Ferdinand Pecora: the Hellhound of Wall Street

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Ferdinand Pecora: the Hellhound of Wall Street St. John's University School of Law St. John's Law Scholarship Repository Faculty Publications 2011 Ferdinand Pecora: The Hellhound of Wall Street Michael A. Perino St. John's University School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.stjohns.edu/faculty_publications Part of the Banking and Finance Law Commons, Legal Biography Commons, and the Legal History Commons This Article is brought to you for free and open access by St. John's Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of St. John's Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Michael Perino Michael Perinois the By Dean George W. Matheson Professor of Law at St. John's University School of Law in New York and aturday, March 4, 1933-Inauguration Day-was one of has taught at Stanford, Columbia, and Cornell those raw March days when it seems that spring will never law schools. He has served as an advisorto the U.S. come. The thick layer of steel gray clouds sheathing the sky Securities and Exchange Hill. Commission and has threatened rain, and a northwest wind whipped across Capitol testified in both the U.S. dull and fleeting Senate and the U.S. House Sunshine broke through on occasion, but it was of Representatives. and did little to relieve the dreariness of that damp, chilly day. Image: Corbis Images 15 Vol. 21, No. 3, 2011/EXPERIENCE Historians would later pinpoint thousands still milling in the capital. that winter as the nadir of the Great Through clouds of tear gas, the tanks Depression, but Americans hardly need- and soldiers drove the bonus army from ed to be seers to realize that the economy the city and burned their encampment could not get much worse. Thirty-eight along the Anacostia River to the ground. states had closed all their banks, and Seven months later, Washington still had everywhere else withdrawals were an ominous, wartime feel. Government sharply curtailed. Outright bank failures buildings were heavily guarded, police numbered in the thousands annually. patrols ringed the White House, and In those days before deposit insurance, machine gun nests were strategically one in four families lost their life sav- placed along the inaugural parade route. ings. The economy was in full retreat, The new president made his way industrial production was half what across the crowded platform, gripping it had been just four years earlier, and his son Jimmy's arm with one hand and unemployment was an appalling 25%. leaning on a cane with the other, giv- Farm incomes were decimated after ing the crowd the illusion that he was a decade of plummeting crop prices. walking. After being sworn in by Chief Shantytowns of the dispossessed, sar- Justice Charles Evans Hughes, Roosevelt castically dubbed Hoovervilles, dotted turned to address the gathered crowd. the landscape, and breadlines stretched Despite the chill March air, he shed his around many blocks. Homes were fore- hat and overcoat. Grim-faced, his usual closed, renters evicted, and signs of mal- broad smile absent on this solemn occa- nutrition among schoolchildren were sion, he told the assembled crowd and increasingly evident. On Friday, March radio listeners that the only thing they 3, the Dow Jones Industrial Average was had to fear was fear itself-"nameless, 86% off its wildly inflated pre-crash unreasoning, unjustified terror which peak in September 1929. At the end of paralyzes needed efforts to convert trading that day, the New York Stock retreat into advance." Roosevelt's Exchange announced that it would be address is rightly remembered for that closed indefinitely. hopeful phrase and for his call for the In the midst of the economic chaos, government to launch a war on the Great a shivering crowd of at least 100,000 Depression. Positioning himself in stark gathered near the east portico of the contrast with Herbert Hoover, who sat Capitol to hear Franklin Roosevelt's stonily just a few feet away, Roosevelt plan of attack, some perched in the icy, pledged "action, and action now." bare trees, others crammed in bleach- The Inaugural Address, however, did ers or crowded atop adjacent buildings. more than just announce a vision for Pundits from all points of the politi- fixing the economy; Roosevelt used it to cal spectrum were openly calling for assign blame. Along with most everyone Roosevelt to assume dictatorial powers else at the time, Roosevelt pointed his to address the crisis. In some parts of finger at Wall Street, but his goal was not the country the possibility of revolution demagoguery. He wasn't trying to accrete was openly discussed, and Lloyds of power, but to stoke reform. The largely London was doing a booming business silent crowd stirred when Roosevelt told in riot and civil disturbance insurance. them that the "rulers of the exchange of The previous spring, tens of thou- mankind's goods have failed, through sands of unemployed World War I vet- their own stubbornness and their own erans and their families had marched on incompetence, have admitted their Washington, demanding early payment failure, and abdicated. Practices of the of a promised bonus for wartime ser- unscrupulous money changers stand vice, many protesting on the very spot indicted in the court of public opinion, where the inaugural crowd now gath- rejected by the hearts and minds of ered. The bonus never came, and in late men." Applause erupted for the first July, the Army chief of staff, General time when Roosevelt proclaimed that Douglas MacArthur, let loose his cav- the "money changers have fled from alry, sabers and bayonets drawn, on the their high seats in the temple of our Vol. 21, No. 3, 2011/EXPERIENCE6 16 civilization. We may now restore that economic impact, and long-lasting legis- temple to the ancient truths." lative accomplishments, Pecora's inves- Somewhere in Manhattan, perhaps tigation must rank as the most successful sitting by the radio in his Upper West inquiry in the more than 200-year history Side apartment, Ferdinand Pecora must of congressional probes. have been smiling. It was Pecora, more Those hearings are largely forgotten than anyone else, who deserved credit for now. Those few who have heard of them those lines. Though Roosevelt claimed frequently get the basic facts wrong. And, that the lines had come to him a week of course, even at the time not everyone earlier while he was sitting in a service applauded Pecora's efforts. Raymond at St. James Episcopal Church, it was Moley, a key member of Roosevelt's Pecora-the man reporters called the Brain Trust, said that "Pecora was like Hellhound of Wall Street-and the Senate a police chief who rounds up all the hearings he'd wrapped up just two days suspicious characters in town to solve a earlier that had made those lines true. jewel robbery." Pecora was accused of Few Americans today know who grandstanding, with one writer calling Ferdinand Pecora was, although he was him "three-quarters righteous tribune of once a media superstar, a nearly daily the people [and] one-quarter demagogic fixture in newspapers and radio broad- inquisitor." Critics charged that his reck- casts across the country. With the onset less unveiling of Wall Street's sins only of our current economic woes his name exacerbated the banking crisis gripping has slowly begun to crop up again. In the country. April 2009, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi Pecora was ambitious, and he certainly called for a new "Pecora Commission" loved the limelight, but he was no more to investigate "what happened on Wall a demagogue than Roosevelt. He was Street." The next week, the Senate avowedly liberal and reform minded; invoked Pecora's name in voting to create to those who knew him best he was an an independent committee to investigate idealist with "an inveterate passion for the financial crisis, and in January 2010 justice." No Wall Street expert, his con- the Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission clusions about the impropriety of certain held its first hearings. stock market practices were sometimes It's almost impossible not to hear in today's financial problems the echoes of those hearings held more than 75 years ago. Pecora, a diminutive Sicilian immi- off base. In the end, though, those mis- grant and a former assistant district steps didn't matter. His success lay not attorney from New York City, was chief in his talent for inciting passions and counsel for the Senate Committee on inflaming prejudices nor in the intellectu- Banking and Currency, charged with al purity of his arguments, but in his abil- investigating the causes of the 1929 ity to crystallize the zeitgeist of the early stock market crash. As he recounted in Depression years-the politicians' vague his own memoir of the hearings, Wall and vitriolic denunciations of Wall Street Street under Oath: "Before [the commit- and the bitter grousing of a broken-down tee] came, in imposing succession, the populace-into hard facts and concrete demigods of Wall Street, men whose evidence. names were household words, but whose Ultimately, the acclaim Pecora gar- personalities and affairs were frequently nered was justified because the hear- shrouded in deep, aristocratic mystery.... ings he led fundamentally changed Never before in the history of the United the relationship between Washington States had so much wealth and power and Wall Street. Before 1933 the fed- been required to render a public account- eral government had taken a hands-off ing." In terms of rapt public attention, approach to the stock market. But the Vol. 21, No. 3, 2011/EXPERIENcE 17 Vol.
Recommended publications
  • Modernizing Financial Services: the Glass-Steagall Act Revisited
    MODERNIZING FINANCIAL SERVICES: THE GLASS-STEAGALL ACT REVISITED National Association of Federally-Insured Credit Unions NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF FEDERALLY-INSURED CREDIT UNIONS | NAFCU.ORG | 1 INTRODUCTION: Since the financial crisis, the credit union industry has experienced significant consolidation in the financial marketplace while the largest banks have reaped record profits and grown in both size and scope. From 2008 to 2017, the National Credit Union Administration (NCUA) chartered only 29 new federal credit unions while, during that same period, 2,528 credit unions closed or merged out of existence. The post-crisis regulatory environment has contributed to this decade-long trend of consolidation, but credit unions have also faced barriers to growth in the form of field of membership rules, capital requirements, and limits on interest rates, among many other restrictions. Accordingly, while it is essential to promote regulatory relief that reduces compliance burdens, credit unions also need modern rules to evolve and grow. Regulatory burden and the pressure to consolidate affects more than just the credit union industry. Community banks have experienced similar declines.1 The lack of new charters among community institutions illustrates the extent to which complex and poorly tailored regulations have put a stranglehold on growth and, by extension, limited consumer financial services. In recognition of these trends and the need for regulatory relief, Congress recently passed the Economic Growth, Regulatory Relief, and Consumer Protection Act (S. 2155). S. 2155 garnered bipartisan support and helped alleviate some burdens associated with reporting under the Home Mortgage Disclosure Act and the NCUA’s member business lending rules, and provided new safe harbors for compliance with federal consumer financial protection laws.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Finance and Politics in the USA: from National City Bank to Citigroup
    Finance and Politics in the USA: From National City Bank to Citigroup : an American bank or a world bank ? Christine Zumello Université Sorbonne Nouvelle – Paris 3 Introduction As the theme of this year’s EBHA Conference hinges around the link between the wealth of nations and international business, this paper aims at trying to analyse the positioning, since its creation, of one American bank (Citibank) within the American political domestic scene and the wider globalization of financial services. The banking landscape in the USA has been shaped by various political and economic forces throughout the years and the interaction between banks and the state has, in the case of Citibank 1, been particularly close and has, in t 200political(?)” market forces. Indeed, the role of globalisation and the number of mergers and acquisitions in the banking sector in the USA which has increased in the last decade 2 has clearly contributed to the blurring of the frontiers between domestic and international boundaries in financial operations. Citigroup has managed to hold both a strong local-consumer base together with a wide international network which has involved it in a number of emerging markets and even micro-finance development today. Hence when one discusses the interactions between finance and politics, one realises that, in the United States, historical events have played a significant role in explaining the idiosyncrasy of the American banking landscape but one may wonder whether finance could have, on the domestic political scene in the USA, managed to outweigh politics or rather to free itself from political considerations. 1 Throughout this paper, and for readability purposes, we will often use the name Citibank and then Citigroup (since 1998) but the bank’s name has been modified to accommodate regulatory changes.
    [Show full text]
  • Mason Williams
    City of Ambition: Franklin Roosevelt, Fiorello La Guardia, and the Making of New Deal New York Mason Williams Submitted in partial fulfillment of the Requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2012 © 2012 Mason Williams All Rights Reserved Abstract City of Ambition: Franklin Roosevelt, Fiorello La Guardia, and the Making of New Deal New York Mason Williams This dissertation offers a new account of New York City’s politics and government in the 1930s and 1940s. Focusing on the development of the functions and capacities of the municipal state, it examines three sets of interrelated political changes: the triumph of “municipal reform” over the institutions and practices of the Tammany Hall political machine and its outer-borough counterparts; the incorporation of hundreds of thousands of new voters into the electorate and into urban political life more broadly; and the development of an ambitious and capacious public sector—what Joshua Freeman has recently described as a “social democratic polity.” It places these developments within the context of the national New Deal, showing how national officials, responding to the limitations of the American central state, utilized the planning and operational capacities of local governments to meet their own imperatives; and how national initiatives fed back into subnational politics, redrawing the bounds of what was possible in local government as well as altering the strength and orientation of local political organizations. The dissertation thus seeks not only to provide a more robust account of this crucial passage in the political history of America’s largest city, but also to shed new light on the history of the national New Deal—in particular, its relation to the urban social reform movements of the Progressive Era, the long-term effects of short-lived programs such as work relief and price control, and the roles of federalism and localism in New Deal statecraft.
    [Show full text]
  • Revisiting Affiliated Ute: High Court Needs a Reboot by Gary Aguirre
    Revisiting Affiliated Ute: High Court Needs A Reboot By Gary Aguirre Law360, New York (May 17, 2017, 4:26 PM EDT) -- Last month marked 45 years since the U.S. Supreme Court's ruling in Affiliated Ute Citizens of Utah v. United States, which established a rebuttable presumption of reliance for securities fraud claims based on omissions of material fact. This Expert Analysis special series will explore the decision's progeny in the Supreme Court and various circuits. The U.S. Supreme Court ended an era in 1972 with its decision in Affiliated Ute Citizens of Utah v. United States.[1] It would be the last decision for three decades[2] to treat deceptive conduct alone — with no deceptive words — as a violation of the anti-fraud provisions of the securities acts. The distinction between deceptive conduct and deceptive words is simple in principle. Assume a fake man of the cloth positions himself outside a church just before the service begins. He wears a cassock identical to the one worn by the minister who preaches from the pulpit. Holding a collection box, he smiles and nods graciously as the faithful fill it with bills, but he utters no words. Is his conduct less fraudulent because it is wordless? Affiliated Ute protected investors in three ways. First, it held that conduct alone — with no words uttered between buyer and seller — could create civil liability under Section 10(b) of the Exchange Act and Rule 10b-5 if the conduct operated to conceal a material fact. Abstracting this principle and applying it to the fake minister, his deceptive conduct created a duty to disclose the material fact his scheme concealed: he is not part of the ministry.
    [Show full text]
  • Civil Discourse. This Podcast Will Use Government Documents To
    Welcome to Civil Discourse. This podcast will use government documents to illuminate the workings of the American Government and offer contexts around the effects of government agencies in your everyday life. Now your hosts, Nia Rodgers, Public Affairs Librarian and Dr. John Aughenbaugh, Political Science Professor. Nia Rodgers: Hey, Aughie. John Aughenbaugh: Morning, Nia. How are you? Nia Rodgers: I'm good. How are you? John Aughenbaugh: I'm doing fine. Another lovely spring day in The Greater Richmond area. Nia Rodgers: I was going to say in the RVA. John Aughenbaugh: Yes. Nia Rodgers: We're doing our commission series and I think there's a thing we cannot leave out and that is money. The Benjamin's. Monetary policy. John Aughenbaugh: The Jack, the coin, the dinero. Nia Rodgers: Exactly, the bitcoin now. Apparently that's the hot thing. Everybody keeps saying, "Are you going to invest in bitcoin?" I was like, "I can't afford to invest in bitcoin." Apparently, a bitcoin cost you 80 million dollars or something? I don't know. John Aughenbaugh: Yeah. I get asked that question. Nia Rodgers: You know I work for the public, right? John Aughenbaugh: [inaudible] One, I work for the government, and two, I struggle to go ahead and keep current with my IRA, my individual retirement account, right? They're asking me to go ahead and spend valuable intellectual capital on a currency that, one, I'm not entirely sure what it is. Nia Rodgers: Exactly. How it works. I don't really understand it because I barely understand fiat currency as it currently exists.
    [Show full text]
  • The Future of Penal Reform, the Carceral State, and American Politics*
    Bring It On: The Future of Penal Reform, the Carceral State, and American Politics* Marie Gottschalk** Fifteen years ago, mass imprisonment was largely an invisible issue in the United States. Since then, criticism of the country’s extraordinary incarceration rate has become widespread across the political spectrum. The huge prison buildup of the past four decades has few ardent defenders at present. But reforms to reduce the number of people in jail and prison have been remarkably modest so far. Meanwhile, a tenacious carceral state has sprouted in the shadows of mass imprisonment and has been extending its reach far beyond the prison gate. It includes not only the country’s vast archipelago of jails and prisons, but also the far-reaching and growing range of penal punishments and controls that lie in the never-never land between the prison gate and full citizenship. As it sunders families and communities, and radically reworks conceptions of democracy, rights, and citizenship, the carceral state poses a formidable political and social challenge. The reach of the carceral state today is truly breathtaking. It extends well beyond the estimated 2.2 million people sitting in jail or prison today in the United States.1 It encompasses the more than 8 million people—or 1 in 23 adults―who are under some form of state control: including jail, prison, probation, parole, community sanctions, drug courts, immigrant detention, and other forms of government supervision.2 It also includes the millions of people who are booked into jail each year— nearly twelve million—and the estimated 7.5 percent of all adults who are felons or ex-felons.3 * This article is based on a revised and updated version of the concluding chapter of Marie Gottschalk, Caught: The Prison State and the Lockdown of American Politics (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2015).
    [Show full text]
  • Executive Intelligence Review, Volume 36, Number 30, August 7, 2009
    Executive Intelligence Review EIRAugust 7, 2009 Vol. 36 No. 30 www.larouchepub.com $10.00 Reality of Collapse Destroys Fantasy of Recovery The Incredible Shrinking Obama Presidency ‘China Youth Daily’ Circulates LaRouche’s Proposals LaRouche Webcast: The Fall Of the House of Windsor SUBSCRIBE TO EIR ONLINE The Banking System Has Already Collapsed! “There is no possibility of a non-collapse of the present financial system—none! It's finished, now!” —Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr., webcast, July 25, 2007 Unless the Homeowners and Bank Protection Act “is enacted as a first order of business of the 110th Congress in September [2007], many millions of Americans will be evicted from their homes.... The foreclosure tsunami is occurring, not as a result of a mere housing or mortgage crisis, but a disintegration of the entire global financial system.” —EIR Editorial, Aug. 31, 2007 “My view of the economy is that the fundamentals are strong.” —President George W. Bush, Dec. 20, 2007 EIR Online’s Subscribers Know What Is Really Going On.... Do You? To subscribe: www.larouchepub.com/eiw Call 1-800-278-3135 (toll-free) See back cover for subscription rates Founder and Contributing Editor: Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr. Editorial Board: Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr., Antony Papert, Gerald Rose, Dennis Small, Edward Spannaus, Nancy Spannaus, Jeffrey Steinberg, EI R William Wertz Editor: Nancy Spannaus Managing Editors: Bonnie James, Susan Welsh Science Editor: Marjorie Mazel Hecht Technology Editor: Marsha Freeman From the Managing Editor Book Editor: Katherine Notley Graphics Editor: Alan Yue Photo Editor: Stuart Lewis Circulation Manager: Stanley Ezrol “ INTELLIGENCE DIRECTORS f I were President, I’d end this thing right now!” Lyndon LaRouche Counterintelligence: Jeffrey Steinberg, Michele I Steinberg declared at his Aug.
    [Show full text]
  • Reverberations Between Immoderate Land-Price
    Reverberations Between Immoderate Land-Price Cycles and Banking Cycles Mason Gaffney1 Paper delivered at Annual Meetings, Association for Evolutionary Economics (AFEE), Chicago, January 8, 2012 Legacy of the Pecora Hearings. We begin with the Pecora Hearings of March 1933.2 Ferdinand Pecora's were another “ten days that shook the world,” but Pecora's ten days shook the very temple of capitalism, Wall Street itself.3 These were the dying days of Hoover's Administration and the Republican Congress. Herbert Hoover was desperate to find a scapegoat for the disasters he had overseen, yet holding back safely short of challenging the system, or the cartelization of American industry he had sponsored. He focused on an alleged plot by short sellers who were “selling America short.” Few bought this political play on words, so he pushed the lame duck Senate's Banking and Currency Committee to investigate Wall Street and gin up some more scapegoats to save Hoover's face and reputation. Chair of the Committee, through Senate seniority rules, was Peter Norbeck of S.D., a residue of old prairie Populism via T.R.'s Bull Moose Party, and an unreconstructed Progressive4. Norbeck knew little of Banking and Currency – Wall Street Republicans stigmatized old prairie populists as “Sons of the Wild Jackass.” Norbeck sought a savvy prosecutor for the hearings. Few wanted the job – two weeks working for a lame duck Congress, making powerful enemies. Far down on his list Norbeck came to Ferdinand Pecora, a mere assistant D.A. for New York County. Pecora likewise knew little of banking and currency, but was a quick study with remarkable energy, high ambition, lethal aim, and little awe of pedigreed bankers with Ivy- League degrees, and intimidating miens.
    [Show full text]
  • A Brief History of the Glass-Steagall Act
    background paper A Brief History of the Glass-Steagall Act Ten years ago last November, a Republican-led Congress and a Democratic White House rolled out the red carpet for a new age of global, “full service,” too-big-to-fail financial institu- tions. The move repealed the Glass-Steagall Act of 1933, a set of reforms responsible for the longest crisis-free period in U.S. financial history. At the time, industry lobbyists argued that this modern experiment in deregulation would bring greater stability and competitiveness to the financial services industry. Today, it is clear that they were wrong—and spectacularly so. Competition is suffering from high concentration and anti-competitive subsidies to the big- gest institutions, and the system has been radically destabilized by unregulated activities, cost- ing taxpayers nearly $19.3 trillion1 in bailouts and subsidies. As Washington debates the best way to prevent future crises, it is helpful to understand how public policy helped bring about the current one. What Glass-Steagall Was Officially known as the Banking Act of 1933, it was one of the landmark pieces of legislation associated with Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal. The measure established the concept of de- posit insurance and set up the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation to provide it. Glass- Steagall2 also erected a firewall between commercial banks, which take deposits and make loans, and investment banks, which organize the sale of bonds and stocks. The Road to Glass-Steagall Between 1929 and 1933, more than 4,000 U.S. banks had closed permanently, saddling de- positors with close to $400 million in losses.
    [Show full text]
  • Stock Exchange Peactice8
    STOCK EXCHANGE PEACTICE8 MONDAY, MARCH 12, 1934 UNITED STATES SENATE, COMMITTEE ON BANKING AND CURRENCY, Washington, D.C. The committee met at 10:30 a.m., pursuant to adjournment on Triday, March 9, 1934, in room 301 of the Senate Office Building, Senator Duncan TJ. Fletcher presiding. Present: Senators Fletcher (chairman), Adams, Bulkley, Golds- borough, Townsend, and Kean. Present also: Ferdinand Pecora, counsel to the committee; Julius Silver and David Saperstein, associate counsel to the committee; and Frank J. Meehan, chief statistician to the committee; and Koland L. Eedmond, counsel to the New York Stock Exchange. The CHAIRMAN. The committee will come to order, please. Will Mr. Whitney please come up to the committee table ? STATEMENT OP RICHARD WHITNEY, PRESIDENT OP THE NEW YORK STOCK EXCHANGE—Resumed The CHAIRMAN. Mr. Whitney, Mr. Pecora wants to ask you some questions in connection with the additional data to be submitted to the committee this morning. Mr. PECORA. Mr. Whitney, as to the additional data you expected to receive from the members of the New York Stock Exchange in reply to a questionnaire you addressed to them a week ago Saturday, that is, on March 3, 1934, respecting transactions in the so-called " aviation stocks ", have you that data here now? Mr. WHITNEY. Yes, sir. We have the originals right here on the table before you. I might explain that we have brought in both the originals and duplicates of the originals. Mr. PECORA. Mr. Chairman, I wish that they might be received in evidence but need not be spread on the record of the committee's hearings.
    [Show full text]
  • Leading Articles & Commentary On
    Leading Articles & Commentary on the Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission Compiled by the Robert Crown Law Library April 2011 Source Link Excerpt Derivatives, As Accused by Buffett http://dealbook.nytimes.com/2011/03/14/derivative By Andrew Ross Sorkin s-as-accused-by-buffett/ New York Times March 14, 2011 The Official Verdict: America’s FCIC http://www.economist.com/node/18060818?story_i “The report of the Financial Crisis Inquiry Report is Big, Surprisingly Readable d=18060818 Commission (FCIC), America’s official and a Disappointment probe, gets things slightly the wrong way Economist round. It is breezily written, despite its Mar. 3, 2011 bulk. “The fault lies not in the stars, but in us” is its way of underlining that the crisis was avoidable.” In Case You Didn’t Get the http://www.washingtonpost.com/business/in-case- Memo...The Real Causes of the So- you-didnt-get-the-memo--- Called Financial Crisis /2011/02/19/ABMMfvH_story.html By Michael Lewis Washington Post February 20, 2011 1 A Political Divide Over the Inquiry of http://www.nytimes.com/2011/02/17/business/17cri “The government inquiry into the causes the Financial Crisis sis.html of the 2008 financial crisis was the focus By Sewell Chan of intense partisan bickering on New York Times Wednesday at a House hearing. February 17, 2011 Republicans called the final 545-page report a political exercise whose findings were mostly inevitable, while Democrats defended its main conclusion: that Wall Street risk-taking and regulatory negligence combined to produce an avoidable disaster.” Social Forces, More than Bad Actors, http://www.americanbanker.com/bankthink/- Led to Crisis 1032740-1.html By Gregory D.
    [Show full text]
  • Download Full Book
    Neighbors in Conflict Bayor, Ronald H. Published by Johns Hopkins University Press Bayor, Ronald H. Neighbors in Conflict: The Irish, Germans, Jews, and Italians of New York City, 1929-1941. Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978. Project MUSE. doi:10.1353/book.67077. https://muse.jhu.edu/. For additional information about this book https://muse.jhu.edu/book/67077 [ Access provided at 27 Sep 2021 07:22 GMT with no institutional affiliation ] This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. HOPKINS OPEN PUBLISHING ENCORE EDITIONS Ronald H. Bayor Neighbors in Conflict The Irish, Germans, Jews, and Italians of New York City, 1929–1941 Open access edition supported by the National Endowment for the Humanities / Andrew W. Mellon Foundation Humanities Open Book Program. © 2019 Johns Hopkins University Press Published 2019 Johns Hopkins University Press 2715 North Charles Street Baltimore, Maryland 21218-4363 www.press.jhu.edu The text of this book is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/. CC BY-NC-ND ISBN-13: 978-1-4214-2990-8 (open access) ISBN-10: 1-4214-2990-X (open access) ISBN-13: 978-1-4214-3062-1 (pbk. : alk. paper) ISBN-10: 1-4214-3062-2 (pbk. : alk. paper) ISBN-13: 978-1-4214-3102-4 (electronic) ISBN-10: 1-4214-3102-5 (electronic) This page supersedes the copyright page included in the original publication of this work. NEIGHBORS IN CONFLICT THE JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY STUDIES IN HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL SCIENCE NINETY-SIXTH SEMES (1978) 1.
    [Show full text]