLING BRITAIN: BRITISH HISTORY SINCE 1801 Course Handbook 2015-2016 Course Organiser Dr Robert Saunders [email protected] HST4308 ‘Unravelling Britain’ 2 Module Handbook Table of Contents 1. Names and Contacts 4 2. Overview of the Course 2.1 Course Descriptions and Essentials 5 2.2 Textbooks and General Reading 8 2.3 Libraries and Qmplus 10 2.4 Assessments and Deadlines 11 2.5 Resources for Improving Writing 14 3. Course Content 3.1 Programme of Lectures and Seminars 16 3.2 Seminar Preparation 18 3.3 Seminars and Seminar Questions: Programme for the Year Semester 1 19 Semester 2 32 4. Coursework and Examinations 4.1 Assessment One: Primary Source Analysis 44 4.2 Assessment Two: Essay Questions and Bibliographies 45 4.3 Assessment Three: Primary Source Analysis 50 4.4 Assessment Four: Essay Questions and Bibliographies 51 4.5 Past Examination Papers 58 5. Study Notes and Guidance 5.1 Study Notes: Handy Hints 59 5.2 How to Analyse a Primary Source 64 HST4308 ‘Unravelling Britain’ 3 Module Handbook 5.3 How to Write an Essay 67 5.4 Revision Guide 71 5.5 Footnotes and Bibliographies: A Guide 73 6. Assessment Criteria 76 HST4308 ‘Unravelling Britain’ 4 Module Handbook 1. NAMES AND CONTACTS Course Organiser: Dr Robert Saunders Email: [email protected] Office 3.04 (Arts Two) Seminar Tutors: Dr Morgan Daniels Email: [email protected] Kerrie Holloway Email: [email protected] Rafaelle Nicholson Email: [email protected] Dr Eleanor O’Keeffe Email: [email protected] Dr Jade Shepherd Email: [email protected] Paul Sims Email: [email protected] HST4308 ‘Unravelling Britain’ 5 Module Handbook 2.1 COURSE DESCRIPTION AND ESSENTIALS Over the last two centuries, Britain has changed beyond recognition. -
University Microfilms International 300 N
INFORMATION TO USERS This was produced from a copy of a document sent to us for microfilming. While the most advanced technological means to photograph and reproduce this document have been used, the quality is heavily dependent upon the quality of the material submitted. The following explanation of techniques is provided to help you understand markings or notations which may appear on this reproduction. 1.Thc sign or "target" for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is "Missing Pagc(s}". If it was possible to obtain the missing pagc(s) or section, they arc spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting through an image and duplicating adjacent pages to assure you of complete continuity. 2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a round black mark it is an indication that the film inspector noticed cither blurred copy because of movement during exposure, or duplicate copy. Unless we meant to delete copyrighted materials that should not have been filmed, you will find a good image of the page in the adjacent frame* If copyrighted materials were deleted you will find a target note listing the pages in the adjacent frame. 3. When a map, drawing or chart, etc., is part of the material being photo graphed the photographer has followed a definite method in "sectioning" the material. It is customary to begin filming at the upper left hand corner of a large sheet and to continue from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. If necessary, sectioning is continued again—beginning below the first row and continuing on until complete. -
The Dynamics of Objectification Within Individual Identity
THE DYNAMICS OF OBJECTIFICATION WITHIN INDIVIDUAL IDENTITY by Nicholas Caggiano B.S.Ed. (Clarion University of Pennsylvania) 2009 Portfolio Submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in HUMANITIES in the GRADUATE SCHOOL of HOOD COLLEGE August 2020 Accepted: ________________________ ________________________ Corey Campion, Ph.D. Corey Campion, Ph.D. Committee Member Program Director ________________________ Didier Course, Ph.D. Committee Member ________________________ April M. Boulton, Ph.D. Dean of the Graduate School ________________________ Karen Hoffman, Ph.D. Portfolio Advisor 1 Introduction The construction of an individual’s identity is determined by a variety of factors. Each component serves as a puzzle piece in the ultimate construction of the total individual and helps determine whether and how an individual fits into their community. Being seen by others in a particular way can help construct and fortify an individual’s sense of belonging. But it can also lead to a feeling of being an outsider and not belonging. This can create a feeling of “otherness” within the individual, where they question not only their role within society but their sense of identity and agency and their value as subjects. However, even if being perceived as other or as an object can be negative, it can also be advantageous. In the portfolio that follows I demonstrate why that is the case. I begin by examining Jean-Paul Sartre’s view of how being seen as both subject and object is significant in individuals’ perceptions of each other. I then connect that to Michel Foucault’s discussion of Panopticism, which raises questions about another way of being seen, namely by an entity that is not seen in return. -
Mrs. Thatcher's Return to Victorian Values
proceedings of the British Academy, 78, 9-29 Mrs. Thatcher’s Return to Victorian Values RAPHAEL SAMUEL University of Oxford I ‘VICTORIAN’was still being used as a routine term of opprobrium when, in the run-up to the 1983 election, Mrs. Thatcher annexed ‘Victorian values’ to her Party’s platform and turned them into a talisman for lost stabilities. It is still commonly used today as a byword for the repressive just as (a strange neologism of the 1940s) ‘Dickensian’ is used as a short-hand expression to describe conditions of squalor and want. In Mrs. Thatcher’s lexicon, ‘Victorian’ seems to have been an interchangeable term for the traditional and the old-fashioned, though when the occasion demanded she was not averse to using it in a perjorative sense. Marxism, she liked to say, was a Victorian, (or mid-Victorian) ideo1ogy;l and she criticised ninetenth-century paternalism as propounded by Disraeli as anachronistic.2 Read 12 December 1990. 0 The British Academy 1992. Thanks are due to Jonathan Clark and Christopher Smout for a critical reading of the first draft of this piece; to Fran Bennett of Child Poverty Action for advice on the ‘Scroungermania’ scare of 1975-6; and to the historians taking part in the ‘History Workshop’ symposium on ‘Victorian Values’ in 1983: Gareth Stedman Jones; Michael Ignatieff; Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall. Margaret Thatcher, Address to the Bow Group, 6 May 1978, reprinted in Bow Group, The Right Angle, London, 1979. ‘The Healthy State’, address to a Social Services Conference at Liverpool, 3 December 1976, in Margaret Thatcher, Let Our Children Grow Tall, London, 1977, p. -
François Mitterrand, of Germany and France
François Mitterrand, Of Germany and France Caption: In 1996, François Mitterrand, President of France from 1981 to 1995, recalls the negative attitude of Margaret Thatcher, British Prime Minister, towards German reunification. Source: MITTERRAND, François. De l'Allemagne. De la France. Paris: Odile Jacob, 1996. 247 p. ISBN 2- 7381-0403-7. p. 39-44. Copyright: (c) Translation CVCE.EU by UNI.LU All rights of reproduction, of public communication, of adaptation, of distribution or of dissemination via Internet, internal network or any other means are strictly reserved in all countries. Consult the legal notice and the terms and conditions of use regarding this site. URL: http://www.cvce.eu/obj/francois_mitterrand_of_germany_and_france-en- 33ae0d5e-f55b-4476-aa6b-549648111114.html Last updated: 05/07/2016 1/3 François Mitterrand, Of Germany and France […] In Great Britain, on 10 November 1989, the Prime Minister’s Press Office published a statement in which Mrs Thatcher welcomed the lifting of the restrictions on movements of the population of East Germany towards the West, hoped that this would be a prelude to the dismantling of the Berlin Wall, looked forward to the installation of a democratic government in the German Democratic Republic and warned, ‘You have to take these things step by step.’ On the subject of unification, however, she said not a word. Three days later, at the Lord Mayor’s Banquet at the Guildhall in the City of London, she spoke about free elections and a multiparty system in East Germany, cooperation with the emerging democracies of Central Europe and the new role which NATO would have to play. -
Ugly Rumours: a Mockumentary Beyond the Simulated Reality
International Journal of Research in Humanities and Social Studies Volume 4, Issue 11, 2017, PP 22-29 ISSN 2394-6288 (Print) & ISSN 2394-6296 (Online) Ugly Rumours: A Mockumentary beyond the Simulated Reality Kağan Kaya Faculty of Letters English Language and Literature, Cumhuriyet University, Turkey *Corresponding Author: Kağan Kaya, Faculty of Letters English Language and Literature, Cumhuriyet University, Turkey ABSTRACT Ugly Rumours was the name of a rock band which was co-founded by Tony Blair when he was a student at St John's College, Oxford. In the hands of two British dramatists, Howard Brenton and Tariq Ali, it transformed into a name of the satirical play against New Labour at the end of the last century. The play encapsulates the popular political struggle of former British leaders, Tony Blair and Gordon Brown. However, this work aims at analysing some sociological messages of the play in which Brenton and Ali tell on media and reality in the frame of British politics and democracy. Through the analyses of this unfocussed local mock-epic, it precisely points out ideas reflecting the real which is manipulated for the sake of power in a democratic atmosphere. Thereof it takes some views on Simulation Theory of French philosopher, Jean Baudrillard as the basement of analyses. According to Baudrillard, our perception of things has become corrupted by a perception of reality that never existed. He believes that everything changes with the device of simulation. Hyper-reality puts an end to the real as referential by exalting it as model. (Baudrillard, 1983:21, 85) That is why, establishing a close relationship with the play, this work digs deeper into the play through the ‘Simulation Theory’ and analysing characters who are behind the unreal, tries to display the role of Brenton and Ali’s drama behind the fact. -
KGB Boss Says Robert Maxwell Was the Second Kissinger
Click here for Full Issue of EIR Volume 21, Number 32, August 12, 1994 boss says Robert axwe KGB M ll was the second Kissinger by Mark Burdman On the evening of July 28, Germany's ARD television net Margaret Thatcher, who was frantically trying to prevent work broadcast an extraordinary documentary on the life German reunification. and death of the late Robert Maxwell, the British publishing Stanislav Sorokin was one of several top-level former magnate and sleazy wheeler-and-dealer who died under mys Soviet intelligence and political insiders who freely com terious circumstances, his body found floating in the waters mented on Maxwell during the broadcast. For their own rea off Tenerife in the Canary Islands, on Nov. 5, 1991. The sons, these Russians are evidently intent on provoking an show, "Man Overboard," was co-produced by the firm Mit international discussion of, and investigation into, the mys teldeutscher Rundfunk, headquartered in Leipzig in eastern teries of capital flight operations out of the U.S.S.R. in the Germany, and Austria's Oesterreicher Rundfunk. It relied late 1980s-early 1990s. Former Soviet KGB chief Vladimir primarily on interviews with senior officials of the former Kryuchkov, a partner of Maxwell in numerous underhanded Soviet KGB and GRU intelligence services, who helped ventures who went to jail for his role in the failed August build the case that the circumstances of Maxwell's death 1991 putsch against Gorbachov, suggests in the concluding must have been intimately linked to efforts to cover up sensi moments of the broadcast, that f'the English-American [sic] tive Soviet Communist Party capital flightand capital transfer secret services, who are experienced enough, could, if they to the West in the last days of the U.S.S.R. -
The Discursive (Re)Construction of National Identity in Cyprus and England with Special Reference to History Textbooks: a Comparative Study
The discursive (re)construction of national identity in Cyprus and England with special reference to history textbooks: a comparative study Klerides L. Eleftherios Institute ofEducation, University ofLondon Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment ofthe requirements for the degree of Doctor ofPhilosophy February 2008 I hereby declare that, except where explicit attribution is made, the work presented in this thesis is entirely my own . Eleftherios L. Klerides Word count (exclusive ofappendix and bibliography): 98139 words 11 Abstract This thesis is an analysis of national identity construction in Cyprus and England in two historical times: the period following the Greek and Turkish military offensives in Cyprus (1974-93), and the period ofthe Conservative administration in Britain (1979-97). It examines identity formations in history textbooks across the two settings and addresses their relationship with intellectual and political constructs ofidentity. These periods were moments of a metamorphosis of identity in both settings. This identity reconstruction was firstly materialised in the signifying practices ofpoliticians and intellectuals. As an effect ofthe emergence ofnew nationalist discourses in the political and intellectual fields was the production of new history textbooks, making it possible for the national image to be also reconstituted in and through them. New identities were articulated in the field of school history but their redefinition varied within and across the two settings. Variations within each setting were primarily determined by the particular features of the social domain in which the construction of identity took place. Across the settings, they were mainly shaped by different genres of school history writing. Despite their differences, the new identities across the two cultural settings and social fields shared certain similar motifs - fragmentation, hybridity and ambivalence. -
Title the Christian Politics of Tony Blair : Faith and Values in the Modern World Sub Title Author 原田
Title The Christian politics of Tony Blair : faith and values in the modern world Sub Title Author 原田, 健二朗(Harata, Kenjiro) Publisher Global Center of Excellence Center of Governance for Civil Society, Keio University Publication year 2013 Jtitle Journal of political science and sociology No.18 (2013. 3) ,p.49- 69 Abstract This paper aims to explore the moral and religious dimension of the politics of the former British Prime Minister and a committed Christian Labour leader, Tony Blair. Blair's premiership is noted for the way he managed, or had to manage, his public display of religious faith and its associated values which he sought to apply to particular policies as a prime source for his social conscience and political conviction. The paper addresses how he, based on a particular view of Christianity, has shaped his political agenda regarding the 'modernisation' of his party and the country, 'equalities' legislation on women's and gay rights, 'ethical' wars in Kosovo and Iraq and a fight against international, and religious, terrorism. Section II first explores young Blair's double reception of social(ist) Christianity and left-wing politics informed by the key concept of 'community', and then his early career as an MP and Labour leader who came to be known as a 'new moralist' politician. Sections III and IV look at New Labour policies on education, social and moral issues and defence and foreign affairs through the perspective of religion, i.e. their effects upon religion and his relationship with churches and religious communities across Britain. After indicating Blair's post-prime ministerial activities under his 'Faith Foundation' and remarks upon religion, section V considers problems surrounding the contemporary role of religion in the face of the global rise of both religious extremism and aggressive secularism. -
Margaret Thatcher, Thatcherism and Education
Commentary Reginald Edwards McGill University Margaret Thatcher, Thatcherism and Education The changes in educational policy in Britain that are being promoted by Margaret Thatcher's government are of such significance that educators in North America might be well advised to take notice of them. Professor Buck, in the Win ter issue of this journal, detailed many of these changes and compared them to the policies of Matthew Arnold. In this commentary, an attempt is made to examine the personal and political background of Margaret Thatcher and to draw sorne inferences about the origin of her ideas and policies, which have come to be known commonlyas "Thatcherism." Thatcher's personal background Margaret Roberts, born in Grantham, Lincolnshire, in 1925, began her education in a local primary school, and at the age of eleven began secondary education at the Kestevan and Grantham Grammar School for Girls. Admitted to Somerville College, Oxford, in 1943, she graduated in Science in 1946. In her final year she was the President of the Oxford University Conservative Association and, in this capacity, was invited to her first Annual Conference of the Conservative Party in 1946. She attended her second conference in 1948, as the representative of the Graduates' Association, and met representatives of the Dartford constituency. Asking to submit her name as a candidate for nomination, she was accepted, and she contested, unsuccessfully, the elections of 1950 and 1951 for that constituency. Through her political activities she met Dennis Thatcher, whom she married in an East London Methodist Chapel in December 1951. After marriage she began to study law, specializing in taxation law, and was adJTJitted to the Bar in 1954, one year after giving birth to twins. -
The Third Way and Beyond
HALE MAKE-UP 23/10/03 8:21 am Page 186 10 Will Leggett Criticism and the future of the Third Way Introduction It is ironic that the surest indication of the durability of the Third Way is the con- tinuing attention paid to it by its critics. This collection has provided a flavour of the range of such criticism from different disciplinary, analytical and political perspectives. But what general conclusions can be drawn from contributions such as these as to the prospects for a successful critique of the Third Way and a reconstructed project for the (Centre) Left? This concluding chapter reviews existing critical strategies towards the Third Way, as illustrated by contributions to this volume. It divides the various criticisms from what are broadly the neo- Marxist and the social democratic Left into those which dismiss the Third Way as a ‘smokescreen’, with no substance in itself, and those which recognise that if it is to be critically engaged with the Third Way has to be taken seriously. This overview reveals that, at present, the various critical approaches expose significant weaknesses, tensions and dangers in the Third Way project. However, critics representing both these perspectives are often too quick to dismiss outright some of the claims made by the Third Way as to the changing social and politi- cal terrain on which the ‘actually existing’ Centre-Left finds itself. It is suggested here that a productive critique of the Third Way should do three related things. First, it needs to take the Third Way seriously. To dismiss the Third Way as ‘mere’ spin, or simply a smokescreen for a more traditional agenda, is to misconceive it: the Third Way is a distinctive political project that draws on different political heritages in novel ways.