A MIDDLE-LATE BYZANTINE POTTERY ASSEMBLAGE FROM : Typo-Chronology and Sociocultural Interpretation Author(s): Athanasios K. Vionis, Jeroen Poblome, Bea De Cupere and Marc Waelkens Source: Hesperia: The Journal of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Vol. 79, No. 3 (July-September 2010), pp. 423-464 Published by: The American School of Classical Studies at Athens Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40981057 . Accessed: 18/03/2014 10:15

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This content downloaded from 71.168.218.10 on Tue, 18 Mar 2014 10:15:59 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions HESPERIA 79 (2010) A MIDDLE-LATE Pages 423-464 BYZANTINE POTTERY ASSEMBLAGE FROM SAGALASSOS Typo-Chronology and sociocultural interpretation

ABSTRACT

A 12th-13th-centuryA.D. ceramicassemblage from Alexander's Hill at Sagalassos in southwesternTurkey provides new evidencefor the typo- chronologicalstudy of Byzantinepottery. A functionalanalysis of the assemblage,along with textual and iconographie evidence, archaeozoological and palynologicalanalyses, and chemicalanalysis of cooking-potresidues, contributesto thereconstruction of diet and cookingpractices in . While bakedfish, vegetables, pulses, and breadare usuallyregarded as the staplesof Byzantine peasant cuisine, diners at Sagalassoswere enjoying beef stewsbefore the Fourth Crusade, when the technique of stewingmeat was allegedlyintroduced to theeastern Mediterranean from the West.

INTRODUCTION

Usingceramic evidence recovered during excavations by Katholieke Uni- versiteitLeuven at ancientSagalassos in southwesternTurkey, this article is intendedto contributeto the typo-chronologicaland sociocultural studyof medieval pottery in theByzantine provinces.1 More specifically, thisstudy presents a complete Uth-lSth-century assemblage comprised of undecoratedcommon wares and decoratedglazed tablewares from Alexander'sHill, located just outside the city (Fig. 1).

1. The textof this article was writ- Projectand ofthe Centre of Archae- kindlycontributed the analysis of the tenby Athanasios Vionis in 2007- ologicalSciences) and Jeroen Poblóme faunalremains. 2008,while holding a Fellowshipfor (codirectorof the Project and head of Specialthanks are owed to theedi- ScientificResearch in International ceramicstudies at Sagalassos)for their torsand to theanonymous Hesperia Mobilityfrom Katholieke Universiteit invitationto studyand publishthe Byz- reviewersfor their useful comments, and Leuven(Belgium), and with additional antineand medievalpottery from Saga- to GeneMcGarry for his invaluable help financialsupport from the Sagalassos lassos.Poblóme, the main excavator of and editorialassistance. Unless other- ArchaeologicalResearch Project. The Alexanders Hill, suppliedthe necessary wiseindicated, all illustrationsare pro- mainauthor wishes to expresshis grati- informationabout the excavations; videdby the Sagalassos Archaeological tudeto MarcWaelkens (director of the Waelkensinterpreted the pieces of ResearchProject. Eliane Mahy kindly SagalassosArchaeological Research churchsculpture; and Bea De Cupere inkedall ofthe pottery profile drawings.

© The American School of Classical Studies at Athens

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Figure1. Siteplan of Sagalassos: The archaeologicalsite of Sagalassos is locatedin themodern province (1) Alexander'sHill; (2) Temple of Burdur,some 110 km northof the of and 7 km northof city Antalya ofHadrian and Antoninus Pius; the of at an altitudeof about 1,500 m present-dayvillage Aglasun,lying (3) Templeof Apollo Klarios abovesea level.Marc Waelkens(Katholieke Universiteit Leuven) has been directingsystematic excavations, surveys, and large-scale restoration projects at Sagalassossince 1990. The scope of the SagalassosArchaeological Re- searchProject includes the site of the ancient city itself and itsvast territory, as definedin Roman times.Both the cityand its countrysideare being systematicallystudied by an interdisciplinaryteam.2 Alexander'sHill (henceforthAH) was a strategiclocation in the 2. On Sagalassosand itsterritory in seeWaelkens Vanhaver- landscapeof Sagalassos.This conical,flat- topped hill controlled the main general, 1993; bekeand Waelkens 2003. Research southern to theancient 2). When Alexanderthe Great by approach city(Fig. Waelkensand Poblómeis conducted advancedon in 333 thelocal resistancechose this Sagalassos b.c., position withinthe framework of ICRATES, as the centerof defensive no tracesof the historical operations.However, theBelgian Programme on Interuniver- battle,or anyrelated occupational stage, were found on the hill. sityPoles of Attraction, the 2007/02 Excavationsconducted in 2000, 2001, and 2003 on the northernpart ConcertedAction of the Flemish and a Methusalem- of the summitrevealed an early-6th-centurybasilica church.The last Government, fundedproject, "A Plea fora 'Holistic' occupationalphase on AH can be dated to the Middle-Late Byzantine Archaeology:Interdisciplinarity and period(between the 12thand thefirst half of the 13thcentury), when the theInteraction Man-Environment earlyChristian basilica, probably already in ruins,was dismantledand a duringthe Holocene at and around cisternand a circuitwall were constructed. Thick layersof ash testifyto the Sagalassos."

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Figure2. Alexander'sHill (AH), viewfrom the north.Photo A. K. Vionis

thoroughdestruction and forcedabandonment of the site,probably as a resultof Seljuk activity in theregion during the first half of the 13th century. We presenthere the complete Middle-Late Byzantineceramic assem- blage fromAH, alongwith a quantitativeanalysis of itscomposition. The assemblageis thenexamined for indications of the types of food that were consumedat thesite, as well as theirmanner of preparation. The evidence providedby the potteryitself, including residual analysis of cooking-pot fragments,is supplementedby textualand visual sources,palynological analysis,and archaeozoologicalanalysis of the faunalremains from AH. This studyis not intendedas an excavationreport of the siteon AH, and thusit does notprovide a detailedaccount of excavationdata or thearchi- tecturaland otherfinds.3

EXCAVATIONS ON ALEXANDER'S HILL

Ten trencheswere dug in theplatform on topof AH duringthe 2000, 2001, and 2003 excavationseasons at Sagalassos (Fig. 3). The northside of the inhospitablehill, which faces Sagalassos, was themain area explored (Fig. 2). The flatarea on the hilltopenclosed by the circuitwall does not exceed 2,860 m2(0.28 ha); the area excavatedrepresents 17% of the totalwalled groundsurface. The aim ofthe sondages on AH duringthe first excavation campaign in 2000 was to establishthe nature and chronologyof the site's occupation. In particular,the excavators looked for signs of a pre-Hellenisticsettlement precedingthe urban layout at Sagalassos,as well as anytraces of settlement 3. The siteawaits final publication followingthe contractionof the Late in the 7thcen- bythe excavators, Jeroen Poblóme gradual Antiquecity Several in the ofthe fromthe Late Hellenistic and PeterTalloen. For a preliminary tury. phases occupation hill, reporton the2000, 2001, and 2003 period to the 13th century,were identifiedduring the threeseasons of seasons,see Poblómeand Talloen 2005. archaeologicalexploration.

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3. Trencheson AH excavated 2000 Season: Trenches 1-3 Figure duringthe 2000, 2001, and 2003 All threetrenches of the 2000 season were laid out on thenorthern of seasons. Contourinterval 1 m thehilltop (Fig. 3), facingthe town of Sagalassos. Two layerswere iden- tifiedin eachtrench, while the limestone bedrock was reached at a depth ofca. 0.60-1.10m. Trench1 measured7 x 2 m andincluded the remains of what seemed to be a circuitwall on thenorthern edge of the trench. This was a badly preservedmortared rubble wall whose width was impossible to determine; norcould the wall be dated,as no materialcould be associatedwith its construction.Both layers in trench1 containedanimal bones (mainly cattleand pig) and pottery (including lead-glazed dishes of the 12th-13th century),while ashes and charcoalwere abundant in layer1 (underthe surfacelayer). A hexagonalbase that probably supported an ostothekoswas identifiedon topof the bedrock, indicating that from Late Hellenisticto Imperialtimes the hill was partof theSouth Necropolis of Sagalassos, whichstretches out along the foot of the hill. Trench2 measured5 x 2 m andwas located5 m southof trench 1. Trench3 hadthe same dimensions and was laid out southwest oftrenches 1 and2, higherup thehilltop platform. Both layers in trenches2 and3 re- vealeda ceramicassemblage similar to that recovered from trench 1, com- prisedof lead-glazed dishes, a largernumber of utilitarian wares (dating tothe 12th-13th century), and some residual Late Roman Sagalassos Red Slipware. No architecturalfeatures were identified here, apart from addi- tionalbases of burial monuments (at the northwest corner of trench 2 and thesouthwest corner of trench 3).

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4. Site ofthe northwest Figure plan 2001 Season: Trenches 1-3 partof AH, showing features excavatedin2001 and 2003 Trenches1 and2 werealso laid out on thenorthern side of the platform (Fig. 3). The maindiscovery in trench1 was theaforementioned 6th- centurybasilica church (Fig. 4). Trenches2 and3 wereopened to provide furtherevidence for the circuit wall from the northwestern and southern sidesof the hilltop, respectively. Trench1 followedthe remains of a longbuilding with an east-west orientationand overall dimensions of ca. 19.40x 9.10 m.Only the lowest partof its south wall and the western end of its northern wall were preserved. On theeastern side, a moreor less rectangular niche (5 m wide)was cut intothe bedrock; this must have served as thesubstructure forthe apse of thebuilding. The lowercourse of the west wall was preserved to a width of 0.92 m. An areato thewest of thewestern wall, measuring 1.60 m wide,was pavedwith tile fragments and maybe identifiedas a narthex. Two floorlevels were identified inside the building. The upperfloor was a mosaic,as indicatedby a patchof mosaic stones preserved in situand largeamounts of tesserae. Apartfrom the badly preserved circuit wall, these were the earliest monumentalremains discovered on thehill, identified as a tripartite(?) basilica.The materialassociated with the only attested foundation deposit

This content downloaded from 71.168.218.10 on Tue, 18 Mar 2014 10:15:59 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 428 A. K. VIONIS ET AL. couldbe datedto the late 5th or early 6th century. The ceramicassemblage fromtrench 1, however, dates primarily to the12th-13th century, with a considerableamount of residual Sagalassos Red Slipware. Thick patches ofash and charcoal within the layer covering the church remains suggest a violentdestruction by fire. It seemsthat the basilica was intentionallyand systematicallydis- mantledor destroyed, and the building was cleared to its(bedrock) foun- dationlayers. Little of thematerial used to constructthe basilica was recoveredduring the excavations, indicating that it was removed from the siteand possibly recycled. Detached elements of its original mosaic floor, paintedplaster, and marble wall veneering, as wellas partsof the church furnishings,were found in the surrounding excavation trenches (see below). Trench2, measuring3 m wide,ran between the paved section of the narthexand the circuit wall, which stood 1.15m tall. Tesserae, probably from thechurch, and a fewpotsherds dated to the 12th and early 13th centuries weregathered from the foundation trench of the circuit wall. This material islimited and fragmentary, butit suggests that the circuit wall (wall 1) was constructedsometime in theMiddle-Late Byzantine period. Trench3 measured2 x 8 m andwas laid out on thesouthern side of AH (Fig. 3). On thesouthwest part of thetrench, the remains of the circuitwall, reaching a height of 1.10 m, were revealed. The wallhere had a thicknessof 1.36 m andconsisted of mortared rubble. Layers 1 and2, fromthe final occupational phase of the hill, contained ceramics dated to thelater 12th and first half of the 13th century.

2003 Season: Trenches 1-4

Duringthe 2003 excavation season, three trenches were laid out along the northernedge of the hilltop (trenches 1-3) anda fourthone (trench 4) on thesouthwestern side (Figs. 3, 4). Trench1, with overall dimensions of ca. 12.00x 3.00 m,was laid out betweenthe circuit wall and the northeast corner of the church (Fig. 4). The northernand southern faces of the circuit wall (wall 1) consistedof largemortared rubble stones, tuff stone, tiles, and reused blocks. A second wall(wall 3) wasexcavated ca. 6.00 m southof wall 1; ithas an east-west orientationand a preservedheight of 0.58 m. Anothermortared rubble wall(wall 2), perpendicular tothe circuit wall, was constructed on bedrock, runningbetween walls 1 and3. It waspreserved to a widthof 0.64 m and toa maximumheight of 0.46 m.The ceramiccontents of all four layers in trench1 are dated between the mid-12th and mid-13th century, with some residualpieces of 6th-cenrury Sagalassos Red Slip ware. In addition,layer 1 containedabundant organic remains, charcoal, and ashes. Trench2 waslaid out 5 m westof trench 1, with overall dimensions of 12.75x 3.00 m; it spannedthe area between the circuit wall and the basilica(Fig. 4). The circuitwall (wall 1) wasalso revealed here. A rubble wallin drymasonry (wall 2) witha north-southorientation and a length of 6.9 m was discoveredon thewestern side of the trench. A mortared rubblewall (wall 3) withan east-west orientation and a widthof ca. 1.00m wasexcavated on thesouthern side of the trench. The excavatorssuggest

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thatwall 3 in trenches1 and2 servedas a platformfor the construction ofthe basilica. The ceramicassemblage retrieved from layer 4 was dated to thelate 5th and early 6th century, with some intrusive pieces dated to thesecond half of the 12th and first half of the 13th century. Layers 1-3 containedceramics dated to the12th and 13thcenturies, as wellas large amountsof animal bones and charcoal (especially in layer1). Trench3, located3 m westof trench 2, withoverall dimensions of ca. 13.00x 3 m,was also laid out between the circuit wall and the basilica (Fig.4). The badlypreserved remains of the circuit wall (wall 1) werethe onlyarchitectural feature discovered inthis trench. The ceramicassemblage fromlayers 1-4, interpreted as primary refuse (especially in layers 2 and3), canbe datedto the 12th and 13th centuries; itincludes some residual pieces fromthe 2nd to the6th century. Trench4 waslaid out to thesouth of trench 1. It originallymeasured 8.00x 6.00 m butit was later expanded to thenorthwest by 7.50 m from thenorthwest corner of thetrench, over a widthof 6.00 m,in orderto completelyexpose the cistern encountered along the northwestern profile ofthe original trench. The circuitwall (wall 1) wasexposed over a length of13.50 m, standing to a maximumheight of 0.67 m; wall 1 alsoserved as thesouthwestern wall of the cistern. The restof the cistern s walls, standing to a maximumheight of 1.90 m, were built of mortared rubble, brick, tuff stone,and reusedblocks. The innerface of all fourwalls was linedwith twolayers of hydraulic plaster. A smallbasin with overall dimensions of 1.42(L.) x 0.71 (W.) x 0.58m (D.), internallylined with plaster, was built againstthe northeastern wall of the cistern. Ninelayers were identified intrench 4. The foundationfill from layer 9 itselfconsisted of residual pieces of SagalassosRed Slip ware(ranging betweenthe 2nd and 6th centuries) and pottery dated mainly to the 12th century.Pieces of an amboplate and a doorlintel, both attributable to the10th-12th century and probably originating from the church, were also foundin thefoundation trench of thecistern. Because the cistern wasconstructed during the final occupational phase of the hill, the basil- ica musthave alreadybeen largelydismantled. The ceramicmaterial recoveredfrom the foundation fill of the cistern indicates that the removal ofthe basilica could have happened during or before the second half of the12th century. The amboplate found in trench4 is decoratedwith a quatrefoilsur- roundinga cross with flaring arms at itscenter (Fig. 5). Each lobeof the quatrefoilis filledwith a shell.The fourouter corners of theplate each containa single-bandedcircle. The circlesin bothleft corners are filled witha crosslikeornament with rounded intersecting arms,4 while the circles 4. Similarcrosses occur on the in theright outer corners are each filled by a flaringcross with concave iconostasisof the Katholikon of Osios extremities.5The closestparallels for the decoration on the ambo plate can Loukasin central Greece,dated to the be foundon a lOth-llth-centurysculpted plate from the Church of Saint 10th Dennert 4. century: 1997,pl. Nicholasat Myrain Lycia.6 5. Comparethe crosses on The ofthe material discussed in thisarticle was 10th-12th-centurya.D. from majority excavated capitals on theinside of Aksehirand KaramanKöy: Dennert thenorthern stretch of the circuit wall, and can therefore 1997,pl. 30:166,167. be associatedwith the final occupational phase of AH. Takentogether, 6. Feld 1975,pl. 122:c,no. 46. thecircuit wall, large cistern, subsidiary structures, and materialculture

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Figure5. Decorated ambo platefrom the cisternon AH. PhotoM. Waelkens suggestthat the sitewas a defensiveinstallation where the populationof thewider area could takerefuge in timesof need.The absenceof perma- nentwater sources on thehill and therestricted area of occupation (0.28 ha) on this exposed and windysite seem to precludea permanentpresence on AH. No publishedstudy has addressedthe size ofByzantine farms, hamlets, andvillages, but intensive survey work in otherrural provinces suggests that a siteof 0.28 ha was probablyno morethan a hamlet.7Recent studies have sketcheda settlementpattern for , and morespecifically the Middle Byzantineprovince of Pisidia, thatis based on hamletsand villages.8According to thismodel, the village superseded the Classical city- stateas thedominant unit of social and commercialorganization, and cities themselvesbecame large or minor villages.9 In themedieval period, however, the settlementhierarchy was complicatedby the emergenceof kastra,or fortifiedhamlets. The kastronusually served as the administrativecenter

7. J.L. Bintliff(pers. comm.) made et al. 2006; Vanhaverbekeet al. 2009; thisevaluation on thebasis of in- Waelkenset al.,forthcoming. formationfrom intensive surface sur- 9. This patterncan be inferredfrom veysin Boiotiaby the past Durham- Novella24.1 ofJustinian (a.d. 535/36), CambridgeBoeotia Survey Project and whichrefers to the"very populous theongoing Leiden- Ljubljana Ancient villages"of Pisidia. See Mitchell2000, Citiesof Boeotia Survey Project. p. 145; Vanhaverbeke,Martens, and 8. Mitchell2000, p. 145;Waelkens Waelkens2007.

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ofa groupof hamlets, although some kastra had a purelymilitary function, whichseems to have been the role of the settlementon AH.10A number of dispersedcontemporary settlements (such as farmsand hamlets)have also been identifiedin the ruralterritory of Sagalassos throughextensive and intensivesurface survey.11 The fact that the materialdiscussed below was found in heavily burnedstrata, while the contemporarystructures were demolishedand the cisternwas backfilled,indicates that defensive structures were indeed requiredby the local population.The concentrationof the material,its degreeof preservation,and its stratigraphieassociation in burnedlayers suggestthat the material does notnecessarily stem from the occupation of thehill, but fromits final conquest and the demolitionof its structuresso thatthe sitecould no longerserve as a refuge.It is not clearat thispoint how significantthe destructionof the site mayhave been in the regions history,nor is the identityof theparties involved certain, but the size and natureof the ceramic assemblage (see below) suggestsa veryshort span of occupation,if not a singleevent.

BYZANTINE POTTERY FROM ALEXANDER'S HILL

The chronologyof Byzantineceramics is continuallybeing refined.The establishmentof a morereliable ceramic typo-chronology is essentialin orderto fashiona morerealistic interpretation of the materialremains at Sagalassos.12A numberof fundamental questions have been raisedduring thecourse of excavations at Sagalassosand AH, suchas whetherthe Middle Byzantineunglazed common wares and glazed tablewareswere produced locallyor were imported. This questionhas been answeredthrough (as yet unpublished)fabric analyses, which have revealedthat the glazed wares, and moresurprisingly the majority of the common-ware vessels, were made outsidethe territoryof Sagalassos.13 Althoughprimarily used as a chronologicalindicator on archaeological sites,pottery has a muchwider application in thestudy of economic, social, and culturalbehavior. Ceramic vessels used forfood preparation, cooking,

10. Recentintensive surface survey regularintervals (reminiscent of the 12. As Sanders(2003, p. 385) has in thearea around ancient Tanagra modernnucleated village pattern). pointedout in thecase ofByzantine in Boiotiaby the Leiden-Ljubljana These settlements,located both in the Corinth,"until we knowwhen, dis- AncientCities of Boeotia Projecthas lowland(nondefensive) and on hilltops cussionsof where, why, and howare shown of widespreadsigns recovery (defensive),are usually concentrated inaccurate,largely irrelevant, and in the Byzantinecountryside between aroundchurches that possibly func- abstractscholarly exercises." the and 13thcen- (10th?-)llth early tionedas parishchurches for each 13. PatrickDegryse of the Centre turies.Middle Byzantinesettlement settlement;J.L. Bintliff(pers. comm.). forArchaeological Sciences at Katho- is wellattested in the with See also territory, Vionis2004-2005, pp. 572- liekeUniversiteit Leuven is leading surface diagnostic potteryreaching 574; 2006a,p. 785. thearchaeometric research on pottery its in thellth-13th centuries. 11. peak Vanhaverbekeand Waelkens samplesfrom the site of Sagalassos. Thesenew settlements are interpreted, 2003; Vanhaverbeke,Martens, and Pétrographieanalysis of fabrics from to their as small according size, nucle- Waelkens2007; Vanhaverbekeet al. AH is also in progress. atedhamlets and villages located at 2009.

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TABLE 1. QUANTIFICATION OF CERAMICS AND TILES FROM ALEXANDER'S HILL

Shape Weight(g) Sherds ENV

Hemisphericalbowl 508 6 1 Biconicalcup 1,751 21 3 Carinateddish 1,475 20 2.5 Jug 22,344 805 22 Costrel 23,338 470 12 Mixingvessel 3,114 24 2 Cookingpot 19,731 615 13 Storagejar 4,321 38 14 Pithos 70,682 68 12 Glazed dish 3,405 122 6 Tile 3,500 96 12.5 Total 154,169 2,285 100.0

ENV = equivalentnumber of vessels serving,and eating, as well as forstorage and transport, provide important evidencefor social change at all periodsand sociallevels. As faras the Byzantineand medievalperiods are concerned, scholarly attention has generallyfocused on glazedand decorated tablewares, but the sherds of unglazedcommon wares that make up thebulk of the ceramic remains at anysite can be used to reconstructmany features of everydaylife.14 The studyof pottery as an indicatorof changing culinary habits still con- stitutesa novelfield of researchin theeastern Mediterranean. Recent scientificand archaeological advances in the study of cooking and serving utensilsyield data that can be combinedwith literary sources to produce a moreaccurate picture of cooking and dining customs of the Byzantine MiddleAges.15 Becausevessel function will play a leadingrole in the latter part of this study,the following description of the assemblage from AH presentsthe common-warevessels according to shape.The glazedvessels, which are allopen dishes, are categorized according to decorativetechnique. Table 1 andFigure 6 presentbreakdowns of the entire ceramic sample from AH, quantifiedby sherd weight and sherd count.

14. Forthe problems of post- Roman UnitedStates, scholars of medieval and individualsites. For early studies of potterychronology and classification, post-medievalarchaeology have been Byzantinepottery, cooking, and diet see,e.g., Sanders 1987, 2000, 2003; pioneersin usingvisual representations, (witha focuson theAegean within the Hayes1992. More generalstudies of texts,and materialculture to recon- bordersof modern Greece), see Joyner post-Roman pottery chronology, pot- structeveryday life. Vroom's (2003) 1997; Papanikola-Bakirtzi1998; teryfunction, and socialchange have doctoralthesis (based on materialfrom Vroom1998. Foraspects of Graeco- alsobeen published by ceramic spe- theBoeotia Project) was one ofthe Romanand Byzantinecooking tradi- cialistsworking in theAegean region firstattempts in Greeceto adoptthis tions,see generallyKoder 1992; Dalby sincethe 1980s; see Bakirtzis1980, approach.Vroom studied tableware 1996,2003; Papanikola-Bakirtzi2002, 1989;Armstrong 1996, 2006; Papa- assemblagesfrom the Boeotia Project 2005; Vionis2005, pp. 277-301; nikola-Bakirtzi1996, 1999b; Vroom in thelight of Byzantine and post- forthcoming.Koukoules 1952, pp. 9- 1998,2003, 2004; Vionis2001, 2006a, Byzantineicons; she did not,however, 205, remainsthe most valuable source 2006b;Dori, Velissariou, and Michai- makefull use ofnew methodologies, oftextual and historicalreferences on lidis2003; Blake2005. and theomission of site context makes foodpreferences and cookingand eat- 15. In northwestEurope and the herwork of limited value for studying ingpractices in theByzantine empire.

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Figure6. Percentagesof ceramic shapesfrom AH byweight and sherd count.A. K. Vionis Common Wares Fabrics and Provenance The term"common wares" here refers to unglazedvessels made of coarse - fabrics in otherwords, fabrics with inclusions discernible by the naked eye. Althoughthe distinction between common wares and glazed tablewaresis made on thebasis of fabriccharacteristics, it should be notedthat there is also a functionaldifference: glazed wares at AH consistalmost exclusively of open tablewarevessels used forconsumption. By contrast,common waresappear in a rangeof shapes used forpreparing, cooking, serving, and storingfood. In some cases, coarse-fabriccharacteristics determine the wall thicknessof a vessel,which itself determines function: larger vessels requirethicker walls designed for storage, while vessels for cooking require thinnerwalls that better conduct heat.16 Despite theirhumble appearance, theplain/undecorated vessels required a highdegree of craft specialization in theirproduction in orderto meetthe demandsof use.17 Five fabrictypes were used in the commonwares retrieved from AH as wellas fromother sites with post-7th-century activity within the ancient cityof Sagalassos.18As notedabove, the majority of common wares do not seem to have been made fromraw materialsfrom within the territoryof Sagalassos (as definedin Roman times)and should thereforebe treated as imports.19

16. Rice (1987,pp. 207-243) pre- vesselsallow water to "percolateto the geology.The equivalentof fabric 100 at sentsdetailed discussion of vessel func- outersurface, evaporate, and thuscool EarlyImperial to Late Roman/Early tionin termsof form and technology. thecontents." ByzantineSagalassos is fabric4 (local/ 17. Accordingto Rye(2002, p. 26), 18.The fullresults of fabric and regionalin origin),which was similarly thethin walls and coarsefabric of pétrographieanalyses of pottery sam- used forthe production of common cookingpots are qualities that produce plesfrom AH byDegryse (see n. 13, wares:domestic vessels such as cooking "goodresistance to thermalshock in above)will appear in a separatearticle. potsand jars ofall shapes,as wellas orderto withstandrepeated heating 19. P. Degryse(pers. comm.). One Sagalassianamphoras. See Degeest and coolingwithout fracturing," while ofthe components of fabric 100 is 2000,pp. 84-85. thethick but permeable walls of storage schist,a foreignelement in theregion's

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Fabric100 ("grittyfabric") was the main fabricused duringthe post- Roman periodfor the productionof a wide rangeof plain vesselsfound on AH, suchas unglazedcups and bowls,plain dishes,jugs, cooking pots, and transportand storagejars. Its coloris reddishyellow (ranging between 5YR 6/8and 5YR 5/8);its hardness ranges from hard to veryhard, its feel is smooth,it has a biscuitbreak, and itsexterior surface is usuallysmoothed. The frequencyof inclusionsis sparseto moderate,consisting of medium to fineschist, mica, and some black specks.Nearly 92% byweight of the commonwares retrieved at AH are made of fabric100. Fabric101 ("gray-coregritty fabric") is verysimilar in termsof com- positionto fabric100 but was initiallyseparated because of its graycore (due to reducedfiring); the core coloris gray-brown(10YR 5/2) and the surfacevaries between light brown (7.5YR 6/4) and brown(7.5YR 5/4). Fabric 101 accountsfor almost 4% by weightof the commonwares; the onlyshape in thisfabric is a two-handledjar. Fabric105 ("coarselight red fabric")is anothercoarser version of fabric100 of lightred color (2.5YR 6/6).It was mainlyused forthe manufacture of lids/stoppers and tiles,and byweight it accountsfor 3% of the commonwares. Fabric102 ("mica-dustedfabric") seems to have been used solelyfor two specificceramic forms, a carinateddish and a jug; it is similarto the "mica-dustedminiature ware" of the Sagalassos Late Roman/Early Byzantinepottery spectrum.20 Vessels in fabric102 are not foundin large quantities,comprising 0.5% byweight of the common-wareassemblage. Its color is reddishbrown (ranging between 5YR 6/4 and 5YR 5/4); its inclusionscomprise a largeamount of finemica and some limestoneand blackspecks. The fabricis hardand thefeel of its irregular fracture is mostly rough.Although fabric 102 is coarserthan the aforementioned Sagalassos mica-dustedminiature ware, its originshould still be soughtoutside the territoryof Sagalassos. Fabric 104 ("pale hacklyfabric") is equallyrare, amounting to only - 0.5% ofthe assemblage by weight a pithosand a lid fragment.Its hackly irregularfracture, pale reddishyellow fabric (ranging from 5YR 7/6 to 5YR 6/6),and largeinclusions of limestone,mica, and grogmake it quite distinctive;its originshould be soughtoutside the regionof Sagalassos. In short,fabric 100 and thevery similar fabrics 101 and 105 account for99% byweight of the commonwares from AH, whilethe uniformity - - ofthe vessels in particulartheir regular and relativelythin walls points to a specializedworkshop outside the immediatearea of Sagalassos that produceda varietyof plainvessels.

Typology and Chronology 20. Fabric102 correspondsto a ofthe common- ware This sectionpresents representativesample shapes fabric7 at Sagalassos,used for the different recoveredfrom AH, a set of open and closed formsserving productionof miniature vessels; its functions(Fig. 7). None ofthese shapes are slipped or glazed; some shapes distinctivecharacteristic is a finely mica on itsexterior aredecorated with incised wavy and/or straight lines. The commonwares dispersed dusting 88). also describedhere are dated between the mid/late-12th and mid-13thcentury (Degeest2000, p. Degeest identifiesit with the "mica dusted of the associated vessels.Common-ware did on the basis glazed shapes wareIII" fromSaraçhane, dated as on AH find10th- not changeradically through time; most of the shapes "mid-Byzantineor earlier";see Hayes and 11th-centuryantecedents at a numberof otherexcavated sites, such 1992,p. 49. nn. and below. as Saraçhanein .21Nevertheless, as noted above,in lightof the 21. See 28, 30, 34,

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Figure7. Common-wareshapes stratigraphyon AH, the of vesselsrecovered must the fromAH: (a, b) bowls; majority represent hemispherical final of (c-f) biconicalcups; (g^k) carinated phase occupation. dishes The standardGuide to the Classificationof Medieval CeramicForms was (MPRG) consultedfor the descriptionof vesselforms and shapes.A code is assignedto each vesseltype, as definedby fabric, the general form of the vessel,and the specificByzantine shape.22 This codingsystem fol- lows the generalfabric designation system already in use at the Sagalassos ArchaeologicalResearch Project, which originatedwith the Roman as- semblage.23Unless otherwisenoted, all the vessels describedbelow are made of fabric100 ("grittyfabric").

22. for 100F100,"100" E.g., type Hemisphericalbowl refersto thefabric, "F" to thegeneral Only six fragmentsof small bowls form(bowl), and "100" to thespecific unglazed hemispherical (100F100) wereretrieved from shape(hemispherical bowl). AH, comprisingabout 0.3% of the totalassemblage 23. Fordetails and sherd ofthe system, see byweight count(Fig. 6). These vesselshave a rounded,slightly Poblóme1999. inrurnedrim whose diameterranges between 12 and 14 cm;possibly they

This content downloaded from 71.168.218.10 on Tue, 18 Mar 2014 10:15:59 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 436 A. K. VIONIS ET AL. restedon a plainflat or stemmedbase (a chalice?).The surfaceis smoothed inside and out,while one or two straightor wavyincised lines decorate the exteriorwalls below the rim(Fig. 7:a, b). This shape is comparableto open shapesamong the glazed white wares from Saraçhane, such as Glazed Whiteware I (early9th century)24 and II (early12th century).25 Plain bowls ofa verysimilar profile have been identified in Frankishcontexts at Corinth (13th century).26Most of the bowl fragmentsfrom AH were foundin associationwith Incised Sgraffito/Champlevé ware and Greenand Brown Paintedware.27

Figure 8. Small biconicalcup with roundhandles (see Figure7:f )

Biconicalcup An unglazedsmall biconical cup (100A100) withcharacteristically thick lowerwalls and a thickflat base comprises1.1% ofthe assemblage by weight and 0.9% by sherdcount (Fig. 6). More specifically,this vessel type has a thickflat base with either a centralnipple or a shallowhollow on itsinterior; its body is biconicalor roundedwith convexwalls, and its shortflaring neck ends in a slightlyoutturned rounded rim (Fig. 7:c-f). The average diameterof the rim ranges between 7 and 8 cm,the average diameter of the base between4 and 6 cm,and the bodywidth is usuallynear 10 cm; this shapeusually does notexceed 10 cm in height.What is notableabout this vesseltype is its smallsize, heavy base, and two horizontalround handles (Fig. 8); thereare also fragmentsthat preserve no handlesat all (Fig. 7:c, d). Its surfaceis smoothedand unslipped,while incised wavy lines usually decoratethe upper body just below the neck. This is a quite distinctiveand relativelyunknown ware typeof the Middle-Late Byzantineperiod. The samplesfrom Sagalassos are similar

24. See Hayes 1992,p. 176, mainlyfound in the2003 trench2, fig.56:35.6. layer3 (SA2003AH/46),with glazed 25. See Hayes 1992,p. 193, waresdated from the mid/late- 12th to fie.73:46.1. themid-13th century; this is one ofthe 26. See Williamsand Zervos1995, contexts/layersrepresenting the last AH. p. 32, fig.7:36. occupationalphase on 27. Hemisphericalbowls were

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in size and shape to examplesof 11th-centuryUnglazed White wares III and IV and, even moreso, to early-12th-century "cooking pots" from Middle Byzantinecontexts at Saraçhane.28Fragments of biconicalcups fromAH havebeen foundin associationwith Incised Sgraffitoware, in a destructiondeposit containing ashes and charcoal.29

Carinateddish An openshape, a plaindish (100D100) witha carinatedprofile on theupper bodyand a roundedor beveledrim (Fig. 7:g*-j),makes up 1% of theAH assemblageby weight and 0.9% bysherd count (Fig. 6). The rimdiameter rangesbetween 18 and 24 cm,and it is assumedthat the vessel rested on a flator ringbase; base fragmentsin the same fabricare absentfrom the assemblage.With an averagewidth of 22 cm,it is a ratherbroad dish; it is usuallydecorated (just below the rim and abovethe carination) with a wavy incisedline between two parallel ones. Vessels from Saraçhane (dated to the llth-12th century)are similarin shapeto the Sagalassoscarinated dish.30 Anotheropen vessel (102D100) is assignedto the same formas the carinateddish, although its shape differsslightly. It is made of the mica- dustedfabric 102 and has a hemisphericalbody with a roundedinrurned rim(Fig. 7:k). Its rimdiameter is 24 cm,while its maximumbody width reaches30 cm. Only twofragments of this bowl have been recovered,with decorativeincised wavy lines within a continuousband of impresseddots just belowthe rim; one ofthe fragments preserves a handlebase veryclose to the rim.31

Jug A closedform, a single-handledjug (100H100), is one ofthe most common shapesin theassemblage, comprising 14.5% byweight and 35.2% bysherd count(Fig. 6). It has a flator concavebase, a pear-shapedor shouldered profile,a narrowneck, an uprightor evertedplain rim, and a verticalstrap handle (Fig. 9). The dimensionsof thisvessel vary slightly. The diameter of the rimis 4-5 cm,the diameterof the base 10-11 cm; the bodywidth rangesbetween 12 and 17 cm,and theaverage vessel height between 19 and 22 cm. Its exteriorsurface is smoothed,and it is usuallydecorated with a bandof combed or incised lines on theshoulder, and sometimeson theneck belowthe rim.The shape and flatbase of thisjug are seen in everyperiod fromthe 6th century a.d. onward.It is a shapefound in almostevery layer on AH; however,it is mostlyfound in occupationalrefuse deposits with Incised Sgraffito/Champlevéware of the late 12th and early-middle13th century.32

28. Hayes(1992, pp. 134,196, in trench2, layer1 (SA2003AH/29). 11thto early12th century. However, refersto themas "cook- fig.76:50.31) 30. Bowlsand disheswith bulging datescannot be ascribedto particular it is ingpots"; verypossible that the walls,carination, and a continuous waresat Sagalassossolely on thebasis biconicalcup fromAH also servedas bandwith incised patterns are common ofcoin finds. a small vesselfor individual cooking at Saraçhane;see Hayes 1992,p. 26, 32. An almostcomplete jug of orsingle portions of food. For parallels fie.9:2-7. smalldimensions was foundin a refuse to Whitewares III and Unglazed IV, 31. Fragmentsof this open vessel depositin 2003 in trench2, layer3 see Hayes 1992,p. 190,ñg. 70:43.27, wereretrieved in 2003 in trench1, (SA2003AH/46),that included late- 43.34,43.35. layer4 (SA2003AH/24),below layer 3, 12th-early/middle-13th-century 29. This was deposit foundin 2003 whichcontained coins from the late importedglazed wares.

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Figure9. Single-handledjugs

Five fragmentsof a closedthin-walled vessel, possibly a jug, in mica- dustedfabric 102 are also groupedunder this category of jugs (not illus- trated).Fragments of thistype (102H100) are decoratedwith continuous rowsof impressedlines on the shoulder.

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Figure10. Standingcostrels or two-handledjars

Costrel A two-handledjar or standingcostrel (1001100) is anothercommon in shape theAH assemblage,comprising 15.1% by weight and 20.6% by sherdcount (Fig. 6). It hasa flatbase whose diameter ranges between 11 and 14 cm,a pear-shapedprofile with a bellydiameter of 19-23 cm,two opposedoval or strap handles, a mediumshoulder, and an uprightsimple or thickenedrim of 6-10 cmin diameter; its overall height ranges between 22 and35 cm(Fig. 10). Its exterior surface is smoothed,and incised linear wavydesigns are often found between a bandof combed lines above the belly(Figs. 10:b, c; 11). A fewneck fragments preserve a small collarlike ledge.This type(and itsgray-core fabric variant, 1011100) is foundin

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Figure11. Standingcostrel with incisedwavy designs on itsupper body(see Figure 10:a) nearlyall layerstogether with other common wares (e.g., carinated dishes and jugs) and tablewares(i.e., glazed dishesof the late 12thto mid-13th century).

Mixingvessel A new vesselshape was identifiedat AH, providingfurther evidence for dietin contemporarySagalassos; in formit resemblesthe standingcostrel but it has been termeda "mixingvessel" (1001120). It constitutes2% of theassemblage by weight and 1% bysherd count (Fig. 6). It has thetypical pear-shapedbody of the standingcostrel, with a bellydiameter of ca. 22 cm, a flatbase with an averagediameter of 13 cm, an uprightsimple or thickenedrim of 8 cm in diameter,and an averageheight of ca. 33 cm (Fig. 12). Its distinctivefeatures are its two opposed vertical and one ortwo horizontalstrap handles, a shorthorizontal spout (a littleabove the belly), and threeor four cylindrical projections attached on theinterior of the base (Fig. 13). Its closed shape and the attachedcylindrical projections make it comparableto modernmixing vessels. The exteriorsurface is smoothed and decoratedwith straight and wavy incised lines on thebelly and notches on theneck. Fragments of the mixing vessel were found in thetop layerof threeof the trenches excavated in 2003, suggestingthat its production and use shouldbe assignedto the finalphase of occupationon AH.33

Cookingpot 33. On thebasis of the glazed wares A flat-bottomed, (100Q100) fromAH is an- single-handledcooking pot (see below),this phase of occupation other shape that constitutesa relativelylarge part of the assemblage, can be estimatedto haveoccurred accountingfor 12.8% byweight and 26.9% by sherdcount (Fig. 6). These betweenthe late 12thand middleof cookingvessels occur in two sizes.The groupof largervessels has a flat the13th century.

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Figure12. Mixing vessel with spout andcylindrical projections atbase

Figure13. Interior view of mixing vesselshown in Figure 12

base with an averagediameter of 11-12 cm, a roundedprofile with an averagebody width of 20 cm,a verticalstrap handle, an evertedsimple or thickenedrounded rim of 13-14 cm in diameter,and an averageheight of 23 cm (Fig. 14:a, b). The rimdiameter of the smallergroup measures 10-13 cm,the diameterof thebase 7-9 cm,the width of thebody 11-15 cm,and theheight 11-15 cm (Fig. 14:c,d).The mostcommon decorative featurein each of the shapes is an exteriordecorative ledge betweenthe upper part of the body and the lowerpart of the shortneck, while the exteriorsurface is also smoothed(Fig. 15). Flat-bottomedcooking pots with one handle are verycommon in northwestTurkey, the southern Balkans, and in variousAegean regions.

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Figure 14. Cooking pots Single-handledflat-bottomed cooking pots have been recoveredfrom contextsdated to the9th, 10th, 11th, and 12thcenturies at Saraçhane;34 evidencefrom Amorium in Minor and Kavala and in Greece suggeststhat this cooking-vessel type was in use at least until the late 13th century.35Cooking pots of bothsmall and largedimensions have been identifiedin all layerson AH, associatedwith diagnostic glazed wares of the12th and 13th centuries.

Storagejar Storagejars of small size and capacity (100G100) for short-term storage andshort-distance transport cannot be describedwith certainty, for only a fewrim and base fragments have been retrieved from the site, accounting for2.8% ofthe assemblage by weight and 1.7%by sherd count (Fig. 6). Thisshape has a flatbase of ca. 20 cmin diameter,a rounded body, and a wideneck ending in an evertedsimple rounded or flattened rim of 12-18 cmin diameter. Its distinctive feature is anapplied strip/rope decoration on theneck and on therim (Fig. 16). Smallstorage jars have not been found consistentlyin one layer or in a singledeposit.

34. Forsimilar shapes in redfab- fromSaraçhane, see Hayes 1992, p. 106,fig. 7. Forevidence from Kavala, ric,see Hayes1992, pp. 176,181, p. 196,fig. 76:50.32. see Papanikola-Bakirtzi2002, p. 348, figs.56:35.14, 61:38.14; in whitefabric, 35. Forevidence from Amorium nos.397-399; forThebes, see Koilakou p. 36, fig.58:36.6. For flat-bottomed (althoughplaced in a differentcultural 1987,pl. 67:b. cookingpots with an exteriorledge context),see Lightfootand Ivison1996,

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Figure15. Cookingpot with an exteriorledge below the rim (see Figure14:b)

Figure16. Decorated rims of storage , 5 cm jars I 1 1 1 1

Pithos Althoughfragments of largestorage jars or pithoi(100G110) fromAH are not numerous,making up only3% of the assemblageby sherdcount, constitute they nearlyhalf of the assemblage(45.8%) in termsof weight The (Fig. 6). pithoicome in two sizes; the largerones wereprobably not to be designed moved,while the smaller ones were more easily transported. Althoughthe typological development of large storage vessels has notbeen studiedin depth,it would appearthat they tend to remainunchanged for

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10 cm long periodsof time.On the basis of fragmentsrecovered from AH, the Figure 17. Pithos rims basic pithosshape has a flatbase, a sphericalbody with walls up to 5 cm in thickness,and a thickeverted rim 32-40 cm in diameter(Fig. 17). Only the smallerpithoi are decorated,with double incisedwavy lines on their upperbody (Fig. 17:a, b).

Glazed Tablewares Fabrics and Provenance The groupof glazed wares recovered from AH comprisesopen vessels used forfood consumption. They aremade of a finepaste, and theirfabrics share no compositionalcharacteristics with those used forthe commonwares. There is no evidencefor the productionof glazed vesselsat Sagalassosor withinits territory.36 The samplespresented here are lead-glazedred-bodied wares. They havebeen decorated with designs painted in white slip (Slip-Painted ware), or theyhave been coveredwith a whitishslip and decoratedwith designs eitherscratched with a blunttool (Sgraffitoware) or painted(Green and BrownPainted ware). The fabricof each groupof glazed decoratedwares is different,suggesting different geological sources and probablydifferent productioncenters. The mostcommon glazed typeson AH aretwo wares of the sgraffito group:Incised Sgraffitoware37 and Champlevéware.38 Apart fromtheir no distinctioncan be madebetween the two wares here because decoration, 36. P. Degryse(pers. comm.). thefabrics, the quality of the glazes, and thevessel shapes are very similar. 37. Also knownas "Aegeanglazed The fabricis red or lightred (2.5YR 6/8 to 5/8 and 5YR 6/6),soft, and ware"after Megaw 1975; see also medium-finewith some medium limestoneinclusions and a few fine Sanders2003, pp. 388-389,fig. 23:2. 38. The termchamplevé ("raised micaceousparticles. field")describes the decorative tech- Previousfabric and examinationof pottery sherds analysis pétrographie niqueof removing slipped clay to leave Incised and and wastersof the well-represented Sgraffito Champlevé a raisedfigure against an unslipped wares(series I) foundat Pergamonhave shownthat they were probably background;see Papanikola-Bakirtzi imported,although the availableevidence "still leaves open thepossibility 1999b,p. 20; Vroom2003, p. 163.

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ofconsidering them local, made with a clayother than that used for the mainByzantine production."39 Meanwhile, more recent research carried outon thepotting and glaze of Champlevéware at Corinth,one ofthe productioncenters of glazed pottery during the Middle Byzantine period, hasshown that it cannotbe a Corinthianproduct but was possibly made on themainland of Asia Minor.40Neutron activation analysis of Incised Sgraffitoware has shown that it was produced in Cyprusat the end of the 12thcentury (after the Latin conquest of the island) and was exported to Syria,Palestine, and the Aegean.41 Archaeological evidence from through- out theAegean world and theeastern Mediterranean, as well as from shipwrecksat Kastellorizoand Skopelos,provides direct evidence for thebulk transport and tradeof Incised Sgraffito and Champlevéwares; Constantinopleand sites in Cyprusand Asia Minor(possibly Ephesos?) aregenerally thought to be theirproduction centers.42 Onlya handfulof Painted Fine Sgraffitosherds were retrieved from AH; thisware constitutes a variant of the so-called Fine Sgraffitoware. Itsfabric has a palepinkish to reddishyellow color (7.5YR 7/6to 6/6),it is moderatelysoft, and has many lime inclusions and sometimes a few fine voids.Thessaloniki and the eastern Aegean (probably the western coast of Asia Minor)have been suggested as probableplaces of origin of Painted Fine Sgraffitoware.43 and Ephesosshould also be considered candidatesfor the production of this ware.44 The presenceof Greenand BrownPainted ware is equallylimited, yetsignificant because it is anotherimported glazed product from the Byzantineworld. The fabricof the sherds from AH has a reddishyellow color(5YR 7/6to 6/6);it is moderatelysoft and medium-finewith fine limestoneinclusions and finevoids. Its provenanceis notyet certain, althoughsouthern and centralGreece (Corinth, Sparta, Thebes?) have beensuggested as candidatesfor its production.45 Similarly,Slip-Painted ware is anotherglazed tableware type of un- certainprovenance; itis certainlyan importedproduct at Sagalassos.This wareis distinctivefor its spiral-painted designs. The fabricof the two frag- mentsidentified on AH has a reddishyellow color (5YR 6/6to 7/6);it is moderatelysoft and medium-fine with some medium limestone and a fewfine micaceous inclusions. Corinth has been linked to the production

39. Waksmanand Spieser1997, groupsfrom S ardisand Ephesos,the and especiallyEphesos, and although pp. 115-116.Tripod stilts, wasters, and fabricof Pergamon series H (Man- itsorigin is controversial,itsfinely unfinishedwares found at Pergamon ganese-StainedSgraffito ware), I executedincised decoration and providecredible evidence for local (IncisedSgraffito and Champlevé abstractpainted designs of dark brown ceramic productionduring the wares),and F (Greenand Purple and greencolor stylistically resemble Byzantineperiod. StainedSgraffito ware) resembles that examplesfrom sites in Greeceand 40. MacKay2003, pp. 403-404. ofceramics from and Ephesos; westernTurkey; see Waksman and 41. See Boas 1994. seeWaksman and Spieser1997, Spieser1997, pp. 122-123,126, pl. III. 42. Kritzas1971; Philotheouand pp. 114, 117. 45. CorinthXI, p. 72; Sanders2003, Michailidou 1986;Armstrong 1991; 43. Hayes 1992,p. 46; Papanikola- p. 394. Largequantities of this ware Boas 1994;MacKay 2003, p. 404; Bakirtzis,Mavrikiou, and Bakirtzis discoveredduring intensive surface Vroom 90-93. 2005,pp. Although 1999,p. 81; Vroom2003, p. 153. surveywork in Boiotiamay point to dendrogramsdo notshow a close 44. The Greenand PurpleStained a productioncenter in eitherthe rural betweenthe ceramics correspondence warein group6 (II) at Pergamonis regionof the province or itscapital, foundat and reference Pergamon associatedwith products from Sardis Thebes;see Vroom2003, p. 151.

This content downloaded from 71.168.218.10 on Tue, 18 Mar 2014 10:15:59 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 446 A. K. VIONIS ET AL. ofSlip-Painted ware.46 Fabric analysis of published fragments ofthis ware fromPergamon suggests that they belong to themain group of locally producedtablewares; the quality, however, of their glaze and decoration suggeststhat they belong to a groupof Slip-Painted wares dated slightly later,from the early 13th to the 14thcentury.47 Slip-Painted ware has a longlife span, making its datingeven more difficult; the decoration techniquewas well known from the late 11th century onward.48 Pamela Armstrongnotes that if a distinctionwere to be madebetween early and laterexamples of Slip-Painted ware, it would be basedon the type of glaze: theByzantine glaze is thinand matte,while the later one is thickand glossy.49The samplesfrom Sagalassos are datedto the 12thand early 13thcentury (or even as earlyas thelate 1 lth century) on the basis of their thinand matte glaze, and the fabric seems similar to publishedexamples fromCorinth.

Typology and Chronology

The groupsof glazed tablewares identified on AH can all be datedfrom themid/late-12th to the mid-13th century on thebasis of parallels from datedcontexts.50 Middle-Late Byzantine glazed tablewares constitute only 2.2% byweight and 5.3% bysherd count of the total assemblage at AH (Table1, Fig. 18). Incised Sgraffito and Champlevé examples constitute the - majorityof the glazed wares 93.4%by weight and 89.4% by sherd count (Fig.19). The presenceof other decorated wares is minimal:Painted Fine Sgraffitoware constitutes 3% byweight and 3.3% by sherd count; Green andBrown Painted ware, 1.2% by weight and 2.4% by count; Slip-Painted

Figure 18. Percentagesof common waresand glazed tablewaresby weight,sherd count, and equivalent numberof vessels (ENV). A. K. Vionis

46. Wastersof Slip-Paintedware glazedtableware chronology is Corinth, minorsites in theprovinces; according havebeen discovered at Corinth;see wherethe pottery has beenfound with to Sanders(2003, p. 394),"none of the claimed8th- to Megaw andJones 1983, pp. 238-239. coins.Corinth was a majorcity of the 11th-centuryglazed ofmaterial 47. Waksmanand Spieser1997, Byzantineworld and, according to its pottery,with the exception on Melos and one on pp. 120,129, pl. 6. excavators,technological innovations in fromseveral sites than 48. CorinthXI, pp. 95-103. glazedpottery must have appeared theStrymon Delta, dates earlier 11thto mid-12th 49. Armstrong1989, p. 42. thereearlier than they did in other thelate century." 50. The mainreference point for productioncenters in Greece,let alone

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Figure19. Percentagesof decorated ware,2.2% weightand 1.6% bycount; and otherworn, unidentified glazed tablewaresby weight and by sherdcount. A. K. Vionis potsherds(probably monochrome glazed) constitute 0.2% by weight and 3.3%by count (Fig. 19). All theglazed vessels described below are dishes.

IncisedSgraffito and ChamplevéWare The mostcommon shape among the Incised Sgraffito and Champlevé ves- selsfrom AH is a largedish with relatively thick walls, a slightlyconcave profile,an evertedor roundedring-foot base 10-12 cmin diameter,and a thickenedvertical or slightly incurved rim (with rounded lip) averaging 25-28 cmin diameter(Fig. 20). Champlevéware fragments from the site are yellow-glazed and some- timesdecorated with a harein a centralmedallion (Figs. 20: a, b, 21:a). An off-whiteslip was applieddirectly to thered body of thepot; then theslip-covered clay was carefullyscraped away to producea figurein lowrelief against a redbackground. Fragments of Incised Sgraffito ware areeither yellow- or green-glazed,decorated with heavy linear incisions in theshape of stylized snakes(?) wiggling toward the center of the vessel (Fig.20:c, e-h), diamond-shaped motifs with a crossover them (Fig. 20:d), ora crosshatchedmotif below the rim on the inside (Fig. 21:b). Fragments ofthis ware with the same decorative patterns have been identified during excavationsatCorinth in a depositdated to the second quarter and middle ofthe 13th century.51 This group has been dated to theearly 13th century onthe basis of its presence in the destruction fills from the 1222 earthquake atPaphos on Cyprus,while evidence from Corinth suggests a similar date (ca. a.D. 1200-1260).52On thebasis of the closely dated examples from Cyprusand Corinth, the Incised Sgraffito and Champlevé finds from AH areassigned to thefirst half of the 13th century. Most of the Incised and 51. Fill 1977-1,lot 1977-11;see apparentlyimported lead-glazed Sgraffito MacKay2003, pp. 406-407,fig. 24:3. Champlevéware fragments recovered from AH haverepair holes (Fig. 20:a, 52. ForPaphos, see Megaw 1968, g,h; 21 :a). This is notthe first time that this practice is attestedin a Middle 1989;for Corinth, see Sanders2000, Byzantineceramic assemblage; indeed, it seems that repairing broken glazed nn. 159-161: and n. 51. ahove withlead threadwas a common that A 53. ForAthens and see pottery practiceduring period.53 Thrace, indicatesthat a vesselwas valued its becauseit Papanikola-Bakirtzi1999, 33, repair by owner,perhaps pp. couldnot be thiswould have been true for 36, 74, nos.14, 17, 75; 2002,p. 333, easilyreplaced; vesselsimported no. 369. Forrural Boiotia, see Vroom fromoutside the territory of Sagalassos,whether the western coast of 2003,pp. 281, 283, fig.10.1:a-c. Anatoliaor the Greek mainland, such as thelead-glazed tablewares.

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Figure20. Motifson Champlevéand

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21. Decorated Figure glazed frag- thedark beneaththe Paintedlinear motifs in and ments:(a) base fragmentof a Cham- exposed clay slip.54 green brownenhanced the area decorated with fine and a plevéware dish with a harein the incisions, finally yellow- tintedlead was fromAH are decoratedwith centralmedallion and a surviving glaze applied. Fragments repairhole; (b) rimfragment of an zones of scrollsand spirals,with additional linear green and brownmotifs Incised Sgraffitoware dish with a (Fig. 21:c). On the basis of recentlyexcavated evidence, mainly from crosshatchedmotif; (c) bodyfrag- Saraçhaneand Corinth,Painted Fine Sgraffitoware has been datedto the mentof PaintedFine Sgraffitoware; middleand secondhalf of the 12thcentury.55 (d) bodyfragment of Green and BrownPainted ware; (e) body Greenand Brown Painted Ware of ware fragment Slip-Painted The onlyGreen and BrownPainted ware shape present in theassemblage fromAH is a deep dish witha low ring-footbase, a fairlydeep rounded profile,a convexdivergent lower wall, and a straightflat-topped rim. A whiteslip was appliedto theinterior of thevessel; lozenges, spiral motifs, and wavybands were then painted in mattegreen and brownand covered witha thinand transparentyellow-tinted lead glaze (Fig. 21:d). This ware is generallyassigned to the secondhalf of the 12th and the beginningof the 13th centuryon the basis of dated excavatedevidence. At Corinth, wherethis ware has been recoveredwith coins, several variants of Green and BrownPainted ware have been foundin late-llth-, 12th-,and early- 13th-centurycontexts.56

54. The decorativetechnique of 55. Hayes 1992,p. 46, fig.17:2, 56. Sanders2000, pp. 159-161. sgraffitoderives its name from the pl. ll:g; Sanders2000, pp. 159-161; See also Hayes 1992,p. 46, fig.17:12, Italianword sgraffiare, "to scratch"; 2003,pp. 392-393; Vroom2003, pl. Il:e2; Vroom2003, pp. 151-152. Papanikola-Bakirtzi1999b, p. 18. p. 153; 2005,pp. 86-87.

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Slip-PaintedWare The Slip-Paintedware fragments retrieved from the site suggest the pres- ence of a fairlydeep dishwith a low ring-footbase, a flaringor rounded profile,and a simplerim. The designsare painted in whiteslip against the naturalclay and thencovered with a thincolorless lead glaze;the decorative repertoireincludes spirals and crosshatchings,appearing in lightyellow on a brownbackground under the clear over-glaze (Fig. 21 :e). Slip-Painted ware is dated to the late 11th and 12th century,as proposedinitially by CharlesMorgan, who describedthis particular slip-painted linear deco- rationtype at Corinthas "laterlinear style."57 Morgan's dating has been confirmedby more recent excavations at Corinth,as well as at Saraçhane, Thebes,and othersites.58

POTTERY QUANTIFICATION AND ASSEMBLAGE COMPOSITION

The quantificationof excavatedceramics is alwaysa laborioustask for the archaeologist.The largequantities of ceramicfragments recovered during excavationmust be sortedand classified,counted and weighed. The process ofquantification also poses a methodologicalproblem: how to convertthe rawdata of weights and sherdcounts to a moreuseful scale of measurement, namely,the numberof intactvessels represented by the fragments. In thepreceding description of the assemblage, the proportion in which eachshape of common ware and eachstyle of tableware appeared at AH was expressedas percentagesby weight and by sherd count (Figs. 6, 19). Neither of theseratios, however, is a reliableindicator of how manyvessels were presentat AH. Countingfeature sherds, such as rimand base fragments, orweighing sherd totals for each shapeprovides only a veryrough estimate of vesselquantity, and the resultscan be contradictory.Fragments of the jug shape,for instance, make up 14.5% of the assemblageby weightand 35.2% by sherdcount. Such a largedifference in percentagesis expected, fora lightthin-walled jug will breakinto morefragments than a thick- walled storagejar. Fortunately,the state of preservation of the assemblage at AH permits theuse of an effectivemethod for estimating the numberof vessels pres- ent. The site has yielded examples of whole or half vessels in almost 57. CorintoXI, do. 100-104. everyshape; and because thevarious shapes were produced in a relatively 58. Hayes 1992,p. 46; Koilakou Sanders standardizedfashion, with regular sizes and wall thicknesses,it is possible 1996,pp. 76-77,pl. 33:a; 2003, Vroom 150- to estimatethe of each vessel For in the common- pp. 392-393; 2003,pp. weight type. example, 151. ware of the of a is while a assemblage AH, averageweight jug 1,000 g, 59. Fora summaryof methods of largethin-walled cooking pot averages1,500 g. Thus, it was possibleto countingand weighing sherds and calculatethe equivalent number of vessels (ENV) formost shapes by sort- estimatingvessel equivalents, see Blake and Rice ing sherdsby fabricand vesselshape, determining the totalsherd weight Davey 1983,pp. 23-34; 1987, 288-293. foreach vesseltype, and dividingthat total by the mean vesselweight.59 pp. 60. The limitednumber of jar The numbersof and small (here equivalent large storagejars distinguished fragmentsand theirvery large size and as and werecalculated on thebasis rim "pithoi" "storagejars") of and base weightrequired a modificationof the fragments.60By thesemethods, it was estimatedthat a totalof 100 vessels methodused for other shapes.

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Figure22. Equivalentnumber of vessels(by estimated vessel weight) ofcommon-ware and glazed table- individualtiles) were recovered from the excavated trenches on wareshapes. A. K. Vionis (including AH (Table 1, Fig. 22), including81.5 commonwares, 6 glazed tablewares, and 12.5 tiles. Unfortunately,it is difficultto situatethe estimated vessel counts from AH in a broadercontext. No securecomparisons can be madebetween the quantified12th-13th-century assemblage from AH and thosefrom other sitesin southwestAnatolia, due to thelack of fully published contemporary potteryassemblages from other sites. Furthermore,no knownMiddle Byzantinewritten sources describethe compositionof contemporary domesticassemblages or record inventories of pots in individualhouseholds. Nevertheless,the compositionof the assemblagefrom AH, and in particularthe predominanceof certainvessel typesand theirpresumed functions,may disclose something about the use ofthe site and therelative statusof its occupants.61A functionalanalysis of the assemblage(Fig. 23) showsa relativebalance between shapes used forserving and consumption (jugs and glazed dishes),cooking and processing(hemispherical bowls, biconicalcups, carinated dishes, mixing vessels, and cookingpots), storage (storagejars and pithoi),and transport(costrels). Jugs make up a significant proportionof anyceramic assemblage, for water is themost basic element in the human diet. Some shapes fulfilledmore than one function:the unglazed biconical cup probablyserved both as a vessel foreating and drinking(consumption), and as a cookingpot forwarming up individual portions(cooking). On theanalogy of medieval cooking pots from Rome, it has been suggestedthat Byzantine cooking pots (iGo-oicm^ia)of small dimensionswith a flatbase musthave servedfor food preparation in small quantities(one to threeportions).62 Similarly, the shape of the hemispherical bowl suggeststhat it was used forboth food and beverageconsumption. Furthermore,some of the plain carinateddishes preservedrepair holes these vesselswere considered valuable and worth 61. Rice 1987,pp. 300-301. (Fig. 7:i); perhaps open 62. Mazzucato1972, p. 23; bakirtzis repairingbecause theyhad multiplefunctions, such as food preparation, 1989,p. 41, n. 63. serving,and consumption.

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£lgure Z5. functionalanalysis or vesselsby weight, sherd count, and Taken as a whole,this group of vesselsrepresents a domesticassem- equivalentnumber of vessels (ENV). blage,produced in orderto satisfybasic daily needs: cooking, serving, trans- A.K. Vionis port,and storage.This assessmentis congruentwith the interpretation of the small settlementon AH as a defensiveoutpost. The low number of decoratedglazed tablewares,reaching a maximumof sixvessels, is not surprising.All of the glazed wares(as well as commonwares) were items broughtto thesite from outside the region of Sagalassos; the fact that most ofthe glazed potteryfragments show signs of repair indicates their higher valuerelative to otherceramic wares in theassemblage. A comparisoncan be made betweenthe AH assemblageand the mid-14th- to early-15th- centuryassemblages from Panakton in Boiotia,where the proportionof glazed tablewaresfrom a numberof houses is minimalcompared to the bulkof utilitariancommon wares.63 The low numberof vesselsreserved for serving and consumptionat AH is similarlynot unusual.References to servingequipment, such as deep or flatdishes of earthenwareor wood and drinkingcups or glasses, are relativelyrare in Byzantineinventories of householdequipment; such itemstend to appear in monasteriesbut rarelyin houses.64As Nicholas Oikonomides observes,"Poor peasants no doubt constituteda large - - percentage in certainperiods, the majority ofthe Byzantine emperor s subjects,but theirdwellings lack interestbecause theycertainly contained verylittle."65 The factthat serving equipment appears often as propertyin monasteriesand very rarely in housesseems to agreewith ceramic evidence

63. Gerstelet al. 2003,pp. 218-221. wealthy;households at thelower end of Accordingto theexcavators, the small thesocial hierarchy must have shared numberof imports at Panaktonsug- drinkingcups of cheaper material geststhe limited resources available and (mainlyclay) at thetable. See thenonurban character of the Oikonomides1990, p. 212; Vionis settlement. 2005,p. 286. 64. It is verypossible that wine- 65. Oikonomides1990, p. 205. glasseswere an itemreserved for the

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fromcontemporary urban centers, such as (Saraçhane in Istanbul) and Corinth,where the percentageof glazed vesselsis minor duringthe Middle Byzantineperiod but risessteadily and thenescalates dramaticallyonly during Late Byzantinetimes.66 Although the technique of lead glazingwas alreadyknown during the Roman and Late Roman periods,glazed productswere veryrare; it was only duringthe Middle Byzantineperiod that, in John Bintliff 's words,"they became a type-fossil forthe recoveryof populationand economy."67 Finally,in additionto recordingthe tablewares found at AH, we should also notewhat was absent.Archaeological evidence for serving equipment fromAH is restrictedto glazedand unglazedopen forms;knives, forks, and spoonshave not been discoveredat thesite, and theyappear in inventories extremelyrarely.68 It is assumedthat knives, along with clay, metal, or glass vessels,where available, were used communallyat the table,as attestedin Middle Byzantinechurch frescoes. Although forks and kniveshad been knownsince the 10th or 11th century,69food seems to have been placed in a centralbowl and eatenwith the fingers,after the dinershad washed theirhands with water.70 Comparative research on medievalBritain and northwestEurope has shown that the use of spoons must have been confinedto eating accompanyingsauces or gravies,while individual portionsof foodcould havebeen movedfrom the centraldish to wooden trenchersor breadrolls in frontof each guest.71Indeed, pictorial evidence indicatesthat the use ofindividual wooden trenchers or bread rolls (instead of individualserving plates) was also a relativelycommon practice in the Byzantineprovinces.72 Textual, pictorial, and archaeologicalevidence points to the continualuse of cutleryon the Byzantinetable, especially during the 12thand 13thcenturies, but to a muchlesser extent in the succeeding period.This apparentdecline in theuse of cutlerymay bear some relation to thegreater number, wider variety, and differenttypes of ceramic serving vesselsin use afterthe 13thcentury.73

66. Hayes1992; Sanders2000; 69. The use offorks must have been 2002; Gerstelet al. 2003. Accordingto Vionis2004-2005, p. 573, n. 47. confinedto elitehouseholds and the a recentreassessment of evidence for 6/. bintlitt 2UU8, p. 128/. bintlitt Byzantinecourt. It has been argued theuse ofcutlery, the earliest evidence goeson to notethat "most probably, thatthe invention of the (two-pronged) forthe use oftable forks dates to the theinspiration (for glazing) comes forkdates back to the11th century, 10thcentury: Parani, forthcoming. We fromthe Islamic ceramic production when,according to PetrusDamianus, it aregrateful to Maria Paranifor sharing ofstates neighboring Christian was introducedto Veniceby the Byzan- herpaper on Byzantinecutlery with us. SouthernEurope, which was always tineprincess Theodora; see Petrus 70. Koukoules1952, p. 170; farin advancetechnologically and Damianusin Koukoules1952, p. 148. Oikonomides1990, p. 212; Gourgiotis artisticallyin potteryproduction." The In northwestEurope the individual 1991,p. 81. influenceof lead-glazed ceramics from forkfirst appears around the 16th cen- 71.Mennelll985,p.51. Islamiclands became more evident in tury,as theutensil slowly spread from 72. See Vroom2003, p. 317; Vionis Byzantinepottery production and Venice;see Braudel1985, pp. 205- 2005,p. 286. decorativestyles from the 9th century 206; Vionis2005, pp. 286-287. Exca- 73. The declinein iconographie onward;glazed vessels seem to have vationsat variousplaces in Greece,such depictionsof cutlery after the 13th servedinitially as a substituteon the as Panakton,Corinth, and Mistra,show centurymay reflect changes in diet,in Byzantinetable for metal vessels, which thatknives and forkswere in use at particulara rise in theconsumption of werehighly valued. See Vionis2001, leastsince the Middle and Late Byzan- moreliquid foods. See Parani2003, and pp. 93, 95. tine/Frankishperiods; see CorinthXII; forthcoming. 68. Oikonomides1990, p. 212. Gerstel1996; Papanikola-Bakirtzi

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COOKING POTS AND CUISINE AT ALEXANDER'S HILL

Potterycan indicatecultural and socialconditions, as wellas theidentity of a - culturalgroup; features such as thesize or shapeof a vessel a cookingpot, - forexample and itsdistribution can also provideevidence for changes in dietand cookingpractices.74 By combiningthe ceramic data from AH with textualsources, as well as zooarchaeologicalanalysis of the faunal remains at the site,lipid analysisof the cooking-potfragments, and palynological analysisof the countrysidearound Sagalassos, it is possibleto refinethe currentpicture of Byzantine culinary practices and foodpreferences in the 12th-13thcentury. Recentresearch suggests that the mainstays of Middle Byzantinediet in the Aegean provinceswere fishand vegetables;these conclusionsare based on the studyof tablewareshapes as well as depictionsof meals in churchfrescoes and illuminatedmanuscripts.75 Textual sources indicate that pulsesand breadalso playedan importantrole in Byzantinediet, followed by meatand dairyproducts.76 The Byzantinesate mallow(hollyhock), spinach, asparagus, cabbage, cauliflower,turnips, artichokes, cucumbers, carrots, zucchini, eggplant, and mostoften, onions and garlic.77Indeed, many Byzantine dishes combined - differentvegetables, or vegetableswith pulses and crushedwheat for example,%opT8pf|, made fromwild greens,onions, and herbs,or another dishmade ofspinach and crushedwheat.78 Byzantine cuisine also included 74. Cunliffe1976, 273,286; pulses,such as favabeans, lentils, and chickpeas,which were boiled and pp. Blakeand 1983, 8. servedeither mashed or as a The wide and of Davey p. soup.79 variety availability 75. Vionis2001, p. 94; 2006b, well in pulses as as cereals,not only the easternMediterranean but also pp. 488-491; Vroom2003, pp. 313- in otherparts of Europe, made them a cheap sourceof protein.While 321,367. vegetablesusually served as accompanimentsto meatand fish,they moved 76. Motsias1998, pp. 105,154; Haldon Vroom to the centerof the menuduring the frequentand austerefasting seasons 2000,pp. 67, 72; 2003, p. 367; Vionis2006b, pp. 488-491; (especiallybefore Christmas and Easter). Monastic diet was particularly Joyner2007, p. 190. harsh these the TheodorosPródromos during periods; 12th-centurypoet 77. Zambelios1857, p. 548; (also knownas Ptochoprodromos)observes that the principal constituents Koukoules1952, pp. 88-96. ofthis diet were cereals and pulses,and thinmeatless soups, or "holy soups" 78. Motsias1998, p. 81; compare themodern Greek dish of (áyioÇo')jiiv).80Byzantine textual sources explicitly note that vegetable dishes spanakorizo (spinachand rice). werealways perceived as the"food of thepoor."81 79. Koukoules1952, pp. 96-99. textsare full of references to bread, the"clear" Byzantine distinguishing 80. Ptochoprodromos3.290-301, orwhite bread enjoyed by the rich from the "unclear" or brownbread (full citedin Hesselingand Pernot1910, ofbran) reserved for the poor.82 Bread could be preservedfor a long time, pp. 61-62. eitherin a dried formcalled 7taí;iuxiôiov,83or storedin a cool and dry 81. Koukoules1952, pp. 88-89. 82. thatthe calledápKXa. Dried bread(ßouiceM-oc) also Ptochoprodromos3.317-318, cupboard Byzantines citedin and Pernot constitutedthe most basic food for the the era.84 Hesseling 1910, armythroughout Byzantine p. 62; see also Koukoules1952, p. 14. Milk was a of numerous Drinksmade of milk component beverages. 83. Koukoules1952, pp. 29-30. and otherliquids are describedin Byzantinesources, such as a mixtureof 84. Koukoules1952, p. 24; Kolias milk,wine, and waterto be consumedby soldiersbefore the main meal85 1984,pp. 197-198; Dalby2003, p. 99. 85. Kolias 202. or a mixtureof milkand honeyor wine probablyprepared by shakingit 1984,p. 86. Ptochoprodromos4.109-110, in a hollowed-outlog or a ceramicvessel.86 The new ceramicvessel shape citedin Hesselingand Pernot1910, identified the shouldbe mentionedhere. to above, mixingvessel, According p. 77; Koukoules1952, pp. 121-122, availableByzantine written sources,87 itwas probablyused in theproduction n.5. ofa butteror sour yogurt drink, equivalent to whatis knowntoday as ayran. 87. Koukoules1952, pp. 121-122.

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As formeat dishes in theMiddle Byzantineperiod, it has beenassumed - thatthey were usually prepared by the application of dry heat byroasting or baking.Pródromos explains that baked vegetables, meat, and fishwere garnishedby various special sauces made frompomegranates (a substitute forlemon juice), givingthem a sweet-and-sourtaste.88 Archaeological evidenceconfirms such textualreferences: a special ceramicform, the oaXxaápioVyor chafingdish,89 was used on the table forkeeping such dressingsor sauces warm.90These "sophisticated"dining practices must havebeen commonamong wealthy as well as poorhouseholds, as identical potteryforms have been recoveredat both urban and ruralcontexts by excavationand surfacesurvey. Only one chafing-dishfragment, however, dated to the 12th century,has so farbeen identifiedat Sagalassos,at the siteof the formerTemple ofApollo Klarios(Fig. I).91 Given thispicture of Middle Byzantinediners who favoredroasted meat,scholars have assumedthat it was the Latins of the FourthCrusade who introducedthe use ofwet heat and thepreparation of meat stews into theFrankish states in theformer , around the beginning of the 13th century.92The design of Late Byzantine/Frankishcooking pots fromlate- 13th-century Corinth seems to supportthis hypothesis: the pots have a tallerneck that"was probablyan adaptationto retaina greaterproportion of liquid, keeping the stew relatively moist."93 The 12th- 13th-century cooking pots from AH, however,exhibit similar characteristics; theyhave a closed shape, a roundedbody, a small rim diameter,and a relativelyhigh neck. These vesselswould also appearto havebeen designed "forgreater heat and water retention, through stewing and boiling, generally leadingto the productionof semi-liquidfoods."94 The cookingpots from AH thuspose the followingquestion: Were the inhabitantsof Sagalassos enjoyingmeaty stews prior to anyWestern influence on theircuisine?

88. Ptochoprodromos3.148, cited in 91. The formerTemple of Apollo p. 25; Vionis2001, p. 94. Historical Hesselingand Pernot1910, p. 54; see Klariosis situatedto thewest of the researchon medievalVenice has shown alsoMotsias 1998, pp. 89-90. LowerAgora on top ofa naturalhill. It thatfish and meatcooked in theirown 89.The GocVcGapiov,an internally seemsthat the pagan sanctuary went juiceswere favorite dishes, especially glazedbowl set on a hollowventilated outof use towardthe end ofthe 4th duringthe late medieval period; see standfilled with burning charcoal, was century;in thefirst half of the 5th cen- Mosto 1983;Vionis 2005, pp. 282- usuallymade of reddish clay and ap- tury,the temple was convertedinto a 283. pearsin urbanas wellas ruralcontexts Christiantripartite transept-basilica 93.Joyner 2007, p. 190. Papanikola- fromthe late 8th/9th to the12th cen- reusingbuilding material from the Bakirtzi(1998) was thefirst scholar to turya.D. See Koukoules1952, p. 154; formersanctuary. The basilicasite was arguethat Westerners introduced Bakirtzis1989, pp. 55-65,pl. 38; Hayes lastused in theMiddle/Late Byzantine differentcooking and eatinghabits into 1992,pp. 23-24, fig.8:9, 10; Papani- period,from the 11th to themid-13th theeastern Mediterranean at thetime kola-Bakirtzi2002, pp. 327-329, century(on thebasis of ceramics ofthe Crusades. Vroom (1998, 2003) nos.361-363. Another Byzantine term studiedin 2005 and 2007). See Vionis, has appliedPapanikola-Bakirtzi's fora chafingdish was yocpápiovor Poblóme,and Waelkens 2009, p. 149. hypotheticalmodel to theByzantine yapepóv,derived from garum, a special y2. 1 he byzantinesconsidered the ceramicassemblages from Boiotia, saucemade offish blood, fish intestines, Franksto be uncleanand theircooking comparingpottery shapes with vessels and salt(Koukoules 1952, pp. 40-41). unhealthy,for they "mix[ed] their suet thatappear in Byzantinereligious art 90. The Byzantinesreferred to these and lardwith oil" (Lock 1995,p. 194). depictingmeals (e.g., the Last Supper, saucesby the Latin term sapor (Kou- The largenumber of pilgrims visiting theHospitality of Abraham). koules1952, p. 40). These savorieswere Jerusalemin the12th century pur- 94. Arthur2007, p. 18. Accordingto seasonedwith several herbs and plants chasedfood cooked by vendors located Arthur,open cooking pots are intended (condimenta),including a spiceof the on one ofthe central streets; the food to cookfood through evaporation, samefamily as cuminas wellas was probablygreasy and preparedin whichyields relatively dry dishes. cinnamonand nutmeg. unsanitaryconditions. See Boas 1999,

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Severaltypes of evidencecan be broughtto bear on this question, includingliterary sources, the analysisof faunal remainsat AH, and lipid analysisof the cookingpots themselves.In addition,palynological evidencehelps to reconstructchanges in long-termpatterns of herding and cultivationthat may have influenceddiet at Sagalassosand AH. Literarysources indicate that meat stews were a partof Byzantine cook- ingprior to the13th century. Byzantine recipes indicate two main methods forcooking meat: roasting or grilling,and stewing.The early-6th-century doctorAnthimos notes that "beef can be stewed,or boiled in a pot and servedwith a sauce" and advisesthat its "flavouris betterif cooked in earthenware."95Similarly, "pigs are very good and suitablestewed, or served in sauceafter roasting in an oven."96Flat-bottomed cooking pots have been discoveredin a Middle Byzantineoven during excavations at thetown site of Paliochora-Maroneia,97possibly indicating that such vessels were used not solelyfor stewing meat over a firebut also forroasting it in an oven, insteadof using baking vessels with clay or metallids. Domestic animals as well as gamewere quite common in theByzantine diet: roosters, peacocks, pheasants,pigeons, partridges, quails, ducks, geese, and deerwere usually eatenroasted or cookedin wine.98Large quantitiesof meat were preserved by salting;according to ConstantinePorphyrogennetos writing in the 10th century,this "sun-dried salted meat" was knownby the Byzantines as aKÓKiia.99 The faunalremains from AH are an index of food availabilityand preferencesaround Sagalassos during the Middle-Late Byzantineperiod. Preliminaryconclusions show the clear dominance of beef, followed by pork, amongthe meatconsumed from domestic animals (Fig. 24). In addition, thepresence of game (reddeer and fallowdeer) is notedrather frequently, representingabout 10% ofthe consumed animals (Fig. 25). Domesticfowl, as wellas wildbirds and fish, are rare or completely lacking. The prominence ofcattle among the consumed domestic animals is verystriking: pig, sheep, and goat bones combinedconstitute less thanhalf of the material,while pig remainsare moreabundant than those of sheep and goats. The faunal materialfrom the 12th-13th centuryat AH is quite differentfrom the Roman and Late Antique remainsrecovered within the cityof Sagalassos. The animals most frequentlyconsumed within the citywere ovicaprines(41.1%), followedby cattle (35.2%) and pig (22.9%).100On AH, by contrast,cattle bones are dominant,followed by pig; also, while red deer and fallowdeer are relativelyabundant in the 95. Anthimos,Letter on Diet 3, cited AH material,they are less so in the earliermaterial from Sagalassos. The in 2003, 174-175. increased ofred deer and fallowdeer to a in Dalby pp. proportion maypoint change 96. Anthimos,Letter on Diet 1U, thatinclude forested vegetation:because deerprefer landscapes sections, citedin Dalby2003, p. 175. it is possiblethat the environmentaround AH was much morewooded 97. Doukata-Demertzi1998, p. 361; duringthe 12th-13th centurythan it had been in Roman and Late Papanikola-Bakirtzi2002, p. 348, no. 399. Antique times.Overall, it seems that the populationliving on AH in 98. Koukoules1952, pp. 52, 68-75. Middle-Late Byzantinetimes preferred animals with a high meatyield; 99. Porphyrogennetos,On Cere- sheep and goatswould providemuch less meat thancattle, pigs, or deer. monies464.1, citedin Koukoules1952, This preferencefor high-yield meat sources is anotherfeature suggesting p. 64; Dalby2003, p. 175. thatAH was a militaryoutpost. 100. De (Jupere2001, pp. 'ò/-'ô^.

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Figure24. Consumptionof domestic stock(animal bones) byyear of excavation. A. K. Vionis,based on data providedby B. De Cupere

Figure25. Consumptionof game and domesticstock of byyear Turningto thecooking pots, which make up a largepart of the as- excavation.A. K. Vionis,based on data on itshould be todeduce some facts about providedby B. De Cupere semblage AH, possible culinary practicefrom their shape. All ofthe cooking pots found at AH haveflat bottoms.Charalambos Bakirtzis has arguedthat cooking pots with flat bottomswere associated with a ruralway of life, whereas round-bottomed potsreflect an urbansetting.101 Ongoing excavations and recentstudies of cookingwares from Corinth have shownthat Byzantine cooking vesselsmust have been placed directly in theembers of a fire,whereas LateByzantine (Frankish) "stewpots" were suspended over the fire during cooking.102An urbanhousehold would have been equipped with metal orstands that could a round-bottomed from 101.Bakirtzisl989,p.41. tripods support cookingpot 102.Williams et al. 1998,p. 250; aboveor below. The ceramicsfrom AH, however,fit the profile of a rural Joyner2007, p. 190. site,where flat-bottomed pots would have been placed directly on thefire.

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Furtherresearch is neededin orderto testthis argument; for example, flat- bottomedcooking pots are reported from Middle Byzantineurban contexts, such as at Saraçhaneand Maroneia.103 The closedshape of the cooking pots at AH is also seen commonlyat contemporarysites in the Aegean and in Constantinople(Saraçhane in Istanbul).What is striking,however, is thatthe proportion of closed vessels (jugs,costrels, and cookingpots) from AH is largerthan that of open vessels associatedwith food processingand consumption(plain hemispherical bowls,small biconical cups, plain carinated dishes, and lead-glazeddishes) (Figs. 6, 22). Paul Arthurhas recentlyshown that throughout the ancient world,the distributionof open cooking pots (or casseroles) seems to coincidewith the distributionof areas in which faunalassemblages are dominatedby sheep and goat,whereas closed globular cooking vessels (or ollae) are generallya featureof morenorthern areas (fromBritain across the Rhinelandto centralEurope), where cattle-and pig-breedingwas dominant.104 IfArthur's model is correct,then the 12th-13th-century flat-bottomed closedcooking pots from AH (and fromthe contemporary Aegean, main- land Greece,and Constantinople,as well as othersites in Anatolia)should correspondto a dietrich in cattleand pig,rather than sheep and goat.Lipid analysiscan identifythe sourceof animalfat preserved within the matrix of ceramicvessels. Cooking-pot fragments from the 12th-13th-century site at AH and threeLate Roman/EarlyByzantine sites at Sagalassos were recentlysubjected to threemethods of lipid analysis.105Matching profilesof nonruminant adipose fat were observed several times, especially in the samplesfrom AH, while samplesfrom the earliersites presented a mixedpattern. The resultsrevealed a 12th-13th-centuryfood pattern at AH differentfrom that of the Late Antiquesettlement within the city of Sagalassos.106The diet of people livingon AH seems to have favored - animalswith a highmeat yield mainlybeef, followed by pork. This picture fitsArthur's model, which predicts that closed cookingpots reflecta diet high in beef and pork.It also matchesthe resultsof the analysisof the - faunalremains again,mostly beef, then pork. The implicationis clear: the occupantsof AH frequentlydined on beefand porkstewed in closed cookingpots. Closed pots,however, were not used exclusivelyfor cooking meat;one pot fragmentfrom Sagalassos bore tracesof milkfat, perhaps fromthe preparation of porridge.107 Potteryand faunalremains at Sagalassosfrom Hellenistic times to the late 6th and 7th centuriesA.D., however, do not validateArthur's model. Late Romancooking pots found within the ancient city are predominantly

103. See Hayes 1992,p. 196, and thePotters' Quarter at Sagalassos. (NEG), and Alexander'sHill (AH). fig.76:50.32; Papanikola-Bakirtzi 2002, 104. Arthur2007, p. 18. The firstthree sites represent mostly p. 348,nos. 397-399. Poblóme(pers. 105. lhe materialanalyzed con- 6th-7th- century material, while the comm.)believes that flat-bottomed sistedof 26 cooking-potsherds from samplesfrom AH aredated to the al. cookingpots may have been placed on differentloci within Sagalassos: the 12th-13thcentury. See Romanuset a grillof some kind, possibly resting on palatialmansion (DA), theeast por- 2007,pp.730-731. channelsbuilt of brick and filledwith ticoof the Lower (LA1/LA2), 106. Romanuset al. 2007,p. 744. charcoal,as suggestedby Late Roman theLate Roman/EarlyByzantine com- 107. Romanuset al. 2007,pp. 736- stovesexcavated in theDomestic Area plexnortheast of the Upper Agora 737.

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round-belliedand closed in shape(with provision for a lid),but the faunal remainsat thesite indicate that sheep and goatswere the animals most frequentlyconsumed.108 A recent study of ceramic evidence from room 2 in theNortheast Building of the Upper Agora at Sagalassos has demonstrated continuityinclosed cooking-pot shapes from Hellenistic times to the end oflate antiquity, and this tradition seems to have been maintained from the earlyMiddle Ages into the 13th century.109 This continuitysuggests that theuse ofclosed vessels to cooksheep and goat in lateantiquity reflects culturaltradition, rather than only practical considerations. Assumingthat the Byzantines of the 5th through 7th centuries had - a tastefor stewed beef as suggestedby Anthimos's recommendation of - beefcooked in earthenware how is theirpreference for ovicaprines to be explained?It hasbeen suggested that unstable conditions and insecurity in the regionof Sagalassosaround A.D. 400 meantthat investing in ovicaprineswas less risky than raising cattle and farming.110 It should be noted,however, that beginning in the11th century, the arrival of Seljuk nomadsin theterritory of Sagalassoswould have brought instability to theregion once more.Palynological analysis suggests that an increase in pastoralismoccurred between a.d. 1000/1030and a.d. 1295/1390, probablyas a resultof seasonal settlement by Seljuk nomads and Turkmen tribesin the area.111 This switch to a pastoraleconomy implies the gradual orpartial abandonment of agriculture during the llth-14th centuries; it certainlymeant an increasedreliance on sheepand goat herding, "since thefinancial risk caused by the loss of individual animals or partof the herdis small."112Pastoralism would also havereduced the numberof cattlekept as draftanimals.113 Why, then, were the occupantsof AH 108. Poblómeet al. (forthcoming) diningrichly on beefand pork,whose production is closelyassociated arguethat Asia Minorseems to withagriculture? displaythe intriguing combination of the incursions nomadic on relianceon as Despite by Seljuksrelying exclusively a traditional sheep/goat that continuedin thearea around a meatsource with the use ofclosed herding,it appears agriculturalactivity intothe 12th The recordin the vessels.This correlationwould require Sagalassos century. palynological valley an adjustmentto Arthur's(2007) ofAglasun, to thesouth of Sagalassos,has shownthat despite growing conclusionson thepossible functional insecurityduring the 7th century, olive cultivation and farming activities relationshipbetween pot shapes,dishes, continued,ifon a reducedscale, in theperiod between a.d. 685/780and and ingredients. a.d. 1000/1030,before the turn to pastoralism.114 Some 14 kmsouthwest iuy. roblóme et al., iortncoming. +nu. * r' ' vannaveroeKeT 1 1 1 ana l 117vvaeiKens 11 ofAglasun, however, in thebasin of Gravgaz, even as thepalynological 2003,p. 59. recordpoints to a declinein olivecultivation, it also indicates that small- 111. Vanhaverbekeand Waelkens scale cerealcultivation continued to abouta.d. 1040/1155,followed 2003,pp. 40-41,43; Vermoere2004, bysigns of a risein pastoralism.115In other words, in someparts of the p. 86. of continuedinto the 12th albeit 112. De 141. See territory Sagalassos,farming century, Cupere2001, p. on a smaller andwas not theincrease in also Vanhaverbekeand Waelkens 2003, scale, apparently interruptedby p. 309. herdingactivity. 113. Vanhaverbekeand Waelkens Thus,the preference for beef at AH is explainedif the site's occupants 2003,p. 59. werea "Byzantine"population that continued to engage in farming activities 114. Vanhaverbekeand Waelkens andalso retained access to glazedtableware markets. The kastronof AH, 2003,pp. 40, 43. withits satellite seemsto havefunctioned much like a 115.Vanhaverbeke and Waelkens hamlets, village in themodel AlainDucellier.116 to this 2003,pp. 31-32,52; Vermoere2004, proposedby According model, p. 140. whichprobably best represents Byzantine reality, a village (defined as a 116. Ducellier1986, pp. 187-188. clusterof housessurrounded by farmland)was associatedwith nearby

This content downloaded from 71.168.218.10 on Tue, 18 Mar 2014 10:15:59 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 4ÓO A. K. VIONIS ET AL. vegetablegardens; a widerarea of cultivable fields, pasturelands, and isolated farmsteads;and hamletsor agridiaoccupied by peasants or serfswho were dependenton themain village.117 Gardens and patchesof cultivable land in theimmediate territory of Sagalassoswould have suppliedthe inhabitants at AH withstaples such as cereals,dry legumes, vegetables, and probably olive oil. Thus, Sagalassos and its associatedpockets of cultivableland comprisedan agriculturaleconomy that continued to operateas theregion was givenover to pastoralism.

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

The Middle-Late Byzantineceramics retrieved from Alexander's Hill at - Sagalassosconstitute a completedomestic assemblage includingvessels - fortransport, storage, the kitchen, and thetable on a sitethat was probably used fordefense. The occurrenceof glazed tablewaresat AH, identicalto glazed potteryproduced and circulatingin the contemporaryAegean and Cyprus,is of specialsignificance. Some of theseglazed tablevessels (such as fragmentsof Champlevéware decorated with hares) have repairholes, possiblyindicating their reuse after they were broken, and theiraesthetic and monetaryvalue as importeditems. The percentageof glazed wares risessteadily during the 12th and 13thcenturies not only at Sagalassosand inlandAnatolia but also at urbancenters (e.g., Saraçhaneand Corinth)118 and otherrural regions (e.g., Boiotia in centralGreece)119 in theByzantine provinces,as revealedby ongoingexcavations and surfacesurveys. The techniqueof glazing and theuse ofglazed tablewaresdeveloped in Islamic lands.Glazing startedto influencethe Byzantinepottery industry around the 9th century;glazed vesselsinitially served as a substitutefor precious metalvessels on theByzantine table.120 The widespreaduse ofglazed ves- selsby rural populations in theprovinces may indicate a risein thestandard of living. Apartfrom their implications for the developmentof ceramictech- nologyand changes in economicand settlementpatterns, new pottery forms may also reflectchanges in cookingpractices and eatinghabits. Firmly datedevidence from the Aegean and Saraçhaneafter the 7th century shows a preferencefor closed round-bodiedcooking pots. The same patternis notedat Sagalassosin the 12th-13th-centuryoccupational layers at AH, whereflat-bottomed globular cooking pots with strap handles and a small rimdiameter are the norm.This shiftappears to coincidewith a change in cookingpractices, namely an increasein the use ofwet heat to prepare 117. Gounaridis meat dishessuch as stews.Furthermore, archaeozoological evidence and 1993,pp. 29-30; 344. of closed fromAH indicatethat Armstrong;2002, p. lipid analysis cooking-potfragments 118. Hayes 1992; Sanders2000. whereasthe Late Romanresidents of ate and Sagalassos mostlysheep goat, 119. Vionis2004-2005, pp. 573- theoccupants of AH duringthe Middle-Late Byzantineperiod preferred 574. beef,followed by porkand deer. 120. Vionis2001, pp. 93-95.

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AthanasiosK. Vionis University of Cyprus department of history and archaeology archaeological research unit P.O. BOX 20537 NICOSIA 1678 CYPRUS [email protected]

JeroenPoblóme Katholieke Universiteit Leuven department of archaeology, art history, and musicology blijde inkomststraat 2i~bus 3314 b-3ooo leuven BELGIUM [email protected]

Bea De Cupere Royal Belgian Institute of Natural Sciences vautierstraat 29 b-iooo brussels BELGIUM [email protected]

Marc Waelkens Katholieke Universiteit Leuven DEPARTMENT OF ARCHAEOLOGY, ART HISTORY, AND MUSICOLOGY BLIJDE INKOMSTSTRAAT 2I"BUS 3314 B-3OOO LEUVEN BELGIUM [email protected]

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