International Mevlana Symposiuın Papers

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Jawid Mojaddedi 1 England

THERE is perhaps no figure in the rich intellectual history of the Muslim world who has been fought over by as many people as has Mawlana Jalal al-Din Balkhi Rumi (d. 1273). His family's migratian during his childhood has given Mghans, Tajiks, Persians, and Turks, each some justification to can­ sider him as one of their own, on the basis of his origins, his influences and his upbringing. But there would not be so much interest in competing over him if there were not something special about him. It is well-known that Mawlana has been extremely highly regarded for sev­ eral centuries in a wide seetion of the Muslim world, but it may be worthwhile to consider whether his achievements actually make him unique in some way. What everybody knows is that he was a founding master of a major Sufi order and also a prolific poet; there have been numerous Sufi masters and founders of orders through the centuries as well as several supreme Sufi poets. Mawlana is unique, however, in that he is at the same time both of these at once: that is to say, he was indisputably a poet of the very highest rank in the Persian tradition of Sufi , while at the same time he was a founding master of a major Sufi order, one which became highly influential centuries after his death in the later Ottoman . Many founding figures of Sufi orders have written poetry, but none of them produced poetry which has been as highly acclaimed intheir lit­ erary traditions as Mawlana's poetry;likewise, many supreme poets have been Sufis, but no other poet as accomplished as Mawlana is regarded as having attained the rank of a master of an order. In addition to the high level ofMawlana's achievements in both and poetry-writing, it is important to appreciate the significance of Mawlana's actu- 13 7 4 al s tyle of writing . The beauty of his poetry when compared with other great Persian poetry is related to its simplicity. Mawlana writes accessibly with the aim of having an immediate impact on disciples who may not be high­ ly educated. Leaving aside the interesting issue about the level of education required to be a disciple of Mawlana's, of more far-reaching consequence is that \ this accessibility has made his poetry popular far beyand the Sufi tradition. In fa ct, many readers of his poetry in the original Persian first discover the Sufi tra­ dition through his beautiful and accessible writings. In recent decades, Mawlana has become extremely po pul ar outside of the lslamic world as a result of trans­ lations, and, for the vast majority of readers of his poetry in English, he is sim­ ilarly their first introduction to Sufism. A5 a result, for a large proportion of readers of Mawlana's poetry, whether in Persian or in translation, he has come to be perceived as the archetypal Sufi poet, representing somehow the essential qualities of Sufism rather than a distinctive voice in a diverse tradition. In consequence of the widespread popularity of Mawlana's poetry, anather important factor has come to represent an obstade in distinguishing his voice accurately in the Sufi tradition, and in this case by design rather than due to lack of familiarity: this is the effect of his popularity in creating competition among increasingly diverse contemporary schools of to daim him as a sp iritu­ al ancestor. At one end of the spectrum, so me fallawers in the non-Muslim world hold the view that there is no necessary connection between Mawlana's mystical teachings and the Islamic religious tradition. At the other end, because of his poet­ ry's popularity Ma wlana is hailed as a sp iritual ancestor by so me of the most con­ servative Sufi groups who do not necessarily share his world-view - for instance, several years ago so me students of mine in England showed me a paster announc­ ing a performan ce of the Mevlevi sema which specified that the semazen would be whirling with the permission of a conservative shaikh and that the event was specifically for the purpose of attracting Christians to . Of course, Mawlana himself did not consider the value of sema to be found in its potential for converting people to Islam, as he regards it as far more important for mystical development than that. The canversion argument is in fact one which has emerged only in recent centuries in the cantext of Sufi apologetics. 1 In spite of the fact that

1 See further C. W. Ernst, TheShambha/a Guide taSufism, Bostan, 1997, pp. 188-9 .

.Jawid Mojaddedi Maıvlaııa 's positioız in tlıe su.fi tradition and lı is attitude to Hallaj Sema is the Sufi practice which receives the most attention of all in the earliest Sufi manuals, no suggestion is made in these extensive discussions that it has any role in canversion to Islam. The point highlighted by this incident is that even the leader of a Sufi order who is known to frown upon the use of music in worship, let alone dance, tries to identif'y with Mawlana and the Whirling . In consequence of such deliberate re-creatioiıs of Ma wlana, his own histarical position in the Sufi tradition has become increasingly blurred, turning him into an ahistorical archetype for an essentialist reading of the diverse and dynamic tradi­ tion of Sufism, or even of all forrus of mysticisms in a universal sense. In this short space of time, I want to turn attention away from Mawlana's later interpreters and their readers, and instead consider his writings in their own histarical co n text. What I propose to do is to look at the most popular Sufi writings before his time, in order to highlight the ways in which Mawlana's own didactic writings are distinct.

Classical sufi manuals and Mawlana's didactic writings

In the canon of Sufi literature, the most influential didactic writings before Mawlana's time ;ıre the Sufi manuals of the tenth and eleventh centuries. Sufi manuals, such as 'Abd al-Karim al-Qushayri's (d. 1072) Arabic al-Risala, and ' Hujwiri's (d. ca. 1074) Persian Kaslif al-Mahjub, which were both influenced heavily by the Kitab al-Luina' of Abu Nasr al-Sarraj (d. 988), have in fact remained extraordinarily popular ina vast stretch of the Muslim world, generat­ ing in the process numerous commentaries and translations. As a result of their influential status in the Sufi canon, these works are often treated as normative and, like Mawlana's works, without necessarily being evaluated in their own his­ tarical and intellectual contexts. They are stili used as standard textbooks of Sufism whether in the original or in translation;2 even the English translations of these works remain in print primarily because of their popularity among English-speaking Sufi readers, since, as prose manuals from a very different time and intellectual tradition, they are not the most accessible books to read.

2 A student of mine, who had com e in 1997 to Manchester directly from the ai-Azhar seminary, had studied this work there as the main textbook for the ir course on Sufısm. 1376 These works have more in commen with Mawlana's didactic writings than one might at first expect. It is worth remembering that tradition informs us that Mawlana wrote his in response to his students' preference for poetry to the prose Sufi manuals he had assigned them. Moreover, those Sufi manuals were themselves based largely on material originating in an oral teaching context, not \ dissimilar to the origins of the Fihe Ma Fihe. Thus, although Mawlana's own writings belong to different genres, they nonetheless convey his viewpoints on a range of Sufi teachings and debates which had previously been considered in the earlier Sufi manuals. It could therefore be instructive to compare Mawlana's teachings ab out contentious issues with that of his predecessors.

Ha11aj

Al-Husayn ibn Mansur al-Hallqj (d. 922), the Sufi who according to popular belief was hung drawn and quartered for saying "I am the Truth" (ana 'L-Haqq), needs no introduction.3 In medieval Persian and Turkish Sufi literature, he is one of the most frequently mentioned early heroes of Sufism and the Sufi par excellence. However, he had been clearly regarded as a problematic figure for those Sufi authors living within a century and a half of his execution, and he eventually became the object of criticism for reformist Sufis of more recent times. Concern about Hallaj in the earliest sources is perhaps most noticeable in the biography collections written during that period. For instance, he is omitted completely from Abu Nu'aym al-Isfahani's (d. 1038) Hilyat al-aıvliya', aten-vol­ ume eelleetion of over 650 biographies. Although, Abu Nu'aym's contemporary al-Sulami includes a biography of him in his collection, the Tabaqat . al-Sufiyya, it is not positioned in a place of prominence and it begins with acknowledgement that he is a controversial figure. In fact, al-Sulami declares that "most Sufi sheikhs have rejected him".4 These two alternative methods, namely omission or heavily qualified inclu­ sion, were also applied by the next generatian of Sufi scholars. Qushayri, for

3 See further the article 'Hallaj' in Encyclopaedia lranico. 4 AI-Sulami, Toboqot oi-Sufiyyo, ed. J. Pedersen, Leiden, 1960, p. 308.

jawid Mojaddedi Maıvlaııa 's positioıı in tlıe suji traditioıı and lı is attitude to Hall oj instance, does not include Hallaj among his 83 biographies of the most impor­ tant Sufis of the past in his Risala, even though that list of 83 is based on his teaeber al-Sulami's work. However, he proceeds to cite Hallaj as an authority elsewhere in his Risala, suggesting that the omission of his biography cannot be interpreted as a sign that he did not consider him important enough for inclu- __ sion.5 Meanwhile, Qushayri's contemporary ' includes a biography of Hallaj in his own set of biographies in his Kaslif al-malıjub, but begins it with a protracted justification and defence. Hujwiri asserts that criticism of Hallaj is due partly to a case of mistaken identity with " another Husayn ibn Mansur al­ Hallaj" and also partly due to the notoriety of a group who falsely attribute their own heretical doctrines to Hallaj, and even call themselves "the Hallajiya".6 The second of the explanations given by Hujwiri is particularly illuminating when one observes the role played by the so-called "Hallajiya" in his Kaslif al-malıjub. This is because they are presented in a later seetion as one of two heretical groups which are rt;jected as invalid, their error being permitting what is unlawful (ebaaha). In addition to implying that accusations of permissiveness leveled at Hallaj himself are due to a false attribution to him, this role played by the Hallajiya in defining what is and w hat is not acceptable reveals that Hujwiri was concerned with depicting a tra­ dition of Sufism which could be considered legitimate from a mainstream Sunni Islamic perspective. In fact, he was not alone in this, as his contemporary Qushayri and their predecessors al-Sarraj, al-Sulami, and Abu Nu' ayın, were all engaged in the same activity to various degrees. Hallaj, or the doctrines commonly attributed to Hallaj, can therefore be seen as representing the limits of acceptability for this process. Mawlana, writing two centuries a:fter Qushayri and Hojviri, cl early feels no need to be evasive or apologetle about Hallaj. In his Masııavi he famously writes: Mansur's "I am the Truth" was purest light, (hud ana'l-Haqq dar Iab-e Mansur nur) But Pharaoh's "I am Go d" daim ed his own might. (bud ana 'Llah dar Iab-e feraun zurf

5 See J. Mojaddedi, The Biographical Tradition in Sufism: the Sufi tabaqat gen re from ai-Sulami to , Richmond, 2001, p. 201, n. 30; N. Pourjavady, ''The Notion of the Breath (nafas) in Hallaj", Persica 17 (2001), pp. 87-9. 6 Hujwiri, al-mahjub, ed. V. Zhukovski, St Petersburg, 1899, pp. 190-2; 333-41. 7 Rumi, Masnavi, ed. M. Estelami, Tehran, 1992, Vol. ll, v. 307. 1378 Later in the same volume, in reference to unjust persecution of mystics by those ignorant of their station, Mawlana writes: When judgment is by traitors, then for sure (chuıı qalam bar dast-e ghad­ daari buwad) You'll see hang on the gibbet poor Mansur;* (bi gomaıı Mansur bar daari \ buwad) When those in power lack intelligence (chuıı safihaaıı-raa-st in kaar-o kiya) 'They kill the prophets'*is the consequence; (laazem aamad "yaqtoluıı al­ anbiya "') 8

In his , Mawlana explains explicitly in prose his appreciation of Hallaj's famous s lı atlı "I am the Turth" (Ana 'l-Haqq): Take the famous utterance "I am the Truth": some people think thisisa pre­ tentious daim, but "I am the Truth" is in fact a great humility. Those who say instead "I ama servant of God" believe that two exist: themselves and God. But those who say "I am the Truth" have become nothing and have cast themselves unto the wind. They say, "I am the Truth", meaning "I am nothing, God is all. There is no existence but Go d. I have lost all separation. I am nothing." In this the humility is greater.9 Mawlana does not share the concern and hesitation of his predecessors from two centuries earlier about supporting, and indeed celebrating, the memo­ ry. of Mansur al-Hallaj. However, one should not imagine that Mawlana was being extraordinarily controversial for his own time by giving such unambigu­ ous approval. Hallaj is not a major hero of the past for Mawlana alone, whose greatest hero appears in fact to be Bayazid al-Bastami (d. 865). Hallaj in fact means much more to Mawlana's predecessor Farid al-Din Attar (d. ca.1220) and other sufi authors such as the members of the tradition of Sufism in Shiraz rep­ resented by Daylami, Ibn Khafif (d. 982) and Ruzbehan Baqli (d. 1209). Instead Mawlana's attitude can be attributed to the fact that he is writing in an entirely different histarical cantext to the authors of the classkal Sufi manuals, one which no langer has the insecurities caused by recent memory of discord and

8 Rumi, Masnavi, ed. M. Estelami, Tehran, 1992, Vol. ll, w. 1402-3. 9 Rumi, Rhe ma fihe, ed. B. Foruzanfar, Discourse 11.

Jawid Mojaddedi Ma ıviana 's positioıı iıı tlıe sı!fi traditioıı and lı is attitııde to Hallaj controversy surraunding Hallaj. He is also writing primarily for his own disciples and no longer needs to worry about demonstrating the legitimacy of Sufism; indeed, that work had already been carried out by his aforementioned predeces­ sors two centuries earlier.

Conclusion

The first general point that I hope has been reinforced by this paper is that Sufism is a dynamic and diverse tradition which is not easily reduced to sorne­ iliing fixed and essential. Therefore, the histoncal context of a Sufi text always needs to be taken into consideration fully before evaluating its contents. In fact, when influential works are presented out of context as the authoritative sources, this can be very misleading. For instance, without knowledge of the histoncal context of Qushayri's Risala, one might conclude from its calleetion of biogra­ phies that Hallaj was not an important member of the Sufi tradition. Similarly, it is important for a complete appreciation of Mawlana's didactic writings, to understand them as the teachings of a 13th-century Sufi, one writing long after the process of establishing Sufism's credentials as an integral part of . That understanding will facilitate an appreciation of Mawlana's teachings without imagining that he is some kind of lo ne re bel in the tradition, and it will make possible an accurate identification of his distinctive predilections. The controversy over Hallaj serves as a useful example to highlight because it such a well-known controversy that has attracted contrasting opinions. As already mentioned, Hallaj does not have a supreme position in Mawlana's vision of the past, but his enthusiastic allusions to this predecessor are consistently in contrast to the mo re circumspect approach of the authors of the classkal manu­ als of the tenth and eleventh century. Mawlana w as writing for the benefit of his own students at a time when he could afford to focus repeatedly on the heart of the matter without being in danger of putting his own reputation at risk. What is particularly noteworthy is that the widespread popularity of Mawlana's poetry among Sufis and non-Sufis alike has had the effect of giving continued prominence to Sufi viewpoints which are downplayed both in the dassic manuals of the eleventh century and the more recent reformİst Sufism, which itself tends to refer back to those sources without adequate consideration 1380 of their original context. Although he is far from alone, Mawlana's writings are by far the most popular of those which express Sufi viewpoints from the more controversial end of the spectrum. The fact that his writings have remained so popular is also a sign that these streams of Sufism which he repeatedly celebrates have always had a large-scale receptive audience through the centuries. \ Conservative reformist Sufis are known to have had misgivings about Mawlana's writings, but most of them have tried to appropriate him because of his extraordinary popularity. In consequence, the fact that his writings represent the continuation of very contrasting tendendes in Sufism to their own is often overlooked. The drawback in this is that it can leave readers with a very impov­ erished un derstanding of Mawlana, and it could arguably distort his teachings to the same degree as so me of the universalist translations into English have done, albeit in the opposite direction.

Jawid Mojaddedi Mawlaııa 's positioıı iıı the sufi traditioıı aııd his attitııde to Hallaj