#04–2015
Area Studies
Shifting Epistemologies Knowledge and Power Lebanese Social in Area Studies in Russia’s Iranian Scientists in Their Claudia Derichs Studies Scientific Communities Denis V. Volkov Jonathan Kriener
Intersecting Methodo- Reorientalizing the Arab Higher Education logical Issues in Middle East and Research post-2011 Comparative Area Studies Karim Malak, Sara Salem An Interview with Sari Hanafi Anika Oettler
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05 Ines Braune, Achim Rohde 38 Anika Oettler Critical Area Studies Comparing What to What? Intersecting Methodological Issues in Comparative Area ANTI/THESIS Studies and Transitional Justice Research How to Conceptualize Area Studies? 50 Larissa Schmid Competing Visions of Area 13 Anna-Katharina Hornidge, Studies in the Interwar Period: Katja Mielke The School of Oriental Languages Thesis 1: Crossroads Studies: in Berlin From Spatial Containers to Studying the Mobile 61 Denis V. Volkov Individuals, Institutions and 20 André Bank Discourses: Knowledge and Thesis 2: Comparative Area Power in Russia's Iranian Studies Studies and Middle East Politics of the Late Imperial, Soviet and after the Arab Uprisings Post-Soviet Periods
80 Steffen Wippel META Economic Research on the Arab World and the Middle East—A 29 Claudia Derichs Neglected Field of Study in Shifting Epistemologies in Area Germany Studies: From Space to Scale
Middle East – Topics & Arguments #04–2015 content
93 Karim Malak, Sara Salem 148 Erdem Evren Reorientalizing the Middle East: Umut Özkırımlı (ed.): “The The Power Agenda Setting Post- Making of a Protest Movement” Arab Uprisings
110 Heba Sharobeem Close Up The Impact of the Arab Spring at an Egyptian University: A 151 Jens Heibach Personal Experience Muhammad ʿAbd al-Malik al- Mutawakkil: A Political Biography 122 Jonathan Kriener Like on Different Planets? Lebanese Social Scientists in OFF-TOPIC Their Scientific Communities 160 Wietse van den Berge Syrian Kurdish Political Activism: interview A Social Movement Theory Perspective 138 Sari Hanafi Arab Higher Education and 170 Dimitris Soudias Research post-2011. An Interview Policing January 25: Protest, with Sari Hanafi Tactics, and Territorial Control in Egypt’s 2011 Uprising
Review 183 imprint 146 Fadma Ait Mous Hassan Rachik: “Le proche et le lointain: Un siècle d’anthropologies au Maroc”
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politics and the global interests of an ex- port-oriented economy that necessitates Critical Area Studies the development of soft skills like expert knowledge in various world regions. Still, this trend has opened new opportunities for scholars from a variety of disciplinary backgrounds and regional orientations to pursue their research interests and devel- op state-of-the-art approaches towards knowledge production in the context of area studies. At the same time, this policy arguably reproduces and intensifies in- equalities between academic systems in the Global North and those in regions that are being studied in area studies pro- grams (Boatcã). This issue of META aims at Ines Braune and Achim Rohde taking stock of these developments and contributes to this ongoing endeavor from Keywords: Area Studies; Middle East search Foundation) Exzellenzinitiative and a perspective of Middle East studies. We Studies; Challenges; Power Structures the Federal Ministry for Education and Re- thereby intend to contribute to the search’s area studies program. The DFG is broader discussion regarding how and to Its cold war legacy and the ascent of aca- the most important funding institution for what extent the institutionalization of demic trends like global studies and glob- academic research in Germany. It is fi- knowledge production shapes its content. al history notwithstanding, the concept of nanced by the federal state and the Län- How do educational, economic and po- area studies has witnessed a remarkable der (regional states).2 The growth of area litical policies on a global, regional, and renaissance in Germany in recent years, as studies in Germany is mirrored in the for- local level shape the institutional body of regionally focused institutes and centers mation of special interest groups within knowledge production in this specific field have been formed in various universities academia working to further institutional- of inquiry? What are the challenges for a and research institutes all over the coun- ize this approach, such as CrossArea e.V. critical area studies approach in the face try.1 Significant resources have been chan- From a macro-perspective on the political of ongoing processes of globalization, neled into relevant research units through economy of funding in academia, this and specifically with regard to Middle East funding schemes like the DFG’s (Deutsche trend might be interpreted as a reflection studies, the impact of the Arab uprisings Forschungsgemeinschaft/German Re- of Germany’s re-entry to the stage of world of 2011 and subsequent developments?
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Challenges studies circles all over the world, challeng- to failed nation building processes in The process of globalization has effected ing perceptions of Middle Eastern excep- countries created in a top-down manner an increasing focus on transregional com- tionalism and established legacies of Ori- by colonial powers and post-colonial parative questions and a reassessment of ental studies. In response to this challenge, state-building elites, and the divisive ef- our understanding of world regions, which scholars have been re-assessing their fects of decades of oppressive rule.3 After has moved away from container concepts methodologies and assumptions, and it the removal of anciens régimes, in this line of regions as seemingly congruent and has become an established best practice of thought, long repressed tensions, pri- separate entities and their concomitant to conduct collaborative research with mordial loyalties and unresolved conflicts epistemological othering in scholarship, partners working in or emanating from the inevitably re-surfaced in these societies. towards emphasizing comparative as- MENA region. Others have highlighted in part externally pects and global entanglements in terms Scholarship on the MENA region has induced processes of state erosion and of migration, knowledge flows and eco- gradually moved outside its former nar- state failure following prolonged wars, nomic ties. In a globalized world that is of- row academic niche further into the main- economic crises and stalled transitions to ten seen as consisting of fluid and inter- stream of academic knowledge produc- more inclusive forms of governance as connected spaces, geographical and tion both in terms of funding and in terms crucial factors underlying the politicization epistemological borders, which may de- of public interest after 9/11 and again after of ethnic and sectarian identities in the fine an area, would seem to be blurred. Yet the Arab uprisings of 2011. A wealth of MENA region. Transregional comparative at the same time, and in a notable depar- scholarship on the MENA region has and global perspectives are crucial in or- ture from this globalizing trend, rigid bor- sought to analyze the different forms of der to arrive at a deeper understanding of der regimes are being (re-)installed be- transformations triggered by the ‘Arab the specificities of current developments tween specific countries and whole Spring’ on the institutional, political, legal, in the MENA region. regions in multiple parts of the world, economic, social, religious and cultural Still, a multitude of developments are reg- thereby calling into question the assump- levels. Initially, these works seemed to be istered in various spheres, which show the tion of an increasingly integrated world infused by optimistic expectations of a ambivalent and often contradictory dy- system. This contradictory dynamic is par- gradual transition to democracy. However, namics of cultural, societal and political ticularly visible in recent years with regard since 2012 at the latest, in view of the Syr- change taking place in MENA countries to the MENA region and Europe. ian civil war and the restoration of the old beyond the undeniable impact of commu- In fact, this is the latest incarnation of an order in Egypt, developments on the nalism, the restoration of authoritarian rule old debate in a contemporary context. The ground have been viewed in increasingly or civil war. We need to move beyond a longstanding debate on Edward Said’s pessimistic terms sometimes reminiscent binary understanding of the develop- Orientalism and subsequent develop- of the paradigm of Arab exceptionalism. ments in the MENA region as either rup- ments like the rise of postcolonial studies Several reasons have been noted for the ture or continuity by conceptualizing them have reverberated vividly in Middle East demise of the Arab Spring. Some pointed as re-configurations of power and society,
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which take place in a gradual and frag- are dealing today with a socially construct- ny capitalism and the erosion of salaried mented, yet profound manner. Instead of ed ensemble of interdependent social, middle classes, all of which increased so- focusing on spectacular events, relevant cultural and economic spaces across and cioeconomic cleavages within MENA so- cases in periods both prior to and after up- beyond physically or politically defined cieties. Far from fostering democratiza- risings or regime change need to be scru- areas. Some developments within both tion, as was often presumed by Western tinized in order to discover a multitude of Europe and the MENA region seem to fol- proponents of market-oriented reforms in developments and patterns of social inter- low a comparable trajectory, namely the countries of the Global South, they action, which show the ambivalent and of- rise of identitarian movements whose re- “helped rebuild coalitions of support dur- ten contradictory dynamics of change in actionary politics seem like a distorted ing the reconfiguration of authoritarian everyday life as well in strategies of politi- mirror image of the ideas of liberation that rule in certain states of the Middle East cal decision makers. Such an approach fuel popular struggles in both regions. All and North Africa” (King 459). Unsurpris- highlights fluidity and provides a compar- of these developments suggest that polit- ingly, popular discontent in view of the ef- ative, diachronic and interdisciplinary ical-economy perspectives and critical fects of such ‘authoritarian upgrading’ was analysis of the interplay between continu- theory help to adequately conceptualize crucial in fuelling the Arab uprisings ity and change in the MENA region (and these interrelated developments as part (Pierret and Selvik). beyond), thereby developing new per- of a ‘critical area studies’ approach. Beyond the comparative approach, which spectives on the causes and effects of the It seems safe to assert that the destructive tends to leave the notion of areas as more Arab uprisings within a broader context of mode of the regional reconfiguration cur- or less separate units intact, ‘post area the modern and contemporary history of rently underway is at least to some degree studies’ or ‘critical area studies’ aim at “re- the MENA region. an effect of neo-liberal reforms introduced thinking area studies epistemologically to varying degrees in most MENA coun- to avoid thinking in container entities Towards Critical Area Studies tries over the last few decades. Starting in such as ‘nation states’ or, for that matter, Against this background it remains to be the mid-1980s, many MENA states gave up ‘regions’ and to focus instead on the mo- seen what a Middle East studies perspec- their previous state-centered develop- bility patterns and communicative pro- tive may contribute to broader debates on ment policies in favor of large scale priva- cesses of human interaction” (Derichs). area studies. Without claiming to present tizations, cutting of subsidies, incentives One crucial characteristic of the contem- a comprehensive answer to this question, for direct investments from abroad, etc. porary world relevant for any critical un- we would argue that the waning of the This meant the abolishment of the old so- derstanding of area studies is that “there emancipatory impulse which pulsed cial contract by the ruling elites and is no longer a tight coherence between through the early days of the ‘Arab Spring’ MENA’s increasing integration into the physical and cultural space”(ibid.). As a should not be discussed in isolation. In- world market. This process led to the de- consequence, scholars started to “move creased levels of interaction between the mise of local economies, the erosion of human action and interaction and its role MENA region and Europe mean that we state infrastructure, the emergence of cro- in communicatively constructing space
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into the center of attention” (Mielke and (Allen). Thus, there is ample need to inves- of Oriental studies dating back to nine- Hornidge 18). The relational dynamics be- tigate how the current transformations in teenth century philology and religious tween IS style jihadism and European MENA countries are part of a contradic- studies. This polarity is institutionally an- Muslims clearly constitute such a case of tory process of blurring and transcending chored in Germany in two existing profes- entangled history between MENA coun- boundaries, while at the same time reas- sional roof organizations, the Deutsche tries and Europe. We are facing a multi- serting them violently. Moreover, vast dif- Morgenländische Gesellschaft/German plicity of partly interconnected and fluid ferences exist between different kinds of Oriental Society (DMG), founded in 1845, cultural spaces existing alongside one mobility within and beyond the MENA re- and the Deutsche Arbeitsgemeinschaft another and sometimes in conflict with gion. In this sense, Arjun Appadurai distin- Vorderer Orient/German Middle East one another in various local environ- guishes circulation of forms and forms of Studies Association (DAVO), founded in ments across regions. circulation in order to explain junctures 1993. The formation of regional studies Yet all this does not take place in an emp- and differences in global cultural flows. He centers uniting all of these various disci- ty space or in an ideal setting of equality argues that “different [cultural] forms cir- plinary traditions under one roof, such as between all players involved. It is always culate through different trajectories, gen- Marburg University’s Center for Near and embedded in and shaped by material and erate diverse interpretations, and yield dif- Middle Eastern Studies (CNMS), as well as institutional structures, hierarchies, power ferent and uneven geographies” (2). These conceptual debates in the humanities re- relations. First, the sheer material destruc- different kinds of mobilities as well as the garding the need for inter- and transdisci- tion and the decreasing accessibility of the nexus of increasing mobility and the si- plinary collaboration of scholars, have field might be a specific feature of the multaneously intensifying immobility challenged the self-perceptions and MENA region that is not as pronounced in point to uneven and contradictory pat- modes of cooperation among scholars other parts of the world. This situation im- terns of social, cultural and political working on the MENA region in one form pacts on levels of transregional human in- change unleashed by the current globali or another. While the need for interdisci- teraction and communication as well as on zation process (the Arab uprisings are one plinary and comparative approaches has mobility patterns. In order to grasp such particular expression of this process), reached a degree of consensus among figurations, our analysis should incorpo- which need to be taken into account more scholars in this field, translating this con- rate a center-periphery perspective which systematically if we want to arrive at some- sensus into our daily practice as research- is conscious of power relations existing thing that might be adequately termed ers is still a challenging endeavor, as disci- between various players. The fact that rig- ‘critical area studies’. plinary structures and legacies remain id border regimes are currently being (re-) In the German context, the generic term influential (Freitag). installed between specific countries and Middle East studies has long been used to Knowledge production on the contempo- whole regions in multiple parts of the designate research on political social and rary MENA region remains a contested world calls into question the assumption economic aspects of the contemporary discursive field in which a variety of play- of an increasingly integrated world system MENA region, as contrasted to the legacy ers jockey for influence. Apart from West-
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ern academic institutions, local universi- sue, we therefore encourage an open de- collaboration, while visa restrictions make Ines Braune ties as well as local and international bate on the institutional landscape of it increasingly difficult for scholars working non-governmental Organisations pro- knowledge production within the MENA in those countries to set foot on the gold- is an assistant professor at the Center duce relevant knowledge as well, but their region itself, particularly against the back- en shores of ‘Merkel’s paradise’ (EU).4 This for Near and Middle Eastern Studies status is often deemed inferior. Differences drop of the Arab uprisings. The current issue of META is as much an expression of (CNMS) at Philipps-University Marburg. between these various players can also be trends towards the restructuring of univer- such structural factors and constraints as it She holds a PhD in Arabic Studies from detected in regards to the character of sities in the MENA region are of particular is an attempt to challenge them by assem- Leipzig University and has a background knowledge deemed ‘scientific’, and exist- interest in this context. We are also inter- bling a distinguished group of authors in media studies. Her research interests ing power structures are sometimes subtly ested to learn more about the impact of who engage in critical and informed de- include cultural studies, media and youth reproduced when inclusion and exclusion the ongoing transformations in the MENA bates of the issues at hand. in the Arab world. She is also interested in a specific scientific community or field region on working relations between in the institutionalization of knowledge of research is dependent on the use of a scholars and academic institutions located Outline of this Issue production and research ethics, certain highly specialized jargon or spe- there and those in the Global North, in- This issue addresses both the historical especially with an eye on new media. cific expressions that symbolize adher- cluding the effects thereof on the produc- evolution of area studies and related dis- email: [email protected] ence to a relevant school of thought. Such tion of relevant knowledge on the MENA ciplines (in this case: Islamic studies, Ori- inequalities and differences cannot be region in both parts of the world. ental philology, Middle East studies, etc.) easily bridged, and collaborative research One factor that is strongly impacting the as well as contemporary developments on with partners in the region therefore re- work of scholars from both backgrounds a conceptual as well as an empirical level. mains a challenge in practice. is the decreasing accessibility of more and Some contributions critically engage with Obviously, the ongoing massive transfor- more countries in the MENA region due to historical lineages, concepts and methods mations within the MENA region known as civil wars, state failure and/or the return of used in area studies programs (and relat- the ‘Arab Spring’ have a material as well as anciens régimes under a new guise and ed disciplines) and discuss the changing a non-material impact on the institutions heightened levels of repression. We have relations between area studies and sys- of knowledge production in Europe and yet to find satisfactory solutions to this tematic disciplines over the years. Northern America (e.g. a higher interest of problem in order to ensure the diffusion Several articles deal with contemporary third party funding vs. withdrawal of third of knowledge, particularly on countries conceptualizations of area studies devel- party donors, special issues of journals such as Syria, Iraq, Libya, Yemen and the oped in the German context in recent and lecture series, new MA programs, Gaza Strip. Different academic cultures years. While Anna-Katharina Hornidge etc.). But, first and foremost, these upheav- and a lack of connectedness to the inter- and Katja Mielke (Thesis 1) are proposing als have substantial effects on the universi- national scene on the part of universities an approach they label ‘crossroads stud- ties and research centers within Arab and in the MENA region are a further factor ies’ by emphasizing mobility and the move other neighboring countries where similar that negatively impacts the exchange of from regions as spatial containers to fluid developments are taking shape. In this is- knowledge and transregional academic and socially constructed spaces, André
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Bank (Thesis 2) underlines the necessity of academia and refers to structural and turing of universities in the MENA region. Achim Rohde comparisons in the sense of comparative methodological challenges. The positionality of the American Univer- area studies. The article of Karim Malak and Sara Salem sity of Beirut as an elitist “Western” univer- is the scientific coordinator of the The Meta article of this issue, written by takes the Arab uprisings as a starting point. sity within the Arab region is also scruti- research network “Re-Configurations: Claudia Derichs, focuses on epistemolog- The authors argue that the shaping of the nized. History, Remembrance and ical questions in area studies. She stresses events by academia, think-tanks, donor in- The last five contributions are not related Transformation Processes in the Middle the fact that area studies are not fixed in stitutions, etc., serve the reorientalization to the topic of area studies but widen the East and North Africa” at Philipps- geographical terms but are politically con- of the Middle East and are informed by geographical horizon of this issue. With University Marburg. He holds a PhD structed entities. Here, the move from (neo) liberal concepts. this issue META introduces its review sec- in Islamic Studies from Free University space to scale is claimed. As the Arab uprisings and other events tion with the primary and overarching ob- Berlin. His research interests include the Anika Oettler leads the discussion of com- have also had a decisive impact on univer- jective to make research on and from the modern and contemporary history of parative area studies within the context of sities and research centers within the Arab MENA region widely visible. In this issue the MENA region, in particular Iraq and transitional justice research and advances world, the next three contributions deal one review by Fadma Ait Mous of a Israel/Palestine, as well as the history of the argument for the reconsideration of with perspectives and developments in French-language book by the reputable Oriental Studies in Germany. intersecting relations. the Arab research landscape on very dif- Moroccan author and anthropologist, email: [email protected] Following these contributions on different ferent levels. Heba M. Sharobeem, as a re- Hassan Rachik, on one century of anthro- approaches to conceptionalize area stud- searcher and lecturer in an Egyptian uni- pology in Morocco is published. The sec- ies, the next articles deal with the institu- versity, reports and reflects on her person- ond review is written by Erdem Evren and tionalization and transformation of certain al experiences in her taught courses and discusses an edited volume on the Gezi- research areas throughout different his- activities during the revolution and there- park protests and the protest movement torical periods. after. Jonathan Kriener leads us to the in Turkey. Larissa Schmid writes about the School of Lebanese higher education landscape In the section Close Up, the author Jens Oriental Languages in Berlin and explores and shed lights on two different important Heibach provides a political biography of two opposite approaches to deal with Ori- institutions of knowledge production in Muhammad ʿAbd al-Malik al-Mutawakkil, ental languages between the two world Beirut. In doing so, he addresses ques- a pioneer of the human rights movements wars. Denis V. Volkov follows the traces of tions of interconnectedness and deficien- in South Arabia, an outstanding personal- Iranian studies in Late Imperial Russia, So- cies within the social sciences in the Arab ity and important intellectual in Yemen. viet and post-Soviet periods and relates world. The articles in the section Off-Topic dis- this with Foucault’s power and knowledge In the Interview section, Sari Hanafi, a cuss social movements in the broadest relation. Steffen Wippel focuses on the re- prominent social scientist from the Ameri- sense: Wietse van den Berge’s focus is on search of economic issues of the Arab can University of Beirut, answers questions Kurdish activism in Syria and Dimitris world and the Middle East within German related to the impact of the Arab uprisings Soudias analyzes the spatial component on Arab higher education and the restruc- of Egypt’s 2011 uprisings.
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Notes 4 Thus, despite the symbolic Works Cited Kershaw, Ian. “Hitler importance often attributed and the Uniqueness 1 A signpost for this by Western donors to Allen, John. Lost Geographies of Nazism.”Journal of development was a report issues of gender equality in of Power. Oxford: Blackwell Contemporary History 39.2 by the Wissenschaftsrat countries of the South, such Publishers, 2003. Print. (2004): 239-54. Web. 19 May (Council of Science and considerations seem to have 2015. Humanities, an advisory little impact in practice, as Appadurai, Arjun. “How body to the German was experienced by several Histories Make Boundaries: King, Stephen J. “Sustaining Federal Government and Iraqi scholars invited to Circulation and Context Authoritarianism in the the regional governments), Marburg for a conference in a Global Perspective.” Middle East and North “Empfehlungen zu den on ‘Gender in Iraqi Studies’ Transcultural Studies 1 (2010): Africa.” Political Science Regionalstudien (area in May 2015, who never 4-13. Web. 19 May 2015.
ISSN: 2196-629X urn:nbn:de:hebis: 04-ep0003-2015-108-35733
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ANTI/THESIS
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Charlie Hebdo, Ebola, and Crossroads Asia How to T hesis 1 The year 2015 was still young when the Conceptualize Crossroads deadly attack on the French satirical magazine ‘Charlie Hebdo’ continued a Area Studies? Studies: From series of events that—since the early summer of 2014—hold the world in mo- Spatial Containers tion. Events such as the renegotiation of the political border between Russia and to Studying the the Ukraine or the activities of the ‘Islam- ic State’ in Iraq and Syria point us to the Mobile relevance of Crossroads Asia’s research Anna-Katharina Hornidge foci on the mobile dimension of peo- Katja Mielke 13–19 Anna-Katharina Hornidge ple’s everyday practices and how these André Bank 20–27 Katja Mielke practices scrutinise existing categories of spatial and social organisation. The The research network Crossroads Asia, tre. After three years of largely empirical, mobility of people, goods, ideas, and vi- funded by the BMBF, started off in March ethnographic research, the network has in- ruses inherently questions political bor- 2011 with the aim to question the validity of dulged in a process of bringing the differ- ders and socio-cultural, ethnicity- and the conventional ‘world regions’ of Central ent empirical insights on the role of mobili- religion-based boundaries. The recent and South Asia as defining bases for area ties and immobilities in the spatialities of appearance of Da’esh’, or ‘Islamic State’, studies as conceptualized, organized, and everyday life together by discussing the graffiti all over Pakistan is just the most taught at German universities. The increas- conceptual, methodological, and episte- recent indicator of how symbols travel; ing mobility of people, goods and ideas mological research outcomes and lessons the events in Paris illustrate how power- along Asia’s crossroads—so the network’s they offer for conventional area studies ap- ful symbols are in guiding human action. underlying assumption—can no longer jus- proaches. This text offers a brief summary Looking at Africa, the recent outbreak of tify a division of the world in territorially and overview, hoping to invite other inter- the Ebola virus in its western part illus- fixed ‘areas’, defined by certain character ested scholars into the debate. trates how a virus spreading along the traits to be found on the ‘inside’, but instead main transport routes and nodes leads demands concepts of ‘area’ that take these Keywords: Rethinking Area Studies; to the compartmentalisation of cities dynamisms into account. For doing so, the Crossroads Studies; Follow the Figura- into affected and non-affected parts, a network chose a novel approach with Nor- tion; Multi-sited Ethnograph; Mid-range tightening of border controls, but also to bert Elias’ figurations at its conceptual cen- Concepts; Decolonising the Academy the drawing of new cognitive boundar-
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ies, equating the region of Western Af- The competence network Crossroads underlining not only the constructed char- rica with ‘the Ebola region’. Asia, funded by the Area Studies Initiative acter of social and physical spaces and In line with our research within the compe- of the German Ministry of Education and ‘areas’ as manifestations of power rela- tence network of Crossroads Asia, these Research, started off in March 2011 with tions, but in addition the interdependence events indicate that different types of mo- the aim to scrutinise the conventional spa- of multiple spatialities, such as places, bility, just as much as immobility, and thus tial concepts—the ‘world regions’ of Cen- scales, networks, distances, and mobilities different types of borders and boundaries tral and South Asia—underlying today’s (Leitner et al.; Jessop et al.). Following the are negotiated, take on shape, come into conceptualisations and teaching of area more general idea of a social construction being, or are deconstructed again in and studies at German universities. The newly of reality (Berger and Luckmann), the net- as a consequence of human interaction, obvious and increasing mobility of peo- work attributes importance to how social which is also always communicative inter- ple, goods, and ideas along Asia’s cross- and spatial, ‘subjective’ (emic) and ‘objec- action. The everyday practices of liveli- roads—so the network’s underlying as- tive’ realities are constructed through hood provision in the border regions be- sumption—does not justify a division of the communicative action and interaction in tween Pakistan and India, Iran and world into territorially fixed ‘areas’ as ‘con- correspondence with each other (Knob- Afghanistan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, and tainers’, defined by certain character traits lauch, Kommunikationskultur, “Diskurs”, western China, as well as at the verge of to be found on the ‘inside’, but instead de- “Konstruktivismus”; Keller, Diskursanalyse, socio-cultural boundaries and modes of mands conceptualizations of ‘area’ that “Approach to Discourse”). Building on lo- social differentiation and ordering in Uz- take these dynamisms into account (Miel- cal perceptions of reality and their mani- bekistan and Tajikistan, suggest that some ke and Hornidge). For doing so, and with festation in the construction of different of the geographically fixed categories that the broader aim of rethinking convention- types of spaces, the network’s focus at the our world operates in are increasingly al area studies approaches, the network content level shifts to a more in-depth characterised by degrees of dynamism brings together area studies expertise analysis of the dynamic processes of geo- that transcend territorial fixity. This holds from Central, South Asian, and Iranian graphic and social mobility and immobil- true for the conventional world regions Studies with the social sciences and hu- ity and the interactive negotiation of po- identified after the Second World War, manities, namely geography, political sci- litical, socio-cultural, and ethnic such as Central and South Asia within the ence, sociology, linguistics, social anthro- boundaries and borders in processes of Crossroads context. Yet, the above-men- pology, and history. boundary drawing and weakening. Be- tioned events additionally infringe upon sides this conceptual pillar on the ‘figura- the sovereignty of nation states and their Crossroads Studies: Research Lens, Tool- tive construction of space’, we develop a possibilities to act as territorially fixed enti- box, and Approach methodological approach called ‘follow ties. Ebola—as well as regional Jihadism— Drawing on Norbert Elias’ concept of figu- the figuration’ and—as a third (ethical) pil- does not stop at political (national or re- rations (What is Sociology?), the network lar—reflect on the potential impact of us as gional) borders. took on a relational perspective on space researchers: our own socio-spatial and
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disciplinary positionality in the process of ior, social organisation, and social change” ing governance. The concept of ‘linguistic knowledge generation and the effect it (Merton 39). Crossroads Asia’s research so conflictuality’ (Rzehak) assesses this hu- yields on our results. The three pillars are far has resulted in abstractions that could man aim to structure and order the social each contributing to the development of become stepping stones for ‘mid-range reality that we live in—and by doing so ‘Crossroads Studies’ as an interdisciplinary concept-development’, based on Asian constructing it—by assessing conflict as a research paradigm in the making. empirics collected in difficult environ- universal aspect of social action and inter- ments. These include concepts such as action in the functional semantics that we Conceptual: Figurative Construction of the ‘Kashmir space’ (Mato Bouzas employ. These studies on the languages Space “Space”), ‘social order’ (Mielke et al. “Di- of Dari and Pashto thus offer a contribu- The debate on area studies versus ‘sys- mensions”; Mielke “Constructing the Im- tion to the field of linguistics of communi- tematic’ disciplines has repeatedly re- age”) ‘linguistic conflictuality’ (Rzehak), as cation and functional grammar. Practices volved around two criticisms of the re- well as ‘forms of functional-strategically of functional differentiation—and the spective ‘other’, regarding (1) area studies motivated social differentiation’ (Horn- boundary-drawing and weakening prac- as theory-distant and without ‘proper’ idge et al. “Boundary Management”; tices that constitute these—also stand at methodological tools; and (2) ‘systematic’ Hornidge et al. ”Uzbekistan”). the centre of ‘forms of functional-strategi- disciplines as Euro- and Western-centric, The concept of the ‘Kashmir space’ (Mato cally motivated social differentiation’ thus in fact being nothing other than area Bouzas “Space”) assesses how the pro- (Hornidge et al. “Boundary Manage- studies of the global North and West, the duction of Kashmir as a specific spatiality ment”; Hornidge et al. “Uzbekistan”). The world regions that acted as their empirical draws heavily on boundary-strengthening concept aims at developing ongoing de- bases (Mielke and Hornidge “Cross- processes linked to feelings of ‘belong- bates of formal/informal forms of social roads”). These criticisms have in the past ing’ that also explain the cultural and so- differentiation further by differentiating 4-5 years evoked increasingly concerted cial heterogeneity of Kashmir. Here also formal (along formal rules), strategic efforts in the area studies themselves to the dichotomy of being at a certain place (along formal and informal rules), as well self-confidently analyse their empirical and at the same time feeling to ‘belong’ as discursive practices (discursively com- data and conceptualise, developing non- to another is unveiled. The ‘social order’ pensating the deviations from the formal Western, non-Northern ‘mid-range con- concept (Mielke et al. “Dimensions”; Miel- rules through strategic practices). cepts’ (Houben). Robert Merton here ke “Constructing the Image”) enables us All of these early-stage ‘mid-range con- speaks of ‘middle-range theories’, ab- to analyse local politics as processual and cept’ developments study processes and stractions that “lie between the minor but relational negotiation of interests based practices of boundary-strengthening and necessary working hypotheses […] and on emic rationalities and a qualification of -weakening and their role in determining the all-inclusive systematic efforts to de- the category of ‘the state’ as the dominant or simply shaping mobilities as well as velop a unified theory that will explain all factor in people’s everyday lives and as immobilities of people, goods, ideas, the observed uniformities of social behav- the epistemological base for understand- and symbols. They suggest that a social
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and temporal-spatial concept of reality is plinary Innovation”; Ul-Hassan et al. ronments’, characterised by mistrust, high Anna-Katharina Hornidge constructed in and through communica- “Guidelines”), ‘Follow the Figuration’ as a levels of self-censorship, and lack of phys- tive action and interaction, one which not dynamic, qualitative methodology for ical safety, in Pakistan, Afghanistan, and is Professor of Development and only relates to local cultural knowledge studying the mobile and the interdepen- Iran led us to start reflecting on the meth- Knowledge Sociology at the Leibniz- reservoirs and practices, but also takes dencies that enable and restrict mobilities od’s limitations in conflictual environments Institute of Tropical Marine Ecology on relevance in transnational relation- is being developed. The approach entails (Crossroads Asia Working Group Conflict) (ZMT) [www.zmt-bremen.de] and the ships. Encapsulated in language, such following travelling people, goods, and as well as on the limitations of ourselves as University of Bremen. She holds a spatial representations transcend physi- ideas and basically letting the mobility of researchers trapped in not only our own habilitation in development research cal borders and the margins of tradition- the studied determine the researcher’s worldviews (disciplinary, western, etc.), from Bonn University and a PhD in al communities of speech, such as when next moves. Points of departure of these but also epistemologies. sociology from the Technical University the BBC service in Pashto coins neolo- subjects, objects, and ideas so far have of Berlin. As the former scientific gisms that find currency in both Afghani- been located in the geographic region Epistemological: Reflexivity and Position- coordinator and current executive stan and Pakistan; the figurative ties here between eastern Iran and western China ality board member of Crossroads Asia, stretch beyond Asia to London and all as well as the Aral Sea and northern India, Rethinking area studies as they are prac- she is particularly interested in the the way back (Sökefeld and Bolognani yet following the mobile took Crossroads ticed in German teaching and research as interaction-based communicative and “Kashmiris in Britain”). Asia’s researchers far beyond these geog- of today requires a reflection on global discursive constructions of everyday raphies. A study into the silent mobilities and national knowledge structures, facili- realities in non-Western/non-Northern Methodological: Follow the Figuration of women in northern Afghanistan, for ex- tating and to a large degree determining contexts. Additional research interests In order to capture the dynamic of the mo- ample, assessed marriage networks cross- what type of and whose knowledge is include the linkage between natural bile, Crossroads Asia’s research empiri- ing different ethnic and social groups. heard, on academic disciplinary to inter- resources governance and sense-making cally builds on two methodological ad- From the point of departure, namely Ma- disciplinary (maybe even postdisci- in the Anthropocene, cultural and vancements: conducting research in zar-e Sharif, the research extended to Ta- plinary) knowledge production, as well as knowledge politics, as well as innovation multiple locations belonging to one figu- jikistan, Uzbekistan, and Turkey—all sites on our own researcher’s position in reaf- development processes. Her regional ration or one journey studied—in the sense part of the studied marriage figurations. firming or changing existing epistemolo- expertise comprises Southeast and of a ‘multi-sited ethnography’ (Marcus)— An interesting—and for the research, fruit- gies (keyword: positionality; Mielke and Central Asia. and joining the people, goods, and ideas ful—implication of the multi-sited ethnog- Hornidge, “Crossroads”). How do the the- Email: anna-katharina.hornidge@ with (im-)mobilities under study and there- raphy was that many respondents were ories and methods, largely originating zmt-bremen.de by deriving the research space from the substantially more open to being inter- from Western/Northern empirical con- their space(s) of interaction. In line with viewed and observed when outside of texts, while claiming to be of universal Elias’ figurational approach, and inspired their home environments (Durdu). Besides value, influence how we approach our re- by a participatory and dynamic innovation the enabling aspects of ‘mobile method- search objects and subjects? How are we development approach named ‘Follow ologies’ for knowledge generation, sev- ourselves shaped by our disciplinary/area the Innovation’ (Hornidge et al. ”Transdici- eral research experiences in ‘difficult envi- studies backgrounds, by our own socio-
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cultural, ethnic origin, our sex, age, posi- Outlook Schendel), and, more broadly, ignorance Katja Mielke tion within the academic sector, etc.? Are The three separate research components of the ‘spatial turn’ in the social sciences we (i.e. a German sociologist/Southeast introduced above are contributing to the (Schroer; Ingold; Löw). By synthesizing is a researcher at the Bonn International Asianist, etc.) at all able to develop non- development of an interdisciplinary re- the empirical insights generated in the Center for Conversion (bicc) [www.bicc. western ‘mid-range concepts’? Are we search paradigm for knowledge genera- first four years of research, we expect to de]. She holds a PhD in development able to leave our epistemological trap— tion in different ‘areas’ of the world; we call expedite the content-focused debates on research from Bonn University. As e.g. through team research in interdisci- it ‘Crossroads Studies’. Based on Elias’ area studies and space/spatialities, discus- founding member of the research plinary and intercultural teams? Or are we concept of figurations, the tracing of hu- sions on methodology, and the elabora- network Crossroads Asia, she engages indeed trapped, and only the Tajik social man interdependencies in interactions tion of theory in the respective specialist in the debate on rethinking area studies scientist and the Kyrgyz anthropologist across socio-cultural and physical spaces disciplines, and deliver on the frequently- and epistemic ordering. Her further amongst us can call their work non-west- enables the identification and analysis of heard demand that research on the global research interests lie in the field of ern ‘mid-range concepts’? And finally, real and virtual spheres of activity that are South should be more prominent within political sociology at the intersection what are the research ethical consider- opened up and dynamised by social, eco- specialist disciplines (i.e. Lackner and Wer- of conflict and development research ations of this for our research? How do we nomic, political, cultural, and religious in- ner, Braig and Hentschke; Hentschke). The and include questions of norm transfer, overcome the ‘us’ and ‘them’ divide in the teractions. In the coming years, further sys- bundling of conceptual, methodological, social mobilization and conflict, research process? tematic exploration will be required to and epistemological considerations un- inequality and social (im-)mobility, The communicative negotiation and rela- uncover the limitations of the concept of der the notion of ‘Crossroads Studies’ as local governance (politics, power, tional construction of spaces also has a figurations and how they can be compen- programme for research and teaching is legitimacy, and representation) in rural non-negligible impact on how acting sub- sated for or supplemented with comple- not intended to lead away from ‘areas’, but and urban contexts, social order, and jects self-identify and what positionality mentary methodological approaches. In rather to focus on the dynamic and (im-) non-institutionalised forms of power and they claim for themselves (Alff) or attribute advancing this approach, our concern mobile element that determines the social of movements. Her regional expertise to others (Boboyorov). And just as people continues to lie on finding productive an- and communicative construction of spatial covers Russia, Central Asia, Afghanistan, in their everyday actions position them- swers to frequently heard criticisms of realities and to underline how the (re-)ne- and Pakistan. selves in translocal figurations involving, what are perceived as deficits of area stud- gotiation processes of physical, social, and Email: [email protected] for example, educational mobility, re- ies: thinking in pre-defined territorial re- thus also epistemological spaces have to searchers in their fields are also partici- search spaces and ‘containers’, the episte- stand at the centre of area studies research pants in a distinct figuration and must ne- mological peripheralisation of particular and teaching in the twenty-first century. gotiate their own positionality. geographic locations within ‘areas’ (van
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Works Cited Crossroads Asia Working Hentschke, Felicitas. Wege Houben, Vincent. “The New ---. Wissenssoziologische Group Conflict. “Conflict des Wissens. Transregionale Area Studies and Southeast Diskursanalyse. Grundlegung Alff, Henryk. “Post-Soviet Research on Crossroads Asia: Studien. Proc. of Area Studies Asian History.” Working Paper eines Forschungsprogramms. Positionalities—Relations, A Conceptual Approach Revisited. Transregional no. 4. Competence Network Wiesbaden: VS Verlag, 2011a. Flows and the Transformation [with Postscript to the Studies in Germany Conf., 13- DORISEA, 2013. 2-10. Web. 10 Print. of Bishkek’s Dordoy Bazaar.” Working Paper of the Conflict 14 Feb. 2009. Berlin, H-Soz- Apr. 2015. Tracing Connections— Research Group]. Crossroads Kult, 2009. Web. 10 Apr. 2015. ---. “The Sociology of Explorations of Spaces and Asia Concept Paper Series Ingold, Tim. “Against Knowledge Approach to Places in Asian Contexts. no. 01. Bonn: Competence Hornidge, Anna-Katharina, Space: Place, Movement, Discourse (SKAD).” Human Ed. Henryk Alff and A. Benz. Network Crossroads Asia, Kristof van Assche, and Knowledge.” Boundless Studies 34.1 (2011b) 43-65. Berlin: WVB, 2014. 71-90. 2014. Web. 10 Apr. 2015. Anastasiya Shtaltovna. Worlds. An Anthropological Web. 10 Apr. 2015. Print. “Uzbekistan—A Region of Approach to Movement. Durdu, Ayfer. “Gendered World Society (?): Variants of Ed. Wynn Kirby. New York, Knoblauch, Hubert. Berger, Peter L., and Realms. Species of Spaces Differentiation in Agricultural Oxford: Berghahn Books, “Grundbegriffe und Thomas Luckmann. Die in the City of Mazāre Šarīf, Resources Governance.” 2009. 29-44.Print. Aufgaben des gesellschaftliche Konstruktion Northern Afghanistan.” Crossroads Asia Working kommunikativen der Wirklichkeit. Eine Theorie Crossroads Asia Working Paper Series no. 26. Bonn: Jessop, Bob, Neil Brenner, Konstruktivismus.” der Wissenssoziologie. Paper Series no. 19. Bonn: Competence Network and Martin Jones. “Theorizing Kommunikativer Frankfurt a/M.: Fischer Competence Network Crossroads Asia, 2015. Web. 4 Sociospatial Relations.” Konstruktivismus— Verlag, 1966/1984. Print. Crossroads Asia, 2014. Web. May 2015. Environment and Planning D: Theoretische und empirische 10 Apr. 2015. Society and Space 26 (2008): Konturen eines neuen Boboyorov, Hafiz. “The Hornidge, Anna-Katharina, 389-401. Web. 10 Apr. 2015. wissenssoziologischen Ontological Sources of Elias, Norbert. The Civilizing Lisa Oberkircher, and Ansatzes. Ed. Reiner Keller, Political Stability and Process. Oxford: Blackwell, Anisiya Kudryavtseva. Keller, Reiner. Hubert Knoblauch and Jo Economy: Mahalla Mediation 1982. Print. “Boundary Management “Kommunikative Konstruktion Reichertz. Wiesbaden: VS in the Rural Communities and the Discursive Sphere— und diskursive Konstruktion.” Verlag, 2013. 25-48. Print. of Southern Tajikistan.” ---. Was ist Soziologie? Negotiating ‘Realities’ in Kommunikativer Crossroads Asia Working München: Juventa,1970. Print. Khorezm, Uzbekistan.” Konstruktivismus— ---. “Diskurs, Kommunikation Paper Series no. 13 (2013). Geoforum 45 (2013). 266-74. Theoretische und empirische und Wissenssoziologie.” Web. 10 Apr. 2015. ---. Über den Prozeß der Web. 10 Apr. 2015. Konturen eines neuen Sozialwissenschaftliche Zivilisation. Soziogenetische wissenssoziologischen Diskursanalyse. Reiner Keller, Braig, Marianne, and Felicitas und psychogenetische Hornidge, Anna-Katharina, Ansatzes. Ed. Reiner Keller, Andreas Hirseland, Werner Hentschke. Proc. of the Untersuchungen. Basel: Mehmood Ul-Hassan, Hubert Knoblauch and Jo Schneider and Willy Viehöver. Conf. Die Zukunft der Area Verlag Haus zum Falken, and Peter P. Mollinga. Reichertz. Wiesbaden: VS Wiesbaden: VS Verlag, 2001. Studies in Deutschland. Max- 1939. Print. Transdisciplinary Innovation Verlag, 2013. 25-48. Print. 207-24. Print. Liebermann-Haus, Berlin 14- Research in Uzbekistan—1 16 July 2005. Berlin, H-Soz-u- year of ‘Following the ––› Kult 2005. Web. 4 May 2015. Innovation.’” Development in Practice 21.6 (2011): 825-38. Web. 10 Apr. 2015.
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––› ---. Kommunikationskultur. Die Mato Bouzas, Antia. Mielke, Katja, and Anna- Sökefeld, Martin, and Marta kommunikative Konstruktion “Space(s) and Place(s) in Katharina Hornidge. Bolognani. “Kashmiris in kultureller Kontexte. Berlin, the Baltistan and Ladakh “Crossroads Studies. From Britain: A Political Project or a New York: De Gruyter, 1995. Disputed Borders.” Tracing Spatial Containers to Social Reality?” Pakistan and Print. Connections—Explorations of Interactions in Differentiated its Diaspora: Multidisciplinary Spaces and Places in Asian Spatialities.” Crossroads Asia Approaches. Ed. Marta Lackner, Michael, and Contexts. Ed. H. Alff and A. Working Paper Series no. 15. Bolognani and Stephen M. Michael Werner. Der Benz. Berlin: WVB, 2014. 91- Bonn: Competence Network Lyon. New York: Palgrave cultural turn in den 108. Print. Crossroads Asia, 2014. Web. Macmillan, 2011. 111-31. Print. Humanwissenschaften. Area 10 Apr. 2015. Studies im Auf-oder Abwind Merton, Robert K. “On Ul-Hassan, Mehmood, et des Kulturalismus? Bad Sociological Theories of Rzehak, Lutz. “How to Name al. “Follow the Innovation: Homburg: Werner Reimers the Middle Range.” Social Universities? Or: Is there Participatory Testing and Stiftung, 1999. Web. 4 May Theory and Social Structure. Any Linguistic Problem in Adaptation of Agricultural 2015. Suchprozesse für Ed. Robert K. Merton. New Afghanistan?” ORIENT. Innovations in Uzbekistan— innovative Fragestellungen in York: Simon & Schuster, 1949. Deutsche Zeitschrift für Guidelines for Researchers der Wissenschaft 2. 39-53. Print. Politik, Wirtschaft und Kultur and Practitioners.” Bonn: des Orients. 53.2 (2002): 84- Center for Development Leitner, Helga, Eric Sheppard, Mielke, Katja. “Constructing 90. Web. 10 Apr. 2015. Research, in Collaboration and Kristin M. Sziarto. “The the Image of a State: Local with ETC Agriculture, the Spatialities of Contentious Realities and International Schroer, Markus. Räume, Netherlands, 2011. Print. Politics.” Transactions of Intervention in North-East Orte, Grenzen. Auf dem the Institute of British Afghanistan.” Local Politics Weg zu einer Soziologie Van Schendel, Willem. Geographers 33.2 (2008). in Afghanistan. A Century des Raums. Frankfurt a/M.: “Geographies of Knowing, 157-72. Web. 10 Apr. 2015. of Intervention in the Social Suhrkamp, 2006. Print. Geographies of Ignorance. Order. Ed. Condrad Schetter. Jumping Scale in Southeast Löw, Martina. London, New York: Hurst and Sökefeld, Martin. Asia.” Environment and Raumsoziologie. Frankfurt Columbia University Press, “Stereotypes and Boundaries: Planning D: Society and a/M.: Suhrkamp, 2001. Print. 2013. 245-63. Print. Pathan in Gilgit, Northern Space 20 (2002): 647-68. Pakistan.” Urban Pakistan: Web. 10 Apr. 2015. Marcus, George E. Mielke, Katja, Conrad Frames for Imagining and “Ethnography in/of the Schetter, and Andreas Reading Urbanism. Ed. World: The Emergence of Wilde. “Dimensions of Khaled W. Bajwa. Oxford: the Multi-Sited Ethnography.” Social Order: Empirical Fact, University Press, 2013. 241-61. Annual Review of Analytical Framework and Print. Anthropology 24 (1995): 95- Boundary Concept.” ZEF 117. Web. 10 Apr. 2015. Working Paper Series no. 78 (2011). Bonn: Zentrum für Entwicklungsforschung, 2011. ISSN: 2196-629X Web. 10 Apr. 2015. urn: urn:nbn:de:hebis: 04-ep0003-2015-108-35778
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The Impact of the Arab Uprisings The Arab uprisings of 2011 have not only How to T hesis 2 brought about the fall of the heads of state Conceptualize Comparative in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Yemen, all-out wars in Syria, Libya and, subsequently, in Area Studies? Area Studies Yemen, but also the survival of all eight monarchies in the region.1 In the academ- and Middle East ic field of Middle East studies and in par- ticular in Middle East political science, the Politics after the dramatic political processes during and since 2011 have contributed to a basic Arab Uprisings questioning of the mainstream theoretical assumptions and methodological ap- proaches that guided research in the 1990s and the 2000s. While some pundits have renewed their earlier attacks against Anna-Katharina Hornidge Middle East political science—first for not Katja Mielke 13–19 predicting the Islamist terrorist attacks of André Bank 20–27 André Bank 11 September 2001 (9/11) and now for not grasping the Arab uprisings—most observ- The Arab uprisings have brought about a Arab uprisings, there is also an emerging, ers have actually been more cautious in new wave of Middle East political science very promising strand of cross-regional arguing, for example, that the prominent research that seeks to comparatively ac- comparisons that draws on insights from, perspective on authoritarian regime dura- count for the different political trajecto- for example, the post-Soviet space or bility had failed to adequately address di- ries in the region. In order to situate these from European history. The paper con- verse, bottom-up social mobilization as diverse post-2011 scholarly studies, this cludes by evaluating the promises, risks well as the complexity of intra-regime pol- paper introduces Comparative Area Stud- and prospects of following a CAS per- itics (Hinnebusch; Lynch). ies (CAS) as an analytical perspective spective in the study of Middle East poli- In a recently published article entitled “Re- which combines the context sensitivity of tics. flections on Self-reflections,” Morten Valb- area studies with the explicit and system- jørn combines these individual perspec- atic use of comparisons. It finds that while Keywords: Comparative Area Studies; tives into an impressive meta-study of the intra-regional comparisons are the main- Arab Uprisings; Middle East Politics; different ways in which scholars of Middle stay of political science studies of the Cross-regional Comparisons East politics have debated the analytical
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implications of the Arab uprisings over the get-beyond-the-democratization/authori- highlight some of the extant research course of the last three to four years. He tarianism-paradogma framing” is more along three ideal-typical forms of compar- identifies three different kinds of framings radical than the two other variants. It takes ison: intra-regional, cross-regional and (5-14): First, the so-called “who-has-been- the Arab uprisings to be a fitting political inter-regional. In particular, CAS’ cross-re- vindicated-and-made-obsolete framing” and historical juncture to fundamentally gional and inter-regional foci deliberately describes the tendency to pick winners reconsider the dominant analytical focus connect to insights from beyond the Mid- and losers in the scholarly debate. Espe- of mainstream Middle East political sci- dle East. The paper concludes by evaluat- cially in the initial period of surprise and ence on macro-structural questions of de- ing the prospects of CAS vis-à-vis Middle partly even euphoria in early-to-mid 2011, mocratization and authoritarianism. Prom- East politics after the Arab uprisings and the dominant research strand of authori- inent scholars such as Lisa Anderson who beyond. tarianism was deemed to have decisively argue within this framing have for a long lost in explanatory power. Early on, author- time advocated for broadening the under- Comparative Area Studies and the Three itarianism research indeed had difficulties standing of Middle East politics and more Forms of Comparison in accounting for the ousting of Presidents systematically tackling In recent years, the analytical perspec- Ben Ali in Tunisia, Mubarak in Egypt, Saleh [q]uestions relating to nation-building tive of Comparative Area Studies has in Yemen as well as Colonel Gaddafi in and identity formation, insurrection, gained in prominence in the discipline Libya. With the authoritarian durability in sectarian and tribal politics, the resil- of political science, both in its subfield of the eight Arab monarchies, in Algeria and ience of monarchies, the dynamics of comparative politics (Basedau and Köll- in particular with the military coup in Egypt rentier-states, the role of the military in ner; Berg-Schlosser) as well as in discus- in July 2013, however, these voices have politics, the politics of informal econo- sions about (mostly qualitative) research subsided again. Second, the so-called mies, and transnational networks. (11; methods (Ahram, “The Theory”). Like tra- “how-do-we-synthesize-and-upgrade italics in the original) ditional area studies, including Middle framing” revises existing analytical frame- While cognizant of this interesting (meta-) East studies, CAS is based on the strong works and combines insights from differ- debate within Middle East political sci- context knowledge and detailed exper- ent research perspectives in order to ar- ence, this paper takes a somewhat differ- tise of the histories, cultures, languages rive at better understandings of the ent route: It introduces Comparative Area and spatiality of the respective “area” post-Arab uprisings’ political trajectories Studies (CAS) as a broad analytical per- (Mehler and Hoffmann). Beyond tradi- in the Middle East. Revisiting older schol- spective from beyond Middle East studies tional area studies, the CAS perspective arly debates, such as those on civil societ- with the aim of locating important new re- explicitly and systematically employs dif- ies, social movements or the relationship search themes and preliminary findings ferent forms of comparative methods— of religion and politics (8-9) helps to avoid on Middle East politics after the Arab up- hence the capital “C.” I follow the defini- repeating earlier mistakes and simplifica- risings. CAS’ explicit and systematic use of tion of CAS that was developed at my tions. Third, the so-called “how-do-we- comparative methods is explored here to academic home institution, the GIGA
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German Institute of Global and Area the comparison of analytical units across rent political science research is not all- Studies in Hamburg: different regions” (Basedau and Köllner). encompassing or representative. Rather, it Comparative Area Studies (CAS) (…) Cross-regional comparisons are often an- is admittedly skewed towards my own re- combines the context sensitivity and alytically more challenging because they search focus on the sub-field of compara- knowledge of area studies with the simultaneously demand concrete field or tive politics, with a view on state-society explicit use of comparative methods context knowledge in different areas and and regime-opposition relations in the as the appropriate means to generate strong methodological rigor, irrespective Middle East.4 both contributions to broader disci- of the chosen method(s). In political sci- Beyond the many single-case studies, by plinary and theoretical debates, and ence in general and in its subfield of com- far most of the current comparative politi- better insights into the cases. (“Idea”)2 parative politics in particular, cross-region- cal science research on the Arab uprisings Together, the interest of CAS encompass- al comparisons have usually focused on after 2011 consists of intra-regional com- es both generalization and specification, the country level, but they can also be car- parisons. This is not surprising, given that i.e. the generalization of findings beyond ried out on sectorial or sub-national levels the comparison of different units within the “classical,” intra-regional area studies or in terms of specific state institutions or the same area has traditionally been the perspective and the better specification of social groups. Third, inter-regional com- most common form of CAS-related com- single-case findings within it. It does so via parisons take whole areas or regions as parisons—and the one closest to the “clas- three ideal-typical forms of comparison: the units of analysis. They usually try to sical” area studies perspective. This has intra-regional, cross-regional, and inter- “identify regional patterns and to compare also been the case for studies belonging regional.3 First, in intra-regional compari- them to each other” (Basedau and Köll- to comparative politics of the Middle East. sons, “[a]spects or phenomena of different ner). Inter-regional comparisons serve What is new, however, is that the dynamics geographical entities within a given re- mainly to describe and analyze similarities of the Arab uprisings have brought to the gion are compared” (Basedau and Köll- and differences in the paths, sequences, fore research fields that were previously ner). This means that even though the very relevant actor constellations and out- peripheral or almost non-existent. Given notion might insinuate a comparison be- comes of important global political dy- the scale and diversity of social mobiliza- yond a certain single area, CAS can actu- namics (e.g. processes of democratization tion during the Arab uprisings within a ally be pursued within just one area. Intra- or patterns of regional cooperation). rather short period of time in 2011, one re- regional comparisons usually have the search trend that has grown massively has analytical advantage that a number of CAS and the Arab Uprisings been the study of social movements, in background conditions pertaining to ge- In this section, I employ the three CAS-re- particular youth movements, and of soci- ography, history, culture and sometimes lated forms of comparison to situate cur- etal activism writ large (Beinin and Vairel; also socio-economic profiles or political rent research on Middle East politics after Gertel and Ouaissa). Often drawing on structures are more frequently similar. Sec- the Arab uprisings. An important caveat is concepts and methods from social move- ond, cross-regional comparisons “involve warranted here: My selection of the cur- ment studies, many researchers have ana-
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lyzed the protest repertoires in different (Ben Ali in Tunisia, Mubarak in Egypt), vio- comparing for example the lessons drawn settings (Beinin and Vairel), thereby also lently putting down mass protests (e.g. by the Syrian regime from the failed coun- regularly blurring disciplinary boundaries Bahrain, Syria) or taking over power them- ter-insurgency in Libya (Heydemann and of political science, sociology, anthropol- selves (Egypt under al-Sisi), studies of the Leenders) or, more broadly, regime learn- ogy and Middle East studies. Relatedly, military, political-military or civil-military ing in the cases of Algeria, Bahrain, Jor- the relationship between secularists and relations have clearly experienced a mas- dan and Syria (Bank and Edel). Taken to- Islamists as well as the differentiation be- sive renaissance in Middle East political gether, intra-regional comparisons of the tween types of activists, e.g. labor organi- science (Albrecht; Lutterbeck; Makara). Arab uprisings have clearly diversified zations, political parties and the plethora Second and related, there is also a new over the course of the last three years or of previously often overlooked “non- trend to study regime repression as a de- so. We can observe a clear upsurge in the movements” (Asef Bayat), have become cisive tool to counter oppositional mobi- quantity and, arguably, also the quality of mainstays of research after 2011. In addi- lization in its own right (Bellin). The most studies addressing previously rather mar- tion, the role of new social media in mobi- recent intra-regional comparisons differ- ginalized topics—e.g. research on social lization, such as the Internet, Facebook or entiate between “constraining” and “inca- movement dynamics or monarchical rule Twitter, has massively gained in influence pacitating” forms of repression (Josua in the Middle East. In addition to this, (Lynch, The Arab Uprisings). Connected to and Edel) and disentangle state security some exciting new themes have emerged both activism research and studies on so- agencies such as the military, the secret that had not been part and parcel of Mid- cial media are new studies that draw on services, the police, gendarmerie, etc. dle East political science immediately pri- insights from political geography and that Third, another strand of regime-centered or to the Arab uprisings: One is the new focus on issues of the spatiality of protests research focuses on the striking survival focus on the role of the military and other as well as the role of implicit knowledge of all eight authoritarian monarchies dur- state repressive organs, while another is and changed identities (Schumann and ing the Arab uprisings (Derichs and Dem- the newly emerging interest in cross-bor- Soudias; Schwedler and Kingas; Gertel melhuber). Extant studies understand this der regime learning and adaptation. and Ouaissa). monarchical survival in configurational Cross-regional comparisons pale in num- Intra-regional comparisons have not only terms, i.e. as the differential interaction of ber with intra-regional comparisons of the increased with regard to societal dynam- factors including family rule, external sup- Arab uprisings, but they have also in- ics. There is also a new trend of more re- port, material distribution and procedural creased quite markedly since 2011. A cen- gime- or state institution-centered analy- or religious-nationalist legitimation (Bank, tral field in this regard are comparative ses after the Arab uprisings employing Richter, and Sunik; Yom and Gause). studies of diffusion processes in regional different types of intra-regional compari- Fourth, an emerging strand of intra-re- waves of contention (Patel, Bunce, and sons. First, given the massively increased gional comparative research has tackled Wolchik) or, seen from a different angle, of relevance of the Arab militaries since 2011 the political dynamics of learning and ad- “regime change cascades” (Hale). The in either ousting authoritarian presidents aptation of the authoritarian regimes, popular uprisings that quickly spread
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across many Arab countries in 2011 sug- dynamics (Weyland). Kurt Weyland, a sons, thereby underlining the often blurry gest that oppositional protest repertoires comparativist specializing on Latin Amer- boundaries between cross-regional and quickly diffused across national boundar- ica and 19th and 20th-century Europe, has inter-regional comparisons. However, “tru- ies. Not only were slogans such as “the contrasted the “wave-like” nature of the ly” inter-regional comparisons of the Arab people demand the downfall of the re- spread of anti-regime protests in the Mid- uprisings taking the whole area of the gime” (“ash-sha‘b yurīd isqāṭ an-niẓām”) dle East in 2011 with Europe during the so- Middle East or of the Arab states as the actively taken up by activists across the called 1848 revolution. Despite the obvi- units of analysis in political science studies region, but core protest practices such as ous structural differences between, for have continued to be almost non-existent. the mass sit-ins in central squares could example, the cases of Egypt in 2011 and One exception in this regard is a fascinat- also be observed from Cairo to Manama, Germany in 1848, he finds interesting sim- ing working paper by Ariel Ahram, which and from Dar‘a and Homs to Sana’a. In ilarities in the cognitive shortcuts that op- combines all three CAS-inspired compara- their article “Diffusion and Demonstra- positional activists and “ordinary people” tive perspectives to study cross-border tion,” David Patel, Valerie Bunce, and Sha- took to make sense of the surprising “fore- diffusion during the Arab uprisings (Com- ron Wolchik contrast these dynamics in runner”—France in 1848, Tunisia in 2011— parative Area Studies). To account for mac- specific Arab countries with similar ones and to start engaging on a mass scale in ro-structural background conditions prior in Eastern Europe post-1989 as well as high-risk anti-regime protests. to the beginning of the Arab uprisings, during the so-called “Color Revolutions” These examples of protest-related cross- Ahram includes an inter-regional compar- (Serbia, Georgia, Ukraine, Kyrgyzstan) regional comparisons between cases from ison of patterns of coup attempts and lon- from 2000-2005. For this study, a Middle the Arab uprisings and those from other gitudinal development of quantitative East political scientist (Patel) teamed up areas are indicative of a broader trend that “Polity2 democracy scores” between the with two renowned comparativists spe- emerged during and immediately after Arab countries and data on Africa, Asia, cializing on the post-Soviet space (Bunce the initial phase of mass mobilization in Europe and Latin America (9-10). and Wolchik) to combine their different the Middle East. “2011” became a symbol- In sum, while most of the new compara- “area experiences” in a fruitful kind of ic denotation that could be contrasted to tive politics studies of the Middle East af- cross-regional division of labor. In a similar earlier symbolic years standing for eman- ter the Arab uprisings can still be sub- vein, a number of prominent comparative cipatory mass protests and regime break- sumed under the intra-regional form of politics scholars working on other areas down but also regime re-stabilization in comparison, there is also an emerging have begun to view the Middle East in the other regions: 1848, 1968, 1989.5 Against and very promising strand of cross-re- context of the Arab uprisings as an inter- the backdrop of the CAS discussion in this gional comparisons that draws on insights esting object of study that is able to inform paper, the previous observation reinforces from, for example, the post-Soviet space broader disciplinary debates of regime the idea that findings from cross-regional or from European history. As with political transitions and the prospects for democ- comparisons can be generalized and thus science research on other regions such as ratization (Way) or on anti-regime protest transformed into inter-regional compari- Sub-Saharan Africa, Asia or Latin America,
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inter-regional comparisons have re- findings to make inroads into broader the- posed of different area experts who share André Bank mained very rare. oretical debates in political science and an interest in research questions, concepts other disciplines. This development con- and methods (Patel, Bunce, and Wolchik). is a Research Fellow at the GIGA Summary and Outlook stitutes one of the main scholarly promises While potentially yielding very interesting German Institute of Global and Area The Arab uprisings of 2011 represent the connected to the analytical perspective of results, pursuing more collaborative team Studies, Institute of Middle East Studies most massive social and political mobiliza- CAS, in particular when it comes to cross- or cluster research is not without risks, es- in Hamburg. He received a doctoral tion in the Middle East since the 1950s and regional comparisons. pecially for scholars at the beginning of degree in political science from 1960s. The different political trajectories of However, the increased interest of non- their academic careers: In spite of the in- Philipps University Marburg in 2010 these uprisings—from the liberalization in Middle East comparativists in the Arab up- creased and mostly also commendable and a MA in Political Science, Islamic Tunisia to the authoritarian-military roll- risings and the widened representation of establishment of inter-, multi- or trans-dis- Studies and Sociology from Eberhard- back in Egypt, and from the all-out wars in the Middle East area in broader political ciplinary research centers, such as the Karls University in Tübingen in 2004. Syria, Libya and Yemen to the continuation science debates is not without risks: CAS’ Center for Near and Middle Eastern Stud- At the GIGA, Dr. Bank is the speaker of the authoritarian status quo in Algeria cross-regional and inter-regional compar- ies (CNMS) at Philipps University in Mar- of the Leibniz Competition-funded and the Arab monarchies—have also isons entail the danger that studies sim- burg, individual academic careers “are still international research network on brought about a new wave of scholarly re- plify often very complex contextual condi- [commonly] made in the disciplines,” as “International Diffusion and Cooperation search that seeks to account for dynamics tions in order to make strong general, the old dictum says. This potential contra- of Authoritarian Regimes” (IDCAR). His of current Middle East politics post-2011. usually causal claims that are relevant be- diction will arguably not easily be solved, research foci are authoritarian politics, Importantly, the Arab uprisings have awak- yond the respective cases in one area. To at least in the short- to medium-term. violent conflict and regional order in the ened the interest of political science schol- address this challenge, scholars are To end on a somewhat positive note: De- Mashriq and beyond. ars with different, non-Middle East area strongly advised to put much effort into spite the “modest harvest” (Brownlee, Email: [email protected] backgrounds, allowing “external” exper- the process of selecting appropriate cases Masoud, and Reynolds) in terms of eman- tise to enrich debates about political dy- that are capable of answering the guiding cipatory, democratic politics and social namics in the Middle East. At the same research questions and into defining the justice in the years following the Arab up- time, the global emanation of the Arab scope conditions of their studies (Ahram, risings, politics in the Middle East contin- uprisings—rendering 2011 a symbolic year Comparative Area Studies 5-6).6 One way ues to be a fascinating area of study, and similar to 1848, 1968 or 1989—has allowed to find fitting cross-regional cases is to one that should be explored even more Middle East-related research themes and work together in research teams com- thoroughly and critically in the future.
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Notes 5 I will refrain here from a Works Cited Basedau, Matthias, and Brownlee, Jason, Tarek long discussion of the kinds Patrick Köllner. “Area Studies, Masoud, and Andrew 1 I will use the notion of Arab of comparisons that have Ahram, Ariel. “The Theory Comparative Area Studies, Reynolds. “Why the Modest uprisings here and refrain been drawn between 2011 and Method of Comparative and the Study of Politics: Harvest?” Journal of from engaging in a more and the other symbolic years. Area Studies.” Qualitative Context, Substance and Democracy 24.4 (2013): 29- detailed discussion about the If one were to engage in this Research 11.1 (2011): 69-90. Methodological Challenges.” 44. Web. 30 Apr. 2015. pros and cons of alternative debate further, I think that Web. 30 Apr. 2015. Zeitschrift für Vergleichende notions such as Arab Spring, one important differentiation Politikwissenschaft 1.1 (2007): Derichs, Claudia, and Thomas Arab revolt(s) or Arabellion. would need to be made ---. “Comparative Area 105-24. Web. 30 Apr. 2015. Demmelhuber. “Monarchies between the different Studies and the Analytical and Republics, State and 2 giga-hamburg.de/en/idea. meanings of, for example, Challenge of Diffusion: Beinin, Joel, and Frédéric Regime, Durability and 1968 or 1989: Does 1968 refer Examining the Arab Spring.” Vairel, eds. Social Fragility in View of the Arab 3 giga-hamburg.de. to the kind of emancipatory MS. N.p. 2014. Movements, Mobilization, Spring.” Journal of Arabian social movements in different and Contestation in the Studies 4.2 (2014): 180-94. 4 For more comprehensive parts of the globe or rather Albrecht, Holger. “Does Middle East and North Africa. Web. 30 Apr. 2015. studies on post-2011 to the “Prague Spring” Coup-Proofing Work? 2nd ed. Palo Alto: Stanford developments in Middle with its ensuing repressive Political-Military Relations University Press, 2013. Print. Gerges, Fawaz, ed. The New East politics cf. the already clampdown by Soviet troops? in Authoritarian Regimes Middle East: Protest and mentioned contributions Or does 1989 signify the fall amid the Arab Uprisings.” Bellin, Eva. “Reconsidering Revolution in the Arab World. by Valbjørn , Hinnebusch of the Berlin Wall or Peking’s Mediterranean Politics 20.1 the Robustness of Cambridge: Cambridge and Lynch, “Introduction” Tiananmen Square? Or both (2015): 36-54. Web. 30 Apr. Authoritarianism in the University Press, 2014. Print. as well as the recently in both cases? 2015. Middle East: Lessons published Routledge from the Arab Spring.” Gertel, Jörg, and Handbook of the Arab Spring 6 Weyland’s 1848-2011 Bank, André, and Mirjam Comparative Politics 44.2 Rachid Ouaissa, eds. and a number of edited comparison is a positive Edel. “Authoritarian Regime (2012): 127-49. Web. 30 Apr. Jugendbewegungen: volumes (Gerges; Gertel example in this regard. Learning: Comparative 2015. Städtischer Widerstand und and Ouaissa; Jünemann Insights from the Arab Umbrüche in der Arabischen and Zorob; Kamrava; Lynch, Uprisings.” GIGA Working Berg-Schlosser, Dirk. Welt. Bielefeld: Transcript, The Arab Uprisings). This Papers 275 (2015): “Comparative Area Studies: 2014. Print. list is of course also far from n.p. Hamburg: GIGA, Goldener Mittelweg zwischen exhaustive. (forthcoming). Regionalstudien und Hale, Henry E. “Regime universalistischen Ansätzen?” Change Cascades: What Bank, André, Thomas Richter, Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Have We Learned from the and Anna Sunik. “Durable, Yet Politikwissenschaft 6.1 (2012): 1848 Revolutions to the 2011 Different: Monarchies During 1-16. Print. Arab Uprisings.” Annual the Arab Spring.” Journal of Review of Political Science 16 Arabian Studies 4.2 (2014): (2013): 331-53. Web. 30 Apr. 163-79. Web. 30 Apr. 2015. 2015.
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––› Heydemann, Steven, Kamrava, Mehran ed. Patel, David, Valerie Weyland, Kurt. “The Arab and Reinoud Leenders. Beyond the Arab Spring: The Bunce, and Sharon Spring: Why the Surprising “Authoritarian Learning and Evolving Ruling Bargain in the Wolchik. “Diffusion and Similarities with the Counterrevolution.” The Arab Middle East. London: Hurst, Demonstration.” The Arab Revolutionary Wave of 1848?” Uprisings Explained. 75-92. 2014. Print. Uprisings Explained. 57-74. Perspectives on Politics 10 Print. Print. (2012): 917-34. Print. Lutterbeck, Derek. “Arab Hinnebusch, Raymond. Uprisings, Armed Forces, Sadiki, Larbi, ed. Routledge Yom, Sean, and Gregory F. “Introduction: Understanding and Civil-military Relations.” Handbook of the Arab Gause. “Resilient Royals: How the Consequences of the Armed Forces & Society 39.1 Spring: Rethinking Arab Monarchies Hang On.” Arab Uprisings: Starting (2013): 28-52. Web. 30 Apr. Democratization. London: Journal of Democracy 23.3 Points and Divergent 2015. Routledge, 2015. Print. (2012): 74-88. Print. Trajectories.” Democratization 22.2 (2015): 205-17. Web. 30 Lynch, Marc, ed. Schumann, Christoph, and Apr. 2015. “Introduction.” The Arab Dimitris Soudias. “Präsenz Uprisings Explained. 1-28. und Raum in der Arabischen Print. Revolte.” Präsenz und “Idea.” giga-hamburg.de/ implizites Wissen: Zur en/idea. German Institute of ---. ed. The Arab Uprisings Interdependenz zweier Global and Area Studies. N.d. Explained: New Contentious Schlüsselbegriffe der Kultur- Web. 30 Apr. 2015. Politics in the Middle und Sozialwissenschaften. Ed. East. New York: Columbia Christoph Ernst and Heike University Press, 2014. Print. Paul. Bielefeld: Transcript, Josua, Maria, and Mirjam 2013. 297-315. Print. Edel. “To Repress or Not to Makara, Michael. “Coup- Repress: Regime Survival proofing, Military Defection, Valbjørn, Morten. “Reflections Strategies in the Arab and the Arab Spring.” on Self-reflections: On Spring.” Terrorism and Democracy and Security 9.4 Framing the Analytical Political Violence 27.2 (2015): (2013): 334-59. Web. 30 Apr. Implications of the 289-309. Web. 30 Apr. 2015. 2015. Arab Uprisings for the Study of Arab Politics.” Jünemann, Annette, and Mehler, Andreas, and Bert Democratization 22.2 (2015): Anja Zorob, eds. Arabellions: Hoffmann. “Area Studies.” 218-38. Web. 30 Apr. 2015. Zur Vielfalt von Protest und International Encyclopedia Revolte im Nahen Osten of Political Science. Ed. Way, Lucan. “Comparing the und Nordafrika. Wiesbaden: Badie, Bertrand, Dirk Berg- Arab Revolts: The Lessons of Springer VS, 2013. Print. Schlosser, and Leonardo 1989.” Journal of Democracy Morlino. Newbury: Sage, 22.4 (2011): 17-27. Print. 2011. 86-89. Print. ISSN: 2196-629X urn:nbn:de:hebis: 04-ep0003-2015-108-35299
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m eta
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A debate that is well established and con- tinues to arouse attention is the debate Shifting Epistemologies in Area over the questions of how, why, and to Studies: From Space to Scale what end disciplines and area studies ap- proaches should find a ‘healthy’ relation- ship with one another.1 The background to the narrative of area studies and disci- plines as ‘strange but complementary bed fellows’ goes back to the decades preced- ing World War II, and has recently gar- nered fresh attention in the course of al- leged ‘crises’ in both the disciplines and the area studies. The status of area studies is, moreover, related to (if not dependent on) the political importance with which its academic endeavors are bestowed—boil- ing down to an assignation of the rele- vance of area studies by either increasing or reducing the public funding for it. The Claudia Derichs ups and downs in area studies funding be- come evident in various shapes and are Area studies suffer from various epistemic power relations. The following paper ad- currently visible in the huge sums that are borderlines which have been drawn and dresses the constructivist dimension of allocated for studies on the Middle East grown during decades of constructing a area studies and disciplines. The main ar- and North Africa (MENA region). They are ‘world order’ that is ultimately defined by gument is that area studies and disci- mostly earmarked for projects that serve political power relations. The question of plines are not primarily bound to geo- to accompany and flank political and so- what constitutes an ‘area’ or a ‘region’ is graphical settings but derive from a cial change in the wake of the Arab Spring. a timely and contested one. Moreover, politically-informed defining and ‘scaling’ This does not come as a surprise. Devel- epistemic borderlines have been con- of localities, ethnicities, languages, reli- opment, political transition, social change, structed by a hegemonic way of identify- gions, and cultures. conflict resolution, post-conflict politics, ing academic disciplines. The separation transitional justice, state-building, peace- between area studies and disciplines, too, Keywords: Area Studies; Disciplines; He- building, institution-building and the like is a decision based on global epistemic gemony; Epistemology are topics of constant attention which re-
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quire a solid foundation in local and con- time, a staunchly defended cultural relativ- region, have spent longer periods of textual knowledge. And accordingly, the ism is equally misleading. The parameters field work there, and have thoroughly disciplines of social sciences (and human- of global knowledge production have ar- reflected upon the local history, differ- ities to a lesser extent) have become al- rived at a critical juncture and concepts do ent local viewpoints, material and inter- most ‘natural’ partners of area studies. Yet not travel as easily any more from one part pretations according to their disciplin- the partnership is not always working of the world to another. On the part of ary or interdisciplinary approaches in smoothly. A tension in the relationship be- both disciplinary-oriented scholars and order to understand non-European so- tween disciplines and area studies re- area experts the necessity of rooting the cieties, cultures/civilizations, literatures volves, for instance, around the issues of generation of theory in empirical findings and histories from within the region. theory and methodology. Does area re- is acknowledged. The same accounts for (Schäbler 12) search have to make use of disciplinary- the exercise of testing theories and exam- based theories, concepts, and methods? ining the possibility of conceptual ‘travel.’ Two terms merit attention here, namely Or can it do without them, relying instead Still, some questions regarding the rela- ‘world region’ and ‘non-European.’ While on a paradigm that takes the ‘field’ as a tionship remain. area studies mostly take whole regions or realm of encounter and thus dispenses even continents into their view (Latin with a translation of ‘unconceptualized’ Areas, Area Studies, and Social Sciences America, Africa, East Asia, Eastern Eu- phenomena into the theoretical terminol- The grammatical compositum ‘area stud- rope, Middle East, etc.), they simultane- ogy of a particular discipline? While these ies’ sounds innocent. Its latent pitfalls sur- ously concentrate on one particular coun- are vital questions that evoke consider- face when we disassemble it: What consti- try—Chinese studies, Japanese studies, able contention in academic debates, the tutes an area, and what is the concept etc.—or on a sub-region, such as South- days of mutual accusation—with the disci- behind the scholarly activity called the east Asia. What counts as an area is thus plines claiming that area studies are free study of one or more area(s), hence ‘area not precisely determined. Moreover, the of theoretical and methodological reflec- studies’? In terms of a conventional under- designation of a particular geographic tion, and area studies scholars rejecting standing of area studies, we can follow territory as an area is subject to political the arrival at allegedly universal theories Birgit Schäbler’s handy definition. She de- developments and the world order given without their being grounded in proper scribes the concept of area studies as at a certain time in history. Consider that local expertise2—have passed. Today, a scholarly research on a world region/ before World War II and decolonization, shared understanding exists at least with world civilization, i.e. on a territory that no German scholars, for instance, would regard to the necessity of empirical find- is defined both geographically and have produced research designated as ings. In Europe, it is almost commonly ac- epistemically. Another generally ac- Southeast Asian studies. The colonial cepted that an overtly Eurocentric per- cepted definition of what constitutes powers of the time had allocated their spective on ‘the rest’ of the world will not area studies is that researchers learn names of choice to the territory of today’s lead to clear pictures, but that at the same the languages of their respective world Southeast Asia, depending on what area
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they controlled (e.g. ‘Indochina’ for studies representatives to be critical ob- studies in particular has informed social French occupied Myanmar, Laos, and servers who articulate well-grounded ar- science research for a long time. Spin-offs Vietnam). Since international power rela- guments against the dynamics that are at of the classical modernization theory tions and academic demarcations be- work in Realpolitik.4 based on empirical reality in the West (in- tween different area studies are almost cluding theories on the role of the middle inseparably connected to each other, The second term that merits attention in class for political transition and democra- ‘Southeast Asian studies’ is a compara- Schäbler’s definition is ‘non-European.’ In- tization—as problematized in META 02- tively recent label for this field of re- deed it is a rather strange phenomenon 2014) are but one example for the testing search. Area studies are, as Schäbler puts that, at least in Europe, the concept of of their universal validity in other parts of it, ‘indubitably a child of the Cold War’ area studies is usually applied to regions the world. The missing compatibility of and have frequently been subjected to outside (Western) Europe. It is only re- such theoretical assumptions with the em- the task of getting to know the enemy cently that comparative area studies pirical reality at hand also led to a self- (15).3 Ruth Benedict’s wartime study of Ja- scholars articulate the need to include Eu- critical questioning if the ‘travel of con- pan, The Chrysanthemum and the Sword: rope—or ‘the West’ as another fuzzy but cepts’ across the globe could be Patterns of Japanese Culture, is an illus- tenaciously utilized denominator—into the conducted so easily (if at all). Yet it de- trative case in point for the way in which concept of area studies. It is obvious that serves mentioning that one subfield in the anthropological works influenced the un- the longstanding perception of area stud- discipline of political science, namely in- derstanding in the US of a ‘foreign’ cul- ies as non-European studies has shaped ternational relations (IR), has immersed ture. Timothy Mitchell goes even further the status of areas studies vis-à-vis the so- itself in a thorough search for ‘non-West- in creating a direct link between Cold called systematic disciplines. Results ar- ern theories’ of IR (Tickner and Wæver) War area studies and the knowledge pro- rived at during fieldwork outside Europe and found them to be remarkably similar duction project of social sciences. “The were recognized if they matched the the- to Western IR theories. The results of the genealogy of area studies must be un- oretical assumption developed in Europe research done thus far are highly reveal- derstood in relation to the wider structure (in the ‘global North,’ as one would prob- ing and underscore what Pinar Bilgin has of academic knowledge and the strug- ably say today). Mitchell succinctly points succinctly pointed out in her reflections gles not of the Cold War but of science— this out by stating that area studies con- on why IR offers “so little about the ‘non- and social science in particular—as a tributed to the Western social sciences in West’” (10). Her analysis illustrates that twentieth-century political product” two ways: on the one hand, ‘area studies shifting the view to the non-West in inter- (Mitchell 2). However, area studies should would cleanse social theory of its provin- national relations will not unearth much not be understood as mere delivery ser- cialism’ and on the other hand, ‘[a]rea difference. Rather than finding discrete vice institutions for political decision- studies would serve as a testing ground theoretical approaches, ‘non-West[ern]’ makers. Rather than notoriously comply- for the universalization of the social sci- “ways of thinking about and doing world ing with official politics, we find area ences,’ (8). The latter ‘function’ of area politics […] renders problematic the ex-
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pectations of finding ‘difference’ in the originating from the African continent (in- is thus imperative that ethical concerns ‘non-West” (Bilgin 10). The shift of per- stead of Europe/the West/the global should permeate the entire process of spective and the critical stance towards North). The logic of Comaroff and Coma- the research, from conceptualization to the ‘travel of concepts’ thus suggests we roff differs from that of an older study with dissemination, and that researchers are not fall victim to a hastily anticipated ‘dif- a similar title—Southern Theory by Raewyn especially mindful of negotiated ethics ference’ between X, Y, and Z, but to ac- Connell—which denounces the formula of in the field. (Sultana 375) cept their relational entanglement. The ‘data gathering and application in the col- critical stance Bilgin takes towards area ony’ and ‘theorizing in the metropole,’ The issue of positionality and reflexivity (as studies, however, reflects the perception (Connell ix). What this strand of thinkers a consequence thereof) in area studies ul- of their uneasy relationship with the disci- has in common, though, is an appreciative timately tackles the question of ‘universal plines. In her view, area studies “failed to stance towards viewing the production of knowledge.’ In principle, giving due con- work with the disciplines to allow for knowledge from regions that have hith- sideration to positionality means admit- cross-fertilization” (10). erto hardly been recognized as origina- ting that the generation of ‘universal tors of (universal) theories and methods. knowledge’ is factually impossible, and Scrutinizing the application of Western Whether they would count as representa- rebukes the claim of having done so. The theories and methods to non-Western tives of post-colonial approaches or not is ‘parochialism of universalism’ (Bilgin 7) is contexts brought about novel and well- of minor importance here. The merit of certainly worth being reflected at all stag- known approaches such as Shmuel N. their approach lies in the constant remind- es of scholarly endeavors. This insight Eisenstadt’s Multiple Modernities. While er they put up against conventional forms does not go along easily with the belief in these had a clearly refining effect on social of conducting social science research as universal theories and in methods that can science thinking, the fact remained that well as area studies research—the aware- be applied anywhere on the globe in or- the reasoning behind such approaches ness of one’s positionality as a researcher— der to gather data. was still embedded in Western epistemic for area studies scholars not only but par- logics and semantic contexts. Not surpris- ticularly in the field. The underlying gist of Scaling the Global Knowledge Terrain ingly, this prompted an ideological depar- this concern is obvious, as Farhana Sultana The push for rethinking not only the rela- ture from ‘theory production in the West points out: tionship between area studies and disci- and theory application in the rest’ of the plines, but also the approaches used in world. A paradigmatic work in this regard Conducting international fieldwork area studies themselves has become was Jean and John Comaroff’s Theory involves being attentive to histories stronger during recent years. Demands for from the South. The book invites the read- of colonialism, development, global- a ‘decentering and diversifying’ of area er to reimagine the theories explaining ization and local realities, to avoid ex- studies, as Goh Beng-Lan articulates in the how the world functions, i.e. to regard the ploitative research or perpetuation of context of Southeast Asian studies, point production of universal knowledge as relations of domination and control. It to the ever increasing importance of a sol-
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id reflection on the situational nature of day’s area studies are merely ‘imagined’ matic field of study’ in respect to the latter research, and on researchers’ own posi- ones. The author’s work has had strong (Houben 3). Applied to the example of tionality. South–South relations, for exam- repercussions for the framing and the con- party systems, political scientists would ple, serve to shift the perspective and de- cept of area studies in the 2000s. take the very notion of ‘party systems’ as a center ‘the West from historical and point of departure, whereas areanists political narratives’ (Freitag 2). De-center- For the purpose of roughly structuring the would start out studying politics in a par- ing also trains scholars to depart from con- current debate within the field of contem- ticular area and maybe arrive—or not—at tainer categories and territorialized units, porary area studies, which addresses the the finding that there exists something like so as to more aptly map the field of in- themes mentioned above, I have else- a party system which is worth being com- quiry. The approach is conscious of the where identified three major discursive pared to others. Supporters of the third fact that ‘historians produce geographies schools or currents which can be seen as current reason that a concentration on so- and not vice versa,’ as Arjun Appadurai promoting a specific understanding of ciospatial relations and ‘specific spaces (66) rightly recalls. It also takes into ac- area studies (Derichs). Without claiming constituted by human experience, imagi- count the significance of shifting the view any legitimacy of the chosen categoriza- nation, and actions in contexts which are from the centers to the peripheries of tion, I have structured the area studies thematically defined in each case’ (Cross- knowledge production, and from conven- landscape into a conciliatory current roads Asia) is of increasing importance. tionally demarcated regions to non-de- (composed of scholars who emphasize South Asia, as a case in point, may some- marcated regions. The latter notion of the mutual benefits of combining area times be more visible in the United King- what maybe called non-demarcated re- studies with disciplinary approaches [the- dom than in India or Pakistan. Area studies gions was introduced by Willem van ories, methods, and so forth]); a new areas focusing merely on the very area as a geo- Schendel, who writes about a ‘region’ studies current; and a rethinking current. graphically defined entity have in this re- which he calls Zomia and which is not Proponents of the first current would, for gard become somewhat mismatched to characterized by officially established bor- instance, value the research on party sys- the empirical reality at hand. Space is im- ders, but by minority groups who have for tems in different parts of world with ana- portant yet not informed predominantly centuries enjoyed their cultural and terri- lytical concepts and tools rooted in West- by geographical parameters. torial affinities and have been able not ern political science and comparative only to preserve their local culture, but politics. The second current would ac- Referring to this finding, Katja Mielke and also to escape control and pressure from knowledge the contribution of the social Anna-Katharina Hornidge have recently the respective states they are formally as- sciences to the deepening of knowledge, introduced an innovative understanding signed to. The territory is comprised of the but perceive area studies and the disci- of area studies, which also takes the rela- huge highlands and lowlands on main- plines as each taking ‘different points of tionship between area studies and disci- land Southeast Asia. For van Schendel, the departure’—that is ‘a certain space’ in re- plines into account. The principle is to ‘[n] conventional area lineages that inform to- spect to the former and ‘a particular the- ot abandon, but modernize and revital-
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ize’ (Mielke and Hornidge 16). The agen- tion.’ Altering the symbolic space, ‘given the mission of grasping the empirical real- da for the competence network Cross- the deconstruction of culture (cultural ity and binding it back to a conceptual roads Asia, of which both authors are turn) and a subsequent reformation of dis- framework has been introduced by eth- members, commits itself to ‘Post-Area- ciplines and research agendas,’ would be nologists James Ferguson and Akhil Gup- Studies’ in the sense of rethinking area a measure not only to overcome the ta. Their approach of ‘spatializing states’ studies. It seeks to: anachronism of ‘scalar fix,’ but also to re- brings us back to the sometimes exagger- Move human action and interaction and form the institutional space, ‘which is dom- ated attention given to the national bor- its role in communicatively construct- inated by scholarly lineages that limit its ders of states when doing area studies. ing space into the center of attention. knowledge generation as a result of orga- Ferguson and Gupta’s argument that ‘an After two and a half years of research, nization in self-referential epistemic com- increasingly transnational political econo- the original focus on different forms of munities and adherence to disciplinary my today poses new challenges to familiar mobility and networks as studied spa- subordination.’ At least in Germany, area forms of state spatialization’ is not a new tial dimensions suggests to addition- studies scholars have become motivated one to scholars of Kurdish or Palestinian ally include positionality (socio-spatial; to rethink their paradigms, approaches, affairs (982). But rather than pointing at the us/them) and borders/boundaries/ methods and position in and outside the fact of nations without states (such as frontiers, assessed through the lens of field. Kurds and, at least to a certain extent, Pal- human communication taking place in estinians), the innovative perspective of interactions, into the core of analysis. Conceptual Outlook the authors lies in hinting at the ‘verticality’ (18) How can the sociospatial dimension in of states, meaning ‘the central and perva- Prior to formulating this rationale, the area studies be conceptualized so as to sive idea of the state as an institution shortcomings of area studies and disci- make geographic, territorial, and adminis- somehow “above” civil society, communi- plines as they have developed over time trative borders and frontiers less promi- ty, and family’ (982). This idea, the authors were identified by various actors, includ- nent as a frame of reference—and conse- claim, serves as ‘a profoundly consequen- ing the German Wissenschaftsrat (Sci- quently less binding for the analysis of tial understanding of scale,’ that is: ence Council) as an institution of high rep- area-related phenomena?5 An attempt in utation and with agenda-setting authority. this direction almost necessarily skips the One in which the locality is encom- Mielke and Hornidge condense the gist of idea that such a conceptualization should passed by the region, the region by this procedure to three tasks which re- derive first and foremost from the social the nation-state, and the nation-state quire closer attention. They point out the sciences. It rather crosses the disciplinary by the international community. These need for revitalization in physical space, borders and seeks approaches which two metaphors (verticality and encom- symbolic space, and institutional space. might have gone through an exercise of passment; C.D.) work together to pro- ‘Physical space (scalar fix)’, is certainly not throwing ‘path-dependent’ concepts duce a taken-for-granted spatial and adequate anymore ‘in times of globaliza- overboard. An endeavor that is rooted in scalar image of a state that both sits
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above and contains its localities, re- Spanish communities in these areas as ‘mi- tween space (area) and regimes that Claudia Derichs gions, and communities. (982) norities’ is thus a mere matter of perspec- ‘scale’ particular elements of empirical re- tive, for if we expand the scale and ignore ality, as well as between macro-conditions is full professor for Comparative Politics We can transfer this scheme to the under- the states’ spatial presence, it does not and micro-processes, is obvious. The epis- and International Development Studies standing of area knowledge and the very make sense any more to speak of Spanish temic challenge thus lies in diversifying at Marburg University and is currently production of knowledge about areas. Let as a minority language. What has hap- ‘area knowledge’ and decentering the holding a Senior Fellowship at the us take the example of Spanish speaking pened is that the state has turned a hori- perspective on the phenomenon that is Centre for Global Cooperation Research communities. While Spanish is regarded a zontal linguistic landscape into a vertical chosen for analysis. The value-added as- in Duisburg. Moreover she is appointed minority language in the United States of one—making a language a national lan- pect of area studies understood this way, member of AcademiaNet (www. America and English codified as the na- guage here and a minority language we might reason, lies in respecting the dy- academia-net.de), a network profiling tional language, a few meters off the Unit- there. This is the effect Ferguson and Gup- namics of scales. The scale rather than the Germany’s most outstanding female ed States’ territorial borders, Spanish is ta also describe by verticality and encom- space becomes a key analytical tool. scholars. Academic record: Translator for the language of the majority. Studying passment. The reciprocal relationship be- Japanese and Arabic (Bonn University), PhD in Japanology (Berlin Free Notes 2 Most tellingly summarized 3 Needless to mention that 5 Less prominent and less Works Cited University); Professorial Dissertation/ by T. Mitchell (66): “Area the connection between important is by no means Habilitation in Political Science 1 Classic works on areas studies scholars were told Cold War politics and area intended to suggest a Appadurai, Arjun. The Future (University of Duisburg-Essen). Research studies which also tackle the that their problems would studies has also shaped discarding of geographic or as Cultural Fact. London: be solved by getting the curricular set-up of area territorial dimensions. interests: political Islam and transition relationship with disciplines Verso, 2013. Print. include Bates; Graham; back together with their studies, with language, in Southeast Asia and the Middle East; Jackson; Mirsepassi, Basu disciplinary partners and for instance, being a very Bates, Robert H. “Letter Gender and Development Studies; Area and Weaver; Szanton. accepting their authority. important element in Middle from the President: Area Studies (Asia and MENA). […] Yet it is in fact this claim East or Latin American Studies and the Discipline. to represent the universal studies. Critical questions [email protected] ”Newsletter of the APSA email: that is in question in the such as those raised by post- Comparative Politics Section authority of the disciplines. colonial studies have also 7.1 (1996): 1-2. Web. 14 Apr. The future of area studies been considerably neglected 2015. lies in their ability to disturb until they generally gained the disciplinary claim to more currency after the Cold Benedict, Ruth. The universality and the particular War. Crysanthemum and the place this assigns to areas.” Sword. Patterns of Japanese 4 Schäbler mentions the Culture. New York: Houghton Vietnam War, the Cuba crisis Mifflin Harcourt, 1946. Print. of 1962 and the Post-9/11 politics as particular cases in ––› point (15).
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––› Bilgin, Pinar. “Thinking Past Ferguson, James, and Akhil Jackson, Peter A. “Space, Schäbler, Birgit. “Das van Schendel, Willem. ‘Western IR’?” Third World Gupta. “Spatializing States: Theory, and Hegemony. The Studium der Weltregionen “Geographies of Knowing, Quarterly 29.1 (2008): 5-23. Toward an Ethnography of Dual Crises of Asian Area (Area Studies) zwischen Geographies of Ignorance: Web. 14 Apr. 2015. Neoliberal Governmentality.” Studies and Cultural Studies”. Fachdisziplinen und der Jumping Scale in Southeast American Ethnologist 29.4 Sojourn. Journal of Social Öffnung zum Globalen: Asia.” Society and Space 20.6 Comaroff, Jean, and John (2002): 981-1002. Web. 14 Apr. Issues in Southeast Asia 18.1 Eine wissenschaftliche (2001): 647-68. Web. 20 Mar. Comaroff. Theory from the 2015. (2003): 1-41. Web. 20 Mar. Annäherung.”Area Studies 2015. South. Or, How Europe is 2015. und die Welt. Weltregionen Evolving toward Africa. Freitag, Ulrike. “Researching und Globalgeschichte. Boulder, Co.: Paradigm ‘Muslim Worlds’. Regions Mirsepassi, Ali, Amrita Basu, Ed. Birgit Schäbler. Wien: Publishers, 2012. Print. and Disciplines”. ZMO and Frederick Weaver. Mandelbaum, 2007. 11-44. Programmatic Texts no. 6. Localizing Knowledge in a Print. Connell, Raewyn. Southern Berlin, 2013. Web. 10 Apr. Globalizing World. Recasting Theory. The Global Dynamics 2015. the Area Studies Debate. Sultana, Farhana. “Reflexivity, of Knowledge in Social Syracruse, New York: Positionality and Participatory Science. Sydney: Allen and Goh, Beng-Lan. Decentring Syracruse University Press, Ethics: Negotiating Fieldwork Unwin, 2007. Print. and Diversifying Southeast 2003. Print. Dilemmas in International Asian Studies. Perpectives Research.” ACME. An Crossroads Asia. “Research.” from the Region. Singapore: Mielke, Katja, and Anna- International E-Journal for 2014. Crossroads-asia.de. Institute of Southeast Asian Katharina Hornidge. Critical Geographies 6. 2 Crossroads Asia, n.d. Web. 1 Studies, 2011. Print. “Crossroads Studies: From (2007): 374-85. Web. 20 Mar. May 2014. Spatial Containers to 2015. Graham, Loren, and Jean- Interactions in Differentiated Derichs, Claudia. “Theory- Michel Kantor. “‘Soft’ Area Spatialities.” Crossroads Asia Szanton, David L. The Politics Driven Conceptualization Studies Versus ‘Hard’ Social Working Paper Series no. 15. of Knowledge: Area Studies and Epistemic Reflection in Science. A False Opposition. Bonn: Competence Network and the Disciplines. Berkeley: Comparative Area Studies: ”Slavic Review 66.1 (2007): Crossroads Asia, 2014. Web. University of California Press, Some Thoughts on ‘Unwritten 1-19. Web. 20 Mar. 2015 20 Mar. 2015. 2002. www.escholarship.org. Constitutions’ and Research Web. 14 Apr. 2015. Designs.” Asien. The German Houben, Vincent. “The New Mitchell, Timothy. “The Journal on Contemporary Area Studies and Southeast Middle East in the Past and Tickner, Arlene B., and Asia 132(2014): 26-34. Web. Asian History”. Working Paper Future of Social Science. Ole Wæver. International 14 Apr. 2015. no. 4. Competence Network ”The Politics of Knowledge: Relations Scholarship Around DORISEA, 2013. 2-10. Web. 1 Area Studies and the the World. London and New May 2014. Disciplines. Ed. David L. York: Routledge, 2009. Print. Szanton. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002. 1-32. Web. 20 Mar. 2015. ISSN: 2196-629X urn: nbn:de:hebis: 04-ep0003-2015-108-29811
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Introduction Discerning trends in academic fields is a Comparing What to What? difficult undertaking, as some paradigms Intersecting Methodological Issues come into fashion and disappear quickly, while others last. One such trend is the in Comparative Area Studies and field of Transitional Justice Studies that emerged in the late twentieth century. The Transitional Justice Research invented term (or signifier) “Transitional Justice” refers to a set of judicial and non- judicial instruments of dealing with past human rights violations and acts of mass violence. The concept of Transitional Jus- tice is deeply associated with the political changes of the 1980s and 1990s when the demand for both punishment and truth led to the implementation of truth com- missions and other mechanisms of restor- ative justice. Since then, the rapid prolif- eration of transitional justice mechanisms Anika Oettler with ever-increasing degrees of profes- sionalism provided the nurturing environ- The paper discusses how current method- icized conception of causality, inclined to ment for an academic enterprise that re- ological debates on the potentials of complex long-term processes as well as quired expertise from diverse disciplines. Comparative Area Studies intersect with global interdependencies. From the per- The flourishing field of Transitional Justice current trends in transitional justice re- spective of Comparative Area Studies, the Studies now attracts scholars from diverse search. As the field of transitional justice case of transitional justice studies testifies countries and influences public debates studies is approximating a status of matu- to the need of combing local, national, all over the world. Competitive dynamics ration, academic enterprises tend to focus transnational, trans-local as well as global in transitional justice research, as de- on empirical as well as theoretical gener- foci of analysis. scribed below, lead to an accelerated alization. The challenge of comparative search for unsolved puzzles, new cases, transitional justice research consists less Keywords: Area Studies; Comparative and innovative theories. Current synthesiz- in weighing national impacts of policies Area Studies; Transitional Justice; Com- ing efforts are often (not always) connect- than in taking into account a more histor parison; History of Science ed to quantitative approaches that aim at
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measuring the impact and/or effective- on Comparative Area Studies (Basedau sitional Justice Studies can learn from ness of transitional justice. In general, and Köllner “Oil”) seems to be most prom- Comparative Area Studies and vice versa. macro perspectives on transitional justice ising, as it comprises intra-regional com- processes are closely related to compara- parisons, inter-regional comparisons, From Area Studies to Comparative Area tive approaches. cross-regional comparisons as well as Studies thick case studies. Certainly since the institutionalization of It is precisely at this moment in history that This paper deals with the evolution of two post-WWII Area Studies in the United the field of Transitional Justice Research interdisciplinary academic fields that States, academia has been divided over intersects with the methodological vogue share a growing concern about the po- the meaning and significance of Area of Comparative Area Studies. In recent tentials and pitfalls of comparative meth- Studies and its more recent transforma- years, the “classical” controversy between ods. These fields differ in many respects. tions (Szanton). The term Area Studies Area Studies and disciplinary social sci- While the term “Area Studies” is closely entered the vocabulary to describe mul- ence (Pye) lost momentum as many re- associated with institutional contexts and tidisciplinary research programs whose searchers became aware of the global in- the geography of science, Transitional essential task is to produce systematic terconnectedness of social phenomena. It Justice Research is held together by a knowledge about “other” regions of the seems appropriate to presume, though, common topic. Although current meth- world. This knowledge refers to a wide that real-world changes as well as certain odological debates on comparative ap- range of subject matters, including lan- discursive attitudes have led to a growing proaches in both fields hinge on some- guage, culture, religion, political sys- methodological concern related to the what different questions, they reveal tems, geology, history, taxation, media analysis of complex causal interactions much about the opportunities and landscapes, gender relations, and so on. both within and across cases. Accordingly, boundaries of comparative research. The understanding of social, political, there has been renewed debate on case How to avoid oversimplification when and historical contexts requires both lan- selection techniques (Seawright and Ger- comparing cases? Or, seen from a differ- guage skills and significant real-life expe- ring; Liebermann; Mahoney) and small-N ent angle, how to produce a case study rience in the regions at stake. However, comparative research designs based on that is both thick and comparable? How area experts usually know cultural con- (or even transcending) most similar /most to select cases for comparative analysis? texts of a handful of countries, with their different systems (Przeworski and Teune; How to navigate between Scylla and Cha- expertise heavily relying on their disci- Berg-Schlosser and De Meur; Sartori). rybdis—that is, between the logic of sim- plinary training (humanities, linguistics, Within methodological debates, the idea plifying probabilistic analysis and the social sciences). of fuzzy set/ Qualitative Comparative Anal- logic of historiographic particularity, Yet what exactly does region (or area) ysis (QCA) has attracted considerable in- uniqueness, and singularity? By compar- mean? As many critics have pointed out, terest (Ragin, Fuzyy-Set). Seen from the ing key methodological concerns visible the demarcation of specific areas (e.g. angle of area studies, however, the debate in both fields, the paper shows what Tran- Latin America, sub-Saharan Africa, East
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Asia, Europe, Russia) is always linked to security purposes in a reified map of adequately detecting causal inference. ideological conceptions of the world. geographical regions” (Appadurai 7). More recently, various attempts have been Wallerstein et al. (94) turned their atten- made to overcome the micro/macro and tion to the evolution of the scientific Currently, however, there is a trend to quantitative/qualitative divide. Ragin and field that was “divided into a specific set move beyond traditional Cold-War area Rubinson have noted: of relatively standard disciplines in a studies by questioning the spatial bound- “Comparative research can bridge process that went on between the late aries associated with world regions, and the divide between qualitative, case- eighteenth century and 1945”. Within by introducing innovative methods. The oriented research and quantitative, this disciplinary division of labour, an- focus on both profound knowledge of lo- variable-oriented research. Like case- thropology was established to deal with cal contexts and systematic analysis of oriented methods, comparative meth- “the savage other”, while development global issues, usually based on compara- ods maintain the integrity of cases; like economics, sociology of development, tive approaches, continues to be the es- variable-oriented methods, compara- comparative politics, and area studies sence of what distinguishes area studies tive methods examine patterns of rela- were thought to deal with moderniza- from disciplinary science. tionships among variables. Compara- tion and the “take-off into self-sustained Comparison is at the heart of social re- tive methods, then, may be used for growth” (Rostow) in a postcolonial search and means that researchers essen- both theory development and hypoth- world. The areas of cold-war Area Stud- tially search for similarities/differences esis testing”. (15) ies were arbitrary constructs, emanating when contrasting patterns of social life It is crucial to note that Ragin and Rubin- from the epistemological history of col- within or across cases, within space and son have one particular comparative onization and imperialism. As Appadurai across time. Ever since the pioneers of so- method in mind; Qualitative Compara- has noted: cial research started thinking about essen- tive Analysis (QCA), based on Boolean “These apparent stabilities are them- tial elements and techniques of social sci- algebra and so-called truth tables.1 QCA, selves largely artefacts of the specific ence (observation, experimentation, however, is just one method of doing trait-based idea of ‘culture’ areas, a classification, explanation/generalization), comparative research. There are many recent Western cartography of large there has been a vivid debate on compar- other comparative research strategies, civilizational landmasses associated ative methods, particularly on the units, mostly linked to “academic tribes” with different relationships to ‘Eu- extent, and scale of comparative analysis. (Becher and Trowler) and their respec- rope’ (itself a complex historical and While the macro comparisons and con- tive languages and cultures of inquiry. cultural emergent); and a Cold War- ceptual contributions of Marx, Weber, and After decades of nearly fruitless meth- based geography of fear and com- Parsons have been a matter of some theo- odological struggle, more recent de- petition in which the study of world retical debate (Vallier), other authors have bates tend to overcome some of the languages and regions in the United been engaged in discussions about small deepest divisions within social sciences States was legislatively configured for N/large N paradigms and the problem of – between inductivism and deductivism,
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and between thick description and cor- Köllner, “Oil”; Mehler and Hoffmann). but continuously. That was the time when relational analysis. While some research designs may still be the term “transitional justice” was not even The current move to mixed-method de- closely linked to traditional area studies, in use2, and debates mainly gravitated signs coincides with the rising popularity others contribute to a research agenda around psychological needs and norma- of Comparative Area Studies. Both trends that proposes an alternative to Eurocen- tive claims (Mitscherlich and Mitscherlich; overlap in their approaches to social real- tric and Americanized social science. Arendt, Eichmann; Adorno, Interventions, ity whose sheer complexity demands a Comparative studies across regions (in- Critical Models; Améry; Levy). During the multifaceted analytical approach. It is cru- cluding those of the north) are best suit- “third wave” of democratization (Hunting- cial to note that “Area Studies and Com- ed to deal with phenomena perceived as ton), the question of how to deal with past parative Area Studies do not constitute global concerns. Moreover, cross-region- atrocities was treated as a key problem of ends in themselves. They must serve a pur- al studies strengthen the dialogical ben- political transition. While human rights pose” (Basedau and Köllner, “Oil” 112). As efits of bringing “southern” theory into movements fought for both the revelation Basedau and Köllner describe, Area Stud- northern academic worlds (Connell; Co- of truth and judicial prosecutions of those ies and Comparative Area Studies serve maroff and Comaroff). responsible for the crimes, transitional an important function by providing data elites (whether involved in the crimes of and descriptions (based on in-depth Transitional Justice Research and the the former regime or not) were mostly knowledge of local realities) as well as Search for Scientific Innovations afraid of a return to dictatorship or internal context-sensitive explanations and social Following the historical stages of interna- war. In their view, the main task was “set- theories. As such, they have come to the tional practice (Teitel, “Justice Genealo- tling a past account without upsetting a forefront of innovative social research. gy”), the scholarship examining the moral present transition” (O’Donnell and Schmit- Comparative Area Studies can avoid over- foundations, institutional settings, and po- ter 28). Among the recommendations simplifying causal chains and ignoring litical impacts of transitional justice made by Huntington in his “guidelines for both history and context. As Ahram (84) evolved through successive stages. The democratizers” was one to deal with the stated, the emphasis on induction “main- evolution of the burgeoning field of Tran- “torturer problem”: “the least unsatisfac- tains the integrity of region-specific knowl- sitional Justice Studies resembles a classi- tory course may well be: do not prosecute, edge about the multiple layers and mul- cal product life cycle curve that is divided do not punish, do not forgive, and, above tiple iterations of impacts that generate into four stages. According to the product all, do not forget” (Huntington 231). Many the concrete forms of social changes ob- life cycle model, presented originally by transitional elites, though, resorted to a served in the world today” (ibid.). Raymond Vernon, competitive pressures pragmatic truth-but-no-trials-policy. The The innovative character of Comparative are low during the formative stage. From invention and rapid proliferation of truth Area Studies may depend on whether the late 1940s until the mid-1990s, the commissions (Hayner) attracted growing they compare social phenomena within, body of both empirical studies and nor- scholarly interest in different parts of the between, or across areas (Basedau and mative contributions was growing slowly world. In the mid-1990s, the ambitious
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project of the South African Truth and Rec- tion underway. Since the late 1990s, an This refers to the second general trend onciliation Commission (TRC) as well as ever-increasing number of conferences that is the trend towards hierarchized (An- ongoing debates on accountability and and edited volumes produced a vast body glo-American) internationalization. historical clarification in Latin America of arguments that each member of the “TJ Currently, the field is entering a stage of made “transitional justice” a topic of major community” should know. In collecting, maturity, with the academic market pre- interest for social scientists, lawyers and composing, and editing publications, it sumably approaching saturation. The psychologists. These debates set the was paradoxically the members of that overwhelming number of publications has scene for the subsequent stage of growth, same “TJ community” who decided who made it extremely difficult to oversee po- particularly with the publication of diverse was to be included in the canon of Transi- tentially relevant findings. The Transitional now classical contributions to the idea of tional Justice Research and who was not. Justice Bibliography, provided by Andrew transitional justice. The years around the In another vein, perhaps the most impor- G. Reiter and his Transitional Justice Data turn of the millennium witnessed a signifi- tant contribution to the field has been in Base Project, contains 2,497 entries which cant growth in contributions to normative the form of a myriad of case studies, cov- represent a selection of relevant literature. issues (e.g. Crocke; Elste; Minow; Nino; ering well-known cases such as South Af- As the academic market is booming, there Weschler). In another vein, fundamental rica, Chile, and Argentina, as well as a is increasing “brand” competition, and questions about variation in time and large number of less-known, deviant, or marginal competitors face serious obsta- across space framed early comparative even neglected cases. With the veritable cles in getting their voice heard at nation- debates (e.g. Hayner; Kritz; Barahona de explosion of publications on Transitional al as well as international levels. Brito, González Enríquez and Aguilar). Justice, two general trends have been ac- This situation requires research strategies International media coverage, public de- celerated. First, the trend towards concen- whose key components are empirical bates within political spheres, as well as a tration has further fostered powerful generalization, theoretical refinement, or growing number of cultural representa- nodes within the global expert network the discovery of new domains. The latter tions of mass violence created a nurturing (such as the International Center for Tran- usually involves either comprehensive environment for academic research. In the sitional Justice, and the International Jour- case studies or comparisons between growth stage of Transitional Justice Re- nal of Transitional Justice, see Arthur; two or more cases, undertaken with the search, the academic output began to Subotić). At the same time, more and more aim of providing new insights into the so- grow exponentially, more and more schol- academic centers and networks have en- cial dynamics of dealing with the past. ars entered the academic market, and tered the competition for international vis- These case-oriented strategies represent powerful nodes within global expert net- ibility. Key institutions include the Transi- holistic approaches to complex realities, works emerged. Although major concep- tional Justice Institute (University of Ulster), and tend to shed light on historical par- tual issues remained unresolved and open the African Transitional Justice Network, ticularities. In using qualitative methods to continued debate, there were diverse Oxford Transitional Justice Research, and of social research (whether explorative or efforts for getting a process of canoniza- the Essex Transitional Justice Network. not), they contribute to a multifaceted un-
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derstanding of transitional justice pro- answers to a basic question: what is the justice processes. Third, the real impact of cesses.3 The strategy of theoretical refine- value of comparison? transitional justice processes “can be dif- ment (that often emanates from empirical ficult to ascertain or quantify, because it research) focuses on providing new con- How to Select Cases for Comparative may be highly collinear with other factors, ceptual insights into the dilemmas as well Transitional Justice Studies? contingent on precise constellations of cir- as dynamics of transitional justice. More David Backer has promoted the utility of cumstances, modified by numerous inter- recent contributions to this line of inquiry cross-national comparative analysis, com- vening variables, and subject to complex underline that “the field remains tremen- bining longitudinal large-N studies with interaction effects” (Backer 59). There is, of dously undertheorized” (de Greiff 32). qualitative small-N studies. A preferable course, more than one way out of this di- Whether there is a lack of theory or not research strategy, according to Backer, “is lemma. The way proposed by Backer con- remains open to debate, but it should be a panel survey that captures relevant infor- sists in devoting particular effort “to estab- noted that “approaches to conceptualise mation on the same set of respondents at lishing clear causal links among variables the phenomenon can be manifold and multiple points in time (55). For higher lev- that are amenable to analysis” (Backer 60). highly diverse, and can at times be in ten- els of aggregation, the requisite source is In general, Backer opts for applying quan- sion with each other” (Buckley-Zistel et al. time-series data on various indicators of titative methods “to more accurately as- 4). The main problem, though, might interest, capturing snapshots both before sess differences across countries in out- rather consist of a “thin consensus” (see and after the implementation of relevant comes such as patterns of governance de Greiff 32) on the characteristic fea- transitional justice measures”. It is impor- and the evolution of attitudes” (Backer 63). tures of transitional justice. The third tant to note that the ultimate goal of the Another solution to this methodological strategy, empirical generalization, is gen- research strategy proposed by Backer is to dilemma would be to abandon the search erally associated with research methods identify the factors which affect the selec- for an authoritative global assessment of in Comparative Politics (Backer; Kim and tion of transitional justice mechanisms and past and recent impacts of transitional jus- Sikkink). This body of research is based to detect their “macrolevel outcomes” tice mechanisms. Instead, theory building on variables rather than cases, and deals (Backer 51) as well as “microlevel effects” based on comparative analysis should with the extent to which independent (ibid.). On the other hand, Backer refers to move back from the top of the pyramid to variables influence the dependent vari- a set of “hurdles” (24) in undertaking com- its bottom, and reconsider the basic ques- able. In contrast to qualitative case stud- parative research. First, cases tend to be tion “what is a case of transitional justice?” ies, this approach promotes a broader too different to establish common vari- There is a main challenge of case selection understanding of transitional justice pro- able-based categories. Second, the “infor- in comparative transitional justice re- cesses that transcends the boundaries of mation asymmetry” (Backer 58) with re- search. Consider, first, that many compara- time and space. This vein of inquiry, how- gard to well-known and less documented tive research projects remain connected ever, leads to new (and even dissonant) cases contributes to the reproduction of to the scholarly tradition of what Beck and distorted global memories of transitional Sznaider have named “methodological
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nationalism”. Apparently, the larger N gets, In general, transitional justice research is ables” problem, in turn, leads to a cross- the lower is the probability of not using concerned with the development of “in- cultural global historiographic approach national societies or national states as the teractional fields” (Abott 124) that are em- focusing on the “network character of his- unit of comparative analysis. Some of the bedded in and constituted through time torical causality” (ibid.). The second impli- most thorough comparative studies on and space. These interactional fields can cation of understanding cases as fuzzy re- transitional justice (Backer; Olsen, Payne vary greatly in space, shape, and inner alities is to alternatively set the limits of and Reiter, Comparing Process; Justice structure. Social practices of dealing with cases. Instead of equating cases with Balance; Kim and Sikkink; Payne and Sik- the past have contributed to the widening countries, comparative transitional justice kink) testify to this trend. Although these of social places in the shrinking world of research could focus on social groups (e.g. authors are highly aware of both de-terri- global interdependencies. Social ex- perpetrators, victims, judges), events (e.g. torialized social processes and transna- change and interaction implies changing ceremonial events such as the release of tional political spaces (Keck and Sikkink), spatial relationships between interaction- truth reports or public sentences), institu- their comparative work is often inclined to al fields, thus creating an ever-shifting mé- tions (e.g. International Criminal Court, national units of research. The glocalized lange of overlapping norms and prac truth commissions), or networks (transna- character of world affairs, however, would tices. Research practices adapted to this tional advocacy networks, intergovern- require a multiperspectival lens through multifaceted scenario would apply case mental networks). which to view entangled processes of selection strategies open to local, nation- coming to terms with mass violence. As al, transnational, trans-local as well as Conclusion Beck and Sznaider (398) noted, a “single global cases. This article has presented two intersecting phenomenon […] can, perhaps even must, To complicate things even further, cases lines of argument, dealing with the evolu- be analysed both locally and nationally do not only transcend national boundar- tion of scholarly debates over time. The and transnationally and trans-locally and ies, but also constitute “fuzzy realities with first line of argument claims that Compar- globally”. To mention but one of many ex- autonomously defined complex proper- ative Area Studies are best suited for pro- amples, current politics of memory in ties” (Abott 144) that constantly interact viding thick descriptions as well as con- Spain are so intrinsically linked to transna- with their environment. This complex un- text-sensitive explanations of complex tional political spaces that the most impor- derstanding has two major implications social phenomena in the world today. The tant unit of analysis should transcend na- for comparative research. First, it should second line of argument refers to shifting tional borders (Capdepón; Elsemann; be underlined that a “given event has and interdependent centers of gravity of Golob). At the other end of the spectrum, many immediate antecedents, each of transitional justice research. As described there are many cases where local forces which has many immediate antecedents, above, these lines have met at the begin- are isolated from (or even diametrically and conversely a given event has many ning of the twenty-first century when tran- opposed to) national politics.4 consequents, each of which has many sitional justice research entered a stage of consequents” (ibid.). This “too-many-vari- maturity and social research, in general,
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became more aware of global interde- a myriad of case studies has been pub- sitional justice research, however, is some- pendencies. We may draw two lessons lished since the mid-1990s. However, com- what different from these research ques- from this twofold description of scholarly parative efforts often remain unsystematic tions. Because transitional justice is such debates. (1) From the perspective of tran- and embryonic, even if they aim at gener- a diverse phenomenon, the possible ef- sitional justice research, the debate on ating generic theories. One of the main fects and consequents are virtually end- Comparative Area Studies reminds us of challenges of Comparative Area Studies less. As mentioned above, transitional jus- the challenge of combining profound (and this also applies to transitional justice tice practices respond to the experience area knowledge with progress in generic research) is to generate “the kind of mid- of trauma and collective suffering, and knowledge on macro-level patterns of so- dle-range theory that is context-sensitive therefore address unconscious articula- cial organization. The context-sensitivity of but yet manages to capture important tions. As such, they are deeply associated Area Studies implies a thorough under- causal effects” (Basedau and Köllner, “Oil” with trans-generational social processes standing of local languages, histories, cul- 14). (2) From the perspective of Compara- linked to cultural trauma and collective tural representations, and symbolic tive Area Studies, the field of transitional memory. In general, there is a lack of worlds. This is especially important be- justice serves as a paradigmatic example scholarly consensus on the scope and cause transitional justice constitutes a col- of the limitations of comparative research. structure of transitional justice policies, lective response to mass violence and its The idea and methodological principles and even greater uncertainties arise from devastating effects. In a broader sense, of CAS are best suited for analyzing social the lack of consensus on components of transitional justice refers to the obstacles phenomena with clear lines of demarca- causal factors as well as outcomes. Be- of mourning in complex and often violent tion. A recent article on presidential strate- cause the elements and effects of transi- post-conflict situations. As such, transition- gies in building legislative coalitions tional justice are not easy to operational- al justice studies require both close obser- (Chaisty, Cheeseman and Power) is but ize, researchers face overwhelming vation and hermeneutic approaches to one of many examples of fruitful cross-re- obstacles in generating generic concepts understand the meanings related to spe- gional research. There are other examples and theories. cific constellations of religious, political, of rigorous research designs, based on To sum up, the challenge of comparative cultural, economic, and gendered power. the rationale of hypothesis testing, that transitional justice research consists less in This leads to another aspect of compari- aim at providing explanations of causal re- measuring the national impacts of more son, which is the geography of transitional lations by putting even less clearly demar- than 800 transitional justice mechanisms justice. Further attention needs to be paid cated subjects into a wider historical con- implemented in more than 150 countries to reconsidering the spatial registers tra- text. Consider, for example, the QCA study (Olsen, Payne and Reiter, Justice in Bal- ditionally associated with comparative so- presented by Basedau and Richter (“Oil”) ance) than in accepting a more histori- cial research. There have been various at- that seeks to clarify the nexus between cized conception of causality, inclined to tempts at questioning the national focus specific conditions of oil production and complex long-term processes as well as of research (Hinton; Sriram and Ross), and the outburst of civil war. The case of tran- global interdependencies. As Barahona
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de Brito, González-Enríquez, and Aguilar “national context” is an important variable should, therefore, insert the close obser- Anika Oettler (“Introduction” 17) underlined: “transition- in transitional justice processes. vation of local histories into both, large-N al accountability policies are not born in a Nonetheless, transitional justice practices analysis and the analysis of the evolution is a professor of sociology at Marburg vacuum. They are historically grounded unfold gradually in a series of local, na- of global interactional fields. University and an associate researcher and thus peculiar to each country”. Many tional, and global events, with each varia- at the GIGA Institute of Latin American authors have in fact demonstrated that tion flowing from one area to the other. Studies. Her research interests include Comparative transitional justice research transitional justice, violence, and social inequalities. Notes 3 The list of relevant works is Works Cited Améry, Jean. At the Mind’s Backer, David. “Cross- email: [email protected] extensive. I have attempted Limits: Contemplations by a National Comparative 1 This method, typically to avoid canonization and its Abott, Andrew. Time Matters. Survivor on Auschwitz and Analysis.” Assessing the applied to a moderate exclusionary effects wherever On Theory and Method. Its Realities. Bloomington: Impact of Transitional Justice: number of cases, creates a possible. Chicago: Chicago University Indiana University Press,1980. Challenges for Empirical bridge between classical Press, 2011. Print. Print. Research. Ed. Hugo van small-N comparisons 4 Examples are Peru (Burt; der Merwe, Victoria Baxter (focusing on complex Theidon), Guatemala Adorno, Theodor W. Appadurai, Arjun. “Grassroots and Audrey M. Chapman. patterns of causation) (Oettler), and Mexico. Sylvia “Education after Auschwitz.” Globalization and the Washington, DC: USIP Press and large-N comparisons Karl has recently finished her Critical Models. Interventions Research Imagination.” Books, 2009. 23-72. Print. (based on abstract multiple PhD thesis on the Mexican and Catchwords. Ed. Theodor Globalization. Ed. Arjun regression analysis). This dirty war and the social W. Adorno. New York: Appadurai. Durham: Duke Barahona de Brito, method has been widely movement of relatives of the Columbia University Press, University Press, 2011. 1-21. Alexandra, Carman González- perceived within the sub- disappeared in Guerrero, 1998a. 191-204. Print. Print. Enríquez, and Paloma Aguilar. field of Comparative Politics, where Lucio Cabañas led a “Introduction.” The Politics for instance, De Meur and small guerilla movement in ---. “The Meaning of Working Arendt, Hannah. “The of Memory. Transitional Berg-Schlosser developed the 1970s. Through the Past.” Critical Aftermath of Nazi Rule. Justice in Democratizing and applied a QCA method Models. Interventions and Report from Germany.” Societies. Ed. Alexandra to analyse similarities and Catchwords. Ed. Theodor W. Commentary 10 (1950) 342- Paloma Barahona de Brito, dissimilarities of political Adorno. New York: Columbia 53. Print. Carmen González-Enríquez systems. University Press, 1998b. 89- and Paloma Aguilar. Oxford: 104. Print. ---. Eichmann in Jerusalem. A Oxford University Press, 2001. 2 Ruti Teitel claims to have Report on the Banality of Evil. 1-39. Print. coined the term in her 1991 Ahram, Ariel A. “The Theory London: Penguin, 2006. Print. application to the United and Method of Comparative Arthur, Paige. “How ––› States Institute of Peace Area Studies.” Qualitative ‘Transitions’ Reshaped (“Working Paper”, supranote Research 11.1 (2011): 69-90. Human Rights: A Conceptual 1) Web. 10 Apr. 2015. History of Transitional Justice.” Human Rights Quarterly 31.2 (2009): 321-67. Web. 10 Apr. 2015.
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ISSN: 2196-629X URN: urn:nbn:de:hebis: 04-ep0003-2015-108-35788
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Competing Visions of Area Studies in the Competing Visions of Area Studies Interwar Period: The School of Oriental Languages in Berlin in the Interwar Period: The School of Introduction Oriental Languages in Berlin This article addresses the controversial development of the School for Oriental Languages (SOL) in Berlin between its founding in 1887 and the end of the Wei- mar Republic. The school was founded in order to provide training in “Oriental lan- guages” for diplomats in the imperial ser- vice. Although the institution was funded by the Foreign Office and the Prussian Ministry of Culture, it had initially not been founded for the education of colonial of- ficers. But once it began operating, the Imperial Colonial Office turned it into a training school for colonial personnel. Pro- viding vocational training in languages and “colonial Realien,” the SOL attracted scholars who called for a reorientation in Larissa Schmid Orientalist scholarship, aiming to study the contemporary Middle East instead of Focusing on the Seminar for Oriental Lan- the academic community of Orientalists adhering to philological methods. Those guages in Berlin, the article explores com- since Germany’s imperial period, it will be Orientalists interested in the “contempo- peting visions on the role of area studies argued that concepts of area studies con- rary Middle East” and in the “study of Is- between two prominent Orientalists in tinued to be linked to visions of national- lam” profited from a close cooperation the interwar period. It shows that tensions ist and expansionist foreign policies, even with the imperial government. The exten- between blue-sky research, applied re- after 1918. sive use of SOL graduates for intelligence search and the provision of educational and military service during WWI highlights services were at the centre of this argu- Keywords: Area Studies; Oriental Studies; the close connections of German area ment. In sketching the development of Islamic Studies; Interwar Period studies with imperial interests. With the
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end of the German Empire, a public de- ing the landscape of Oriental studies dur- later he took up a post at the German em- bate on the future of the SOL emerged ing Germany’s imperial period. Devel- bassy in Beirut where he spent another that critically addressed the institution’s oped out of a subsidiary discipline of eleven years. During this time, Hartmann self-conception. theology into a linguistic science by the studied colloquial Arabic and travelled In focusing on two leading protagonists in early 19th century, Orientalist scholarship extensively in the region. His outstanding this context, the Orientalists Georg had for over a century—in accordance with command of Arabic brought him back to Kampffmeyer1 and Carl Heinrich Becker, 2 the Humboldtian ideal—produced Orien- Berlin in 1887 where he took up the posi- the paper picks up on a debate around talists who were working on “ancient and tion as lecturer for Arabic at the newly the question of how closely area studies long dead cultures” (Marchand 350). founded SOL (Kramer 284). should be related to political, military and Those scholars at German universities After Germany’s entry into the era of economic interests after the First World studied languages of ancient civilization “Weltpolitik,” there was a growing de- War.3 Although the debate between the through the analysis of classical texts. mand for people who were able to negoti- two scholars entailed a strong local and Hardly any of them had travelled to the ate or translate in business negotiations personal dimension, its arguments were respective region in order to study con- and political affairs. Reportedly, this need exemplary for a larger debate on the role temporary developments or to collect ma- for experts had been brought forward of area studies in consequence of Germa- terial. Until the end of the 19th century ma- most prominently in 1883 by Chancellor ny’s defeat in the First World War. By illus- terial sources collected by missionaries Bismarck who had noticed the lack of an trating those arguments, the article con- and travellers remained the only available adequate Chinese translator in official tributes to the under researched history of material for extensive studies in the field business negotiations and had subse- German area studies before 1933 (Brahm (Habermas 136). quently suggested educating officials in and Meissner 263). It shows how political Towards the end of the 19th century some the Foreign Service in Asiatic languages affiliations and personal convictions influ- scholars started to discard this intellec- and cultures (Marchand 350; Burchardt enced Becker’s and Kampffmeyer’s con- tual tradition and began studying con- 64; Morgenroth 7). ceptions of area studies. It will be argued temporary developments in the Middle Funded by the Foreign Office and the that both concepts were intertwined with East. Among them was Martin Hartmann4 Prussian Ministry of Culture, the SOL be- visions of nationalist and expansionist for- who had studied Semitic studies at the came the leading institution in the training eign policies, representing intellectual University of Leipzig with Heinrich Leb- of colonial personnel. currents popular in the interwar period. erecht Fleischer, a scholar famous for his The aim of instruction was not wide- Arabic philological training. Hartmann ranging Bildung, but unabashedly Oriental Studies during Germany’s Impe- travelled to the Ottoman Empire in 1874 practical training; it cultivated students rial Period after finishing his doctorate and took up who aimed chiefly at business careers, Members of the academic community of a career as a professional translator careers as colonial officers, postal Orientalists were actively involved in shap- (dragoman)5 in Constantinople. Two years workers, and overseas military per-
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sonnel, not at all the same sorts who focused more strongly on research and the HKI would be taught without the frequented the philosophical faculty. did not stick to teaching languages and technical apparatus demanded in (Marchand 351) “colonial Realien” only. comparative Semitic studies. This time The curriculum was initially limited to Asi- saved could be spent on Realien: insti- atic languages (Chinese, Japanese, Hindi, The Emergence of Islamic Studies in Berlin tutions, customs, art, and geography. Arabic, Persian, Turkish, Swahili), but was and Hamburg (Marchand 353) gradually extended to include African lan- Both institutions, the SOL and the HCI, Scholars like Becker and Hartmann of- guages of the German colonies. In addi- were until 1918 the leading institutions for fered their expertise readily for imperial tion to language courses, the SOL offered the training of colonial personnel and key research projects. Both participated (Beck- courses in “colonial Realien,” which includ- institutions for promoting the study of the er in 1908, Hartmann in 1911) in a research ed courses on tropical medicine, customs, contemporary Middle East and Islam. At project by the imperial government, which law, and the geography of German colo- the SOL, Martin Hartmann taught the first undertook a survey on the spread of Islam nies. According to Burchardt, the SOL course of Islamic studies beginning in in German colonies in Africa. Both studies was not created in response to the 1910 and in Hamburg, Carl Heinrich Beck- were never published, but reflected a shift needs of colonial policy. Once it was er promoted the study of Islam.7 Both in methodology of Oriental studies, which there, however, it was used by the rel- were “proponents of a new kind of cul- based analysis on empirical material col- evant departments in the training of tural history, one that played down philol- lected by scholars themselves (Habermas young officials and officers in the colo- ogy in favour of history, sociology and 137). The cooperation between scholars nies. (Burchardt 103)6 political ideas” (Marchand 353; Mangold and the imperial government on the one In 1908 the SOL lost its status as the only 256-73). Becker was appointed as the first hand provided researchers with empirical institution providing training for colonial director of the Colonial Institute and held sources, and on the other hand brought personnel, because the Secretary for Co- the chair of “History and Culture of the recognition for the relevance of “studying lonial Affairs and head of the Imperial Co- Orient” until 1913. Islam.” Scholars who turned to the study of lonial Office Bernhard Dernburg founded The ideal, and only candidate, for its Islam were outsiders in the field of Orien- the Colonial Institute in Hamburg (HCI) position in Islamic History and Civiliza- tal studies, but they realized early enough together with local merchants. Adminis- tion was Carl Heinrich Becker, assis- that “Islam was marketable during the co- tered by the Imperial Colonial Office in tant professor at the University of Hei- lonial era” (Wokoeck 181). Berlin, the merchants of Hamburg assert- delberg, who had taught Germany’s Kampffmeyer, a student and colleague of ed their influence through a business- first lecture course on modern Islam Hartmann at the SOL, was another major men’s advisory board (Marchand 353). In in 1906-1907. In negotiations over the figure in pushing the study of Islam and terms of structure and organisation, the position, Becker insisted that his pur- contemporary Middle Eastern studies. His HCI was similar to the SOL (Ruppenthal, view be the cultural, not the linguistic, role in the establishment of Moroccan Kolonialismus 173), although the curricula world of Islam and that languages at studies at the SOL is a perfect example of
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how scholarship and political ambitions and the contemporary Middle East gained The material presented here shows that went hand in hand. It shows that German new ground. The launch of new academic the emergence of Islamic studies as a new Orientalist scholarship was as much at- journals and the founding of new profes- field within Oriental studies was closely tracted to political power as French or Brit- sional associations in Hamburg and Berlin tied to imperial ambitions of the German ish Orientalist scholarship, as stressed by mirrored this development. In 1910 Becker Empire. Scholars like Hartmann and Edward Said (19). However, German Ori- founded the journal Der Islam, which pub- Kampffmeyer at the SOL and Becker at the entalism and its hegemonic sites need to lished on philological as well as sociolog- HCI profited from a close cooperation with be investigated in a national and imperial ical or cultural topics (Rohde 128, March- governmental institutions. They readily framework rather than in a colonial one and 362). It represented a shift away from provided expertise which in return gained (Jenkins, “German Orientalism” 99). Fol- a longstanding Orientalist institution, the them recognition and funding for the lowing a political agenda known as “péné- “German Oriental Society” (Deutsche study of the contemporary Orient and Is- tration pacifique,” Germany strove to gain Morgenländische Gesellschaft). In 1912, lam. Thus, the First World War caused a political influence in the Middle East by Hartmann founded the association “Ger- fragmentation of the academic commu- using cultural institutions as a forerunner man Association for Islamic Studies” nity of Orientalists in Germany along com- for establishing economic and political (Deutsche Gesellschaft für Islamkunde) in peting views concerning the profile of the ties in the region. Berlin, which edited the journal Die Welt disciplinary field. In the wake of the first Morocco Crisis des Islams (WI) with a focus on contempo- (1905/1906), in which the German Empire rary issues. The political agenda of the as- First World War: Conflicting Views in the aimed at gaining influence in Morocco, sociation was programmatically expressed Academic Community Kampffmeyer received funding from the by Hartmann’s colleague Kampffmeyer in During the First World War the alliance be- Prussian government for research on Mo- the first edition of WI in 1913: tween Germany and the Ottoman Empire roccan culture and language. This even- If I am not mistaken, we in Germany are gave the field of Oriental studies some un- tually resulted in the establishment of faced with a partial transformation of precedented public attention. Expertise Moroccan studies at the SOL and the our oriental scholarship. No longer do on the Middle East was in high demand foundation of the German-Morocco Li- we sit by lonely little lamps, so far away and war requirements completely brary (Haarmann 63). Kampffmeyer from the real world in our little libraries; changed the work of scholars at the SOL, turned himself into an expert on Moroc- we too have stepped outside and feel but also at other universities.8 can affairs acting as consultant for the the life pulsing through our people as a For instance, lecturers at the SOL were re- Foreign Office (Pritsch 5). whole. […] We want the doing of useful sponsible for censoring letters written in Although Islamic studies as a new disci- things no longer to be an embarrass- non-European languages by prisoners of pline was institutionalized only after the ment. In their pursuit, we can also dem- war (POWs). Among them was Kampff- First World War, already before and dur- onstrate thoroughness (Marchand 333). meyer, who was responsible for censoring ing the First World War the study of Islam letters of Morrocan POWs and served as
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an advisor and translator in the so-called importance than any German or Turk- came opponents in a debate on area stud- “Halfmoon Camp,” which was located ish diplomat, military officer or political ies. The Deutsche Gesellschaft für Islam- close to Berlin and held most of the North leader in the political campaign to- kunde (DGI), which initially encompassed African prisoners of war (Höpp 58-59). wards the “Orient.” (Marchand 448) all German-speaking Orientalists working Those activities were coordinated by the on contemporary Islam, was the stage for newly founded Intelligence Bureau for the Becker gave numerous lectures on Islam this controversy. The association focussed East in Berlin, which managed the propa- during the war and portrayed the long- on activities like setting up a library and ganda efforts in and outside Germany with standing relationship between Germany organizing lectures in Berlin, which aimed the help of Orientalists like Kampffmeyer, and the Ottoman Empire in publications at providing expertise (economic, political Eugen Mittwoch and many others.9 It was like Deutschland und der Islam in 1915 affairs) for politicians engaged in the re- responsible for the propaganda towards (Marchand 449). In his controversy with gion. Funded by the Imperial Colonial Of- the so-called “Orient” as part of a wider the Dutch Orientalist Snouck Hurgronje, fice, the DGI developed from an academ- “revolution programme” which aimed at Becker positioned himself as an intellec- ic association into a platform providing stirring up insurrections in territories of the tual promoter of German interests in the foreign expertise for economic and politi- Entente powers (Jenkins, “Fritz Fischer’s Middle East, calling for a foreign cultural cal purposes only (Mangold 279). ‘Programme for Revolution’” 398). Part of policy based on cultural cooperation (Van After the death of Hartmann in 1918, Beck- this programme run by the Foreign Office Ess 31). Reflecting his rising influence, in er became the head of the DGI. When and the Political Section of the Reserve 1916 Becker was appointed as an advisor Kampffmeyer took over in 1920, their rival- Command Staff was the so-called “Jihad to the Prussian Cultural Ministry for the re- ling positions took shape. Becker aimed at campaign,” which aimed at stirring an in- form of area studies (Müller 166). fusing the DGI with the Berlin section of surrection of Muslim peoples in territories With Becker’s new position in politics, con- the German Oriental Society in order to controlled by the wartime enemies flicts in the academic community of Orien- strengthen the scientific character of the through a call to “Jihad” made by the Ot- talists intensified. While Orientalists based association. This move reflected his wider toman Sultan in November 1914. Oriental- at the SOL like Hartmann, Kampffmeyer, ambitions of reforming Oriental studies, ists were active in secret missions abroad, and Mittwoch worked intensively “on the as it had existed during the war, into a wrote enthusiastic propaganda brochures ground” (i.e. with local propagandists at methodologically sound academic disci- for the Intelligence Bureau for the East or the Intelligence Bureau for the East), Beck- pline and not merely a provider of policy even publicly promoted the German-Ot- er became a promoter of “Islamkunde” on expertise. Kampffmeyer opposed those toman alliance: an intellectual and political level. In this plans wherever possible and argued that By engaging in intelligence-gathering period Becker and Kampffmeyer articu- Oriental studies could only profit from activities, scholars tried to prove their lated differing opinions concerning the contact with the “living Orientals,” and that utility for the national cause, but in future development of the disciplinary scholars needed to provide expertise in general Orientalists were of much less field. After the First World War they be- the region without any restrictions. In the
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interwar period, which will be the focus of and changed its cultural policy as well as 353). Initially formulated in 1917, Becker’s the following section, those opposing its instruments. Due to the defeat in WWI, conception of area studies was broad in views on the role of area studies were German cultural policy was no longer its outlook and meant to educate every carved out in the debate over the reform seen merely as a forerunner for economic citizen in foreign affairs (“Denkschrift”). of the SOL. and political relations, but as a distinct po- Conceptualized as a newly established litical field of agitation. It aimed at main- discipline for regular students and citi- Reforming Area Studies in the Interwar Pe- taining cultural ties (art, music) with for- zens, he suggested separating area stud- riod eign cultural institutions and at supporting ies from the practical training of civil ser- During the interwar years the social and German citizens or schools abroad (Düwell vants. He thus aimed at increasing the political climate in Germany was marked 48; Ruppenthal, “Kolonialabteilung”). At university’s independence from govern- by economic crisis. This was in part an the same time, the FO pursued a revision- mental affairs (514-16). Becker suggested effect of the Versailles Treaty, in which ist colonial policy in international relations decentralizing the provision of foreign Germany was held responsible for the backed by a lobby of revisionist colonialist expertise by turning specific university outbreak of the First World War and was circles, which aimed at keeping alive a “co- chairs into specialized institutions spread obligated to pay financial reparations. lonial spirit” in society (Pogge von Strand- all over the country, for instance, a center For the SOL the loss of German colonies mann 286). Those circles aimed at once for Latin American studies in Cologne in the wake of the war had a far-reaching again turning the SOL into an institute for (Brahm and Meissner 264). effect, as its main purpose, i.e. the educa- colonial studies. His ambitions to reform the SOL were tion of colonial staff, became obsolete. The reform of the SOL became the focus rooted in his conviction that area studies The subject “colonial Realien” was no of public attention. The debate centered should be centered in the university. Con- longer taught at the SOL and the de- on the question of how closely area stud- temporary affairs—be it with regard to Ori- mand for African languages was in de- ies should be related to political, military ental studies or to German society—were cline, too. Instead, the SOL during the and economic interests. In his position as his central concern. While Becker was suc- interwar period turned to teaching main- personal consultant for university affairs in cessful in the establishment of the first ly European languages and was discred- the Prussian Ministry for Culture (1916- chairs of sociology and the foundation of ited by some critics as a publicly financed 1921), as State-Secretary in the Prussian the German Academy for Politics in Berlin language school.10 Ministry for Culture (1921), and as Prussian in 1920, his reform plans for the SOL failed. At the same time, the Foreign Office (FO) Minister of Culture (1925-1930), Becker His plan was to integrate parts of the sem- became a federal body and was restruc- fought for a large-scale educational and inar into the university. The idea was ini- tured internally. The Ministry altered the university reform. He aimed at closing tially backed by the Foreign Office and by formation of its dragomans and ended its down philologically oriented Sanskrit colleagues at the SOL, but was dismissed institutional cooperation with the SOL. It chairs and at integrating culturally orient- in autumn 1923 for financial reasons. created a separate cultural department ed “area studies” at universities (Müller Kampffmeyer and Palme opened the con-
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troversy over the future of the SOL in a se- as an extension of the SOL. They argued A comparison of the competing visions for ries of publications, which often entailed that the study of foreign languages was area studies promoted by Becker and personal assaults on university professors crucial for making contemporary develop- Kampffmeyer as reflected in the debate in general. Becker did not answer those ments in politics, economics and societies on the reform of the SOL shows that these assaults in public, but personal papers abroad accessible for experts. In those differences of opinion went beyond per- and letters show how offended Becker felt conceptions a close cooperation with na- sonal rivalries. They represented compet- by Kampffmeyer’s articulations (Müller tive speaking colleagues at the SOL or ing strategies for the future development 364), which will be elaborated on in the with Arab students in Berlin was deemed of the disciplinary field and also implied following section. essential for gaining knowledge on non- political differences. European societies. Kampffmeyer’s well- Becker’s intention to strengthen the uni- Competing Visions of Area Studies known personal engagement with the versity and to turn area studies into a field The two rival concepts of area studies Muslim community in Berlin therefore rooted in the university was based on his were brought forward in the form of news- served a specific purpose, and it went far democratic convictions, which envisioned paper articles and in small publications. beyond professional conventions in the area studies to offer knowledge without Becker’s position was backed in a publica- field (Höpp, Orientalist 46). For instance, any claims of utility. Becker did not deny tion by Otto Franke, a former colleague of in 1926 Kampffmeyer founded an associa- that experts should offer expertise for a Becker in Hamburg and leading professor tion (Hilfsbund für arabische Studieren- national cause, but generally speaking, he for Sinology in Berlin.11 Franke’s concep- de), which supported Arab students in did not envision area studies as a field of tion of area studies supported Becker’s Berlin financially and politically (46-47). An applied knowledge mainly serving politi- plans to install the subject at the university. institutional expansion of the SOL would cal ends. Embedded in his larger educa- Supporters of this view—mostly estab- not only have secured Kampffmeyer’s and tional reform plans, Becker was convinced lished professors—aimed at expanding on Palme’s positions, but even might have that raising levels of knowledge on foreign the historical-philological method to in- turned their status of lecturers into profes- countries in German society was a nation- clude contemporary issues in teaching sors, which was another demand dis- al goal in and of itself, which would even- and research at universities (Franke, Das guised behind a conceptual debate. tually help to prevent another catastrophe Seminar 5-24). In his publications Kampffmeyer created a as the First World War. Kampffmeyer together with his colleague distorted binary opposition between the In contrast, Kampffmeyer and Palme un- Anton Palme, both still based at the SOL, universities allegedly sticking exclusively abashedly argued that expert knowledge opposed Becker’s plans. Both came up to the historical-philological method and on foreign countries should serve political with the concept of “studying nations” the SOL which he presented as the only and economic ends, thus distancing them- (Nationenwissenschaft), which was to be institution able to provide expertise on the selves from academic knowledge produc- taught at a future “Academy for Foreign contemporary MENA region (Kampffmey- tion at universities. Kampffmeyer’s agita- Affairs” (Auslandshochschule), envisaged er, “Die Reform”). tions against Becker had a strong
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anti-intellectual tone. His conception of strings in order to promote a more scien- eral, academic circles contrasted with Larissa Schmid Nationenwissenschaften was rooted in a tifically based curriculum at the SOL. His Kampffmeyer’s engagement “on the conservative political agenda and cen- powerful position in the Ministry allowed ground” working in the service-oriented holds an MA in History, Islamic Studies tered on the category of “race” (Volk). him to install Franz Babinger as a lecturer field as translator. Kampffmeyer’s support and Political Science from the Free Kampffmeyer thus represents an intellec- for contemporary Islamic studies at the for Arab students in Berlin in the 1920’s University Berlin. She is based at the tual strand which gained more and more SOL (1921-1924) and later as a professor was viewed critically by his colleagues, as Center for Modern Oriental Studies in importance in the interwar period. His en- at the Friedrich-Wilhelm University in Ber- such an engagement contradicted pro- Berlin and is currently working on her gagement on behalf of Arab students in lin (1924-1934). Although Becker failed to fessional norms of the time and added to PhD project. In her research she focuses Berlin apparently was apparently motivat- reform the SOL in the interwar period, an image of Kampffmeyer as a querulous on the representation and experience ed by nationalist considerations, rather he succeeded in establishing a chair for person. His conception of area studies of North African prisoners of war in than constituting only an act of solidarity. Islamic studies in 1929 for Babinger in centered on language as the key for un- Germany during the First World War. The Supporting Arab claims for national self- Berlin, making him one of the “founding derstanding non-European cultures. In project forms part of the international determination equally followed a German fathers” of Islamic studies in Germany his anti-intellectual attacks on university collaborative research project “Cultural nationalist agenda designed to weaken (Wokoeck 165-66). professors, represented by Becker, Exchange in a Time of Global Conflict: the influence of France and Britain in the Kampffmeyer moved towards a völkisch- Colonials, Neutrals and Belligerents MENA region and to showcase Germany’s Conclusion nationalist argumentation, which became during the First World War” funded by ostensibly benevolent engagement with This article illustrated how closely the more influential at German universities HERA (cegcproject.eu). the Muslim world. emergence of the field of Islamic studies after 1924/25. Kampffmeyer’s approach email: [email protected] Kampffmeyer’s and Palme’s plans for during the first decades of the 20th cen- followed a nationalist conception of sci- turning the SOL into a distinct institution tury was entangled with the German im- ence as providing academic services for eventually came close to being realized perial project. As an academic commu- the fatherland. in 1924, when the Prussian Landtag voted nity of Orientalists working on the con- Although Becker’s agenda of reforming in favor of transforming the SOL into a so- temporary Middle East coalesced in Ger- Oriental studies as area studies with a called Auslandshochschule. But the plan many during this period, competing sound methodology and clearly defined was put on hold for political reasons and positions regarding the profile of area aims followed a nationalist line of thought only realized in 1935 under the Nazi re- studies evolved. Conflicts between Beck- as well, in contrast to Kampffmeyer’s it was gime as part of its efforts to incorporate er and Kampffmeyer emerged already rooted in a democratic belief, according area studies into its power structures. during the First World War, when Becker’s to which educating the masses in foreign Becker did not witness this transforma- promotion into the Prussian Ministry of affairs would eventually help to prevent a tion, as he died in 1933. However, the cor- Culture turned him into an influential fig- further traumatic experience like the First respondence between Mittwoch and the ure regarding the reform of area studies. World War. Prussian Ministry indicates that behind the Besides holding this position, his ambi- scenes, Becker was nevertheless pulling tions to provide expertise on Islam in lib-
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Notes 4 Hartmann, Martin (1851- 7 During the interwar 9 The activities of the 10 Teaching was restricted 1918): 1875 dissertation in period the term Intelligence Bureau were until 1929 to the subjects Leipzig with H. L. Fleischer; “gegenwartsbezogene concentrated on the technology, missionary 1 (1864-1936): 1883 study 1876-1887 Dragoman in Islamkunde“ was used production of propagandist work and the study of of Philosophy, Theology, Beirut; 1887 Lecturer at SOL synonymously with material to be distributed at newspapers. No diploma Semitic and Roman for colloquial Arabic; 1912 “Islamwissenschaft” and the camps, at the Western in African languages languages at the universities Co-founder of Deutsche sporadically as “Islamistik” front and in the region was given after 1918 and of Bern, Lausanne, Florence, Gesellschaft für Islamkunde (Wokoeck 165). itself. Leaflets in Arabic numbers of students in Berlin; 1892 dissertation in (DGI). were produced to convince African languages remained Leipzig with A. Socin; 1900 8 The curriculum of the French colonial soldiers to relatively low during the habilitation in Marburg, 1906 5 A dragoman can be SOL was affected by war cross over to the German Weimar Republic. Chinese, lecturer at SOL for Moroccan, understood as a professional requirements, too. The side and the journal al-Jihad Japanese, Arabic, and Egyptian dialect. translator in the service of teaching of some languages was published in Arabic Turkish were continuously the government specialized among them Moroccan- for Muslim POWs. Initially, taught, but student numbers 2 (1876-1933): 1895 study of in Arabic, Turkish and Persian Arabic was given up because the German strategy had never reached the pre-war Semitic studies in Lausanne, languages. of little demand or because envisioned to send Muslim peak again (Morgenroth Heidelberg, Berlin; 1900-1902 language instructors had POWs to fight along with 17). European languages international travels to the 6 The seminar contributed been recruited for military Ottoman fellow soldiers at (English, Spanish, French, Middle East (Egypt, Syria, to colonial rule in German service (Stoecker 44). Instead, the Mesopotamian front, and Russian) were in great Palestine); 1902 habilitation colonies by providing war-relevant languages but this idea was given up in demand. in Heidelberg; 1908-1913 training for hundreds of (Russian, Polish, Turkish) for 1916 and propaganda efforts First Director of the Colonial colonial officers until 1914. military or medical personnel concentrated on publishing 11 Otto Franke held the first Institute Chair of History and Among its most prominent were offered for free (Sachau activities. The Intelligence chair for “Sprachen und Culture of the Orient; 1913- graduates were the III). Especially Turkish Bureau for the East was Geschichten Ostasiens“ in 1916 Professor in Bonn; 1916 governors of East Africa, classes saw a huge increase headed by Eugen Mittwoch 1910 in Hamburg. Trained at -1921 personal consultant Gustav Adolf Graf von in student’s enrolment in until 1918, who became in SOL in Berlin, Franke had for university affairs in the Götzen (1901-1906) and the winter term 1915/1916, 1920 the director of the SOL. served as the translator for Prussian Ministry for Culture; Heinrich Schnee (1912-1919), which corresponded with the Deutsche Kaiserliche 1921 State-Secretary in the as well as Julius Graf von a wider enthusiasm for Gesandtschaft in Peking and Prussian Ministry for Culture; Zech von Neuhofen who Turkish studies resulting in in consulates in China. See 1925-1930 Minister of Culture governed the colony of Togo the foundation of numerous further Franke, Erinnerungen. in Prussia; 1930 Chair for from 1905-1910 (Marchand cultural associations or Islamic studies in Berlin. 351). university chairs for Oriental ––› studies (Marchand 45; 3 The disciplinary forerunner Hanisch 58). of area studies were in Germany the field of “Auslandswissenschaften” and “Auslandskunde” (Brahm and Meissner).
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––› Works Cited Düwell, Kurt. “Die Gründung Franke, Otto. Das Seminar für ---. “Orientalist ---. “Nachrichten über der kulturpolitischen Orientalische Sprachen und mit Konsequenz: Angelegenheiten der Brahm, Felix, and Joachim Abteilung im Auswärtigen seine geplante Umformung. Georg Kampffmeyer Deutschen Gesellschaft für Meissner. “Von den Amt 1919/1920 als Leipzig: Quelle & Meyer, und die Muslime“. Islamkunde.” Die Welt des Auslandswissenschaften Neuansatz: Inhaltliche und 1924. 5-34. Print. Religionswissenschaft in Islams 1.3/4 (1913): I-XXXIV. zu den area studies.” organisatorische Strukturen Konsequenz. Beiträge im Print. Kontinuitäten und der Reform auswärtiger ---. Erinnerungen an zwei Anschluß an Impulse von Kurt Diskontinuitäten in der Kulturpolitik nach dem Welten: Randglossen zur Rudolph. Ed. Rainer Flasche. Kloosterhuis, Jürgen. Wissenschaftsgeschichte Ersten Weltkrieg.” Deutsche eigenen Lebensgeschichte. Hamburg: LIT, 2000. 37-47. „Friedliche Imperialisten“: des 20. Jahrhunderts: Auswärtige Kulturpolitik seit Berlin: de Gruyter, 1954. Print. Print. Deutsche Auslandsvereine Wissenschaft, Politik und 1871: Geschichte und Struktur. und auswärtige Kulturpolitik, Gesellschaft. Vol. 1. Ed. Referate und Diskussionen Habermas, Rebekka. Jenkins, Jennifer. “German 1906-1918. 2 vols. Rüdiger vom Bruch, Uta eines interdisziplinären “Islam Debates around Orientalism: Introduction.” Frankfurt/M.: Peter Lang, Gerhardt and Aleksandra Symposions. Ed. Kurt Düwell 1900: Colonies in Africa, Comparative Studies of South 1994. Print. Europäische Pawliczek. Stuttgart: Franz and Werner Link. Köln: Muslims in Berlin, and the Asia, Africa and the Middle Hochschulschriften. Reihe Steiner, 2006. 263-79. Print. Böhlau, 1981. 46-71. Print. Role of Missionaries and East 24.2 (2004): 97-100. Print. 3: Geschichte und ihre Orientalists.” Chloe 46 (2012): Hilfswissenschaften, Bd. 588. Burchardt, Lothar. “The Ekkehard, Ellinger. Deutsche 123-54. Print. ---. “Fritz Fischer’s School of Oriental Orientalistik zur Zeit ‘Programme for Revolution:’ Kramer, Martin. “Arabistik Languages at the University des Nationalsozialismus Haarmann, Ulrich. “Die Implications for a Global and Arabism: The Passions of Berlin: Forging the Cadres 1933-1945. Edingen- islamische Moderne bei den History of Germany in the of Martin Hartmann.” Middle of German Imperialism?” Neckarshausen: Deux deutschen Orientalisten.” First World War” Journal of Eastern Studies 25.3 (1989): Science Across the European Mondes, 2006. Print. Araber und Deutsche. Contemporary History 48.2 283-300. Print. Empires, 1800-1950. Ed. Begegnungen in einem (2013): 397-417. Print. Benedikt Stuchtey. Oxford: van Ess, Joseph. “From Jahrtausend. Ed. Friedrich Mangold, Sabine. Oxford University Press, 2005. Wellhausen to Becker: H. Kochwasser and Hans R. Kampffmeyer, Georg. “Das Eine „weltbürgerliche 64-106. Print. The Emergence of Roemer. Tübingen: Erdmann, Seminar für Orientalische Wissenschaft“: Die ‘Kulturgeschichte’ in Islamic 1974. 56-90. Print. Sprachen zu Berlin.” Die Welt deutsche Orientalistik im “Denkschrift des preußischen Studies.” Islamic Studies: A des Islams 8.1 (1923): 4-14. 19. Jahrhundert. München: Kultusministeriums Tradition and Its Problems. Höpp, Gerhard. Print. Steiner, 2004. Print. über die Förderung Ed. Malcolm H. Kerr. Malibu: Muslime in der Mark: Als der Auslandsstudien.” Undena Publications, 1980. Kriegsgefangene und ---. Die Reform des Seminars Marchand, Suzanne L. Internationale Monatsschrift 27-51. Print. Internierte in Wünsdorf und für Orientalische Sprachen German Orientalism in the für Wissenschaft Kunst und Zossen, 1914-1924. Berlin: zu Berlin: Berichte und Age of Empire: Religion, Technik 11.5 (1 Feb. 1917): 514- Essner, Cornelia, and Das Arabische Buch, 1997. Dokumente. Vol. 3. Berlin: Race, and Scholaraship. New 32. Print. Gerd Winkelhane. “Carl Print. N.p, 1925. 1-15. Print. York: Cambridge University Heinrich Becker (1876- Press, 2009. Print. 1933): Orientalist und Kulturpolitiker.” Die Welt des ––› Islams 28 (1988): 154-77. Print.
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––› Mittwoch, Eugen. “Das ---. Die Deutsche Ruppenthal, Jens. “Die Stoecker, Holger. Seminar für Orientalische Auslandshochschule: Kolonialabteilung im Afrikawissenschaften in Sprachen an der Universität Vorläufige Denkschrift für Auswärtigen Amt der Berlin von 1919 bis 1945: Zur Berlin.” Weltpolitische das Reichsministerium des Weimarer Republik.” Geschichte und Topographie Bildungsarbeit an Inneren. Berlin: Haude & Macht und Anteil an der eines wissenschaftlichen Preußischen Hochschulen: Spener, 1920. Print. Weltherrschaft: Berlin und Netzwerkes. Stuttgart: Franz Festschrift aus Anlaß des der deutsche Kolonialismus. Steiner Verlag, 2008. Print. 50. Geburtstages des Pogge von Strandmann, Ed. Ulrich van der Heyden Preußischen Ministers für Hartmut. “Deutscher and Joachim Zeller. Münster: Wokoeck, Ursula. German Wissenschaft, Kunst und Imperialismus nach 1918.” Unrast, 2005. 22-28. Print. Orientalism: The Study of Volksbildung Herrn Professor Deutscher Konservatismus the Middle East and Islam Dr. C. H. Becker. Berlin: im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert. ---. Kolonialismus als from 1800 to 1945. London: Hobbing, 1926. 12-22. Print. Festschrift für Fritz Fischer. „Wissenschaft und Technik“: Routledge, 2009. Print. Ed. Dirk von Stegmann Das Hamburgische Morgenroth, Wolfgang. “Das et al. Bonn: Verlag Neue Kolonialinstitut 1908 bis 1919. Wulf, Stefan. Das Hamburger ‘Seminar für Orientalische Gesellschaft, 1983. 281-93. Stuttgart: Steiner, 2007. Print. Tropeninstitut 1919 bis 1945: Sprachen’ in der Print. Historische Mitteilungen. Auswärtige Kulturpolitik und Wissenschaftstradition der Beihefte 66. Kolonialrevisionismus nach Sektion Asienwissenschaften Pritsch, Erich. “Georg Versailles. Berlin: Dietrich der Humboldt-Universität Kampffmeyer.” Die Welt des Sachau, Eduard, ed. Reimer Verlag, 1994. Print. zu Berlin.” Beiträge zur Islams 18 (1936): 1-11. Print. Mitteilungen des Seminars Geschichte der Humboldt- für Orientalische Sprachen Universität zu Berlin 25 Rohde, Achim. “Zur an der Königlichen Friedrich- (1990): 6-40. Print. Geschichte der Wilhelms-Universität zu Islamwissenschaft an Berlin. Jg. XVIII. Erste Müller, Guido. Becker, Carl der Uni Hamburg.” Vom Abteilung: Ostasiatische Heinrich: Internationale Kolonialinstitut zum Asien- Studien, Berlin: de Gruyter, Wissenschaft und nationale und Afrika-Institut. 100 Jahre 1915. Print. Bildung: Ausgewählte Asien-Afrika-Wissenschaften Schriften. Köln: Böhlau 1997. in Hamburg. Ed. Ludwig Paul. Said, Edward. Orientalism. Print. Gossenberg: Ostasien Verlag New York: Vintage. 1978. Print. 2008. 128-49. Print. Palme, Anton. Die deutsche Sengupta, Indra. “Situating Auslandshochschule und das German Orientalist nationenwissenschaftliche Scholarship: Edward Said, Studium des Auslandes. Orientalism, and the German Berlin: Reimer, 1914. Print. Predicament.” German Historical Institute London Bulletin 30.1 (2008): 35-53. Print. ISSN: 2196-629X urn:nbn:de:hebis: 04-ep0003-2015-108-27873
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duced. However, in Europe, the scholarly contemplation of this topic dates back to I ndividuals, Institutions and the end of the nineteenth and the begin- Discourses: Knowledge and Power ning of the twentieth century—the period of the genesis of various social theories in Russia’s Iranian Studies of the and the beginning of scholarly attempts at conceptualizing the nation-state. Natu- Late Imperial, Soviet and rally, while these developments shared a number of common features that were Post-Soviet Periods the same across all the Western coun- tries in which they occurred, there were also marked differences and characteris- tics that were specific for each individual Denis V. Volkov country. In this regard, Russia, which had always been distinct from both Europe The scholarship on late Imperial Russia’s my and his concept of two-vector relations and Asia, is a case in point (Hirsch 25-30, Oriental studies is divided by a disagree- between knowledge and state power. It 44; Gerasimov and Kusber 3-23, 229-72; ment over the applicability of Edward offers a new reading, based on the decon- Vucinich xiv, 5-14, 30-34; Slezkine 388- Said’s Orientalism to the Russian case. struction of the interplay of the manifold 90; Krementsov 13-16). Moreover, in a broader sense, since the multi-vector power/knowledge relations The issue of distinctions in possible mid 1990s, Western scholarship has not that is clearly identifiable in Russia’s long modes of social development directly in- been unanimous on the applicability of twentieth-century Iranian studies.1 fluencing all other spheres within differ- the underlying Foucauldian notions to ent nation states was also considered by late Imperial and Soviet Russia. While pre- Keywords: Power / Knowledge; Iranian Russia’s intellectuals at the end of the senting a systematic study of Soviet and Studies; Soviet Oriental Studies; Russo- nineteenth and the beginning of the post-Soviet scholarship (mostly unfamiliar Iranian Relations twentieth century. A good illustration of to Western readership), this article offers this can be found in the words of Bogdan an assessment of the institutional and in- Russia and the Foucauldian Kistiakovskii, a renowned social philoso- dividual practices adopted within Russia’s In today’s social sciences and humani- pher and legal scholar of Ukranian orgin Oriental studies from the late nineteenth ties, few scholars, if any, would deny that in late Imperial Russia, who had stated as century to the present. The article aims to there is a strong correlation between early as 1909: provide an analysis that goes far beyond scholarly knowledge and the social con- There are no same unified ideas of the Saidian restrictive East-West dichoto- text within which this knowledge is pro- personal freedom, of legal system,
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of constitutional state, identical for all the social effects of this process on societ- his influence is clear in a great deal of peoples and times, just as there is no ies, the role that science and scholarly post-structuralist, post-modernist, fem- capitalism or any other economic or knowledge play for a particular country or inist, post-Marxist and post-colonial social order identical for all countries. a society, and for mankind in general. In theorizing. The impact of his work has All legal ideas acquire unique color- the second half of the twentieth century, also been felt across a wide range of ation and their own tinge in the con- the issue of the relationship between sci- disciplinary fields, from sociology and sciousness of each separate people. entific and scholarly inquiry and their so- anthropology to English studies and (Author’s translation) cial context and, especially, the role of history (Mills 1). However, against the backdrop of various state power in this relationship became Foucault’s concepts of power, knowledge kinds of national specificities, there were the subject of the scrutiny of social phi- and discourse caused heated debates in common general tendencies and factors, losophers and historians. They also pon- the 1960s and 1970s and had a consider- namely at the social, economic and po- dered the question of the place of scien- able impact on the further development litical levels, in all Western societies which tists and scholars in the complex and of critical thinking at the end of the twen- were considered by many historians to entangled grid of multi-branch reciprocal tieth and at the beginning of the twenty- be major influences on science and influence between individuals and vari- first century. Among Foucault’s main con- scholarly knowledge and their develop- ous forms of knowledge, social institu- cepts, his insistence on the absence of an ment (Graham 1; Tolz 6; Hirsch 25-30; tions and state power.3 absolute and pure truth is most notewor- Beer 3-8; Slezkine 388-90; Krementsov Among them, Michel Foucault’s (1926- thy. Taking an approach to the study of 13-16; Kotkin 14, 21-23). These general 1984) work is of particular interest. His the production of knowledge that he tendencies and factors were clearly ap- ideas on power relations within the pow- conceives of as archaeology,5 he argued parent in Russia throughout her long er/knowledge nexus, the notions of that the process of striving for ultimate twentieth century.2 épistème and discourse deeply influenc- truths through conventional scholarly ac- Generally, twentieth-century European ing the process of scientific/scholarly tivities throughout the course of human thought witnessed major international knowledge production and perception of history had always been subject to the debates on the philosophy and social his- various truths by society, the role of intel- influence of a vast range of factors, which tory of scientific and scholarly knowledge. lectuals and the phenomenon of resis- led him to conclude that all truths are Since the beginning of the century, hu- tance are the most pertinent to the subject conceived or, to be more precise, con- manities scholars studying the history and of this study.4 Foucault’s work is character- structed rather than being absolute and present of science, and scientists them- ized by a high level of inherent inconsis- ultimate. Therefore, according to Fou- selves, particularly in those countries tency and a lack of theoretical totality and cault, there are no objective, constant which were in the vanguard of the rapid cohesion, but especially by its iconoclastic and independent truths within the system development of science, had been pay- and challenging nature. However, what of human knowledge, especially in the ing further attention to questions such as goes without saying is that human and social sciences.
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This inherent feature of human knowledge tangled with each other (Simons 36-41; zation, the regime of “power/knowl- is reckoned by Foucault as the conse- Mills 42-52; Kotkin 21-23). edge” never came into its own in the quence of the constant interplay of power Notwithstanding the seeming universali- Russian context (225). relations comprising the various compo- ty of these theoretical notions, it must be It appears that Engelstein’s reasoning nents and factors of both those on the noted that their applicability to the analy- takes into consideration only the general highest level of structures organizing hu- sis of late Imperial and Soviet Russia has organizational modes of modern Western man societies (for instance, state power, been questioned since Foucault arrived society, as discussed by Foucault, and op- social and cultural structures, academic at his conclusions through the study of erates with very narrow definitions of and other communities) and those of less the late European juridical monarchies structures when exploring the applicabil- complexity (relations between individuals, and liberal states, a grouping to which ity of the power/knowledge nexus to Rus- their personal viewpoints, endeavors, pas- Russia arguably did not belong.6 The very sia’s late imperial and Soviet societies. Her sions). All these shaped or indeed con- applicability of the Foucauldian to Russia, focus is on the outward appearance and structed knowledge, which therefore can- in general, was questioned by such schol- the concrete shape of structures. Howev- not be considered truly impartial, constant ars as Laura Engelstein in the 1990s. er, I would argue that what are really at and objective (Mills 33-42, 48-52). Moreover, somewhat overstating the Rus- stake here are not structures, but princi- Hence, another crucial Foucauldian no- sian case’s “otherness,” Engelstein comes ples. Indeed, although Russia had consid- tion, namely ‘governmentality’ that deals to conclusions which might also partially erable distinctions from its Western con- with “the technologies of domination of reflect a residual Cold War mentality. She temporaries in terms of social organization, others and those of the self” (Foucault, emphasizes that Foucault stresses the un- the principles according to which power “Technologies of the Self” 19). It demon- derlying difference between the so- relations operated and permeated the strates the tight interconnections and rela- called Old Regimes, where the state is whole society were quite similar (Beer tionships between power exercised to- the sole source of power, and liberal so- 205-09; Kotkin 21-23). wards individuals by institutions or a state cieties in which power regulates activi- Indeed, more recently scholars have ar- and that which is exercised by individuals ties, based on scientific/scholarly knowl- gued convincingly in favor of the Foucaul- towards themselves. These processes im- edge, and is realized by means of dian approach to the study of Russian his- ply interaction between aspects of politics disciplinary practices permeating society tory emphasizing the universality of and human ethics. There are conduct reg- (Engelstein 224). She therefore con- Foucault’s thoughts on power relations.7 ulation rules and techniques in our society cludes on the Russian case that Drawing on the insights provided by that are designed and applied from the … [a]lthough Western culture pen- these scholars, the theoretical framework top, but, simultaneously, there are also etrated the empire’s official and civic of this article will be informed by the rules and techniques exercised by indi- elites, and the model of Western in- above-mentioned Foucauldian notions. viduals in order to control and arrange stitutions to a large extent shaped the While surveying the main common fea- their own conduct, and they are tightly en- contours of state and social organi- tures and distinctions of the process of
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Orientological knowledge production these domains, namely academic schol- tutional activities of the War Ministry re- during the above-mentioned historical ars and practical experts of Persian stud- garding the establishment of Oriental periods, I will trace the presence of Fou- ies. In addition, despite the great system- studies on the periphery of the Russian cauldian power relations in the context of ic shift, which took place in 1917 and led to Empire at the turn of the twentieth century. Russian society of the time. As a subaltern sequential significant changes in all For example, the successful initiative of outcome, certain parallels of the same in- spheres of the life of Russian society, there Staff-Captain Ivan Iagello (1865-1942) terplay of power/knowledge relations will were strong continuities on the structural aimed at the creation of the courses of be drawn within present-day Russia’s level of early Soviet Oriental studies and Urdu, Arabic and Persian in Turkestan Iranology. Thus, I will demonstrate the va- also in discourses, which were wide- dates back as early as 1897. In 1908, the lidity of Foucault’s relevant concepts for spread among the Orientologists of a courses evolved into a full-scale Officers’ the student of Russian history. new generation. School of Oriental Languages in Tashkent, The issue of the formation of Russia’s Ori- where history, geography and Islamic law ental studies after 1917 was initially dealt were also taught (Oriental Studies and From Persian Studies to Iranology with in the works of Muriel Atkin, Nina Foreign Policy). The involvement of Russia’s Orientolo- Kuznetsova, Wayne S. Vucinich, Semen The publication of the works by Schimmel- gists8 in the intense manifold interactions Agaev and Richard Frye. They all empha- penninck, Tolz and Kemper also resurrect- between the Russian Empire and Persia sized the mainly new, different from late ed the slightly outdated debate on the ap- during the period from the late nine- Imperial, nature of early Soviet Oriental plicability of Edward Said’s Orientalism teenth century to 1917 predominantly took studies, particularly on the institutional concept to the Russian case, which had place within the main four professional level (Atkin; Kuznetsova and Kulagina; Vu- been initiated by Nathaniel Knight, Adeeb domains, namely academic scholarship, cinich; Agaev; Frye). For example, Atkin Khalid and Maria Todorova at the turn of the military, diplomatic service and the ascribed the establishment of Oriental this century (Knight, “Grigor’ev,” “On Rus- Orthodox Church’s missionary activities. studies in Central Asia to the Bolshevik re- sian Orientalism;” Khalid; Todorova; Given the nature and the historical devel- gime (229). Later, the scholarship repre- Schimmelpenninck, “The Imperial Roots;” opments of this interaction, the extent of sented by Marshall, Schimmelpenninck, Andreeva; Bartol’d, “Istoria izucheniia the involvement of each domain in ques- Tolz and Kemper argued in favor of the Vostoka,” “Vostok i russkaia”). Unfortunate- tion was different, as was their impact on presence of strong organizational conti- ly, the above-mentioned debate failed to Russo-Persian relations of the period (Vi- nuities throughout all the Soviet Oriental break through the bounds of the Saidian gasin and Khokhlov 7-8). However, there studies of the 1920s-30s. This has also two-vector relations of “the complicity of were also well-discernible commonalities been supported by the archival docu- knowledge with imperial power,” whereas in the organizational set-up and practices ments only recently brought into scholarly the scholarship of Tolz, Schimmelpen- of these domains as well as in the roles of circulation (Volkov, “Persian Studies and ninck and Kemper succeeded in qualita- individuals involved in the activities of the Military”). They shed light on the insti- tively transforming the debate into a
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broader debate on Russian Orientalism, sionary domain is evidenced by the activ- Soviet foreign policy on the development engaging with Foucault’s genuine notions ities of the Russian Orthodox Orumie Mis- of economic and trade ties with Iran, and of the productive interplay of power/ sion and the Russian Orthodox the contribution of Soviet trade represen- knowledge multi-vector relations between ministers-Orientologists Ilminskii, Masha- tations of the time to the accumulation of individuals, institutions, state and dis- nov and Ostroumov. The forth (academic) Orientological knowledge on Persia, the courses (Tolz; Schimmelpenninck, Russian domain of late Imperial Persian studies is trade domain could have supplemented Orientalism; Kemper; Marshall; Volkov, represented by the scholars of world the remaining three domains of early So- “Persian Studies and the Military”). fame, such as Zhukovskii, Bartol’d, Zarud- viet Persian studies.12 However, given the The study of the late Imperial period dem- nyi and others.9 fact that the personnel of Soviet trade rep- onstrates that all four domains of Russia’s Considering the Soviet Oriental studies of resentations, as a rule, consisted mainly Oriental studies were organisationally de- the 1920s-1930s, it is possible to conclude of experts, assigned from Narkomindel, veloped enough and remarkably self-reli- that they kept the overall pre-revolution Razvedupr and INO OGPU,13 the trade ant. At the same time, their organisational organizational structure, with the under- activities with their organizations, person- activities were deeply interconnected with standable exception of the missionary do- nel and practices cannot be marked out each other and their institutional practices main. The demise of this domain was pre- as an institutionally self-reliant domain were much alike. This productive mutual determined by the militantly atheistic of Oriental studies.14 Therefore, during interpenetration at the level of institutions nature of the Bolshevik ideology and was the early Soviet period, Persian studies, and individuals which was inherent to all stipulated by Article 15 of the Russo-Per- or Iranology, was predominantly repre- four domains is extremely illustrative of sian Treaty of Friendship, according to sented by the academic, diplomatic and the presence of power/knowledge rela- which Soviet Russia repudiated all Russian military domains. tions (Volkov, “Persian Studies and the Mil- Church property in Persia in 1921 and Taking into account that “[i]n the early itary” 932). Based on the character of Rus- pledged not to undertake similar activities years of its existence, the Soviet regime sia’s presence in Persia during the late henceforward.10 However, in actual fact, perceived a need for people with area ex- Imperial period, it appears that the above- the once powerful presence of the Russian pertise to work in the government, party, mentioned state of affairs within the four- Orthodox Church in Persia had ceased to and military in Asian regions of the country domain structure becomes particularly exist by 1918 because of the hostilities in and to advance Soviet interests elsewhere clear when studying the example of Per- the West and North-West of Persia and the in Asia” (Atkin 229), the emphasis of Ori- sian studies. In the case of the diplomatic eventual devastation of the Orumie Mis- entological training radically changed. and military domains, this can be support- sion by Turks and Kurds.11 Stressing the crucial importance of the ed by the scholarly and professional ac- Simultaneously, judging by the immense- practical usefulness of Oriental studies to tivities of such individuals as Gamazov, ly high activity of the Soviet-Iranian trade state needs, the Bolsheviks replaced the Zinoviev, Minorsky and Tumanskii, Iagello, relations during the 1920s and the first former emphasis on gathering linguistic, Smirnov, Snesarev, accordingly. The mis- half of the 1930s, the strong emphasis of ethnographic and cultural information for
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the study of Persia with enhanced political ship was inherited by the Persian studies namely Pastukhov, Osetrov and Gurko- and, particularly, economic components. of the early Soviet period. Konstantin Kriazhin—the leading Iranists of the new Though, similarly to the late Imperial pe- Chaikin17 taught Persian to Yakov Bliumkin generation.20 riod, academic Oriental training was at the Military Academy of the Red Army The study of the late Imperial period has shared by all domains, this time, it was the of Workers and Peasants, founded by the also revealed the presence of an under- Military Academy of the Red Army of former Tsarist Lieutenant-General Andrey lying discourse throughout all Persian Workers and Peasants that played the Snesarev.18 In 1920, although simply for studies. All four domains were rather leading role in the Oriental training of the sake of surviving, the former Tsarist united in the promotion of Russkoe delo practical experts on Persia during the Colonel Ivan Iagello, a specialist in Per- (“The Russian Cause”), which also in- 1920s, contrary to the former leading role sian and Urdu and the founder of the cluded the notion of the Russian civiliz- of Russia’s Imperial Ministry for Foreign Af- Tashkent Officers’ School of Oriental Lan- ing mission in the Orient. The spirit of pa- fairs in this field.15 guages, accepted Frunze’s invitation to triotism, boiled down to the promotion The study of the late imperial period also restore and to again take the lead of Ori- of imperial Russia’s state interests and demonstrates that the eventual produc- ental studies in Tashkent (Lunin 111-13). Russian culture in Persia, was generally tion of knowledge within Persian studies Furthermore, during the 1920s and the inherent to the activities of all domains. greatly benefited from the tight individu- early 1930s the scholars of the so-called Notwithstanding the fact that all this was al and organisational interrelationship new “practical” school of Persian studies taking place in the context of the intense between all four domains of Russia’s Ori- were enthusiastically involved in both the rivalry with European powers, the con- ental studies. As is clear from the re- activities of the Commissariat for Foreign ception of a civilizing mission was solid- search, scholarly active diplomats and Affairs and the academic and scholarly ac- ly based on Russia’s sense of superiority military officers used their professional tivities related to Persian studies. This pe- towards Asians that was caused by their postings for obtaining new area-study riod in the whole history of Russia’s Orien- perceived belonging to the so-called Eu- material and made immensely significant tal studies can rightfully be regarded as ropean civilization. However, simultane- contributions to the activities of various the most straightforward illustration of the ously, most late Imperial Russia’s Orien- Orientological societies, members of amalgamation of scholarly knowledge tologists strongly believed in the greater which they were. On the other hand, the and state power, hence, the supreme capability of Russian culture, in contrast main Russian scholars of Persian Studies manifestation of Said’s Orientalism.19 In to the West, to interact with the Orient played the underlying role in the Orien- 1926, during one of the sessions of the because of Russia’s geographical and tological training of officers and often car- Party Central Committee, Georgii cultural immediate proximity to the lat- ried out the narrowly specified assign- Chicherin was accused of losing control ter.21 As was first emphasized by Knight, ments of their diplomatic and military over Persian affairs, and that even the gen- such discursive manifestations were colleagues during their scholarly mis- eral guidelines of the Soviet Eastern policy particularly widespread within the aca- sions to Persia.16 The same interrelation- had been shaped by his employees, demic domain of late Imperial Oriental
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studies and were passed on to their dis- among the most deprived, illiterate Asians, knowledge relations, namely their ‘pro- ciples in diplomatic and military services with the aim of nurturing efficient experts ductivity’ (Foucault, “Truth and Power” 113- (“Grigor’ev” 81; Tolz). and practically useful scholars.25 14, 120; “Prison Talk” 52; Mills 33; Tolz 70; Discourses of a similar nature were also In actual fact, this motion was the industri- Volkov, “Persian Studies and the Military” inherent to Oriental studies of Soviet Rus- alized development of what had initially 932). sia. The representatives of the new Orien- been offered by Vasilii Grigorie’v long be- Along with that, after 1917, the new politi- tological school continued to look down fore—as early as the mid-nineteenth cen- cal ideology predetermined the creation on Persia, this time because of the fact that tury (Knight, “Grigor’ev” 95-97)—and trans- of a new discourse, which seriously affect- Russia became the first society of the vic- ferred to the Bolsheviks through Viktor ed the relationships between main com- torious socialist revolution in the whole Rozen’s disciples, academicians of Orien- ponents of the Foucauldian power grid— world. Hence, the civilizing mission was tal studies Vasilii Bartol’d and Sergei academic and expert knowledge, state, replaced by the proliferation of socialist Ol’denburg, deeply involved with the ear- institutions and individuals. This implied revolution.22 The developments of 1919- ly Soviet nationalities’ policy (Tolz 3-4, the making of practical use of Oriental 1920 in Europe and the Orient, including 7-19).26 So, the massive engagement of all studies—the discourse which challenged the failed attempt to sovietize Persia, led three Orientological domains with native the very right of physical existence for to the conclusion that Persian and other agents became one of the most character- scholarship that was unable to yield im- eastern societies had not sufficiently de- istic features of the Soviet period that orig- mediate practical returns (Kemper 2-3; Ro- veloped and were not ready for an imme- inally derived from late Imperial Russia. In dionov 47, 51-52). The expert Persian diate revolution.23 So, the above-men- support of further refutation of the univer- scholarship of Pavlovich, Pastukhov, Ose- tioned discourse transformed into the sality of Said’s Orientalism that was so ad- trov and Gurko-Kriazhin not only crucially belief in the necessity of a significantly vocated by Khalid, the above-mentioned affected the activities of early Soviet diplo- more protracted process of cultivating interplay of power/knowledge relations macy and the military towards Persia but Persians for social conversion. Both dis- proves that the Russian/Soviet case was also put aside the still-existing classic courses predetermined that the agents of devoid of any racist component whatso- scholarship of Persian studies, which had the Bolshevism Cause with relevant Orien- ever. It is also maintained by Vladimir Mi- been influencing Russia’s foreign policy tological expertise and, hence, a better norskii’s private diaries, dated from the towards Persia since before 1917, albeit in- understanding of the oppressed Orien- time he was Head of the Russo-Brito- directly but rather successfully. However, tals, be trained in required quantities.24 In Turko-Persian Quadripartite Commission this state of affairs in Persian studies lasted addition to the Oriental section of the Mil- for the demarcation of Persia’s western merely until the mid-1930s, by which time itary Academy, this goal was also pursued border in 1913.27 Furthermore, and most almost all the representatives of the “old by the foundation of the Communist Uni- important, the above-depicted interplay school” and of revolutionary expertdom versity of the Toilers of the East in Moscow, supports the presence of one of the fun- (practical Orientologists of the first wave) which preferred to accept students from damental elements of Foucault’s power/ had either died from natural causes or
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been dismissed from their posts and ex- After the understandable slack of 1940s- which, however, almost did not engage ecuted during Stalin’s purges. By that time, 50s in the activities of Oriental studies, it with archival materials and was based to- the academic domain had been staffed is possible to discern a period from 1960 tally on Soviet secondary sources. Its em- with the graduates of newly established to the mid-1980s when Soviet Iranology phasis on the development of Soviet Ori- institutions and, in general, the interaction turned into a monotonous uniform schol- ental studies, and Iranology therein, in between the domains had significantly di- arship in full conformity with the Commu- strict accordance with the Party resolutions minished (Tolz 6).28 nist Party’s ideology. In view of the above and the government decrees as well as on and given the self-censorship of that time, its “Marxist-Leninist foundations” (35) sig- ‘Governmentality’ and Intellectuals inculcated from the top, the works by Iva- nificantly reduces its historiographical val- Given the hampered access to the archival nov, Kuznetsova, Kulagina and Agaev ue. However, due to its scrupulous, some- documents of later periods in Russia, were overwhelmed with relevant ideolog- times mechanical description of the which has become even more restricted ical underpinnings and are lacking in events, this study still remains one of the since 2000, the study of the mature Soviet analysis (Kuznetsova and Kulagina; main references regarding the organisa- period has had to confine itself to merely Agaev). For example, one of the central tional changes of Soviet Oriental studies. the analysis of published works. Another figures of the Soviet Iranology of the time, It therefore can be concluded that know- reason for this is the much deeper profes- Mikhail Ivanov (1909-1986), focused on ing the social and political conditions of sional specialization of practical domains the Iranian “anti-feudal” movements of the time in which they were written, the that has not allowed diplomats and mili- the nineteenth century and the Iranian works of this period, nevertheless, are to tary officers to have enough time for schol- revolution of 1905-1911, heavily drawing be studied as scholarly valuable sources arly research since the 1930s, and the area- on Vladimir Ulianov-Lenin’s writings (M. of factual historical material. For example, study information professionally produced Ivanov, Iranskaia revoliutsiia; “Sozyv per- Ivanov’s works extensively drew on archi- by them has not been allowed into the vogo iranskogo;” Antifeodal’nye). During val materials, since the author’s adminis- academic domain, either. On top of that, the 1950s to 1980s, he also occupied key trative positions, deeply embedded into the level of their academic Orientological administrative positions, including Head Soviet science bureaucracy and party training could not be compared to that of of the Leningrad Institute of History of the structures, granted him additional unre- the pre-1917 period, and very few people Soviet Academy of Sciences and Head of stricted access to the archives of the So- would come into academia after their re- the Moscow State Institute of Internation- viet foreign affairs entities, hence securing tirement from military or diplomatic ser- al Relations affiliated with the Ministry for more operational autonomy for him. vice. Therefore, the study of the main Foreign Affairs of the USSR.29 The developments in the political and so- scholarly works, published only within the In 1970, Nina Kuznetsova and Liudmila Ku- cial life of the Soviet Union in the late academic domain after the 1930s, is quite lagina published a very detailed study Iz 1980s opened more archival documents representative of Soviet and post-Soviet istorii sovetskogo vostokovedeniia (“Of even for the Soviet researchers with a less- Oriental studies as a whole. the History of Soviet Oriental Studies”) er operational autonomy and allowed for
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new approaches in their study (Mamedo- O sovetskom vtorzhenii v Iran i Bukharu rial Russian diplomat-Orientologist Pavel va, “O nekotorykh” 40-41). For Soviet v 1920-1921 godu (“The Timid Interven- Vvedenskii, whose expertise as a scholar Iranology, this moment was marked by the tion: The Soviet Invasion of Iran and was used by the Bolsheviks in a classical publication in 1988 of collected archival Bukhara, 1920-1921”). The word zas- discursive mode à la Foucault while he materials on the modern history of Iran. tenchivaia (“timid”) symbolically bridged was imprisoned. On balance, Genis’ The collection, called Novaia istoriia Irana the reticent and uncertain nature of the scholarship can be distinguished by the (“Modern History of Iran”), was edited by Bolsheviks’ attempt to sovietize Persia in scrupulous saturation of previously re- Ninel’ Belova and other renowned Soviet 1917-1921 and the state’s efforts, aimed at stricted archival materials and is im- Iranists. It contained a new portion of pre- suppressing the matter within Soviet his- mensely valuable for researchers in terms viously intact documents which had been toriography.30 As the current hampered of guiding them towards new, unconven- spotted in the Soviet archives, including research into this and other similar issues tional for present-day Russia’s historiogra- the one of the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, in Russian archives illustrates, present- phy, areas of research (Genis, Krasnaia which became slightly more open during day Russia’s authorities resumed the So- Persiia; Nevernye slugi rezhima; Vitse- Gorbachev’s proclaimed policy of glas- viet discursive practices of the politics of Konsul Vvedenskii).32 nost. As if pushing forward the official au- history in the early 2000s.31 It is also worth noting that the 1990s’ rela- thorities, the editors remarked that “the In this sense, the works by Vladimir Genis tive openness of Russian archives was collection of documents that would repre- became a logical and timely continuation hardly asked-for by Russia’s mainstream sent the whole period of the modern his- of Persits’ initiative, based on the access historians of Iran, who are mostly based in tory of Iran had been published neither in to the documents, opened in the 1990s, or around the Moscow Institute of Oriental the USSR nor out of its borders. However, shedding light on the early Soviet policy Studies of Russia’s Academy of Sciences. the need in this kind of edition [was] im- towards Persia, Afghanistan and Central They concentrate their scholarship on tra- mensely great” (3). The edition still bore Asia. Genis’ books, in detail and for the ditional, mainly Soviet, perceptions of Rus- the imprint of ideological self-censorship, first time in Russian historiography, high- sian-Iranian relations, while trying to avoid although to a considerably lesser extent lighted such topics as: the role of Bolshe- topics leading to the negative interpreta- compared with previous works. viks in the establishment of the Gilan So- tion of Russian/Soviet impact on Iran. Their However, it was the work of Moisei Pers- cialist Republic and the winding-up of this analysis of historical and contemporary its which was truly groundbreaking; this abortive enterprise; the destiny of the first developments mainly moves in full confor- work was based on the declassified ar- Soviet plenipotentiary to Persia and Af- mity with Russia’s foreign policy priorities. chives mainly of the Comintern and saw ghanistan, Nikolai Bravin, and the Soviet It could be supported by such works as the publication of two series in the 1990s. politics of history around him, still sup- Granitsa Rossii s Iranom: Istoriia formirova- The author gave a really symbolic name ported by the Russian state establish- niia (“Russia’s Border with Iran: The History to his book: Zastenchivaia interventsiia: ment; and, finally, the destiny of the Impe- of Shaping”) by Liudmila Kulagina and
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Elena Dunaeva; “Operatsiia ‘Sochustvie’ i the legally substantiated legitimacy of the nalist articles in the very beginning as the reaktsiia na nee presidenta Ahmadinezha- Soviet occupation of Iran, contrary to proof of “many publications about Russo- da cherez 70 let” (“Operation ‘Sympathy’ those of Great Britain and the United Iranian relations in the West,” the article and the President Ahmadinejad’s Reaction States, and also for the profound histori- does not contain a single reference to in- towards It after 70 Years”) by Vladimir cal benefits of this action for Iran (Sazhin, dependent scholarly or media sources Sazhin; and “Russo-Iranian Political Rela- “Operatsiia ‘Sochuvstvie’” 145-51). (443, 447-48, 452, 455). Not engaging tions in the First Decade of the Twenty- The author then follows with a rather dubi- with independent sources on Russian-Ira- First Century” by Elena Dunaeva. ous formula holding that the occupation nian relations at all, and not bothering her- The first one became a factual response of Iran “secured its sovereignty and inde- self with too many references, in general, to the Iranian old public discourse, ques- pendence as well as its decent place in the the author is content with emphatically re- tioning the legitimacy of the Golestan post-war world” (146). ferring to her counterparts on the Iranian and Turkmenchay peace treaties, and, on The third one can be regarded as an ar- side—certified “spokesmen” on Russia— top of that, it appeared at the time when chetypal sample of Russia’s Foreign Af- Mehdi Sanaie and Jahangir Karami, as well Russia came across serious difficulties fairs’ propaganda on contemporary Rus- as to the representatives of Russia’s main- during the negotiations with Iran on the sian-Iranian relations, albeit rather stream Iranology. All this makes the lan- delimitation of the Caspian Sea (Dunaeva, sophisticated and enshrined into a schol- guage of the article declarative and remi- “Formirovanie granitsy” 63, 75, 77-88; arly form. Having been written in the con- niscent of a foreign policy communiqué “Kaspiiskaia diplomatiia Moskvy” 66-77). text of the recent, most intense stage of which can also be explained by relying It is noteworthy that the work begins with the age-old triple interplay (the West-Iran- almost totally on the official documents of a thesis reflecting the widespread dis- Russia), the article was targeted at an Eng- Iranian state organizations and, particu- course within Russian historiography that lish-language scholarly readership and larly, of Russia’s Ministry for Foreign Affairs the territorial gains of Russia in Trans- championed the thesis of the mostly bilat- and Russia’s President Office, the fact Caucasus and Central Asia took place as eral productive nature of Russo-Iranian re- catching the eye even without a brief lan- a result of the ‘voluntary entry’ of those lations during the last dozen years and guage discourse analysis (444, 447-49, areas to the Russian Empire (Kulagina their future great potential, both of which, 451-52, 454-57, 459-61, 465-68). and Dunaeva 5). I would argue, have simply never existed Notwithstanding the fact that some Rus- The second one was published shortly af- (Dunaeva, “Russo-Iranian Political Rela- sian Iranists themselves acknowledge that ter Iran’s former President had tried to ini- tions” 468-69).33 It is also noteworthy that the development of present-day Russia’s tiate a discourse on Iran’s integral right to the article draws solely on the sources of Iranology has become a hostage of the claim reparations for the country’s occu- the state establishment of the two coun- triangle-shaped relations between the pation by the allied forces during WWII. tries and avoids engaging with third-party USA, Russia and Iran (Mamedova, “O The author put forward an argument on views. Except for one book and three jour- nekotorykh” 43), such a state of affairs can-
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not be regarded as a support to the Said- case of Russian Iranology, this vacuum in and The Thirtieth Anniversary of the Is- ian rather limited model of two-vector re- the Foucauldian power grid has been lamic Republic of Iran, have been pub- lations between knowledge and state filled since the second half of the 1990s lished only by virtue of Iran’s Embassy power. By no means I am arguing that the by the result of a thoughtful approach of (42). It is also illustrative that some of the above-mentioned works were merely pro- the Iranian Embassy in Moscow and its works have been co-edited by the head duced according to a straightforward sections in other cities. This is also point- of Iran’s Islamic Culture and Relations Or- state order, though for a significant num- ed out in Mamedova’s insightful article, ganization, Abuzar Ebrahimi Torkaman ber, that cannot be ruled out, either. Rath- in actual fact, unintentionally demon- (Mamedova and Torkaman; Mamedova, er, I would maintain that those works be- strating that the Iranian government has Dvadtsat’ piat’ let Islamskoi; Mamedova came the organic brainchild of that virtually taken Russia’s Iranology on its and Sanai), and Iran’s current Ambassador interplay of power/knowledge relations payroll (“O nekotorykh” 41-42). to Russia, Mehdi Sanaei (an Iranian politi- which, in this particular case, is an interac- In addition to sponsoring the equipping cian well known in relevant circles, an tion of institutional and public discourses, of the so-called “Iranian closets” in Rus- IRGC veteran of the Iran-Iraq war and a knowledge, state power and ‘governmen- sian universities and institutes, enabling former cultural attaché of Iran’s Embassy tality’ (Simons 82; Mills 33, 58; Krementsov students and scholars to watch the broad- in Moscow (1999-2003), he was a member 4-5, 29-30). In this sense, Persits, Genis and casting of Iranian official channels, and of the Iranian Parliament’s National Secu- suchlike scholars,34 on the contrary, repre- providing a year abroad for Russian stu- rity and Foreign Policy Committee and sent the examples of the Foucauldian in- dents, as well as sponsoring Russian head of the IRAS, the Institute of Iran-Eur- tellectual, breaking discursive institutional scholars’ trips to Iran, the Iranian Embassy asian Studies,the former Iranian Center practices and overcoming ‘governmental- has been actively participating in the for Russia, Central Asia and Caucasus ity’ (Simons 36-41; Kotkin 21-23).35 scholarly activities of Russian Iranology in- Studies).36 It goes without saying that such Another manifestation of this interplay is stitutions, including tangible assistance in a status quo inevitably tells upon the cho- the close interaction of various branches organizing thematic conferences and sen subject area and the content of pub- of Russia’s Iranology (the Academy of publishing special editions on Iran and lished articles and books on Iran which, Sciences, universities, scholarly societies, Iranian studies with the participation of thereafter, results in the acute scarcity of etc.) with Iran’s political state structures. Iranian “authorized” scholars. For in- comprehensive scholarly analysis in pres- It is common knowledge that Russian sci- stance, the Russian-language works with ent-day Russia’s Iranology. entific and scholarly institutions have the titles that speak for themselves, The Seriously lacking in critical approach, the been seriously underfunded by the state Twenty-fifth Anniversary of the Islamic chapters of these edited collections put since the 1990s. As Loren Graham states, Revolution in Iran; The Islamic Revolution: forward the overall positivist thesis regard- “science never proceeds in a political Past, Present and Future; Iranology in ing the events of the modern and contem- and economic vacuum” (27), and, in the Russia and Iranists; Iran: Islam and Power porary history in both countries and their
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interaction. In so doing, some of them im- Bagger’s timely work that, having been edge nexus is more straightforward and plicitly (Fedorova 60-71; Polishuk 118-25; published in 2007, in fact predicted the can potentially be highlighted in more Kulagina and Akhmedov 116-27; Mamedo- further development of “Putin’s humani- precise colors in the case of those working va, “O nekotorykh” 40-41)—others explic- ties,” particularly within the walls of the on the modern and contemporary issues itly (Dunaeva, “Iran i Tsentral’naia Aziia” Russian Academy of Sciences (Bagger). of Iranian politics, economy and culture. 126-33; “Politicheskoe zaveshanie” 78-81; Simultaneously, it, certainly should be not- This is particularly justified under the cur- Kulagina 43-52; Sazhin, “Dialog tsivilizat- ed that in any country, Iranian studies as a rent conditions of inaccessibility to archi- sii” 62-65)37—underpin the idea of inherent scholarly domain does not consist only of val documents related to contemporary historical and present-day unity of the Rus- the experts of Iranian contemporary his- institutional activities. Hence the emphasis sia-Iran nexus against the third-party forc- tory and politics. In germano- and russo- of the given study of the post-Soviet es in the region and worldwide. The char- phone countries this domain is much Iranology has been on this particular acter of the used sources is also more organizationally united and homo- group within the Moscow Institute of Ori- noteworthy. Solely drawing on either Ira- geneous at the institutional level in com- ental Studies of the Academy of Sciences nian or Russian primary and secondary parison with their anglophone analogues as embedded into present-day Russia’s sources, the above-mentioned works (Fragner and Matthee). A leading Russian power/knowledge nexus with greater in- completely ignore sources originated in Iranist-linguist, Professor Vladimir Ivanov, tensity. third countries. Even in the most recent denotes the domain of Iranian studies in a edited collection, Iran: Istoriia i sovremen- broad sense as nost’ (“Iran: History and Modernity”), a complex of humanities which study Conclusion which is immensely interesting in terms of the mode of life, history, literature (folk- Thus, when analyzing Russia’s Iranian stud- the diversity of topics discussed, the works lore), material and spiritual culture, mu- ies scholarship during late Imperial, Soviet authored by scholars possessing full com- sic and singing, written artefacts (man- and post-Soviet periods, it appears that mand of English in the book section “The uscripts, rock inscriptions), religion and there has been a common and mainly un- Present” do not engage with the relevant beliefs, socio-political situation, econo- derlying discourse throughout all three literature or primary sources from other my and languages of the iranophone periods. Regardless of whether it was con- countries (Kulagina and Mamedova). peoples (V. Ivanov 35) scious or unconscious, Russian Iranists With regard to the Russian case of the and in a narrow sense, as “the study of the have been seeing their scholarship in a long twentieth century, the issue of politi- above-mentioned disciplines specifically tight concurrence with their own country’s cizing historiography is not new. Its re- in application to Iran” (35). While the Fou- interests. The representation of such inter- sumption during the course of the hectic cauldian concept of power relations ap- ests is conventionally usurped by the po- pursuit of the ‘expedient’ national identity plies to all representatives of the whole litical institutions of the ruling power—the in the 2000s was studied in detail in Hans domain defined above, the power/knowl- status quo that eventually results in the in-
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strumental use of knowledge in the inter- VCheKa-KGB).38 However, in spite of all late Imperial, Soviet and post-Soviet soci- Denis V. Volkov ests of current state power, as is also sup- this, scientists and scholars also managed eties. The technicalities of the power/ ported by Alexander Morrison (629). to play their own game. knowledge operation, embracing dis- received his PhD in Middle Eastern In further rebuttal of Engelstein’s thesis, While it was considered important to courses, institutional practices, resistance, Studies from the University of it is also feasible to conclude that “opera- protect oneself as much as possible and the relationships between state pow- Manchester, UK. After graduating from tional autonomy” in its Western form was against ideological attack from philos- er and the intellectual—all these elements, Moscow State University (MA in Oriental not that developed in Russia, especially ophers or professional competitors, it in other words, the components of the Studies) in 1995, he spent almost 15 years in the Soviet Union since the end of the was also recognized that party approv- Foucauldian ‘power relations grid’ (Fou- in Iran, working in the field of interstate 1920s, but as such it existed nonetheless al did not in fact depend ultimately on cault, “Truth and Power” 113-14; Kotkin 21- economic cooperation between Russia with the disciplinary mechanisms of self- ideological factors, but rather on the 23)—can easily be seen in the Russian case. and Iran. Now his research interests control and self-regulation being of a dif- ability of scientists to play politics… However, what is most surprising in the include the history and the present ferent kind (A. Vucinich, Empire of Knowl- (Fortescue 18) present-day Russian case is that the Fou- of Russian-Iranian relations, Russia’s edge 123; Krementsov 31-36; Beer 207; Notwithstanding the lack of totality and cauldian methodological approach has Oriental studies, intellectual history, Kotkin 23). Moreover, the power/knowl- comprehensiveness of the analysis the not yet been employed or even studied in Russian and Iranian nationalism, and edge nexus, which definitely existed in post-Soviet period in terms of sources and Russian social sciences and humanities as Russian émigrés after 1917. the Russian case, had its specificities and groups studied in this article, it appears a theoretical tool. Though the above-men- email: [email protected] its unique sophistication within late Im- that during the period in question, along tioned refutes, in its essence, Engelstein’s perial Russia’s Oriental studies and even with the significant diversification of po- thesis on the non-applicability of the Fou- during the Soviet period. Soviet scientists litical forces on the scene, the interplay of cauldian to Russia, it is nevertheless perti- and scholars would act not only under the power/knowledge relations became more nent to quote her in a slightly supplement- pressure of various discursive and ideo- entangled and intense. ed form in the end, saying that, for certain, logical stipulations, imposed by the party Irrespective of the issue of the level of “in- in the field of humanities, “Russia is a soci- and creatively developed by some of their dividual operational autonomy,” Foucault ety that has yet to generate the luxury of a ideologically driven colleagues, but also was particularly interested in power rela- Michel Foucault to push it to consider the under the vigilant control of special insti- tions and how they influenced the devel- incitements of paradox” (“Combined Un- tutional structures (from the party com- opment of knowledge. As it appears, derdevelopment” 236). mittees—partkomy—in workplaces to the these power relations and their productive monitoring by political security entities— impact can be equally found at work in
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Notes 5 In brief, it can be defined 9 The Archive of 12 Russia’s State Archive 16 AV, f. 17, op. 2, d.50; d. 34; as analyzing scientific and Orientologists (IVAN in St. of Socio-Political History d. 29; f. 17, op. 2, 64; op. 1, 1 This research was supported scholarly notions and the Petersburg) (henceforth (henceforth RGASPI), f. d. 168. See also Bartol’d, by BRISMES, BIPS, CEELBAS process of their production AV), f. 134 (Private archive 85 “Secret Persia,” d. 63 “Istoriia izucheniia Vostoka” and BASEES. The earlier in the social context of a of Minorskii); f. 115 (Private (Materials on Soviet trade 446; Marshall 24, 164-65, 168; version of this paper was particular historical period archive of Snesarev); The with Persia); f. 532, d. 350, Vigasin 128-29. presented at the ASMEA within a certain society. Georgian National Centre l. 11 (data on economic Sixth Annual Conference, of Manuscripts, f. 39 (Private issues, collected by Trade 17 Konstantin Ivanovich Washington, DC, 21-23 6 For the debates on the archive of Smirnov); Russia’s Representations). Chaikin (1889-1938), November 2013. feasibility of application State Military Historical Zhukovskii’s disciple, of Foucauldian ideas and Archive (henceforth RGVIA), 13 The People’s Commissariat graduated from the St. 2 The author defines notions to the Russian case f. 409, op. 1, d. 172812, p/s for Foreign Affairs; Military Petersburg Faculty of Russia’s long twentieth see Beer 3-8, 16-26, 202-08; 148-610 (Service Record of Intelligence; the Foreign Oriental studies in 1916. In century between Nicholas II Kotkin 21-23; Engelstein. Tumaskii); The Archive of Section of the United State the 1920s-1930s he worked ascension in 1894 and the Foreign Policy of the Russian Political Directorate (political in early Soviet various annexation of the Crimea in 7 In the first instance, such Empire (henceforth AVPRI), f. intelligence). Orientological institutions 2014. scholars can be named Central Asian Desk, op. 485, as an academic. The then among them as Nikolai d. 706, l. 1-3 (Argiropulo to 14 The Archive of Foreign ‘spokesmen’ of Soviet Iranian 3 In this context, the names Krementsov, Loren Graham, Gartvig about Miller, 1902). Policy of the Russian studies, Evgeny Bertels of such prominent scholars Alexander Vucinich, Vera Federation (henceforth (1890-1957), would criticize (who this or that way touched Tolz, Michael Kemper, Daniel 10 The Russo-Persian Treaty of AVPRF), f. 08 “The Secret Chaikin for “being under upon these issues) as Beer, Peter Kneen, Nathaniel Friendship, 1921, Article 15. Archive of NKID. Karakhan,” the influence of Western- Gilles Deleuze (1925-1995), Knight, Stephen Kotkin,
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––› 19 RGASPI, f. 159 “Chicherin. 26 On the engagement of the 32 On the phenomenon of 37 In his profound monograph of the People’s Commissars Persia,” op. 2, d. 51. academicians of the “old” Soviet sharashki that was published in Russian with (SNK). In connection with the Orientological school in the widely spread in the 1930s the help of Nina Mamedova formation of the USSR, on 15 20 RGASPI, f. 159, op. 2, d. 51, l. Bolsheviks’ state-run projects and 1940s see Krementsov in 2014, a veteran expert November 1923 GPU was re- 180, 182 (Chicherin’s notes); f. of nationality policy see also 3. The word was an informal on Russia, Iranian diplomat, organized into OGPU (United 85 “Secret Persia,” d. 106 (Ten Hirsch; Baziiants 50. name for the secret research Mohammad Hasan Mahdian, State Political Directorate), Persian letters of Vardin), l. laboratories which were is sincerely cunning in his again subordinated 8ob., 16ob., 260, 267. 27 AV, f. 134, op. 1, d. 803, l. 1. organised for imprisoned assertion that “Iran has never directly to SNK. On 10 scientists and scholars had doubts regarding Russia July 1934 it was merged 21 AV, f. 115, op. 1, d. 70 28 Pastukhov, Osetrov, within the Soviet GULAG implementing its obligations with NKVD, becoming its (Snesarev’s manuscript Soltanzadeh, Tardov, Chaikin, concentration camps system. for supplying Iranian nuclear Chief-Directorate of State Attitudes toward the Asiatic Smirnov were executed. power plants with fuel” (154). Security. It existed until 3 world). See also Tolz 5, 30. Bartol’d, Ol’denburg, 33 Additionally, on the During the annual meetings February 1941 when it was Pavlovich, Gurko-Kriazhin, character of the Russian- of the Intergovernmental again separated from NKVD 22 Russia’s State Military Snesarev, Iagello died Iranian relations see Volkov, Commission on Russian- and became NKGB (the Archive (henceforth RGVA), (Sorokina and Vasil’kov). “The Iranian Electric Power Iranian economic People’s Commissariat of f. 157 (Revolutionary Military Industry” 5. See also cooperation, the author of State Security). During the Council), op. 8, d. 7, l. 11 29 Moscow State University “Ahdnameh-i golestan” this article was many times war, it suffered a series of (Trotskii’s cable), 58ob. of International Relations, published on the BBC approached in private by transformations and turned “Rektory”
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––› Rodionov, Mikhail. “Profiles Simbirtsev, Igor. Spetssluzhby Vigasin, A., and A. Khokhlov, ---. Oriental Studies and Archives used Under Pressure. Orientalists pervykh let SSSR, 1923-1939. eds. Istoriia otechestvennogo Foreign Policy: Russian/Soviet in Petrograd/Leningrad, 1918- Moscow: Tsentrpoligraf, vostokovedeniia s ‘Iranology’ and Russo-Iranian GARF (Gosudarstvennyi 1956.” The Heritage of Soviet 2008. serediny XIX veka do 1917 Relations in Late Imperial Arkhiv Rossiiskoi Federatsii): Oriental Studies. London: goda. Moscow: Institut Russia and the Early USSR. The State Archive of the Routledge, 2011. 47-57. Print. Simons, Jon. Foucault and the vostokovedeniia RAN, 1997. PhD thesis. Manchester: Russian Federation Political. London, New York: Print. University of Manchester, Russo-Persian Treaty of Routledge, 1995. Print. 2014. Print. AVPRF MID RF (Arkhiv Friendship, 1921. Article 15. Volkov, Denis V. “Ahdnameh- Vneshnei Politiki Rossiiskoi Web. 12 Mar. 2013.
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––› AV (Arkhiv Vostokovedov): The Archive of Orientologists of the Institute of Oriental Manuscripts
GNCM: The Georgian National Centre of Manuscripts (Tbilisi)
ISSN: 2196-629X urn:nbn:de:hebis: 04-ep0003-2015-108-25219
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in particular had approximately doubled to 35 and 62 billion respectively over the E conomic Research on the Arab previous ten years (calculations based on World and the Middle East — the Statistisches Bundesamt). The share contributed by these economies in total A Neglected Field of Study in German exports was 3% and 6%, respec- tively, and nearly 7% to 13% if we exclude Germany intra-European Union (EU) trade. However, despite great individual efforts, continuous research that also takes the so- cial complexity of economic life into con- sideration has developed only moderate- ly in the German academic landscape. Historical and institutional reasons, as well Steffen Wippel as epistemic and methodological ones, have contributed to this sustained negli- The article gives an overview of the devel- Public and academic interest in the broad- gence on the part of the disciplines in- opment of contemporary research on Mid- er Middle East and North Africa (MENA) volved, mainly economics, and responsi- dle Eastern and North African economies in region, and especially in the Arab world, ble authorities. To begin with, the following Germany. It includes the most important has always surged in conjunction with dra- article will explore the long-term develop- institutions and central research topics and matic events like wars, assaults, and revo- ment of German academic economic re- approaches, underlining that this field is, in lutions, which have been increasingly as- search on the MENA region, and the Arab fact, multidisciplinary. The article also points sociated with religious strife and world in particular, before it turns to major out some of its most salient structural, con- extremism. At the same time, socio-eco- research topics and approaches, as well as ceptual, and methodological problems. Re- nomic causes, needs for economic re- to some of the salient structural and con- ferring to research on regionalization pro- forms, economic crises, and, importantly, ceptual problems.1 Finally, it expounds the cesses, the author advocates an open, the security of oil supplies have attracted problems of Middle Eastern economics as transregional and transdisciplinary ap- increased attention. Parallel to that, in an area study and provides some guid- proach closely based on empirical findings. 2013, Germany traded goods worth 90 bil- ance for opening up the regional and dis- lion euros with MENA countries (including ciplinary container. This problematic will Keywords: Economic Issues; Middle East Turkey, Iran, and Israel), including 50 bil- be substantiated with research on “region- Studies; Germany; Evolution; Impedi- lion with Arab League members; depend- alization”, which constitutes a central issue ments; Regionalization ing on the definitions of regions, exports in Middle Eastern economics.
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In conjunction with this concern, this pa- temporary subjects, including issues of Decisive contributions to such a reorienta- per’s title and first paragraph already show economy and social structure, whereas in tion came in the 1970s from the indepen- that a clear definition is quite difficult and the emerging disciplines of sociology and dent Volkswagen Foundation, which initi- point to the fuzzy use of terms to desig- national economy only a few researchers ated and financed several reports, nate the region on which research is done contributed to the understanding of Mid- workshops, and programs on research on (see more below). Yet, designations used dle Eastern societies. the region (Büren; Wirth; Steppat; Ru- by most centers and courses of studies re- In the aftermath of World War II, Oriental dolph). In particular, it established profes- fer to “the Middle East” (or sometimes still Studies in Western Germany once again sorships in Middle Eastern Politics and Vorderer Orient in German), while in prac- confined itself primarily to historical philo- Economics at two German universities in tice they focus predominantly on (parts of) logical, religious, and literary studies. The the early 1980s. The economic professor- the Arab world. Corresponding to these little economic research that was done on ships at the FU Berlin and at Erlangen varying terms in institutional practice, in the region concentrated mostly on non- were filled by Dieter Weiss in 1980 (see the following the terms “Middle Eastern” Arab MENA countries (like Turkey and also Büttner and Weiss) and by Şefik Alp (including North Africa), “Arab”, and (rare- Iran). Only in the late 1960s and early 1970s Bahadır in 1984, respectively.4 Both were ly) “Oriental” will mostly be used inter- did major events—such as the Arab-Israeli integrated in favorable interdisciplinary changeably.2 wars and the oil crisis—trigger increased institutional frameworks which, at that interest in contemporary regional exper- time, made both universities comprehen- A Late Start for Research in Contemporary tise and research. Notably, a 1972 memo- sive centers for contemporary Middle Middle Eastern Economies randum from the Deutsche Morgenlän- Eastern research. Studies with a focus on language, religion, dische Gesellschaft showed Orientalists’ Yet, despite the fact that the Middle East is and literature in the Arab and Muslim readiness to open up their research to the a considerable trade and investment part- world have a longstanding tradition in interdisciplinary study of modern Muslim ner, these two universities remained the Germany. In the German Empire, this re- societies (Wirth; Roemer).3 In addition to only places in Western Germany that had search was closely linked to then current Fritz Steppat, Professor for Islamic Studies permanently institutionalized professor- colonial policy. Institutes for Oriental and at Freie Universität (FU) Berlin (Scheffler, ships for economics with such a regional Colonial Studies were established to pro- “Fritz Steppat”), Eugen Wirth, Professor of specialization. In addition, motivated by vide national institutions with the neces- Geography at the University of Erlangen, personal interest, Volker Nienhaus, Profes- sary information about the geography, also showed a great concern for contem- sor for Political Economy and from 1985 to economy, and culture of non-European porary social and economic transforma- 2004 also Director of the interdisciplinary areas (Wissenschaftsrat; Weiss; Rang). tions of the Middle East and was a major Institute of Development Research and Thus, following Wirth, in the early twenti- pioneer of modern Middle Eastern Stud- Development Policy at Ruhr-Universität eth century, Orientalists already consid- ies (Bahadir). Bochum, made important contributions to ered it a matter of course to work on con- the study of the economy of the Arab and
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Islamic world since the 1980s; and in Trier, Developments in the University Land- sorship for Political Economy was attached El-Shagi El-Shagi, Professor for Economics, scape Since the 1990s to the Department of Middle Eastern Poli- sporadically published on Arab countries. Since the late 1990s there has been a re- tics at the FU Berlin. In 2013 and 2014, In the German Democratic Republic, re- newed interest in promoting regional courses of study with the possibility of a search on the modern Middle East devel- studies in Germany (e.g. Wissenschafts- full or partial specialization in Middle East- oped at least one decade earlier than in rat).5 In consequence, a new survey edited ern and Arab Economy existed on the the West (Hafez; Preißler and Kinitz). In the by Rudolph recommended a further fos- bachelor or master levels in Marburg, Er- early 1960s, departments for history, eco- tering of social and cultural research on langen, Tübingen, and Leipzig. However, nomics, and state and law were launched the Muslim world, including regionally ori- with the relocation of the specific post to at the Institute for Oriental Studies at the ented work in the “big” disciplines. The the Institute of Geography in summer University of Leipzig. In the course of an interdisciplinary Institute for Oriental Stud- 2014, the Oriental Institute in Leipzig is at academic reorganization in 1968, Leipzig ies at Leipzig University had already been risk of losing this long-established special- became the only East German university re-established after German unification. ty.6 In contrast, the post of Bahadır, who with a profile in comprehensive modern After Barthel retired in 1996, Jörg Gertel, a retired the same year, has been advertised Middle Eastern studies and its Oriental In- geographer, took over the Professorship as open once more. stitute was integrated into the local Sec- for the Economy and the Social Geogra- In addition, a few Universities of Applied tion for African and Middle Eastern Stud- phy of the Arab World in 1999. In contrast, Sciences offer business studies with a spe- ies. In the ensuing decade, the state’s when Weiss’ post ended in 2001, the FU cialization in the Arab world, such as the interest in expanding trade relations with Berlin was ready to liquidate his depart- Hochschule Bremen—represented by Ale oil-producing countries in the Middle East ment under the pressure of rigorous sav- xander Flores since 1995, with the post be- led to an explicit research orientation to- ings measures (Büttner and Weiss). That ing taken over by Juliane Brach later in ward economic issues. The main protago- left Bahadır with the only full professorship 2014—and the private Munich Business nist of this field was Günter Barthel, Profes- in Germany devoted exclusively to the School. At Heilbronn, Elias Jammal, Profes- sor for the Economy of North African and economy of Middle Eastern countries. In sor in the Department of International Middle Eastern Countries from 1975 on- effect, in 2009 he succeeded in establish- Management, has been working on inter- wards. In the 1980s, the center of research ing the economy-oriented Center for Iraq cultural communication with a focus on partly shifted from Leipzig to the Berlin Studies at Erlangen University. In 2006, Arab countries since 1998.7 Ulrich Wurzel Academy of Sciences, where research on pushed by Nienhaus, its then-President, is a Professor for International and Devel- developing countries had been undertak- the University of Marburg launched the in- opment Economics at the University for en since the late 1960s and which was terdisciplinary Center for Near and Middle Technology and Economics in Berlin who much more independent from the re- Eastern Studies (CNMS) leading to a junior also shows a genuine interest in the eco- quirements of daily politics. professorship for Economics at the center. nomic problems of this region. From 2009 to 2012, another junior profes-
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Occasionally, mainstream economists also at the German Institute for Development their activities to the Middle East, but cov- dabble in the field of Middle Eastern eco- Research in Bonn have regularly pub- er specific economic topics often unsys- nomics (cf. below). But in the university lished on Middle Eastern-related issues. tematically or on an individual basis. Ger- landscape, it is primarily researchers from Again, research on Middle Eastern econo- man academic institutions abroad, such other disciplines, in particular in various mies is also done at institutions that do not as the Orient Institute in Beirut, founded faculties of Geography and Political Sci- have a predominant focus on economics, in 1961, and German universities in the ence, who show an explicit interest in eco- but are mostly oriented toward the non- Middle East that have been established nomic matters of the Middle East that is Western world. This was the case, first, with since 2003, too display virtually no spe- often missing among economists. In Po- the German Orient Institute in Hamburg, cific interest in economic issues in their litical Science, the Department for Middle established in 1960 with support from the host region. It is thus very important to East and Comparative Politics at Tübingen, business-oriented German Near and Mid- point out that economic research on the chaired in sequence by Peter Pawelka and dle East Association. In 2006, it was re-in- MENA region in academia consists most- Oliver Schlumberger, has a renowned stitutionalized as the Institute for Middle ly of non-institutionalized (funded and specialization in the theory of the rentier Eastern Studies at the German Institute of non-funded) research activities: many re- state and economy, with disciples now Global and Area Studies where it cooper- searchers are doing continuous work on found in a wide range of institutions. In ates with other regionally specialized de- Middle Eastern and economy-related is- Geography, Eugen Wirth too, inspired a partments on several cross-regional axes. sues only on the basis of their own initia- considerable number of scholars to en- However, the institute has a strong focus tive. Outside academia, a broad political gage in the field of Middle Eastern social on politics and to a large extent serves spectrum of German political foundations and economic research who were later ap- public information. In 1996 the Zentrum for example, have published a consider- pointed as professors at several German Moderner Orient in Berlin was established able number of papers on socio-econom- universities. They in turn have encouraged as another institution with a transregional ic issues, often from an applied and en- a subsequent generation of geographers focus on the Middle East, Africa, and large gaged research perspective. to work on the region.8 parts of Asia. But with its predominance of historians and anthropologists, only a very Research Topics: Changing Fashions and Research Outside Universities few fellows with a pronounced economic Continuous Themes In the academic landscape outside the background have worked there. According to Wurzel, who also gives a universities, the large, independent, most- Other institutions that conduct research comprehensive literature survey, research ly policy-oriented German institutes for on developing countries, such as the Cen- on Middle Eastern economic issues shows economic research only occasionally ter for Development Research in Bonn, changing fashions as well as some recur- study developments in the Middle East and that give policy advice on internation- rent topics.10 Without being comprehen- and North Africa (Wurzel 4-5).9 Yet, in the al politics, such as the Stiftung Wissen- sive, in the 1950s and 1960s, the field was field of development politics, researchers schaft und Politik in Berlin, also extend dominated by a universalist moderniza-
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tion discourse. In the 1970s, the oil prob- Beyond these themes triggered by ongo- nomic aspects of human life, mainstream lem for Western economies had become ing evolutions and events, other themes economics is almost completely con- a central question. In the subsequent de- have emerged that have ongoing impor- strained by neo-classical orthodoxy. Since cade, interest shifted to effects of rents on tance such as tourism, labor migration, the late 18th century, economics increas- oil-rich countries and blockages to their and water scarcity. Issues such as trade ingly separated from geography (Ritter internal development. Studies of cultural liberalization, innovation strategies, tech- 1-21) and later from sociology; the German factors of development were emerging nology transfer, and, finally, the challeng- tradition of comprehensive Staatswissen- and, among other things, “Islamic eco- es of globalization arrived later. Notably, schaften (political economy including law nomics” started to find considerable inter- regional economic cooperation has been and administration) had by the mid-twen- est which was, perhaps, along with rentier a central and constant topic for over three tieth century largely been abandoned theory the most region-specific topic and decades. Sector studies, evaluation of co- (Drechsler).12 With the pretense of formu- attracted much interdisciplinary attention. operation projects, and surveys of devel- lating universal laws and a tendency to Parallel to that, the need for economic re- opmental prospects, in particular, have quantitative modeling under heroic as- form and the consequences of current sta- often been part of consultancy activities. sumptions, social and historical contexts bilization and adjustment programs be- In the Arab world, research has a clear fo- have largely been eliminated from the came increasingly important. With the cus on Egypt, along with Syria and on the analysis. Until the recent crises, economics demise of the communist command econ- region as a whole, whereas the Maghreb thereby seemed the discipline most reluc- omies, some comparative studies of sys- countries are still of minor concern.11 With tant to pick up poststructuralist consider- tem transformation also materialized; si- the advancement of the Arab Gulf states, ations, to take part in ongoing “cultural multaneously, expectations regarding the more critical assessments of their success turns” (Bachmann-Medick), and to start beginning of the Middle East peace pro- emerged in the 2000s, including of the critical self-reflection about its own episte- cess became an emerging topic. Disillu- impacts of the recent economic crises mological presuppositions. sion about substantial structural reforms (e.g. Rohde). In contrast, it is noteworthy that those Ger- also led to research on the role of political man researchers with an economic back- authoritarianism with some newer publi- Theories and Methodologies: Caught be- ground who rather continuously work on cations (see for e.g. Roll) paying explicit tween the Disciplines Middle Eastern economies often do not attention to the crucial and changing roles A major problem is the relation among re- adhere to neo-classical mainstream eco- of political and economic elites. Several searchers working on Middle Eastern nomics, but to other research traditions. recent studies included the economic cat- economies, conventional economics, and As Wurzel explained, they either refer to alysts of the more recent “revolutions” in other social science disciplines (Wurzel non-orthodox theoretical strands of eco- the Arab world, as well their potential con- 20-27; Wippel, “Wirtschaft” 14-17). In con- nomics or to conceptual backgrounds sequences for future economic policy (e.g. trast to other academic disciplines that originating in other social sciences or in Zorob, “Zusammenbruch”). deal with social, cultural, political, and eco- cultural studies (20-22). Their approaches
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are mostly pragmatic, eclectic, and multi- Substantial Structural and Practical Prob- in a more general manner, toward macro- faceted and include social and political lems perspectives and the use of quantitative processes, institutional arrangements, and This distance from mainstream economics data. In fact, even open-minded econo- socio-cultural value systems. With the the- and the interdisciplinary positioning of re- mists have to struggle with at least a de ory of rents, even a region-specific ap- search on Middle Eastern economics en- facto triple qualification that is economic, proach has (re-)emerged, which was then tail a range of institutional and individual regional (and often multilingual), and applied to other parts of the world. problems (for details see, once again, transdisciplinary. This issue is also reflect- Even if they do not on principle exclude Wurzel). Economics, in particular, but also ed in the task descriptions of centers for the processing of statistical data, these specifically German social research, still area studies and in calls for applications scholars are aware of the limited informa- exhibits boundaries less permeable to for research programs, which rarely ex- tional value of statistics, particularly for the trans- and post-disciplinary research than plicitly mention economics. Likewise, cur- countries under scrutiny.13 There is a pref- do many other disciplines and countries. rent graduate schools, such as the promi- erence for qualitative research based on Among economists in particular, a region- nent Berlin Graduate School for Muslim substantial regional knowledge and field al specialization is regularly considered Cultures and Societies, either include very research (for the FU, Büttner and Weiss; “peripheral” and “exotic”. The understand- few economists or do not explicitly men- Trenk and Weiss). But researchers with an ing for extended field research is rarely tion the economy as a research area,15 economics background still rarely relate to guaranteed. In general, area studies have whereas the current economic PhD pro- more postmodern theories, question es- for a time been discredited because of gram at Erlangen concentrates on Iraq tablished presentations and categories, or problems such as the danger of essential- alone. Thus, most doctoral students still analyze texts and discourses. As already izing and containerizing world regions have to write their dissertations on an in- highlighted, due to the very limited open- and the loss of contact with developments dividual basis and with a limited choice of ness of economics to regional and trans- in mother disciplines (cf. below).14 But the potential supervisors. disciplinarily embedded studies, it is very integration of new professorships into fac- All this constitutes a considerable handi- often—or even mostly—non-economists, ulties of Economics hardly seems favor- cap for one’s academic career, including notably scholars in political science and able either, when candidates are expect- the quest for discipline-oriented project geography, but to a certain extent also in ed, first, to be firm in quantitative modeling funding.16 It hence discourages young anthropology and Islamic studies (e.g. and orthodox theory. scholars from engaging in such a special- Ebert and Thießen on Islamic finance), The closure and estrangement of ortho- ization; in general, they have to expect more often interested in historical and le- dox economics, however, seems mirrored precarious job opportunities in temporary gal aspects, who work on economic issues to a certain extent by the reservations of projects—which in fact is very typical of in the MENA region and have a wider social and cultural scientists toward obvi- German research careers in general range of dimensions in view. ously “hard” economics and its restricted (Kreckel). A few scholars, therefore, now approach to social phenomena, but also, conduct research and teach abroad. As
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Wurzel has already, and correctly, stated, tion is connected to a set of problems that nificant socio-economic contexts that exist this insufficient institutional structure con- have to do with regional conceptions in across established world regions. siderably limits the possibilities for consis- area studies and their tension with eco- In contrast, conventional economic expla- tent and systematic economic research on nomics tending to be a universally orient- nations are largely abstracted from space. the MENA region. In fact, as we have seen, ed, “systematic” discipline (cp. Middell). The “New Economic Geography”, which the number of researchers in Germany Criticism of region-based studies is based emerged in the 1990s as part of interna- continuously investigating Arab econo- on a “spatial turn” in social and cultural tional trade theory, attempts to model ab- mies is small. Thus, for example, the num- studies and new insights into the con- stract economic landscapes, on the one ber of economists who are members of structedness of space (e.g. van Schendel; hand, but still neglects real physical and the German Middle East Studies Associa- Mielke and Hornidge; Glasze et al.). Pro- human space (e.g. Martin for a critical po- tion (DAVO) in fall 2014 was only 49, a pro- ponents like Lewis and Wigen criticized sition), on the other hand. In other re- portion of 3.5%, compared with 21% for rigid mental “meta-geographies” that cru- spects, an implicit container model of political scientists and 6% for geographers cially influence spatial understanding. space still dominates, as most economists (based on Meyer, Statistics). Among world regions, the “Middle East uncritically assume given spatial entities (and North Africa)”—or the “Arab(-Islamic) for their investigations of regionalism. In Studies in Regionalization: An Example of world”, “Near East”, etc., in accordance contrast, a “New Regionalism Approach” an Important Field of Research with varying perspectives, times, and lan- (e.g. Bøås, Marchand, and Shaw; Schulz, Research on economic cooperation in the guages—already overlaps with continen- Söderbaum, and Öjendal) understands MENA region is a central field of study and tally defined regions. The multiplicity of regionalization as a multidimensional pro- has been undertaken, repeatedly or spo- denominations and their vague defini- cess that produces a multiplicity of forms radically, at most of the institutions and by tions also contradict the fundamental on different scales and leads to fluctuating most researchers already mentioned. Es- character often attributed to the region. In and overlapping spatial constellations. sential dimensions are, in particular, the particular, behind its “invention”, we find Such macro- and micro-regionalizations challenges emanating from the Euro- Western geopolitical interests in the nine- do not necessarily constitute continuous Mediterranean partnership project, which teenth and twentieth century, in addition areas but rather they often resemble fluid are sometimes contrasted with the rather to the secular “othering” of the Orient in networks, archipelagos, and translocali- ineffective process of Arab economic inte- the Western world (e.g. Scheffler, “Fertile ties. Regions can then result, for example, gration (Zorob, “Mittelmeerforschung”).17 Crescent”; Krause). Evolutions, relations, from (a) different kinds of institutional set- At the same time, this field of research re- and movements of all kinds tend to be tings, beyond the clearly defined steps of flects the diversity of approaches, concep- analyzed only within such spatial contain- ever-deeper integration in conventional tual limitations, and opportunities for ers and at best in relation to “the West” or, economics; (b) multiple forms of socio- transdisciplinary understanding. In partic- more recently, the global context. How- economic interaction and material and hu- ular, the study of cross-border regionaliza- ever, this sometimes obscures rather sig- man flows; and (c) regional self-position-
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ing, which is often strategically ery of the Arab world, where the multi-di- plans for them (e.g. with Canada and Lat- communicated for economic and political rectional processes of regionalization in America). ends (cf. also Wippel, Wirtschaft, Politik). crystallize perhaps most apparently. These Concerning foreign trade, Morocco is Practical solutions to these problems can empirical cases are based on inter-institu- heavily dependent on the EU, but is in- be found in studying regional links from a tional, international, and interdisciplinary creasingly opening alternative markets. more global perspective, including actor cooperation and illustrate how fruitful it If we consider the relative economic size and discourse centered approaches. As can be to jointly explore the different of trade partners, so-called “trade inten- this requires additional competency from meanings of regionalization beyond the sities” reveal a trading area that reaches the individual researchers, expert commit- “meta-geographical trap” (based on from Western and Central Africa across tees recommended more pluri-regional Agnew). the Mediterranean to Southwestern Eu- and pluri-disciplinary cooperative re- rope and includes parts of the wider search (e.g. Rudolph; Middell). This has Empirical Insights from the Geographical Middle East. In addition, Morocco has already begun at some of the institutions Periphery of the Arab World demonstrated a strong entrepreneurial mentioned above, in contrast to other ten- Without going into much detail in re- engagement south of the Sahara, where- dencies on the Länder level to locally sep- spect to institutions, Morocco already in- as incoming direct investment originates arate institutes specializing in certain tegrates numerous regional contexts mainly in Europe and increasingly in world regions. However, the study of eco- (Wippel, “Marokko”; for different scales, Gulf countries. nomic issues still needs to emerge from its Breuer and Gertel). In addition to the in- In the national public debate, many estab- secondary role in these centers. tense integration in the Euro-Mediterra- lished Moroccan political parties did not Consequently, despite lasting calls to nean process from its early beginnings, discover the “Mediterranean-ness” of their unite an Arab “fatherland” and Pan-Arab the Kingdom is a member of the Arab own country until the 1980s. The Maghreb ideologies, studies of regionalization Free Trade Area and the (rather ineffec- has become conceived mainly as a central which constitute an important field in Mid- tive) Arab Maghreb Union. With other part of a comprehensive Euro-Mediterra- dle Eastern economics do not have to be Arab EU partners, it later aligned itself in nean area (Wippel, “Tanger”). The current, confined to intraregional (and mostly for- the Agadir free trade association. Like- as well as historical, links with Sub-Saharan mal) processes but can consider alterna- wise, more recent developments include Africa now seem to receive more empha- tive spaces, both old and new. In fact, its membership in the Community of Sa- sis than Arab orientations. Simultaneously, quite a number of German academics hel-Saharan States and attempts to con- for a number of years Morocco has under- have striven to include a broad range of clude a cooperation agreement with the lined its pivotal role as an economic hub dimensions in their research. The complex West African Economic and Monetary between these world regions. regional interrelationships will become Union (Wippel, Wirtschaft, Politik). The entire image becomes even more clearer when we turn to examples from the Across the Atlantic, too, it has free trade complex if we include prudent attempts at long understudied geographical periph- agreements (e.g. with the USA) or has subnational cross-border cooperation, es-
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pecially with Andalusia and the Macarone- is, nonetheless, true for more central parts ing research on these topics largely strug- Steffen Wippel sian Islands. Also, there are other less vis- of the region if we consider, for example, gle with the necessity of multiple ible forms of interrelations which are Egypt’s different regional orientations be- disciplinary competencies and a broad studied Economics and Islamic Studies rather informal and sometimes illegal and tween the Arab world, the Euro-Mediter- conceptual toolkit, this currently leaves at the Universities of Freiburg and Aix- which flow across often securitized land ranean area, and Africa (e.g. Afifi). Certain- only one full university professorship offi- en-Provence. He holds a PhD from the and sea borders. This “trans-state region- ly, this creates numerous contractual cially engaged with Middle Eastern econ- Free University Berlin and obtained his alization” (Bach) includes petty traders incompatibilities which have also been omies and has left a lot of other disciplines Dr. habil. at Erlangen University. His main commuting between Moroccan cities and scrupulously investigated (also Zorob, “In- contributing considerably and fruitfully to research interests are issues of economic Western Africa (Marfaing); the smuggling traregional”). But at the same time, it re- this field. Considering the danger that and urban development in North Africa of commodities between Morocco and flects the actual multi-directional, fluctuat- area studies may tend to regard their ob- and the Gulf region. In his academic the Spanish enclaves (Berriane and ing, and interpenetrating tendencies of jects of study as more or less given and life, the author has been affiliated with a Hopfinger), western Algeria, and the wid- regionalization, which only partially coin- closed entities, transregional and transdis- number of institutions mentioned in the er Sahara, all linked with wider hinter- cide with established meta-regions. ciplinary studies, sensitively based on em- article. Presently, he is a Visiting Professor lands; and the hotly debated, regionally pirical findings and regional knowledge, in Contemporary Middle East Studies at widespread and regularly shifting lanes Conclusion are currently additional challenges. Yet, the University of Southern Denmark. and networks of migration. In the process of increasing German inter- the prospects for having more scholars— Oman at the other end of the Arab world est in contemporary Middle East Studies, working from whatever disciplinary back- displays similar multi-regional integration, economic issues have also attracted a cer- ground on economic issues of the MENA including a strong belonging to the “inter- tain interest. But, after a temporary upturn region—in institutionalized posts in the mediate” Indian Ocean area (contribu- in the 1980s, this research has remained near future seem rather gloomy. Finally, tions in Wippel, Regionalizing Oman). On very limited considering the importance the relative negligence of Middle Eastern the institutional side, whereas Gulf coop- and proximity of the region. This is partly economic issues calls for a broader com- eration is the most highly developed, related to insufficient institutionalization at parison with research on other fields of Oman has free trade agreements with the universities and research centers but is interest in the Middle East, as well as with Arab world and the USA (esp. Zorob, also an effect of the mutual estrangement economic research on other world re- “Oman”) and is a promoter of Indian between economists and other social and gions,18 in Germany and other countries Ocean cooperation. With the latter area, it cultural scientists in terms of methodolog- and, in particular, in the Middle East itself.19 also displays strong links in trade and in- ical approaches and theoretical perspec- As this latter issue goes beyond the scope vestment, and here nation branding situ- tives. In particular, structural reasons and of this article this desideratum will be left ates it at the crossroads of several world (meta-)theoretical considerations do not open for further investigation. regions. But what seems to be quite ap- leave room for area-related “pure” eco- parent at the periphery of the Arab world nomics research. While those actually do-
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Notes 5 For overviews on the 8 A non-exhaustive list of 10 Due to his extensive 13 This contrasts with sporadic current research landscape, professors with continuous publication, it is sufficient to work by mainstream 1 This article owes a great deal see Rudolph; Wippel, (non-exclusive) or important summarize Wurzel’s detailed economists who developed to the recent paper by Wurzel “Wirtschaft”; Centrum für temporary interest in the and balanced explanations rather formalistic models as well as earlier intellectual Nah- und Mittelost-Studien; economic, tourism, and social of research topics and without any deeper input from Christian Steiner Weiss; Wurzel; Rang. and urban geography of the approaches in the following. knowledge of the region. This (currently at the University Information on institutions Middle East, already shows Cf. also Wippel, “Wirtschaft”. type of quantitative modeling of Innsbruck), Stephan Roll and persons has also been the contrast in numbers: was prominently done, for (Stiftung Wissenschaft und retrieved from institutional as Herbert Popp (Bayreuth), 11 Important research has instance, in the 2000s at Politik, Berlin), and Anja well as drawing on personal Fred Scholz (FU Berlin), been done mainly in the Institute for Growth and Zorob (Ruhr-Universität websites and the existing Horst Kopp (Erlangen), economic geography on Economic Cycles, University Bochum). Nonetheless, all knowledge and direct and Konrad Schliephake Morocco (e.g., Breuer and of Hamburg, under Bernd responsibility for the content relationships of the author. (Würzburg), all recently Gertel). Outside the Arab Lucke, now the leader of the remains exclusively with the The survey attempts to be retired; Günter Meyer world, except for Erlangen anti-Euro political party AfD, author. comprehensive, but cannot (Mainz) and Hans Hopfinger (e.g. Schuß), economic on macroeconomic impacts claim to be complete. (Eichstätt), with successors research on Turkey became of trade liberalization and 2 Institutions concentrating imminent; Anton Escher rather limited in the regional integration in the solely on Turkey, Iran, and 6 A few graduates from (Mainz), Hans Gebhardt aforementioned institutions, Middle East (for a heated Israel are excluded here; but Arabic Studies with a focus (Heidelberg), Detlef Müller- contrasting with long-lasting discussion of examples, see no such academic institution on economy and social Mahn (Bonn), Carmella excited debates, e.g. on also Wurzel 19-20, 25-27). with a strong economic focus geography now temporarily Pfaffenbach (Aachen), Georg its EU accession process. exists. integrate the transregional Glasze (Erlangen), Andreas Research on the economic 14 Against this background, and interdisciplinary Center Kagermeier (Trier), Nicolai development of Iran is continuous regionally 3 Whether research can for Area Studies at Leipzig Scherle (Iserlohn), and the presently done at the CNMS. specialized research also and should be undertaken University, an institution late young colleague Heiko To the author’s knowledge, seems to be recognized less on an interdisciplinary, established through the Schmid (Jena). For Jörg economic research on Israel and less in disciplines like multidisciplinary, or recent initiative of the Gertel (Leipzig), cf. above. (such as by Hofmann at FU geography. See in contrast transdisciplinary basis needs Federal Ministry of Education For a good overview of Berlin) is also very limited. Verne and Doevenspeck separate consideration. It and Research to promote geographical research, see defending the cause of should be noted that in this regional studies. Meyer, Die arabische Welt. 12 The department in (re-conceptualized) regional article these terms are used Erlangen, however, has been studies. rather interchangeably. 7 Currently, this position is 9 In 2012, a search for initially integrated into such also being advertised. recent publications on their an institute. ––› 4 Direct reference will be websites resulted in only a limited to full university few papers or short notes professors who have shown on energy issues and the a sustained interest in a development of the oil combination of Middle East market. and economy related issues.
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––› 15 In contrast, the doctoral 17 For the sake of space, Works Cited Berriane, Mohamed Centrum für Nah- und program in Contemporary extensive bibliographical and Hans Hopfinger. Mittelost-Studien. “Wirtschaft Research on the Middle referencing will again be Afifi, Tamer Mohamed “Informeller Handel an des Nahen und Mittleren East that existed from 1990 avoided. For the country Ahmed. The Challenge internationalen Grenzen: Ostens.” Philipps-Universität until 2000 at Erlangen cases, below, insights are of Implementing the Schmuggelwirtschaft in Marburg, n.d.
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––› Hafez, Kai. Orientwissenschaft Lewis, Martin W., and Kären Middell, Matthias. “Area Ritter, Wigand. Welthandel: Scheffler, Thomas. “‘Fertile in der DDR: Zwischen Dogma E. Wigen. The Myth of Studies Under the Global Geographische Crescent’, ‘Orient’, ‘Middle und Anpassung, 1969-1989. Continents: A Critique of Condition: Debates on Strukturen und Umbrüche East’: The Changing Maps of Hamburg: Deutsches Orient- Metageography. Berkeley, Where to Go with Regional im internationalen Southwest Asia.” European Institut, 1995. Print. Los Angeles, London: or Area Studies in Germany.” Warenaustausch. Darmstadt: Review of History 10.2 (1993): University of California Press, Self-Reflexive Area Studies. Wissenschaftliche 253-72. Print. Hofmann, Sabine. “Regional 1997. Print. Ed. Matthias Middell. Leipzig: Buchgesellschaft, 1994. Print. Cooperation under Conflict: Leipziger Universitätsverlag, ---. “Fritz Steppat— Israeli-Arab Business Marfaing, Laurence. “Von 2013. 7-57. Print. Roemer, Hans Robert. Werkbiographische Cooperation in the Middle der Pilgerfahrt nach Fès “Spezialisierung, Integration Einführung.” Islam als Partner: East.” Beyond Regionalism? zum Handel in Marokko: Mielke, Katja, and Anna- und Innovation in der Islamkundliche Aufsätze Regional Cooperation, Senegalesische Händler und Katharina Hornidge. deutschen Orientalistik.” Die 1944-1996. Ed. Thomas Regionalism and Händlerinnen in Casablanca.” “Crossroads Studies: From Welt des Islams 28.1 (1988): Scheffler. Beirut, Würzburg: Regionalization in the Middle Wirtschaft im Vorderen Spatial Containers to 475-96. Web. 10 Apr. 2015. Ergon, Orient-Institut, 2001. East. Ed. Cilja Harders, and Orient: Interdisziplinäre Interactions in Differentiated IX-XXXI. Print. Matteo Legrenzi. Aldershot, Perspektiven. Ed. Steffen Spatialities.” Crossroads Asia Rohde, Philipp. Nach Burlington: Ashgate, 2008. Wippel. Berlin: Klaus Working Paper Series no. 15. dem Öl—Chancen und van Schendel, Willem. 185-202. Print. Schwarz, 2005. 235-60. Print. Bonn: Competence Network Grenzen der staatlichen “Geographies of Knowing, Crossroads Asia, 2014. Web. Investitionspolitik in Dubai. Geographies of Ignorance: Krause, Rolf F. “Orient, Naher Martin, Ron. “The New 20 Mar. 2015. Berlin: Hans Schiler, 2012. Jumping Scale in Southeast und Mittlerer Osten: Die ‘Geographical Turn’ in Print. Asia.” Locating South East Begriffe im Wandel der Zeit.” Economics: Some Critical Preißler, Holger, and Daniel Asia: Geographies of Geographische Rundschau Reflections.” Cambridge Kinitz. “Arabistik.” Geschichte Roll, Stephan. Geld und Knowledge and Politics of 45.1 (1993): 4-9. Print. Journal of Economics 23.1 der Universität Leipzig 1409- Macht. Finanzsektorreformen Space. Ed. Paul H. Kratoska, (1999): 65-91. Print. 2009. Fakultäten, Institute, und politische Remco Raben, and Henk Kreckel, Reinhard. Zentrale Einrichtungen. Ed. Bedeutungszunahme Schulte Nordholt. Singapore, “Akademischer Nachwuchs Meyer, Günter. “Statistics on Ulrich von Hehl, Uwe Johna, der Unternehmer—und Athens: Singapore University als Beruf? Deutsche the DAVO Membership in and Manfred Rudersdorf. Finanzelite in Ägypten. Berlin: Press, Ohio University Press, Entwicklungen im Sept. 2014.” Message to the 1st semi-ed. Vol. 4. Leipzig: Hans Schiler, 2010. Print. 2005. 275-307. Print. internationalen Vergleich: author. 28 Sept. 2014. E-Mail. Leipziger Universitätsverlag, Zur unzeitgemäßen Aktualität 2009. 415-38. Print. Rudolph, Ekkehard. Schulz, Michael, Fredrik Max Webers.” Wissenschaft ---. ed. Die arabische Bestandsaufnahme: Kultur- Söderbaum, and Joakim als Beruf. Proceedings Welt im Spiegel der Rang, Helene, ed. Orient- und sozialwissenschaftliche Öjendal, eds. Regionalization of the Symposium of the Kulturgeographie. Mainz: und Islamforschung an Forschung über die in a Globalizing World: A ‘Österreichische Akademie ZEFAW, 2004. Print. deutschen Universitäten: Eine muslimische Welt in der Comparative Perspective on der Wissenschaften’, Vienna, Bestandsaufnahme. Berlin: Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Forms, Actors and Processes. 8 May 2012. Web. 20 Deutsche Orient-Stiftung, Hamburg: Deutsches Orient- London, New York: Zed February 2015. 2011. Print. Institut, 1999. Print. Books, 2001. Print.
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––› Schuß, Heiko. Verne, Julia, and Martin ---. “Wirtschaft im Vorderen Wissenschaftsrat. ---. “Der Zusammenbruch Wirtschaftskultur Doevenspeck. “Von Orient: Zu Potenzialen, “Empfehlungen zu den des autoritären und Institutionen im Pappkameraden, diffusen Defiziten und Perspektiven Regionalstudien (area Gesellschaftsvertrags: Sozio- Osmanischen Reich und Bedenken und einer alten der wissenschaftlichen studies) in den Hochschulen ökonomische Hintergründe der Türkei: Ein Vergleich Debatte: Gedanken zur Forschung in Deutschland.” und außeruniversitären der arabischen Proteste.” institutionenökonomischer Bedeutung von regionaler Wirtschaft im Vorderen Forschungseinrichtungen.” Arabellions: Zur Vielfalt von und kulturwissenschaftlicher Spezialisierung und Area Orient: Interdisziplinäre Drs. 7381-06. Mainz: WR, 7 Protest und Revolte im Nahen Ansätze zur Erklärung der Studies in der Geographie.” Perspektiven. Ed. Steffen July 2006. Web. 5 Dec. 2011. Osten und Nordafrika. Ed. wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung. Geographische Zeitschrift Wippel. Berlin: Klaus Annette Jünemann, and Anja Berlin: Hans Schiler, 2008. 102.1 (2014): 7-24. Print. Schwarz, 2005. 7-32. Print. Wurzel, Ulrich G. Middle East- Zorob. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag Print. Related Economic Research für Sozialwissenschaften, Weiss, Susanne. ---. “Von ‘Tanger’ bis in Germany: Scientific 2013. 229-56. Print. Statistisches Bundesamt. Wissenschaft und Wirtschaft ‘Barcelona’: Zwischen Community, Institutional “DEStatis: GENESIS Online in der Globalisierung: Abgrenzung und Framework, Subject Choice ---. “Oman Caught Between Datenbank.” Statistisches Regionalstudien in Außenöffnung im and Methodological the GCC Customs Union Bundesamt, n.d. Web. 4 Sept. Deutschland. Berlin: Weiss marokkanisch-europäischen Selectivity. Berlin: Klaus and Bilateral Free Trade with 2014. von Richthofen, 2007. Print. Verhältnis.” Islamische Schwarz, 2009. Print. the US: Is It Worth Breaking Welt und Globalisierung: the Rules?” Regionalizing Steppat, Fritz, ed. “Der Wippel, Steffen, ed. Aneignung, Abgrenzung, Zorob, Anja. “Intraregional Oman—Political, Economic moderne Vordere Regionalizing Oman: Gegenentwürfe. Ed. Henner Economic Cooperation: The and Social Dymensions. Ed. Orient als Aufgabe an Political, Economic and Social Fürtig. Würzburg: Ergon, Cases of GAFTA and MAFTA.” Stephen Wippel. Dorbrecht, deutschen Universitäten.” Dynamics. Dordrecht et al.: 2001. 213-47. Print. Beyond Regionalism? New York, London, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Springer, 2013. Print. Regional Cooperation, Heidelberg: Springer Verlag, Morgenländischen Wirth, Eugen. “Orientalistik Regionalism and 2013. 185-203. Print. United Gesellschaft 126 (1976): 1-34. ---. Wirtschaft, Politik und und Orientforschung: Regionalization in the Middle Nations University Series on Print. Raum: Territoriale und Aufgaben und Probleme East. Ed. Cilja Harders,and Regionalism 6. regionale Prozesse in der aus der Sicht der Matteo Legrenzi. Aldershot, Trenk, Marin, and Dieter westlichen Sahara. Berlin, Nachbarwissenschaften.” XIX. Burlington: Ashgate 2008. ---. “Die Mittelmeerforschung Weiss, eds. Bei fremden Tübingen: Hans Schiler, 2012. Deutscher Orientalistentag, 169-83. Print. in den Wirtschaftswissen- Freunden: Studentische Print. 28. Sept. - 4. Oct. 1975, schaften.” Handbuch der Feldforschungserfahrungen Freiburg im Breisgau. Mediterranistik—System- in Drittweltländern. Münster, ---. “Marokko in globalen Ed. Wolfgang Voigt. atische Mittelmeerforschung Hamburg: LIT, 1992. Print. und regionalen Zeitschrift der Deutschen und disziplinäre Zugänge. grenzüberschreitenden Morgenländischen Ed. Mihran Dabag, et al. Handelsströmen.” Breuer and Gesellschaft, Supplement III, Paderborn: Wilhelm Fink & Gertel 241-65. 1. Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1977. Ferdinand Schöningh, forth- LV-LXXXII. Print. coming.Print.
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ity of claims to being critical, we survey how the Middle East is being reshaped Reorientalizing the Middle East: through these ‘new’ and ‘critical’ ap- The Power Agenda Setting Post-Arab proaches that in essence are apologetic to neoliberalism and liberal governmen- Uprisings tality at large. We show how minorities continue to be an intervention mecha- nism under the so-called ‘freedom of be- lief’ agenda, how the ‘democracy para- digm’ advances electoralism as freedom, and how rights-based approaches with their underlying (neo)liberal assump- tions continue to determine gender pol- itics and analysis despite postcolonial Karim Malak interventions. Sara Salem By presenting a contemporary genealogy of Middle East studies and surveying calls Claims to new or critical knowledge can exceptionalism.’ Claims to being critical, for proposals for journal articles, media often be non-performative. Building off of or making a critical turn, are thus ques- publications, Western think-tank reports, this assumption, this paper demonstrates tioned in this paper through an analysis donor programs and Civil Society Orga- the ways in which the 2010-2011 uprisings that shows how theory has been in the nizations’ (CSOs) expansion into the Mid- across the Middle East and North Africa interest of power through the appropria- dle East, this paper argues that this form have been analysed through approaches tion of native informants into the academ- of surveillance, though masquerading as that claim to be critical and post-Oriental- ic complex of think-tanks, Western donor ‘critical,’ builds off of neoliberal govern- ist and yet reproduce problematic as- institutions, and foreign media. mentality. This, in turn, molds a subjectiv- sumptions about the region, revealing Taking our cue from Edward Said, we ex- ity that reifies the Middle East as a stag- their connection to a longer genealogy plore how new approaches have pre- nant entity. dating back to Orientalism. This serves to sented themselves as critical and have sanitize the uprisings by virtue of a neo- disrobed themselves of their exotic and Keywords: Egypt; Arab Spring; Middle liberal agenda that reproduces the ‘Mid- explicit racist discourse, despite the fact East; Orientalism; Neoliberalism; Copts; dle East’ straitjacket, in turn creating a ty- that the same assumptions continue to Women pology not too different from realist lurk in the background. Using Sara analysis in the region that (re)posits ‘Arab Ahmed’s notion of the non-performativ-
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Introduction The performativity of claims to being ‘crit- namely the reproduction of the field of The uprisings that spread across the Mid- ical’ or new are important to assess, par- Middle East studies along the lines of an dle East and North Africa in 2010 and 2011 ticularly in light of the increasing tendency Orientalist Eurocentrism. Middle East quickly gave rise to calls for analysis that to make such claims as protection against studies seem to be predicated on the In- could explain the supposedly unexpected accusations of Eurocentrism. Sara Ahmed ternational Relations notion of Hobbesian events. Four years later, this drive for ex- has noted that a claim to being critical can ‘anarchy’ that it cannot move past, a point planations and theoretical innovations has be just that: a claim, without substance, we will touch on later. continued, within the pluralist celebration and therefore one that does not perform This paper thus seeks to probe these pro- of ‘the more the merrier.’ This has not only what it says it will. The non-performativity cesses in order to demonstrate that the so- occurred within academia, but also within of a concept is important to trace: con- called ‘critical turn’ taken by many scholars policy-making circles.1 No one has paused cepts and theories do not always perform within Middle East studies in fact relies on to investigate these analyses pedagogi- in the ways in which they claim to perform. similar assumptions as previous work that cally and how they have had an effect on Claims to ‘being critical’ should always be has been categorized as Eurocentric or reproducing ‘Middle East studies’, as well probed, as a claim to being critical does Orientalist. The non-performativity of the as the term ‘the Middle East’. As side de- not replace the act itself. Using examples claim to be critical as well as the performa- bates rage on about interdisciplinarity and from the post-uprisings period, this paper tivity of the reproduction of a Eurocentric reflexivity within area studies, in particular shows how the neoliberal agenda oper- Middle East will be probed through an Middle East studies (Wilson 855), the dis- ates through this claim and in effect sani- analysis that focuses on three key areas of cipline as a whole remains unscathed and tizes the potential of the uprisings. How- debate within Middle East studies: civil so- continues to be encapsulated in the para- ever—and this is crucial—claims to being ciety and the democracy paradigm, gen- digm of Eurocentrism (Massad 37-38). To critical are non-performative in the sense der justice through rights-based ap- add insult to injury, most analysis now her- of failing to perform a critical task; but they proaches, and the ‘minority question.’ The alds itself as ‘critical.’ This is precisely what remain performative in other ways, nota- furthering of neoliberalism through claims this paper aims to probe: Orientalist rep- bly in the way they reproduce certain as- to be critical occurs in each of these de- resentations of, that in turn shape, ‘the sumptions and paradigms (ibid.). This two- bates, which in turn continue to reproduce Middle East’ as anarchic, radical, misogy- fold process is what we address in this the Middle East in a Eurocentric manner. nist, and on the verge of being a failed paper: on the one hand, we aim to dem- state. This representational move can onstrate the non-performativity of claims Genealogy of the Literature Leading up to mount a new attack by way of positing it- within Middle East studies to be critical, 2011 self as critical, and in so doing, hiding its new, or post-Orientalist; and on the other It is commonly assumed that post-positiv- material ramifications as it furthers neolib- hand, we show how this non-performativ- ist literature3 has shown the weaknesses of eral policies.2 ity in terms of being critical still performs positivism and led to the emergence of other functions that are often hidden, ‘new’ approaches that challenge its central
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position (Smith, Booth, Zalewski 6). These constitute the Middle East as war-torn and argument of this paper: post-positivist ap- new approaches are lauded for their criti- damned place while hiding neo-imperial proaches claiming critical knowledge and cal and reflexive approach to knowledge Western intervention. It also furthers a masquerading as novel in order to hide production (Tickner). Despite this, these neoliberal agenda and simultaneously their neoliberal agenda. This serves to ob- approaches continue to be dominated by adopts a racialized idea of Arabs as being scure the fact that the Arab uprisings have the world hegemon: the US (Smith). The savage, at times implicitly or explicitly call- rejected such economic linkages to capi- understanding of these ‘new’ approaches ing for them to be tamed. This takes the tal within the agenda of neoliberalism de- as critical and reflexive eschews the ‘con- form of either legal exceptionalism and spite a sanitized version existing in the lit- structivist turn’ that has been applied to pausing the Geneva Conventions (condi- erature on the Arab Spring. Banai’s the Middle East with largely the same apo- tioning their applicability only to the civi- argument meshes well with that of Chris- logia to the dominant benevolent hege- lized races); or at other times designating tou and Adamides, from the same issue of mon, the US (Banai). Banai, for example, the Middle East as rampant with ‘failed Security Dialogue, as both have a gaping openly advocates, through a purely con- states.’4 Both consequences of this desig- lacuna: they both neglect to mention the structivist lens that problematizes norms, nation and construction of the Middle East occurrence of events that demonstrate the that the US should in fact engage in de- means that development requires the civ- clear opposition towards Israel through- mocracy promotion, but critiques the ap- ilized West to enter benevolently whilst out the Arab Spring. For example, in Au- proach of President George W. Bush and the neoliberal agenda becomes more hid- gust 2011 Egyptian protesters nearly openly commends that of President den. Moreover, it is because of this that stormed Israel’s Cairo embassy, climbing Obama. Some scholars have even made Eurocentric notions are reconciled with and breaching the top floor of the apart- inroads using a critical security studies ap- Islamists in order to further the Eurocentric ment complex housing the embassy to proach that utilizes ‘speech-act’, a similarly goals of neoliberalism. protest the death of Egyptian border post-positivist approach that relies on dis- There is no clearer example of neoliberal guards caused by Israeli border guards course analysis. This approach serves to discourse that seeks to be critical and new pursuing militants near the Rafah border ‘desecuritize’ the Middle East, which by a than the issue in which both articles were strip. Egypt threatened to withdraw its Am- sleight of hand is marked as inherently un- published: Security Dialogue’s 2013 spe- bassador from Tel Aviv and almost did, stable, by linking it economically to the cial issue titled The New Middle East: A posting an online statement that it was dominant and ‘stable’ democracy of Israel Critical Appraisal. In this issue, Banai seeks withdrawing its ambassador, but later (Christou and Adamides, 2013). This ties to present a narrative in which rights and withdrawing it in a mysterious manner back to Smith’s claim that IR is produced freedoms are the focus of the Arab Spring (Ahramonline). Such omissions of key as apologetic to the hegemon: in this case in which he constructs protestors as vying events can only take place if a democracy it is produced in service of the Middle for those rights, as opposed to calling for lens is superimposed on the analysis that East’s policeman: Israel. These brief exam- social justice and protesting against neo- in effect prioritizes individual rights whilst ples all show essentialized notions that imperialism. This is precisely the general omitting power politics and social justice
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as analytical categories that obscure neo- happens to elide his theory’s purpose and (Dahshan). These Orientalist narratives es- liberalism. its Eurocentrism by critiquing that of oth- chew the larger causality of opposition to Banai performs this pedagogically in the ers and calling for reflexivity. Indeed this is Mubarak and Ben Ali’s regimes for their parallel he draws between the Iranian rev- a clear instance of the non-performativity neoliberal agendas; as such narratives olution and the Arab Spring. Banai distin- of a claim to being critical: while Banai firmly exclude the Gafsa and Mahala work- guishes the case of Iran in 1979 by saying cites Robert Cox’s argument about theory er revolts in Egypt and Tunisia in 2008 that its failure was due to “[the] discussion and power, and even calls for others to be (Hanieh). Indeed the exclusion of worker [...] being in terms of anti-imperialism and reflexive, his own analysis clearly repro- revolts from much of the post-uprisings social justice issues, and not about the fu- duces Eurocentrism and thus cannot be analysis clearly reveals the neoliberal un- ture of democracy in Iran” (420). In this seen as critical. Banai’s ideas resonate well derpinnings or these so-called ‘critical’ ap- case Banai’s operational definition of de- with US media. See, for example, respons- proaches. mocracy is one that firmly eschews anti- es towards 2012 socialist presidential can- Another aspect of this discussion is the imperialism and the notion of social jus- didate Hamdeen Sabahy from major US famed ‘moderation thesis’ of Islamists tice, replicating an almost Cold War-like media outlets. The New York Times vilified (Lynch; Basly) which essentially remains McCarthyism. After this definition he goes Sabahy, who ended up coming third and little more than performativity to hide on to lament the Arab Spring activists who missing the run-off elections by less than power politics. Interestingly this thesis not do further the cause for democracy. This three percentage points from the second only hinges on taming the ‘Arab radicals’ genealogy of democracy is extremely Eu- frontrunner Ahmed Shafik, for opposing but similarly on liberal ideas, rights-based rocentric in casting democracy literature the International Monetary Fund (IMF) approaches and individual freedoms. as being individualistic, liberal and further- loan and labeled him as “against the mar- Rajaa Basly wrote a piece in Carnegie’s ing rights-based approaches whilst ignor- ket” (New York Times). Foreign Policy sim- Sada Journal warning that: ing more accepted critiques, such as Din- ilarly lambasted Sabahy with an odd fea- gwerth’s, for the need to probe areas ture piece title: “More Trouble for the IMF [The] growth of fundamentalist Salaf- where social justice can actually be a de- in Egypt.” It is precisely such depictions ism puts al-Nahda in an awkward po- fining characteristic of ‘democracy’ as op- that show the prowess of the IMF in Egypt sition, and may force it to reposition posed to procedural definitions of de- and the ‘irrationality’ of opposing such an itself after the Salafists have led dem- mocracy that live off electoralism. institution that furthers Orientalism–and, onstrations chanting bigoted and anti- But it would be foolish to think that Banai importantly, neoliberalism—alongside de- Semitic slogans, and attacked liquor is alone in his definition, just as it would be velopmental linear paradigms in order to stores and unveiled women. foolish to think Banai (420) is critical be- help the ‘Third World.’ Foreign Policy has cause he can cite Robert Cox’s (129) fa- recruited native informants to similarly Here there is a clear juxtaposition be- mous phrase: theory ‘is always for some- lambast Sabahy decrying his policies as “a tween Salafis (radical Islamists) and one and for some purpose.’ Banai just so far cry from what the country needs” al-Nahda (moderate Islamists). Similarly,
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take Middle East Foreign Policy Editor similar note urging Tunisians to “balance tury, insinuate with analysis of the conven- and George Washington Professor Marc modernism and traditionalism.” Evoking tional ‘security dilemma’ and the ‘failed Lynch’s opinion on the ‘polarization’ of “traditionalism” in such a blanket way state thesis.’ The persistence of such anal- politics in Tunisia and reference to how al- without engaging it furthers anthropo- ysis is explained by the fact that pedagog- Nahda were “unsure about how to grap- centric colonial notions of essentialized ically there are few security journals that ple with the rising Salafi trend.” This posit- native ‘traditions’ (Mamdani). Other like- are not borne out of flagship think-tanks ing of a spectrum and the performativity minded think-tankers and native infor- or institutions where funding, and edito- of this fear factor automatically preempts mants argue that this moderation is ap- rial managers, determine loyalty and di- any questions and ups the credentials of parent in that the Muslim Brotherhood rection. This problem has been so notice- moderate Islamists. It also takes the (MB) is taking “the long view,” (Hamid). It able that other competitive journals have Hobbesian idea of anarchy to new heights is interesting that the racist-realist argu- pointed it out. It is no surprise that these and attunes it to the Middle East by throw- ment (Hobson),5 manifested here in terms more independent journals are open-ac- ing radical Islamists into the mix, adding of the moderation thesis,6 is made in the cess, are not behind a pay wall and do not a cultural dimension to the IR argument. Journal of Foreign Affairs, the flagship require membership fees.8 Such statements carry big omissions of publication of the Council of Foreign Re- Expanding on the analytic qualities of real- assassinations of the opposition such as lations think-tank, heir and previous ism and the ‘security dilemma,’ security in the death of Choukri Belaid, which was namesake to the Journal of Race Devel- the anarchic world and its analysis be- widely believed to be the work of the rul- opment.7 The genealogy attests to the comes key. Egyptian native informant ing party al-Nahda by way of tolerating once racial-turned-Eurocentric argument. think-tankers write that Egypt’s security increasing violence, Belaid’s comrade— The only way such knowledge can retain problem needs to address rights-based Abdel Nasser Laouni—accused al-Nahda its ‘critical’ veneer is because it is placed agendas whilst simultaneously holding directly of perpetrating the murder (al- alongside positivist realist literature that them to a worldwide counter terrorism Akhbar). Echoing Lynch some describe posits the Middle East as a sub-system goal that ‘serves US interests.’ This recon- such Islamists as a “safety valve for moder- with its own anarchic system. Here Bahgat ciliation is achieved by a racial performa- ate Islam” while simultaneously arguing Korany’s critique of Robert Kaplan is im- tivity: the Egyptian ‘crackdown’ is ineffec- that “[i]f it wasn’t for the Brotherhood, portant. It posits that the representation of tive and needs to be reworked with US most of the youths of this era would have the Middle East’s anarchic relationship is assistance and European help, thus as- chosen the path of violence” (Leiken exceptional. This realism has unveiled its suming that both players are neutral and 2007). This article, like most of the litera- racial underpinnings in which the savages professional with their own counterterror- ture on the Arab Spring relied on the are the impending threat and must be bal- ism policies (Radwan). The racism is appar- youth as a malleable category that has the anced against or kept in check. Examples ent in the assumption that only the White power to shape Islamists and bend them of such racist-realist writing, as Hobson West can master safe, civilized policing to modernity. Basly’s piece ended on a has triangulated with the eighteenth cen- tactics. An example of this is the way in
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which racism creeps in when advocating and structural readjustment (Alexander where Islamists were collectively promot- the necessary Israeli ‘deterrence strikes’ and Bassiouny). ed as the ‘moderates’ compared to the against Palestinians, even if civilians. This ‘crazy socialists.’ One example is the MB in racial othering happens by openly advo- Triangulating Neoliberalism Egypt pledging to honor Camp David cating the killing of civilians in violation of The main thrust of the argument is that while Hamdeen Sabahy called for its the great Eurocentric mantle: the Geneva neoliberalism is represented as the only amendment and made his position Convention. This is something one would logical path to development. When Egyp- against it clear. This is similar to Tunisia, think in the twenty-first century would be tian actors are seen as unwilling to comply where al-Nahda has accepted an IMF loan taken as a fait accompli, but it shows pre- with this, racist and Orientalist depictions and begun restructuring its economy cisely the double Eurocentric/racial bind: are used to explain this supposed insub- along neoliberal parameters. Due to the the Geneva Convention, a European cre- ordination (to global capital). The key link sanitized narrative of the Arab Spring and ation, does not apply outside Europe be- between neoliberalism and ‘Islamism’ in its various exclusions, few remember that cause previously designated barbarians, general is that to move past previous Ori- the MB in Egypt also signed a Stand-By Palestinian civilians, are a ‘necessary’ casu- entalist representations of ‘Islam’ as an Agreement (SBA) with the IMF under MB alty to ‘reel in Hamas’ (Herzog). Palestinian ideology (Islamism), it must be seen to be president Mohammed Morsi.9 Islamists in civilians are willing to die as human market-compatible. This means for Islam the Arab Spring are heralded as a group shields, they have no feelings, they want to be palatable, and to disrobe itself of its that have been oppressed for too long — to die, and therefore they deserve to die; previous depictions, it must be ready to despite the fact that socialists too have the right to life enshrined in the Geneva accept austerity policies and be docile to been similarly oppressed—and that have Convention does not apply to them. foreign capital. This phenomenon is what been portrayed as coming back for their It is clear that in the examples pre- Timothy Mitchell (203), playing on Benja- glory. Out of this comes the moderation sented above, alternative genealogies min Barber’s concept of “McWorld,” calls thesis in relation to Islamists, which is little that do not stop at the toppling of Arab “McJihad.” It is a helpful way of under- more than a euphemism for neoliberaliza- presidents in 2010-2011 and that include a standing “the political violence the United tion. This sleight of hand is performed in host of forces that are hostile to the neo- States, not alone […]has funded and pro- two parts: first Islamists in both Egypt and liberal agenda are ignored. It is beyond moted,” by way of promoting Islamists. Tunisia sought to play off fears that rising the scope of this paper to detail these ar- Mitchell argues “it would seem to follow Salafist movements represented a threat guments, but other avenues of research that political Islam plays an unacknowl- to the political order and that socialists have highlighted how there exists alterna- edged role in the making of what we call were ‘against the market,’ thus calling for tive historicizations of the Arab uprisings global capitalism” (ibid.). both to be excluded. In this sense, such that tackle the issue of imperialism The attention that has been paid to Is- Islamists stand to actually gain by fanning (Hanieh) and which problematize the issue lamist forces post Arab Spring is particu- the flames of extremist Islamism by posi- of neoliberal policies (Elyachar), austerity larly notable in relation to neoliberalism, tioning themselves as ‘moderate’ relative
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to rising Salafists and outlandish socialists. show of frank yet outright Orientalism, Re- parameters, identifying it as being close to Embracing the notion of ‘moderate Is- publican Senator Lindsey Graham of a failed state.10 lamists’ allows Western academics to be South Carolina noted on CBS’ Face the Neoliberalism’s inclusion of ‘po- presented as critical and post-Orientalist, Nation (Hill) that: litical Islam’ has been inundated with a because they have overcome their other- logic of accumulation of foreign capital ing of Islamism as a whole. This embracing What would happen if we cut off the aid and austerity politics. This representation was seen in the West’s silence over Egypt’s is that Western tourism ends in Egypt for continues to Orientalize politics in a bid to MB violence and extrajudicial usurping of the foreseeable future for as far as the eye disfranchise socialists who are—to borrow power by a constitutional declaration that can see [...]Western investment comes to from the New York Times—“against the declared Morsi immune to judicial review a standstill. Egypt becomes a beggar cli- market.” This post-Orientalist notion con- in order to pass an authoritarian constitu- ent state of the Arab Gulf states. Egypt’s tinues that performativity; to be post-Ori- tion, as well as the silence over the vio- future is really damned[...]. We’re the entalist is to perform a novelty that claims lence that followed. This was in addition to strongest nation on earth. Everybody that a departure from, but performs that very the police-sanctioned attacks against a sides with us tends to do better than peo- function of, Orientalism. funeral procession outside the Egyptian ple we oppose. Coptic cathedral in 2012 that resulted in Civil Society and the Democracy Para- the police attacking the cathedral itself This is a civilizational and Orientalist rep- digm: The Case of Democracy Promotion with teargas. In Tunisia in 2012, this was resentation in that the strong US can bend Democracy and civil society have been re- mirrored with a strike and mass protests Egypt’s arm in order to make it beg, be- current themes in debates on the Arab up- following al-Nahda’s move to arrest oppo- cause it is seen as on the point of becom- risings. They are conceptualized as being sition figures. Tunisia differed from Egypt ing a failed state. This is similar to Hob- of particular importance to the region’s in that a concession was eventually given son’s idea of the Eurocentric nature of the future, and thus in need of being strength- with a new coalition government. ‘failed states’ thesis and the paternalistic ened. However, much of these debates There is a clear attempt at white- attitude and form of intervention it invites. clearly reproduce a Eurocentric and lib- washing even in how foreign governments It involves a doctor-patient cancer meta- eral teleology that hide specific assump- chose to intervene in the Arab Spring: phor in which the doctor must first break tions about what democracy and civil so- through representing bilateral aid as tech- the patient’s body and defense in order to ciety actually are, and that also hide the nical, neutral and value-free. That is why cure him of the ‘disease.’ It is interesting, connection between these assumptions there is a Westernized Arab audience that but not surprising, to see that liberal Egyp- and the furthering of neoliberalization. In continues to ask why Western aid is not tian opposition figures, such as Mohamed spite of the continuing use of Eurocentric forthcoming, demonstrating that the de- El Baradei, through the invitation of West- understandings of democracy and civil so- bate is already set within the parameters ern media, discuss Egypt through these ciety, there remains the claim of being of aid being seen as welcome. In a rare critical and new. It is thus important to in-
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terrogate this, and show that in fact there democracy displayed here is clearly at to proliferate across the Arab world, they is continuity and not disjuncture in the odds with other understandings of de- began to be conceptualized as a possible ways in which democracy and civil society mocracy—such as radical democracy, counterbalance to authoritarian states. As are imagined. which sees politics as consisting of lengthy Islah Jad writes, “The expansion of NGOs Despite being one of the buzzwords of and open-ended contestations, or social is widely viewed as constituting the devel- our times, ‘democracy’ is rarely clearly de- democracy, which is suggestive of social opment of an Arab ‘civil society’ that can fined by scholars or writers who work on justice, solidarity and egalitarianism” contain the authoritarian state and as a the contemporary Middle East. It seems to (386). As mentioned in the first section of healthy sign of real, ‘bottom-up’ democ- be the case that it is presented as though this paper, the dominant conceptualiza- racy in the region” (177). Jad also notes, it has no underlying assumptions: a con- tion of democracy thus ignores neo-impe- however, that the proliferation of NGOs cept that simply makes sense. The aim in rialism and social justice whilst focusing may also be viewed as a new and growing this section is to unpack what ‘democracy’ on electoralism. Moreover, this dominant form of dependency on the West. is and how it is represented in reference to conceptualization articulates specific con- Indeed the link between civil society in the 2010-2011 uprisings, and in turn what it ditions as necessary for the ‘transition’ to countries like Egypt and democracy pro- meant by ‘democracy promotion,’ an activ- democracy, most notably: a free market, a motion confirms this relationship of de- ity directly linked to civil society.11 Indeed it ‘strong’ civil society, human rights, and a pendency. Democracy promotion has be- is clear that the form of democracy that is host of individual civic liberties. come one of the pillars of American usually referred to is, first, one among In the literature on the Middle East it is as- foreign policy and democratization has many, and second, the form that is most sumed that civil society is the ‘private been central to the conditionality imposed conducive to neoliberalism by way of elec- sphere’ whose function is to exist as a on Middle Eastern countries by interna- toralism and fascination with representa- space of freedom that restricts the power tional actors (Stivachtis 102). As argued by tionalism through elected representatives of the state, conceptualized as the organs Stivachtis, democracy promotion cannot as opposed to a notion of accountability. of government. The state in Arab contexts but place countries on a civilizational hier- In other words, what is at stake here is the is represented as particularly authoritarian archy and create unequal relations within representation of democracy such that the and thus in need of an especially powerful international society (111). Civil society in globalized standard today is revamped. civil society that can restrain it. Altan-Olcay postcolonial contexts has constituted one Procedural democracy becomes the top and Icduygu note that civil society organi- of the main mediums through which de- priority, as this fosters continued neoliber- zations are seen as outside of the state, mocracy promotion is spread, which has alization, and this favouring of procedural mediating the relationship between citi- rendered civil society as one of the most democracy occurs at the expense of other zens and the (authoritarian) state. Thus crucial spaces in ‘post-revolutionary’ Arab conceptualizations of democracy. As ar- civil society organizations are seen as or- countries. Following this, civil society has gued by Tagma et al., this demonstrates a ganizations that bring about tolerance, been posited as essential to democratic clear liberal bias: “The understanding of peace and civility (159). As NGOs started transitions and thus any events perceived
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as ‘attacks’ on civil society are seen as neg- difficult to miss the paternalism in many of Middle East and North Africa continue to atively affecting the prospects of the Arab these articles and statements. Indeed be scrutinized based on how far up the uprisings themselves. The centrality of civ- Charles Dunne, Director of the MENA ladder they are with regards to gender il society means that the literature on its Freedom House project, in a hearing on equality. Gender equality here is concep- role in Arab countries is extensive, particu- “The Struggle for Civil Society in Egypt” tualized according to Rights-Based Ap- larly among think-tanks. Hisham Hellyer, a stated: “My deepest concern here is not proaches (RBAs) that construct women Brookings fellow who boasts expertise on for me but for Egyptians themselves. Hav- and unorthodox sexual orientation typolo- the region, has written that “civil society is ing served there as a Foreign Service of- gies as special groups with specific prob- critical to Egypt’s transitional process—be- ficer for three full years, I came to love the lems. The solutions proposed to said cause it does jobs that no one else has the country, and its people. They deserve bet- ‘problems’ are presented (and in turn rep- time or inclination to do. Egypt is a stron- ter. Unfortunately that’s not what they’re resented) as though they are universal and ger country if civil society is stronger.” In a getting.” This paternalism, linked to the neutral, even though they often reproduce post for USAID, Mahmoud Farouk—Direc- clear liberal underpinning12 of such orga- liberal notions of gender equality. This is tor of Egyptian Center for Public Policy nizations, should be seen as problematic despite the fact that feminism as a disci- studies—writes: “While Egypt’s civil society and worrying, rather than as the only solu- pline has undergone several ‘critical turns,’ plays an important role in defending civil- tion to the problems in Arab societies. the most recent of which led to intersec- ian rights and promoting development, Thus it is clear that while claims to being tionality.14 These approaches are repre- civil society organizations frequently find post-Orientalist are being made, they do sented as being new and thus distinct themselves under criticism. Our contribu- not in actual fact perform a critical act and from previous approaches that were more tions are belittled. Our work is obstructed. continue to reproduce Western liberal as- likely to reproduce Eurocentric assump- Our motivations are called into question.” sumptions about what constitutes democ- tions about gender. It is precisely this per- He suggests that the solution to this is to racy and how civil society can be used to formativity of being ‘new’ that is important produce films that explain to Egyptians democratize Arab societies. to probe in order to show how many of the what civil society is. The Atlantic Council, same assumptions underlie these ‘new’ arguing in a similar vein, has even sug- Gender Equality through Rights-Based approaches.15 gested that Egyptians do not yet under- Approaches During the 2010-2011 uprisings it became stand the role and importance of civil so- Discussions on gender and sexuality have increasingly common to hear statements ciety: “The fact is that civil society as a been central in the literature on the 2010- about women and either their presence legitimate (and beneficial) zone of activity 2011 uprisings, as gender continues to be or absence within the protests. The main separate from the state is not yet a widely a key indicator of civilizational standards.13 problem with such statements is that they accepted concept in Egypt.” They go on to This is not a new phenomenon, and dates reproduce a classic liberal feminist trope: call for a fair NGO law that is rational and back to the start of the European colonial that of the separation between the public that allows for freedom of expression. It is project. Following this, the countries of the and private spheres alongside secular/re-
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ligious binaries. Any transgressions or to struggle between our suspicion of because they show that “the Arab world non-transgressions of this separation thus these kinds of questions, loaded as has come around to the Western world’s become important to the analysis, as is they are with very particular presump- ways of treating women,” and contrast the clear from articles such as Jessica Wine- tions about and desires for women in negative situation of women before the gar’s in American Ethnologist. In this arti- the region, and our own feminist inter- uprisings with the empowered positive cle she ‘contrasts’ women’s experiences at est in women’s activities. situation of women during the uprisings, home with the images of the Egyptian thus positing a progressive linear teleol- revolution in Tahrir, largely dominated by This therefore positions her as critical ogy (Sjoborg and Whooley, forthcoming). men, and implicitly laments the fact that compared to her friends back home, and The negative situation is often explained although women are major social actors, as someone who is familiar with the con- through culturalist reasoning. Culturalist they were unable to take to the streets text. Thus we see here the representation representations remain predominant in and protest, for a variety of reasons. In of being critical that is, in effect, non-per- much analysis on the Arab world in gen- one scene she explicitly lays out the di- formative. Despite this, her article clearly der. This holds true for think-tank literature chotomy between men protesting and reproduces a liberal understanding of the as well. For example, in a research paper women cooking (while watching the pro- clear separation between private and for Brookings Shadi Hamid writes: “The tests on television): “Yet here Mona (her public as a key element of society. Thus prevailing culture in the Arab world, for neighbor) and I were, on what was sure to the point here is not whether this separa- now at least, does not view women the be a defining day in Egypt’s nascent re- tion exists or not, or whether women pro- same way that Western cultures do. In oth- volt, cooking in the kitchen.” In another tested or not, but rather that the entire ar- er words, getting to gender equality is part she speaks of questions she received gument serves to solidify the view that the probably going to take a very long time” from friends abroad asking her “where public/private sphere is deterministic of (Good). the women are?” and details her discom- social relations and that it prevents wom- The indicators often used to ‘measure’ the fort with discussing gender and Arab en from doing what they really want to do: status of Arab women usually rely on key women with friends back home who may protest in the streets. In order to do this, liberal feminist assumptions regarding not be as familiar with the contextual she ignores the literature that deals with gender equality. Ranging from the status specificities and thus may have stereotyp- the role of women workers and Egyptian of Arab women’s employment16 to the ical understandings: protest movements (Beinin and Lockman; number of Arab women present in gov- Beinin; El-Mahdi), as well as the literature ernment bodies,17 these indicators mea- Early on in the uprising, many of us for- that problematizes the over-emphasis of sure women’s access to the market and to eign academics and journalists in Cairo public and private spheres in gender anal- political power that is limited precisely started to receive e-mail inquiries from ysis (Okin; Chinkin; Landes; Joseph). because of the absence of social justice. abroad asking us, “Where are the wom- On the other hand, some posited the The World Bank report on the Arab Spring en in the revolution?” We always have presence of female protesters as positive and women even posits that Arab women
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are having a hard time balancing their way out of simplistic reductionism and the even some of those ‘minorities’ are oth- family life with work, bringing to mind the representation of civilizational hierarchies ered, think-tankers claim, in the sense that exact trajectory of Eurocentric feminism based on gender and sexuality. These their decisions to support Arab rulers are that occurred elsewhere. These indicators would instead emphasize materiality, so- “strange” despite being victims (El-Es- have become the accepted currency of cial justice and anti-imperialism as impor- sawi). By performing this tempocentrism19 measuring gender equality, and are made tant lived realities for Middle Eastern that obscures the colonial legacy and at- concrete by indexes such as the Global women, and unpack the ways in which tributes community strength based on Gender Gap Report. The United Nations these were part and parcel of the Arab up- size and censuses, this classic RBA, which Convention to Eliminate All Forms of Dis- risings. rests so firmly on individualism, means crimination Against Women (CEDAW) that in the literature the ‘minority problem’ also acts as an important determinant of Copts and the ‘Minority Question’ persists. It persists under the racist desig- the status of Arab gender relations, de- The constraining influence of Rights- nation of the sui generis ‘minority prob- spite the fact that it is part of the problem- Based Approaches can also be seen in re- lem’ with its other namesake of ‘sectarian- atic attempt to universalize a Eurocentric lation to understanding events including ism.’20 The continuation of Orientalism in human rights discourse.18 Importantly, their favorite advocacy target: minorities. the literature is so strong that chauvinistic these measurements in effect create civi- It is especially odd—perhaps not so much attitudes towards Copts in Egypt - for ex- lizational hierarchies that rely on gender. when the continuity of Orientalist practic- ample the categorization of a ‘wealthy mi- To conclude, it is notable that despite sev- es of racism and Eurocentrism are re- nority’ (ibid.), a typical neoliberal prob- eral critical turns within gender studies the vealed—that think-tankers continue to ad- lem—is blamed on Egyptian society’s field of gender and the Middle East con- vocate a one-size-fits-all approaches to inherent sectarianism rather than neolib- tinues to be represented by liberal as- ‘equal citizenship’ whilst hiding power dy- eralism.21 Often such Orientalism is rein- sumptions and culturalist analysis. Thus namics (Malak, forthcoming). This is re- forced by yielding to Eurocentric foreign even new work published after the most flected in the literature that talks about entities such as the Catholic Church or the recent critical turn towards intersectional- how the ‘Arab Spring’ provided an oppor- Anglican Church as the ‘critical’ voices that ity in effect reproduces older civilizational tunity for equality and failed; blaming it on “predicated extremists [would be] filling narratives of gender. This is clear both in the region’s inherent ‘democracy deficit’ vacuums left by the ousting of autocratic discussions on the presence/absence of and placing it within a transition to democ- regimes” (ibid). This aims to impose Euro- women during the uprisings as well as the racy paradigm. This paradigm posits the pean tempo-historicism by transplanting use of sexual rights to delegitimize causes, ‘minority problem’ in the whole region as the Church-State clash and separation thus clearly demonstrating the non-per- a fait accompli: that Arabs just have an is- onto the Arab world as the only remedy. formativity of the critical turn. Alternative sue with those who are not Muslim. This Not only is it blatantly obvious that the approaches that center Marxist or postco- obstacle is not deconstructed, nor is it Church-State clash is a result of the Euro- lonial understandings of gender are one probed as a colonial artefact. Moreover, pean Enlightenment, but its remedies are
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taken to be the remedy to Egypt’s ‘minor- be the exception that confirms the rule of neoliberal governmentality: a savvy Aus- Karim Malak ity problem’. No attempt is made to pro- the rigidity of the category of ‘minority’ as tralian Navy officer by the name of Robert vincialize Enlightenment ideas and the a marker of religion (Philipp 1995). The Jackson who was responsible for coordi- is a MA Candidate at Columbia sick nationalism it produced resulting in concept, theoretically and disciplinarily, nating trade bottlenecks during World University, Middle Eastern, South the ‘minority problem.’ cannot seem to have conversations with War II fleshed out the term ‘the Middle Asian, African Studies (MESAAS), Such representations are different than other disciplines and theories. This contri- East’ and gave it its meaning (Mazower). New York, USA. His research interests those that seek to deconstruct the catego- bution here firmly positions itself within This is far more elucidating than the wide- include postcolonialism, International ry of minority in which alternative histori- the question of neoliberalism and Orien- spread conception that it was Alfred Ma- Relations Theory, critical security studies, cizations emerge of how the juridical cat- talism at large in a hope to move past this han who coined the term, and it should neoliberalism and post-development egory of ‘minority’ was created as deadlock. Alternative theorizations may come as no surprise that this was the ge- in Egypt. Malak’s most recent works legitimating for the mandate system wish to explore the emergence of capital- nealogy presented in the special issue of include “False Ideas about ‘Activism’ in (Mitchell 99). By understanding how this ism with respect to different classes, fac- Security Dialogue titled The new Middle Egypt and the Case of Egypt’s Copts: historicization informed the emergence of tions, communal groups and different ge- East: A Critical Appraisal as mentioned in Outside the State an “The US Religious nation-states in the region, such as in Brit- ographies during colonial Egypt using the the first part of the paper (Christou and Freedom Agenda: Blowback against ain’s Unilateral Declaration of Indepen- approach of Uneven and Combined De- Adamides). This genealogy shows the Egypt’s Coptic ‘Activists’?” in Beyond the dence of Egypt in 1922 which subjected velopment (U&CD) to explain how certain neoliberal governmentality behind the ‘Arab Spring’ in North Africa: Micro- and ‘independence’ to several conditions, one groups accumulated capital which today history of the region: it was viewed Macro-Perspectives, Indiana University of which was the ‘protection of minorities,’ is policed by a marker of religion. through the logic of foreign trade with re- Press (forthcoming). we can begin to formulate alternative cat- spect to foreign powers. email: [email protected] egorizations. This is a profound symptom Conclusion It is clear that to hide underlying causes of of the region that is riddled with imperial This paper aimed to make a two-fold argu- the uprisings, a similar cloak was needed high politics; one need only see how the ment: to demonstrate that claims to being to hide neoliberalism. This involved a rich treaty of Lausanne of 1923 created over- critical and post-Orientalist within Middle tapestry of ‘Islamic’ discourse that em- night the category of ‘minority’ based only East studies are often non-performative braced neoliberalism head on, accepted on religion as opposed to other markers22 and therefore do not complete the act the ‘failed state’ thesis, the white man’s that continue to be rejected today in Tur- they claim to undertake; and second, to burden, and welcomed foreign aid (in fact key by way of this colonial artefact (Tam- show that instead, the performativity is even asking why it was postponed), all in bar). Indeed even from a disciplinary point one that consolidates the neoliberaliza- a new ‘critical’ fashion that was post-posi- of view the literature on Copts continues tion of the region. It should come as no tivist. It also included the continuation of to enclave itself in a ‘ghetto’ of its own and surprise that the Middle East has been and culturalist assumptions in approaches to is rarely discussed vis-à-vis other concep- continues to be the product of neoliberal- gender, sexuality, and minorities that un- tualizations, if at most it is with discussions ism. In fact the very inception of the geo- derline the civilizational hierarchy domi- on other minorities—this seems to largely spatial concept was the very product of nating Middle East studies even today.
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This was done with Fukuyama’s same de- Sara Salem terministic attitude but not in an end of history thesis, but in an end of the Orien- is a PhD candidate at the Institute of talism thesis. The ultimate irony, and sad Social Studies, The Hague, Netherlands. reality, is that Orientalism is alive and well. Her research interests include feminism, post-colonialism, critical theory and Notes 2 Neil Lazaraus has argued 3 The post-positivist turn 5 Hobson’s argument that 9 The IMF deal has been political economy in the MENA region. that postcolonial approaches denotes a theoretical imperial era racism was frozen after a change of Her current research is focused on the fixate on the representational approach that does not repackaged into realism, power in Egypt on June 12, 1 A clear example is a 2012 role of various elite groups during the aspect of Orientalism and subscribe to objective and through anarchy, as a 2013 that saw the ouster US Institute of Peace report, fail to grasp the materiality of neutral formulations of feature of the international of Morsi, only a ‘staff level 2011 Egyptian uprising. that stated the following: In representational politics. We knowledge as reflecting world provides an accurate agreement’ was signed email: [email protected] February 2011, a workshop subscribe to Lazaraus’ take an external reality, but genealogy of how this under Morsi in November at Stanford University and locate Orientalist politics instead one that looks theoretical notion polices 2012 with the remainder of cosponsored [sic] by within the representation of at performativity. Judith non-Eurocentric parts of the the deal to be negotiated USIP, George Washington an anteriority of the Middle Butler captures this point world today. and ratified by the incoming University’s Institute for East using a materialist succinctly: “performativity parliament resulting in the Public Diplomacy and outlook can move past this seeks to counter a certain 6 For examples of works delay as late as June 2013. Global Communication, impasse. We also show kind of positivism according that cite the US promotion For more see: “IMF Reaches and Stanford’s Liberation how continued Orientalist we which we might begin of ‘moderate Islamists’ and Staff-Level Agreement with Technology Program representations further a with already delimitated the failure of the ‘moderate Egypt on US$ 4.8 Billion discussed the state of the neoliberal agenda. understandings of what thesis’ see: Zaheer Kazmi. Stand-By Agreement.” art in empirical research gender, the state, and the IMF Press Release 12/446. and theory development economy are.” For more see 7 For a concise history of International Monetary Fund, relevant to the emerging Judith Butler (“Performative the racial underpinnings of 20 Nov. 2012. Web. 3 May Arab struggles. The scholars, Agency” 147). political science in general 2015. activists, and representatives and the development of the from technology companies 4 Hobson has been among Journal of Race Development 10 See CNN correspondent particularly focused on the the first to say that World see Robert Vitalis (“Making Becky Anderson’s interview new data that might be used politics at the international Racism Invisible”; “Birth of a with Mohamed El Baradei to address these urgent level have a Eurocentric Discipline”). and her Orientalist question theoretical questions. In discourse performed through if Egypt is a ‘failed state’. September 2011, a similar the concept of the ‘failed 8 See call for papers by “El Baradai: Egypt is a ‘Failed group convened at USIP in state’ as a civilizational the journal titled Security. State.’” Online video clip. Washington, D.C., alongside burden similar to the ‘white Humanities and Social Youtube. Youtube, 14 Feb. senior U.S. policy officials man’s burden’. This argument Science Net Online, 24 2013. Web. 3 May 2015. to present new research to has not been made with Apr. 2014. Web. 1 Sept. a public audience and to respect to the Arab uprisings 2014.
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––› 11 The definition of civil 13 For more, see: Towns 17 See: Mabrouk, Mirette F. 21 These attitudes arise 22 Kabir Tambar details society is contentious, (“Status of Women”; “The Precarious Position out of the uneven and how the question of the despite an apparent “Civilization”). of Women and Minorities combined development of community group of Alevis agreement in the literature in Arab Spring Countries.” capitalism in which a rising continues to be sidelined on the Middle East, where 14 There is a debate brookings.edu. Brookings, 1 class is ostracized by way of because minority groups as it is most often referring to surrounding the question of June 2012. Web. 3 May 2015. singling out a particular trait recognized by the treaty of the representation of non- what exactly intersectionality of that class. In this case it Lausanne are only defined governmental organizations. is: an approach, a framework, 18 For example, see: “Poll is that of a Coptic Christian along a religious axis. This A more Marxist definition, a methodology, or a Ranks Egypt Worst Arab businessmen-Naguib Sawiris- shows the precarious nature on the other hand which discipline. In this paper we State for Women.” Project often the same ostracization and limits of the concept needless to say is not treat it as an approach to on Middle East Democracy. can be at play with female of ‘minority.’ Tambar details represented at all, would gender analysis. POMED, n.d. Web. 3 May businessmen and members how other mechanisms of argue that civil society 2015. of different class factions of inclusion and exclusion of refers to much more and 15 A clear example of the ancien régime. Examples subjects, in the transition that it encapsulates almost this is the ways in which 19 The term tempocentrism of such attitudes towards from empire to state better all non-state institutions intersectionality, although coined by John other groups of society after grasp and locate such and actors including most posited as post-positivist and Hobson designates intense implementation representations that are importantly classes outside critical, often reproduces the temporalization of of neoliberalism include outside the nation-state. the ruling class. For the sake liberal identity politics politics such that certain anti-Chinese sentiment in One can use Tambar’s of this argument, however, and thus continues to periodizations and linearity is Indonesia after IMF imposed concept of belonging and we assume that civil society perpetuate Eurocentrism. favored, making explanations conditions in 1997. For more representation and apply represents non-governmental For more, see: Carbin, that can arrive to the present see Klein (Shock Doctrine). it to Copts in Egypt to organizations. Maria, and Sara Edenheim. neatly. For more see Hobson. better grasp dynamics of “The Intersectional Turn in topographic inclusion and 12 Indeed Dunne went on Feminist Theory: A Dream 20 The use of the problematic the representations of ‘Coptic to state: “Egyptian NGOs of a Common Language?” analytical concept of communities’ as opposed to committed to democracy European Journal of ‘sectarianism’ is widespread the continued persistence of could play a major role in Women’s Studies 20.3 (2013): in the literature. See Tadros. the ‘Coptic question’ vis-à-vis steering the government 233-248. Web. 3 May 2015. the state. For such nationalist to liberal political change, representations that describe and drawing the attention 16 See: World Bank. “Missing an impasse between the state of the world to its successes Voices: Gender Equality in and Copts see Issandr El and shortcoming. But the the Arab World.” Worldbank. Amrani (“Coptic Question”). government of Egypt has org. World Bank, 14 Mar. 2014. moved swiftly to forestall this Web 3 May 2015. ––› possibility.” See: Ghanem, Hafez. “Inclusive Growth after the Arab Spring.” Brookings.edu. Brookings, 30 Jan. 2013. Web. 3 May 2015.
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curity Department—the new elections for deans and heads of departments; the T he Impact of the Arab Spring at an same committee also moderated debates Egyptian University: A Personal among the candidates for these posts. As a teacher, I started a new course on revo- Experience lutionary literature—which I personally de- signed and taught—and another on poli- tics and media in collaboration with a colleague. From 2011 onward, I have linked and adjusted the materials of man- datory courses, “American Studies,” “18th Century English Novel” and “Contempo- rary Novel” to our revolutions and to cur- rent events. I constructed holistic courses by using the three domains of learning: the cognitive, the affective and the psy- chomotor. The paper will discuss the way I used Bloom and Krathwohl taxonomies in combination with other methods to Heba M. Sharobeem cover these domains. This has made the courses more authentic and livelier to the The Egyptian Revolution on January 25— dents. This article attempts to answer learners, encouraging them, to quote part of the 2011 Arab Spring—and the con- questions related to the changes that Paulo Freire, “to assume …the role of cre- sequent June 30, 2013 Revolution have have occurred with regard to the univer- ative subjects” and creating “a relation- marked important turning points in the sity courses, activities and structures. The ship of authentic dialogue” between history of modern Egypt. The curricula article is based on the writer’s personal teacher and students (5). The articles and and courses offered by Egyptian universi- experience as an associate professor in texts I use, as well as the students’ assign- ties, as well as their academic activities the English Department and in the Fac- ments and feedback, will be included in and employment structure, have been ulty of Education at Alexandria University. the paper as empirical materials. greatly affected by these momentous It is further influenced by the writer’s ex- events. Furthermore, the revolutions have periences as an elected member of the Keywords: Higher Education; Egypt; Pol- opened a wider territory of freedom and committee that observed—after twenty itics; Arab Spring emboldened both staff members and stu- years of appointment by the National Se-
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“…in every human breast God has im- curity Department—the election of deans Egyptian and Arab context. Doing so has planted a principle, which we call love and heads of departments and that also always made the study and teaching of of freedom; it is impatient of oppres- directed debates among the candidates literature engaging and interesting to sion, and pants for deliverance.” for these posts. The paper will show how both my students and myself as a teacher. Philis Wheatley the writer, by making use of Bloom and But it has also entailed breaking many ta- Krathwohl taxonomies in combination boos and bringing them to the forefront. The Egyptian Revolution on January 25— with other methods, constructed holistic One important example is politics, which part of the 2011 Arab Spring—and the con- courses by using the three domains of was banned from the Egyptian university sequent June 30, 2013 Revolution have learning: the cognitive, the affective and campus until the outbreak of the January marked important turning points in the the psychomotor. The articles and texts 25 Revolution. history of modern Egypt. They have direct- used, as well as the students’ assignments Like many of my colleagues, I have always ly affected various professions and fields and feedback, will be included in the pa- paid great attention to integrating the prin- of life, and the Egyptian university is prom- per as empirical materials. The paper will ciples of civic education into the content inently among them. The curricula and also give examples of the newly intro- and texts that I teach. Having engaged with courses offered by the Egyptian universi- duced activities on campus which resulted the writings of great thinkers such as Paulo ties, as well as their academic activities from the freer atmosphere following the Freire (1921-1997) and Edward Said (1935- and employment structure, have been January 25 Revolution and pose questions 2003) provided me with part of the theo- greatly shaped by these momentous about the future. retical framework on which I based my events, which have since opened a wider teaching methodology. Hence, I have territory of freedom and emboldened Courses Taught and Adapted been careful to choose texts that cover both staff members and students. Literature is an interdisciplinary field that themes which celebrate tolerance, diver- This paper discusses and gives examples requires deep reading and extensive sity, acceptance of others and observance of the changes that have occurred at one knowledge of other fields such as—to of human rights in general. Furthermore, I Egyptian college with regard to its cours- name only a few—history, geography, psy- insist on the importance of training the stu- es, activities and its employment structure. chology, anthropology and most certain- dents, especially those who hope to be- This will be based on the writer’s personal ly, politics. It is not fictitious as some peo- come teachers, in critical thinking. Having experience as an associate professor of ple claim, but rather a reflection of life and Bloom and Krathwohl taxonomies in mind, English and American literature, a former society at any given period of time. Hence, I have always been keen on raising debat- acting head of the English Department in as a teacher of literature for more than able and controversial issues in my litera- the Faculty of Education at Alexandria Uni- twenty years, I have always been keen on ture courses. This is particularly important versity and as an elected member of the conveying this interdisciplinary and real- for our students because the majority of committee that observed—after twenty istic approach to my students as well as them come from government schools, years of appointment by the National Se- relating the foreign literature I teach to the which rarely train their pupils in critical
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thinking. Many have never before given a the second term of the 2010-2011 academ- by, through analysis, comparison and con- presentation. Hence, having debatable is- ic year, which started in March 2011, forty trast students could learn that regardless sues in class has always proven to be a suc- days after the outbreak of the Revolution. of time and place, and regardless of cul- cessful means of engagement. These pre- From that term until the present tural, social, religious and other differenc- sentations enable the students to practice time, I have linked and adjusted the mate- es, human beings share the need for lib- their ideas of diversity and tolerance rials of the mandatory courses that I teach erty, equality and justice. Consequently, through various important skills like under- to include the two 2011 and 2013 revolu- humans are willing to do anything for the standing, analyzing, evaluating and syn- tions. Among these courses are “American sake of attaining these needs—even when thesizing, which in turn, entails creativity. In Studies,” “18th Century English Novel,” a dear price is to be paid. Regarding the this way, classical texts like Jonathan Swift’s “Contemporary Novel” and “Modern Crit- concept of knowledge for the sake of un- Gulliver’s Travels, Daniel Defoe’s Robinson icism.” I will highlight one example by fo- derstanding and co-existence, I intro- Crusoe, Joseph Conrad’s Heart of Dark- cusing on the first course, which I taught duced the students to “Preface to Orien- ness, George Orwell’s Animal Farm and to second year students during the 2011 talism,” an article written by the Arab many others have been deeply and criti- and 2013 second terms. American thinker, Edward Said, in 2003. cally discussed in the classroom with refer- Linking this course to Egypt’s contempo- The article was published in Egyptian al- ence to the current political, religious and rary situation was important for many rea- Ahram Weekly only a few months before social Egyptian background. sons. First, to quote Donaldo Macedo in his death. That year marked twenty-five However, the outbreak of the January 25 his introduction to Paulo Friere’s Pedago- years since the first publication of Said’s Revolution was an outstanding event in gy of the Oppressed, it helps students to major work, Orientalism. We discussed the true sense of the word. It was a renais- make use of their own lived experiences: the article with a focus on a selection of his sance, a great awakening that took us by “If students are not able to transform their most famous quotes such as: “But there is surprise and inspired indescribable feel- lived experiences into knowledge and to a difference between knowledge of other ings in many Egyptians. It was like the use the already acquired knowledge as a peoples and other times that is the result Phoenix rising from the ashes of death. Al- process to unveil new knowledge, they of understanding, compassion, careful though there are rumors about possible will never be able to participate rigorously study and analysis for their own sakes, and conspiracies involved in the revolution, in a dialogue as a process of learning and knowledge that is part of an overall cam- they do not, by any means, detract from knowing” (19). paign of self-affirmation”. By so doing, I the importance of the event and all the Another goal was to foster their sense of believed that the course would render it- positive, patriotic and proud feelings that belonging to, and pride in, their country self authentic to the learners, and because it awaked in the hearts of many Egyptians. and their great Revolution. Furthermore, students were encouraged to play an ac- It was inevitable that it would move us as comparing the contents of the course to tive role in it, the resulting classes were teachers and students, and it was particu- the current Egyptian scene, helped to livelier. Thus, the students, to quote Paulo larly influential for the courses taught in bridge the gap between cultures. There- Freire, would “assume […] the role of cre-
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ative subjects” and, “a relationship of au- have the whole course geared towards ith as the proper basis for the society. Due thentic dialogue” between teacher and two major themes. The first theme was lib- to class and course time limitations, we learners was created (5). erty and the second was the celebration of could not delve deeper into the contex- The American Studies course is meant to the individual, both of which relate to the tual differences between the Puritans and offer the students an overview of Ameri- idea of creativity. The importance of edu- the MB or their ideological variation, his- can history and literature. Since it is a one cation was also a sub theme throughout torical evolution and political allegiances. term course, it touches upon certain major the course. I chose texts that would high- The same deep examination and compar- historical events such as the arrival of the light these themes and that would provide ison of other American and Egyptian phe- European emigrants, especially the Puri- the students context for making compari- nomena was almost impossible due to tans, the American Revolution, the Ameri- son to the Egyptian Revolution. Thus, stu- time restraints. However, we briefly re- can Civil War and the American Civil Rights dents gained the required course knowl- ferred to the differences between the Movement. Alongside these events, stu- edge while simultaneously obtaining movements, and we compared and high- dents examined texts that reflect these different intellectual skills that will affect lighted the points of similarity that insti- events and certain literary movements. For their attitudes as future teachers and as re- gated certain major events. example, with the arrival of the Puritans sponsible citizens. For example, concerning the Puritans and they studied information about the settlers In the following section, I will focus the MB, the students could easily see that life style together with works by key fig- on some of the texts that I chose to fulfill despite belonging to different religions ures of the time such as Ann Bradstreet, the course’s objectives as well as the tar- (the former are Christians, whereas the lat- Jonathan Edwards, Cotton Mather. The geted themes. For example, in examining ter are Muslims) the two groups shared American Revolution opens the door to the Puritans, I asked the students to re- certain qualities including rigidity and self- the likes of Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Jef- search their history, their persecution in righteousness. Furthermore, they both ferson as well as the beginning of individ- England and the enforced escape and ex- suffered persecution for a myriad of rea- ualism and other important movements ile of a certain group—first to Holland and sons; yet, ironically became intolerant such as transcendentalism. The study of then to the New World, America. It is worth themselves, and in turn, persecuted oth- the American Civil War is usually preced- noting that students were already familiar ers. Students came to this conclusion, not ed by the examination of slave narratives with the Puritans through a course on the only because of the brief research they and is followed by the Harlem Renais- history and literature of England, which conducted on the two groups, but also sance. Keeping this framework of events they had studied in their first term. I also through examining multiple texts. in mind, and taking into consideration the asked them to read briefly about the Mus- One of them, Jonathan Edwards’ Sermon three domains or categories of learning: lim Brotherhood (MB), a religio-political “Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God,” the cognitive, the affective and the psy- organization that was founded in Egypt in was highly debated. It offers an example chomotor—referred to as KSA (Knowl- 1928 by Hassan al-Bannā (1906-1949). This of a harsh-toned religious discourse that edge, Skills, and Attitude,)—I decided to Movement promoted the Quran and had- tends to portray God as the angry Person,
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who is anxiously waiting to crush us like certain sects of the society—namely the with other religious, political and ideolog- spiders. An interesting debate arose con- Salafis and the Muslim Brotherhood—a ical sects who, throughout history and cerning this image of God. The debate tone of religious fanaticism began rising across the world, had also failed to accept centered on fear and love and which of against other groups of different and lib- others. Thus, the Puritan lifestyle and lit- the two is more effective in our relation- eral views, even if they were Muslims. They erature highlighted the themes of the ship with God, or any authority figure, even went so far as to ask those who differ course, namely, liberty, individuality and whether they be, for example, a parent, a from them to leave the country and immi- education. The latter helps us to learn director at work, or a school principal. The grate to America and Canada. When I about and to defend our rights and addi- class was divided regarding this matter. taught the same course with slightly differ- tionally provides us with some immunity Interestingly, some students were not ent texts in 2013, it coincided with the rule against brain washing. troubled by Edwards’ threatening and ter- of another ex-Egyptian president, Mo- From the Puritans, the students then rifying tone, believing instead that it is an hamed Morsi, a member of the MB group. moved to comparing the American Revo- effective way of making people do good. The same intolerant atmosphere was lution with their own January Revolution, Students were also assigned to research again dominant in the Egyptian scene. only to discover similar factors initiating and give presentations on the life and trial Students were courageously, objectively the two events despite the hundreds of of Ann Hutchinson. She offers an excellent and deeply comparing the Puritan context years separating them. The students saw example of someone who, because she with the then current situation and regime. parallels in the despotic regimes that both was different, was accused of heresy, a In this way, the study of the Puritans was colonists and Egyptians suffered from, the common charge awaiting any person who historically and literally interesting and in- imposition of taxes in an unfair way and did not adhere to the social norm of the formative, and the class took advantage of the gap between the ruled and the ruling time. Hutchinson’s situation was more the freedom granted to the university after regime, which was detached and conde- complicated because she was a woman, the Revolution. Cognitively, learners ac- scending in its attitude. The learners were which brought forth the issue of gender quired knowledge about this sect’s life asked to research and give presentations and women subjugation. This text, as well style and literature. The skills and activities on certain important concepts such as the as Edwards’ sermon, offered effective ex- they practiced moved many of them, as social contract propagated by thinkers like amples of the rigidity and intolerance that they expressed later in their course evalu- John Locke and Jean-Jacques Rousseau. were starting to appear on the Egyptian ation. They started to reconsider the ways This brought forth an interesting discus- scene at that time. Following January 25th they regarded those who differ from them sion regarding the contract that exists be- Revolution, some of the people who politically, ideologically and religiously, tween the government and the governed. called for freedom became intolerant of and furthermore, the students evaluated Students were bold in their criticism of the other opinions, which made it appear as if the space of freedom that the society al- notion of the “patriarchy,” which affects one dictatorship was to be replaced by an- lows for expressing themselves as individ- our societies, not only politically, but also other form of despotism. Furthermore, in uals. Students also compared the Puritans socially. The majority refused and chal-
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lenged the idea of blind obedience to the Congress on July 4, 1776, announcing the most appealed to them. Another manda- “father” regardless of what he does. In that independence of the thirteen American tory course for our students during the regard, they made reference to the colonies then at war with Great Britain. second term is conversation. Since I did speeches given by the ex-president, Hosni Students gave excellent presentations on not have enough time in my American Mubarak, during the eighteen days pre- the two texts comparing them with what Studies course to discuss this topic in de- ceding his ousting. He famously played on happened in January 2011 and the follow- tail, I coordinated with the conversation patriarchal sentiments and the expectance ing months. They were also asked to re- course teacher and asked her to include of his subjects’ loyalty and obedience. To view the many amazing and moving pic- the UN Declaration in her class. She did. openly discuss and criticize a political tures and videos that were published on In this way, she continued the debate, and presidential speech, was unprecedented YouTube about the Egyptian January Rev- the topic was discussed on a larger scale. in our university olution. The videos were of young Egyp- One more successful and effective text This discussion brought forth once more tians challenging death and literally em- was Ralph Emerson’s “Self-Reliance,” the importance of knowing our rights and bodying the meaning of Henry’s famous which is regarded as the manifesto of in- duties, which in turn is more likely to occur sentence “Give me Liberty, or give me tellectual independence. Emerson, a tran- when people receive a proper education. Death!” There was in particular one photo scendentalist, brought forth the idea of So we discussed the importance of educa- of a young man standing boldly and individuality, and his text tackled such im- tion—a sub theme in this course—and how, stretching his arms before a large police portant themes as foolish consistency, be- according to the French thinker, Michel car with a water cannon (see fig. 1) It was ing oneself and imitation as suicide. A Foucault, “Knowledge is Power”. During spraying water at the demonstrators in an group of students was asked to give a the discussion, we also made a cross refer- attempt to scare and disperse them. Other presentation on this text. It was interesting ence to a great text that the students had images of the courageous young martyrs to see how deeply they analyzed it. Many studied during the previous year, George served the same purpose. identified with Emerson’s ideas and Orwell’s Animal Farm. This novella high- Students were also asked to read the Unit- agreed that we ought to look at the world lights the role of ignorance and illiteracy ed Nations Declaration of Human Rights with new eyes and to trust ourselves. The in creating a dictator and in brainwashing (1948) and to compare it with the above- discussion brought about certain issues the minds of people. mentioned texts by Henry and Jefferson related to imitation, plagiarism and mem- Two of the texts examined in relation to and with the various statements and slo- orization. One of the major defects of the the American Revolution were Patrick gans that were repeated by the Egyptian educational system in Egypt is its depen- Henry’s famous speech to the second Vir- demonstrators during the January Revo- dence on the skill of memorization in ginia congregation that was given on lution, such as “Bread, Freedom and So- most of the teaching methods and assess- March 23, 1775, and “The Declaration of cial Justice”. They were also asked to read ment tools. Students typically learn by Independence” by Thomas Jefferson—a the different articles of the UN Declaration rouge memorization instead of under- statement adopted by the Continental and to highlight in class the articles that standing, applying and analyzing what-
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ever they study. This was reflected in their tered the ideas of freedom and the indi- of King was also taken because, like our performance at university level. They find vidual’s struggle to attain it. Students saw Egyptian revolutionaries, he insisted on it much easier to read summaries of texts how the spirit of Douglas was weakened non-violent resistance until the end; ours rather than the originals, and they find it and whipped out of him by his cruel mas- was also “Salmeya”. better to memorize certain simplified ter, Mr. Edward Covey, a man known for In every examined text, during every class notes about these texts than to make the “breaking” slaves. Douglas ran away and discussion, and in every student’s presen- effort to analyze them. The discussion we sought the help of his original master Mr. tation, the categories of Bloom’s revised had about Emerson made some of them Thomas Auld, but he proved a disappoint- cognitive and affective taxonomies were realize that doing so is a form of suicide ment. Finally he had to fight for himself, taken into consideration. I made sure that by which they put an end to their individ- and he was successful. Similarly the Egyp- students would answer questions with key uality and creativity. Depriving the people tians’ spirit was, at one point, broken by words that addressed the main categories of such qualities and gifts was planned the dictatorial and corrupted regime that of these taxonomies. For instance, target- and implemented by the previous politi- ruled and enslaved them. However, they ing the levels of “remembering” and “un- cal regime in Egypt and by any autocratic experienced their own resurrection, and derstanding, ”students were able to de- government or administration. By doing like the Phoenix, they rose out of the ashes fine, describe and name the characteristics so, the people will follow blindly one sin- of death when they fought peacefully for and figures of the Puritans, the transcen- gle opinion, which is generally that of the their liberty. No other power, country or dentalists, the Harlem Renaissance and ruler and his men. government would help them. Unfortu- other events and movements. They fur- One more text that served the purpose nately like Mr. Auld, many of the govern- thermore, had to explain, paraphrase and and opened ground for comparison with ments that spoke of democracy support- summarize these features in their own the Egyptian post Revolution context was ed our former regimes as long as their words. In an effort to improve their higher “The Autobiography of Frederick Doug- interests were fulfilled. intellectual skills, learners were always las,” which is categorized among the Students examined other texts that high- asked to apply, for example, the character- genre of slave narratives. Time restrictions lighted the course’s themes. We ended istics of the Puritans to their literature. As allowed for only the study of an excerpt the course with Martin Luther King’s fa- mentioned earlier, they were also asked to from this autobiography, which revealed mous “I Have a Dream” speech. I could not compare and contrast historical groups how Douglas was empowered by his abil- think of a better and more optimistic end- with other similar sects and with the then ity to read and write. This brought forth ing than this piece of work. His dreams current situation in Egypt. They were al- Freire’s metaphor of “knowledge” regard- were fulfilled later when America elected, ways asked to judge, evaluate and to give ing it as “the bread of the spirit” unlike il- for the first time in its history, an African their opinions of whatever they studied, literacy which is “a poison herb intoxicat- American President. It was important to analyzed and presented. ing and debilitating persons”. Douglas’ make students feel that there is always To reach these higher intellectual levels, text and other abolitionist writings fos- light at the end of the tunnel. The choice they were also asked to listen carefully to
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the discussion or presentations given in presentations reflected their understand- Bois’ The Soul of Black Folks. Students class and to respond to them, that is, to ing of the texts and events that they studied were asked to comment on these quota- either agree or disagree. They were also as well as their relation to their own Revolu- tions and to relate them to Douglas’s au- given the freedom to offer a completely tion. The students identified with all that tobiography and Lowell’s poem “A Stanza different opinion. Many times we had de- they wrote about and studied. For exam- on Freedom”. The way many students an- bates in class regarding a certain issue, for ple, one of the students, Menna El Kelany, swered the question revealed a deep un- example Edwards’ sermon as mentioned wrote in her course evaluation: “The derstanding of what we had discussed earlier. Again, collaborating with the con- themes of liberty and freedom motivate me over the course of the semester. versation teacher, these debates would to defend my rights in the real life against continue on a larger scale. Thus the levels any one. Moreover, the idea of individuality New Courses of “receiving, responding, valuing and or- encouraged me more and more to follow The January Revolution not only affected ganizing,” which constitute the affective my opinion and do not follow [sic] the herd. the content and teaching methodology of taxonomy, were attempted. This would It also helped me to be more open-minded the existing courses, but also resulted in usually lead to the last category: internal- and respect the others even if they are to- creating new ones. An example is a four- ization. Students became more aware of tally different.” teen-week course entitled “The Arab the themes and concepts we discussed Another student, Asmaa Taher, wrote: “I Spring and the Media” which I designed and thereby more determined in defend- think American Studies was one of the and taught in collaboration with another ing their rights. This was especially true of hardest but useful subjects that we studied colleague. For two academic terms in 2012 young women. Some, although not many, in the second year. The themes that we and 2013, we taught the course to Ameri- decided to help in their neighborhood by tackled throughout the semester were very can Students studying at the TAFL center teaching reading and writing to illiterate important especially the theme of liberty (Teaching Arabic as a Foreign Language) people. This came out of their belief in the because it enabled us to understand the at Alexandria University. The course dis- power of learning and education. current events and our rights as well. We cussed the elements that lead to the Arab The course was successful and left a great studied many important figures like Abra- Spring in the Arab world in general, but impact on students as is evident from their ham Lincoln and Emerson and Jefferson, also in four specific countries: Tunisia, feedbacks, assignments and the power but I think we have to study literary figures Egypt, Libya and Syria in the chronological point presentations that they showed and not only politicians. I love this course....” order of their revolutions. Other related is- discussed in class. Many students related The students’ actual understanding of the sues were: the testimonies of those in- each of the texts and the events we studied course and its contents revealed itself in volved in the Arab Spring, the role of to the Egyptian Revolution in an authentic their answers on their final exams. An im- women and the repercussions of the Arab and analytical way. They were also very portant exam question contained excerpts Spring for women, democracy in the Arab clever and bright in their choice of pictures from Jefferson’s “Declaration of Indepen- world, processes of democratic transition and audio visual tracks. In this way, their dence,” Phyllis Wheatley’s letter and Du and the ascendance of Islamists to power,
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the Arab Spring and the New World Order comparative and contrastive attitude add- multi-genre course, and students exam- and power relations in the Middle East af- ed more depth to their presentations and ined testimonies by people who took to ter the Arab Spring. the debates that we carried out in the the Tahrir Square from January 25 until Since this was a media and politics course, class. Once more, we took advantage of February 11, 2011, alongside poetry, songs we made sure that the reading materials the freedom and empowerment that our by forbidden writers and artists such as covered a variety of articles, interviews Revolution offered us in discussing differ- Sheikh Imam, a novel, and an excerpt from and testimonies written from the Arab ent taboos related to politics and religion. an autobiography. This course could nev- point of view and reflecting different—and This was evident from the positive feed- er have been designed or taught during sometimes even conflicting—opinions re- back we received from students. They the Mubarak regime. But, once more, the garding the Arab Spring. The reason was found the course “very informative”and space of freedom and the courage inher- that our American students had already engaging. It deconstructed certain clichés ited from, and created by, the January Rev- been exposed to the West’s point of view. related to the Orient, particularly regard- olution allowed me to teach it during the Since they were studying in Egypt, it was ing the image of Arab women. It also gave MB regime. The Centre administration time for them to read, hear and see the them a chance to read the works of certain shared the same view and agreed to the Other’s point of view. Students agreed thinkers whose views are not always wel- course and even invited an “unwanted” and indeed welcomed the idea. They also comed in America such as Edward Said speaker, an opponent of the regime, the watched videos and documentaries. and Noam Chomsky. writer and columnist, Alaa al-Asawani, to Among the texts they read was “Preface to One more course, which I personally de- discuss his novel, Yacoubian Building, and Orientalism”written by Edward Said and signed and taught in Arabic in the second other works with the students. He did not which criticized “the US [’s] hardening of term of 2013 to American Students study- meet the students off campus and had an attitudes, the tightening of the grip of de- ing in the TAFL center was, “Literature of interesting discussion with them and a meaning generalisation and triumphalist the Revolution”. We started the course video conference with their peers at Mid- cliché, [and] the dominance of crude pow- with a theoretical background and a dis- dlebury College in the US. er allied with simplistic contempt for dis- cussion of what constitutes the “literature In teaching this course, the class buzzed senters and “others”. of the Revolution“ and “revolutionary lit- with discussions, debates and interesting In each of the topics covered during the erature.“ The course included revolution- and unusual presentations by the stu- course, we observed the different catego- ary texts by polarizing rebellious figures dents. One of the original research proj- ries of Bloom’s taxonomies. Students read, like the Egyptian poet, Amal Donqol, ects focused on the Harry Potter series as analyzed and evaluated every opinion dis- whose poetry, despite his death more an example of revolutionary literature. The cussed in class. They also gave presenta- than 25 years earlier, is still alive and was novels were then compared with the revo- tions that compared the situation in differ- even sung in Tahrir Square and by revolu- lutionary poetry that the students had ent regions of the Arab world. This tionaries on different occasions. It was a studied by Abu al-Kassem al-Shaby, Don-
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qol, Zein al-Abdeen Fouad and Abdel various governing bodies, the different brought up in a dictatorial regime that Rahman al-Abnoudi. When reflecting forms of government and election and ex- gave power to one voice only, that of the upon this course, I see that it preceded the plored the Egyptian constitution. Some of ruler. Hence, they were not trained to lis- June 30 Revolution, and the reading mate- the students who attended this course ten to each other nor to accept or respect rial somehow anticipated it. The current were interested in learning even more in a diversity of opinions. Furthermore, the regime at that time underestimated the hopes of spreading their acquired knowl- educational system that they had been ex- power of the people and excluded most edge to raise political awareness in their posed to for years was also dictatorial and of the Egyptians from the decision making neighborhoods and in different parts of followed Friere’s negative theory of the process. However, the Egyptian people Alexandria. We also had, for the first time banking concept of education in which had the final word and fulfilled the mean- on campus, a novelist, a columnist and [...] knowledge is a gift bestowed by ings suggested by the first text we studied, scriptwriter, Belal Fadl, who, due to his op- those who consider themselves knowl- a poem by the Tunisian poet, Abu al-Kas- position of the regime and the concept of edgeable [the teachers] upon those sem al-Shaby, entitled “If the people want heredity, was never favored by Mubarak whom they consider to know nothing to live, fate has to give in”. It was a moving and his men. He wrote publicly against Ja- [the learners]. Projecting an absolute poem, and the students listened to it sung mal Mubarak, the son of the ex-president, ignorance onto others, a characteristic by famous Arab singers. The students’ who was being prepared to succeed his of the ideology of oppression, negates feedback was positive, and they admired father in the democratic election. Fadl’s education and knowledge as process- the literary texts they studied and their meeting and discussion was lively and es of inquiry. The teacher presents him- strong revolutionary tones and ideas. stimulating. Other guests included the self to his students as their necessary novelist and columnist, Sahar al-Mougy, opposite; by considering their igno- New Activities who shared her testimony from her eigh- rance absolute, he justifies his own ex- The freedom resulting from the Revolu- teen days in Tahrir Square. istence. The students, alienated like the tion, not only affected the content of the Having a crash course on politics, meet- slave in the Hegelian dialectic, accept courses taught on campus and the intro- ings with these intellectual and revolution- their ignorance as justifying the teach- duction of new courses, but also allowed ary figures, and having the mandatory ers existence—but, unlike the slave, us to discuss politics openly, and to bring courses geared towards the themes of lib- they never discover that they educate many forbidden speakers to the university. erty and individuality were very important. the teacher. (72) We gave our students at the English De- Following the Revolution, some students Another stimulating post-Revolution activ- partment a crash course, entitled “A, B, C misunderstood the true meaning of free- ity was electing the deans of colleges and on Politics,” the aim of which was to raise dom of expression and consequently be- the heads of departments. There was an their political awareness. They learned haved in a violent and aggressive way. This election for a committee of three mem- about the constituents of the state, the can be attributed to the fact that they were bers, whose job it was to observe and di-
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rect the debates among the candidates the chaos that followed the fall of the MB nothing remained the same. The Egyptian Heba M. Sharobeem for these academic posts. It was a fascinat- regime, there is an attempt to indirectly university was positively and negatively af- ing and unprecedented experience. As a prohibit politics on the university cam- fected by it. This paper attempted to show is an associate professor at the English member of this committee, we organized puses. However, some university profes- the positive effect of this revolution, which Department in the Faculty of Education a day for each of the three candidates for sors and students have learned to cherish has had its imprint on the courses, activi- at Alexandria University. She holds a deanship. Each one of them met with all their agency and are determined to never ties and employment structure of the uni- PhD in Comparative Literature, Modern staff members at the college and dis- relinquish the rights they earned from versity. It also brought more freedom to American, English and Arabic Literature cussed his/her program and objectives as their two revolutions. As a result, political the campus, yet, the battle is ongoing. As from Ain Shams University. Her research a future dean. On the fourth day, we had a issues must continue to be raised in the a result of the chaos following the fall of interests include feminist, post-colonial debate with the three candidates. Despite classroom, and students must be made the MB regime, there is now a new at- and cross-cultural studies as well as civic objection from college administration aware of how politics can imposes itself tempt to prohibit politics on the university education. She is also a teacher trainer. about holding this debate, we, the com- on the study and analysis of literature. campus. The law regarding the election of She designed and taught courses in mittee members, insisted on holding it. It We, the teachers and students, continue deans has changed, and the candidates these fields as well as in politics and was a success. The majority of college staff to refer to our two revolutions in our de- for the post are to be interviewed by ap- media. She furthermore published members enthusiastically took part in vot- partment’s courses. pointed, rather than elected, committees. papers throughout this range fields ing, and we had a democratically elected As for the employment structure, it has un- I believe that university professors must and took part in various national and dean for the first time after twenty years of fortunately suffered a drawback. The law continue to carry the torch of light, free- international conferences in Egypt and appointments by the National Security regarding the election of deans has dom and democracy brought about by abroad. Department, which was humiliating to us. changed, and the candidates for the post the two Revolutions of 2011 and 2013. Sup- We used the same procedure when the are to be interviewed by appointed, rather pressing freedom of expression is never department head post became vacant. than elected, committees. However, there the way to regain order. Rather, we should The same positive attitude was prevalent is no returning to the past. Indeed, the train our students to accept others and among college staff members. wider territory of freedom provided by the plant in them a respect for humanity, indi- Revolutions has drastically changed the viduality, liberty and creativity, not as The Present threshold of fear. Inevitably, the majority meaningless clichés, but as true living val- Four years after the outbreak of the Janu- has learned the language of rights and ues that will make their world, life and ary 25 Revolution and less than two years have realized that no position is immune countries better. The future is still in the since the subsequent June 30 Revolution, from accountability. making, but I believe that our dearly much in Egypt has changed for the better earned freedom will not be lost, but rather, and the worse. This applies to Egypt in Conclusion will bear its fruit in due time. general but most especially to the coun- The outbreak of the January 25 Revolution try’s University microcosm. As a result of was a groundbreaking event after which
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Works Cited
Freire, Paulo. Pedagogy of the Oppressed. Trans. by Myra Bergman Ramos. London and New York: The Continuum International Publishing Group, 2005. Web. 3 May 2015.
Krathwohl, David R. “A Revision of Bloom’s Taxonomy: An Overview.” Theory Into Practice 41.4 (2002). Web. 3 May 2015.
Macedo, Donaldo. Introduction to Pedagogy of the Oppressed. London and New York: The Continuum International Publishing Group, 2005: 11-28. Web. 3 May 2015.
Pintrich, Paul R. “The Role of Metacognitive Knowledge in Learning, Teaching, and Assessing”. Theory Into Practice 41.4 (2002). Web. 3 May 2015.
Said, Edward. “Preface to Orientalism.” Al-Ahram Weekly 650 (7-13 Aug. 2003). Web. 3 May 2015.
ISSN: 2196-629X urn:nbn:de:hebis: 04-ep0003-2015-108-27866
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is the comparably weak networking ca- pacity of its academic publishing and li- L ike on Different Planets? brary systems. It suggests an over-de- Lebanese Social Scientists in Their pendence on international systems, a lack of direct communication amongst Scientific Communities local and regional scientific communi- ties, and intellectual bigotry. This article sheds light on the question of how Arab institutions and individuals cope with this particular shortcoming in their aca- demic system. It focuses on the correla- tions between institutional and individu- al autonomy as measured by the modes of decision making and funding. The ar- ticle will also explore the relationship be- tween an institution’s autonomy and its interconnectedness as measured by its library services and by the references in faculty’s dissertations. Data stem from in- terviews with faculty, surveys among stu- dents, and visits to libraries of two different universities in Lebanon, which are analyzed in comparison. Moreover, several networking initiatives are charac- Jonathan Kriener terized by which social scientists in the region tackle this problem. Through pri- Social sciences and humanities (SSH) at ducting social sciences and humanities vate initiative, these academics seem to Arab universities are often described as under different configurations of local, recover regional coherence based on suffering from a lack of academic free- regional and international influences Arab language and experience. dom. However, institutional autonomy from the state, the market and the civil and the individual academic’s opportuni- society are not equally affected. One Keywords: Connectivity; Governance; ties and constraints vary considerably problem made evident by existing re- Higher Education; Language Gap; Leba- among Arab institutions. Individuals con- search literature on Arab social sciences non; Social Sciences
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Introduction1 works and by interviewing scholars in the substandard in the context of the global Apart from macro-statistical reports on the field. He categorized the references in or- scientific community. development of higher education and sci- der to discover to what extent Arab social Does something exist among Arab social ences in the Arab world,2 few academics scientists are aware of the output of their scientists that can be termed a regional have addressed the status, role, and self- colleagues. His findings suggest that scientific community? If so, does it have conception of the SSH in Arab countries there are two segregated realms of SSH the capacity to anticipate social processes on a more individual and content-oriented in Arab countries: One at public institu- and give advice in a region in which dip- level.3 Their conclusions were that Arab tions, where social scientists teach, re- lomatic and economic ties to Europe and social sciences either uncritically adhere search, and publish in Arabic, the other the US are often more intensive than ties to Western concepts inherited from colo- one at private universities of foreign pro- to neighboring states? This article asks nial power relations (Nasser and Abouche- venience, such as the American Univer- what opportunities and constraints form did), are ‚imposed on’ by the international sity of Beirut (AUB), American University the coordinates of academic work from agencies that finance their projects, and in Cairo, Université St. Joseph, Lebanese two sample universities in Lebanon, and it are overly influenced by the practices of American University (LAU). According to furthermore seeks to reveal what patterns the international publishing business Hanafi, the latter are disconnected from of connectivity result therefrom. Part 1 will (Hanafi, Donor Community; “Social Sci- their Arab environment because the cri- be dedicated to the institutional structure ences Research;” Kabbanji, “International- teria for publishing internationally de- of the two sample institutions from which ization”), or are highly self-referential, even mand the perception of international sec- the data were taken: the Lebanese Univer- bigoted in their Islamic or Arab nationalist ondary literature and compliance with sity (LU) and the LAU. In part 2, I will pres- views (Badawi; Yassin; Sayyid; Salamé; international academic standards. There- ent a small set of data gathered by count- Kawtharani). fore, these academics fall short of appro- ing out references in PhD theses written The prior of these authors focus on donor priate participation in local debates. On by faculty, who work in these two institu- communities and so perceived depen- the other hand, the researchers in the na- tions, regarding the origins of these refer- dencies, the latter on content analysis. Ex- tional systems, who write in Arabic, are ences. Part 3, finally, will present a few ini- cept for Badawi, who deals exclusively and isolated from the international current tiatives to build a functional scientific systematically with Egyptian public univer- state of research because of their lack of community among SSH researchers in sities, these works are impressionist, i.e. foreign languages and their limited aca- and about the Arab region. dealing with examples from the authors’ demic facilities including libraries and on- own academic experience. line media. Assuming, as an academic Later, in another article, Hanafi (“Les Sys- standard, that scholars should first ensure tèmes universitaires”) researched Arab the originality of their intended research SSH publications systematically by count- subject, both groups would therefore be ing references in Arab social studies
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Two Environments for Academic Work: over separate regions that were ruled by was made an integral part of faculty’s job Lebanese University and Lebanese Amer- different warring parties. The measure was profiles, and a de-centralized, participa- ican University intended to enable academic work to con- tory, structure of councils and commit- tinue under the otherwise aggravated tees is successively being established in Mission and History conditions resulting from commuting order to organize the ever-increasing va- LU was founded in the 1950s and 1960s through the country. Simultaneously, it riety of activities. successively, foremost to complement created a system of confessional and po- the higher education institutions already litical fragmentation that lasts until today. Structure of Governance existing in Lebanon. It is the only state The branches located in East and West Decision making at both LU and LAU is sponsored institution of mass higher ed- Beirut for instance, are mostly populated based on a collegiate structure of coun- ucation in Lebanon. In 2011-2012, it en- by Christian and Muslim faculty and stu- cils, which consist of faculty on every level rolled about 38.3% of all university stu- dents respectively. Moreover, in certain of academic and administrative work (Leb- dents in Lebanon, i.e. 73,698 students.4 parts of the country, one of the two large anese Republic; LAU “Faculty Gover- Because it requires only symbolic tuition political camps, “March 8” or “March 14,” nance”). At LAU, this structure is comple- fees, it was the first to provide higher ed- clearly dominates local politics, including mented by specific bodies for the different ucation for Lebanese students from low that of the faculty and student councils in realms of self-administration, such as the income families. Among these families, the respective branch. Curriculum Council, the Admission Coun- Muslims were overrepresented, which re- As for LAU, its precursor institution was a cil, and the Budget Committee. At LU such sulted in an increase of Muslims in higher Presbyterian girls college founded by services are provided by service units of education and public office. The share of American missionaries in the 1920s. It be- non-faculty professionals—“bureaucrats”— women among university students rose, came co-educational in 1974, and was in the LU’s administration. Both universi- too, as many low and middle income fam- granted university status by the Lebanese ties have a supervisory body of non-em- ilies traditionally give priority to their sons state in 1996. LAU consists of seven ployees: the Lebanese government in the when considering high expenses for edu- schools, entities that parallel the faculties case of LU, and a Board of Trustees for cation at a private university. Hence, in other universities, and embodies seven- LAU, the majority of which must consist of hopes were staked on LU that it would teen subject-specific centers and insti- US citizens. foster integration among Lebanon’s citi- tutes. Its student population numbers The participatory structure at LU was un- zens in terms of class, sex, confessional 8,000 approximately. dermined by the fact that, since the war, and geographical belonging. From 2004 on, LAU entered a phase of responsibilities such as the appointment In 1977/78, after the outbreak of the civil intensive self-assessment, strategic plan- and promotion of faculty members were war in Lebanon, however, twelve of LU’s ning, and expansion. It attained accredi- shifted from the Faculty and University then seventeen faculties were split into tation by the New England Association of Councils to the Lebanese government two or more branches and were dispersed Schools and Colleges in 2009. Research (Nauffal 118; El-Amine and Chaoul 40-41).
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Important decisions were postponed over ways triggered by political controversy search is, at least formally, part of the job long periods of time, such as the promo- (“Lubnān;” “Tajaddud al-ishtibākāt;” description of faculty and is a prerequisite tion of more than 600 contracted faculty Mushallab, “Tajaddud;” “Ishtibāk;” El- for promotion. Unlike LAU, LU does not members to full time positions between Hage). Hence, the LU’s administration pro- follow a tenure track procedure. Assistant 2008 and 2014 (Touma). So while only a hibited political gatherings and advertise- professors at LU might go on teaching in minority of LU’s professors have the ment on campus from October 2012 their position until their retirement, even if chance to impact decision making, at LAU onward (Lebanese University). they have failed to publish a single article. on the other hand, the numerous admin- Many of the SSH academics who teach at istrative obligations are even sometimes Financial Conditions LU, pursue their doctoral studies abroad, felt as limiting the capacity to pursue other From 2008 to 2012, LU’s total expenditures mainly France. If, back in Lebanon, they activities including research. nearly doubled to become 3,036 USD per continue pursuing research activities, Moreover, after the withdrawal of the Syr- student and 223.7 million in total (Nehme; these do not usually contribute to LU’s re- ian army in 2005, political representation Lebanese University). LAU, by comparison, search profile. Instead they are designed, became more competitive in Lebanon, spent an average of 15,000 USD per stu- paid for and utilized by non-university in- and the selection of cadres and other im- dent in academic year 2011/12. It can do so stitutions. The institutions are traditionally portant decisions at LU was also subject because approximately 80% of its budget Western or international private institu- to political competition between the po- springs from the tuition fees paid for its tions, but regional and local proveniences litical parties. (LU Political Science 1 Se- students, more than 12,000 USD on aver- are also becoming increasingly active. nior; LU Arts 1 Senior; El-Hage; Haidar; age in 2012/13. They are, however, reluctant to invest in Maatouq; Khoder). While some the LU Since a nearly 70% increase in salaries in large public universities, whose deep bu- professors that I interviewed asserted that 2012 (Lebanese Republic), full time profes- reaucracies often consume large parts of academic freedom at LU is absolute, oth- sors at LU receive a salary that is well-com- the invested funds. Lebanon is responding ers mentioned that fear and distrust parable with that of the best paying pri- to this problem since 2003 by including among faculty result from divergent po- vate universities in the country. With these SSH in the funding scheme of the Conseil litical loyalties and can clearly be felt. Fur- salaries, the teaching load also increased national de la recherche scientifique, a thermore they revealed that there are po- considerably. Some faculty members stat- public authority which organizes and litically sensitive topics, which the ed that it was hardly possible to pursue funds research in Lebanon. Furthermore, majority of students and teachers attempt serious research and fulfill the teaching three doctoral schools for different groups to avoid. Fears to utter certain opinions on obligations appropriately, considering of disciplines were established at LU in campus was apparent among LU students that the teaching load now exceeds 300 2007/2008 in order to provide supervision in a 2010 study (Rahal). Confrontation be- hours per year for full time faculty. Others and coordination for research activities. tween different political student factions were positive that time for research was Virtually all of LAU’s faculty receive their became violent at times, though not al- fairly enough. At both LU and LAU, re- PhD abroad. At LAU, then, non-tenured
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faculty must pursue research next to a LAU LU teaching load of six weekly hours, and must additionally fulfill further obligations undergraduate graduate undergraduate graduate in the faculty’s administrative bodies. Re- Hours per term spent in 40 50 6 8 cently, the criteria by which their research libraries on campus, Ø of responses output is judged for promotion have be- come very strict (LAU Education Junior 1; Hours per term spent reading 20 33 5 13 print media borrowed from LAU Education Senior 2): The publication libraries on campus, media are not only required to be peer Ø of responses reviewed, but they are furthermore ex- Help from librarian to attain 9.7 9 2.8 6.5 pected to have a minimum impact factor, print media from other evidence again for the preference already libraries, % of responses given to international periodicals. Help from librarian to enter 41.9 9 19.4 6.5 electronic databanks, % of responses Facilities and Services With its abundant funds, LAU can provide Table 1: Use of library services by LAU and LU students. Ivy League university services. Its libraries are equipped, organized and networked dents may borrow books during lecture get, the staff, and a myriad of other fac- according to current standards, making periods. The very first central library for tors are determined by politicians, and electronic catalogues and databanks and LU is, just now, under construction. Al- consequently funds and services are not a large collection of books and journals though the responses to our survey about abundant. Here, faculty is left to their own easily accessible to its students and fac- the use of library services were few, 30 at devices much of the time. If permanently ulty (LAU Education Senior 1; LAU Educa- LAU and 116 at LU, they are markedly in employed, they enjoy a rather wide range tion Junior 2). Internet access for students line with what the institutions’ self-por- of decision on how much time and effort and faculty is a matter of course. trayals and their faculty’s statements sug- they spend for teaching, research, and Libraries at LU, on the other hand, are not gested (see Table 1). other activities respectively. At LU “The yet networked with other libraries, not faculty member is king in the depart- even with all of those at LU itself. Most of Summary LU and LAU ment” as an emeritus from LU put it (El- their stocks cannot be found on open Our sample consists of two very different Amine, Personal interview). Hence, LU is shelves, but are only available upon re- institutions: At the public mass university, home to a large number of regionally and quest from the librarians. Borrowing is for LU, students pay little tuition and are often internationally renowned SSH scholars. graduate students and professors only: In enrolled for reasons other than studying And it has enhanced social mobility in some departments, undergraduate stu- (LU Arts 1 Senior). Additionally, the bud- Lebanon considerably.
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On the other hand, the limited means and facilities constrain this leeway. Both the creation of doctoral schools and the in- creased investment in research, appear to indicate a change in Lebanon’s academic policies. If academic capacity is not re- tained in full time and tenured positions, however, LU puts its status as a home for intellectual excellence at risk. Further- more, the comparatively little care and control by the administration leaves doors open for interference from outside institu- tions. Reports in the media about politi- cized student skirmishes, and manipula- tions—even blackmail—in the distribution Figure 1: References in dissertations at LU + LAU, in % of all references. of staff positions, corroborate the impres- sion that life at LU can be challenging at volved with Lebanese politics. Keeping its ences shown in the following section are times. Exposure of certain political posi- faculty busy with mandatory research and counted from fourteen theses from our tions in the Lebanese public further inten- administrative activities further aids this two sample universities. Eight are from LU, sifies those challenges. endeavor. The tenure track mechanism and six are from LAU.5 Seven of the eight At LAU, too, the strong politicization of the has the potential to retain intellectual ca- theses by LU professors dealt with a local Lebanese public sphere impacts student pacity, and the comparatively ample finan- Lebanese topic and one covered a region- life through occasional violence outbursts cial furnishings allow for a structure of al Arab topic. One of them was written in between student factions during elections care, support and control, which protects English, two in Arabic and the other five in for the student councils (Alabaster). Be- the academic processes from the rough French. Only the two theses written in Ara- yond that, LAU has thus far managed to environment of the institution. bic were produced at a local university, the remain untouched by the press’ scandal others were written in France and Eng- pages. The necessity to attract financially Borrowing and Lending as per References land. The six theses written by LAU profes- strong clientele provides a strong incen- in Theses sors were supervised at universities in the tive to keep party politics off campus. LAU How are the differences between the two US, the UK, Canada, and Germany. succeeds in doing so with its Board of odd neighbors reflected in the writings of In general, the results corroborate Hanafi’s Trustees and its accreditation agency, their faculty? What scientific communities findings (“The Social Sciences Research”): which are situated abroad and are little in- do they draw from? The figures of refer- The majority of the 3,452 references
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counted, namely 70.2%, were referencing Western literature (figure 1), but there is a striking difference between LU, with only 55.5% references to Western literature, and LAU, with 85% (figure 2).
Researchers who achieved their doctoral degree after 2003, referenced Western lit- erature to a clearly larger extent than their predecessors, who had higher percent- ages of references to Arab and Lebanese literature (figure 3).
Theses written in Arabic language show a Figure 2: Origins of references in dissertations LU vs. LAU majority of Arabic literature, also in their reception, which makes them indeed look little connected to the international scien- tific community (figure 4).
Remarkably, theses written in French—at LU—refer with nearly equal frequency to Western literature on the one hand, and local and regional literature on the other. Many of the titles containing French refer- ences and that were published in France, were obviously authored by Arabs or Leb- anese. The reception patterns in the French language theses resemble that of the Arabic theses more than figure 4 ren- ders visible. The same applies to refer- Figure 3: References in dissertations at LU and LAU—before vs. after 2003. ences to ethnically Arab authors, who publish English language theses in An- glophone countries.
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The distribution of references across the range of topics (figure 5)—local, i.e. Leba- nese, regional, i.e. Arab, and internation- al—shows a nearly complete absence of local and regional literature from the bib- liographies of the theses that cover inter- national topics. It further tells us that there are rather weak ties between Lebanese and Arab research: When dealing with Lebanese topics, authors tend to consult Western more than Arab literature. When writing about Arab topics, in turn, the au- thors tend to resort to Western rather than Lebanese literature. Figure 4: References in theses at LU and LAU according to their language. When Arab and Lebanese writings are quoted, they seldom belong to the litera- ture by which the theoretical framework or the methodological proceedings are set, but rather are primary sources or second- ary literature. The phenomenon of ethnic Arabs publish- ing in cities like London, Paris, or New York blurs the boundaries between ‘western- ized’ and ‘indigenous’ writings. There are an unknown number of researchers pub- lishing in areas such as North America or Europe, who do not originate from there. Are these people westernized, then? Or Figure 5: References in theses at LU and LAU per topic. are the SSH de-westernizing internation- ally? Such questions can hardly be tackled topics, references to ethnically Lebanese ly self-referential Lebanese research litera- by reference counting. Particularly in the scholars who publish in the francophone, ture in French indicates a completely dif- Lebanese literature on local and regional West, are abundant. Conversely, the high- ferent pattern of attachment: These
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authors correspond largely with other their own region or country. Western au- fields of research, and between national Lebanese and Arabs authors who work thors, in turn, increased their reception of and international scientific communities is and study in France. They are highly re- non-Western research literature (Gringas a worldwide phenomenon (Bertenthal) lated to a Western—the francophone—aca- and Mosbah-Natanson). Considering this, and not particular to Arab societies. If only demic context, but some seldom refer to the distribution of references to English there was not the observation, which is other international research literature. Is language publications at LAU does not shared by many Arab academics, that the this a Lebanese or a francophone phe- appear overly westernized. If we further two groups seldom read each other’s pa- nomenon? In evaluating connectivity ver- take into account that the share of Arab pers. To tackle this problem, some Arab sus isolation and Western versus indige- SSH researchers in internationally visible academics have started initiatives for re- nous research-orientation, literature can genres is particularly scarce, albeit grow- gional coherence. A few examples will be only be vaguely quantified. It is then sure- ing (Arab Thought Foundation 43-61), the introduced in this section. Two of them are ly no less difficult to contextualize or value quoting habits of LAU’s faculty seem pre- associations of scholars, and the others them. Two points should be considered: dictable for the local academics who par- are databanks, which record research lit- First, looking at such figures we should ticipate in the international academic erature that is written in the Arabic lan- ask: Compared to what? According to community. guage and/or is pertaining to Arab topics. prominent data banks and citation indi- Secondly, the predominant orientation of ces, the share of non-Western researchers academics writing in Arabic towards Ara- Arab Scholarly Associations in the sphere of internationally visible so- bic research literature is, in part, an ex- The Arab Council of the Social Sciences called hard sciences (medicine, natural pression of the isolation that results from (ACSS) was inaugurated in 2013. Funding sciences, technology) has increased con- a lack of technical capacity. However, it is provided by a mix of institutions, begin- siderably over the last decades.6 Among also expresses a division of labor: Here, ning with the Swedish government in SSH articles, on the other hand, the share the national universities, who explain the 2005. The background was the consider- of North American and European produc- local societies to themselves versus, ation that the SSH tend to address local tion remained constantly high throughout there, the universities run by foreign pro- and regional particularities more than nat- 1988 to 2007 and covered around 90% of viders that explain local and regional is- ural sciences and technology do. Thus, in the global output of articles in leading sues to the world and who additionally addition to international cooperation, they journals. During this period, non-Western process international knowledge for use also require regional cooperation, espe- authors increasingly quoted Western in local contexts. cially in the Arab world with its large space publications, from 77% of their citations in of a shared language. the middle of the 1990s to 88% in around Networking Initiatives7 Another problem of SSH in Arab countries 2004. This increase occurred at the cost The lack of unity in the SSH concerning that the ACSS intends to address is a gen- of references to publications authored in their basic assumptions, their different erational one: Well established ‘five stars
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professors’ hold a discursive monopoly at assurance commission for higher educa- studies are documented with an abstract universities and other institutions because tion. Some of LAES’s works were highly in Shamaa, 5,000 with their full text. of a general ignorance of the work of controversial, such as a study about the Shamaa concluded contracts with a num- younger researchers. Hence, for decades, problems and demands of the Lebanese ber of Arab universities to grant access to the Arab SSH did not rejuvenate them- University at the end of the 1990s (El- their postgraduate theses. It holds another selves properly. Consequently, the ACSS’ Amine and Chaoul). LAES provides an contract with the international educational inaugural conference featured a majority open access guide to the universities of all database ERIC, which provides it with all of young researchers as participants. Arab countries on its homepage, which for titles that cover educational topics in the An older and smaller initiative is the Leba- example, ALECSO or the Union of Arab Arab world. Although Shamaa was mod- nese Association for Educational Studies Universities never provided despite their eled on ERIC, it works under different con- (LAES) founded in 1995. Its sole purpose is much longer existence. The largest share ditions: It is funded by private donors, to produce and disseminate knowledge in the funding for LAES’ projects is pro- such as the Ford Foundation and other about education. To that end, it issues re- vided by the Ford Foundation. Additional large international and Arab funding ports, publishes a books series, and con- funds originate from various other Ameri- agencies. These are generous, but do not venes conferences. Membership is re- can, European and Arab institutions. compare to the financial capacity of the stricted to educationalists from Lebanon US federal government, which funds ERIC and a maximum of 20% from other Arab Arab Databanks and other grand databases. states. LAES members have very different In 2005, members of LAES had the idea Similar to the scholars of LAES, two indi- political, philosophical, social, and ideo- for a database that would specialize in ed- viduals, Mohamad al-Baghdadi and Abd logical backgrounds. Scholars from LU ucational research literature. It was born ar-Rahman Shahbandar, considered the and a variety of other universities are out of the observation that educationalists absence of something that parallels members and share projects and confer- in Lebanon did not take notice of their JSTOR, Web of Science or Scopus for Ara- ences. Part of LAES’ studies in the past peers’ work from neighboring universities, bic publications a major deficiency. To fill were conducted by an initiative of its own let alone from other Arab countries. this void, they founded the databases members, and other studies were con- Shamaa, the acronym for shabakat al- E-Marefa and Almanhal respectively. ducted following demands by external maʿlumat al-ʿarabiyya al-tarbawiyya, Again, these databases are run by private bodies. The Lebanese Ministry of Educa- (“Arab Educational Information Network”) initiatives and with private funds, not by a tion, for instance, sponsored studies about enables researchers to establish, for the publicly funded institution. the national school curriculum (2005), in first time, a comprehensive state of the art efforts to develop an educational strategy for any given educational topic, which Conclusions for Lebanon (2007), and also commis- concerns the Arab world when delimiting The seclusion between regionally and in- sioned a drafted law for a national quality their field of research. More than 20,000 ternationally oriented research by Arab
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social scientists diagnosed by Hanafi (“Les spring from modern Western thought, needed when one considers the high Systèmes universitaires”) is obviously valid serious SSH discourse will build on these quantity of students and graduates from in the case of the two universities studied pillars for the foreseeable future wher- these disciplines. here. The same procedure that Hanafi fol- ever it may be produced. Will Arab mass universities benefit from lowed has rendered a similar result in our Regional, international, and even local networking, or will they become detached own study. However, to view the dichoto- connectivity is, however, an issue that de- from this development and thereby in- my as an utterance of constraints in aca- serves attention. If something like an ‘Arab crease their isolation and lessen their sig- demic freedom or as a result of a lack of world’ exists, the perception of each oth- nificance? Will more Arab academics pur- opportunities, as Hanafi, Kabbanji and ers’ work among SSH academics from sue their postgraduate studies and other peers do, is only one interpretation of the neighboring institutions and countries research projects at local universities in facts. With regard to the SSH, the catego- must be of benefit in the search for gen- their home countries? Will this happen in ries ‘international’ and ‘Western’ overlap eralizations, and in the creation of new the near future with standards that con- to an extent that makes them nearly iden- hypotheses and theories. It seems obvi- nect them to their regional and interna- tical. People and institutions in Europe and ous that LU, and many of the public uni- tional scientific communities? In order for North America still produce the bulge of versities in neighboring countries, lack public institutions to enhance their con- SSH literature. For researchers at an the means for such connectivity; a few nectivity locally, regionally and interna- American or international university in reasons for which I touched upon in this tionally, the following strategies are worth Lebanon, or in any part of the world, to article. Their common denominator is ne- considering: refer to this output is natural or even in- glect out of dysfunctional political pro- 1. Orientation towards international quality dispensable. Conversely, the rate of ref- cesses. But, yes, an Arab SSH community standards, as long as these are reason- erence to Western authors in literature does exist. Top academics participate in it able, in order to become more selective written in Arabic would not automatically and benefit from it, mostly not at their own and overcome the crowdedness and arbi- increase with enhanced research oppor- universities, but in networks, associations, trariness that is typical for mass universi- tunities at Arab national institutions. Fur- and research centers. The initiators of ties, would make them more compatible thermore, the predominance of refer- these networks, which I introduced in sec- for cooperation. As was observed in Leba- ences to Western literature in Arabic tion 3, stopped looking to their govern- non by Kabbanji, the adherence to stan- research literature, when regarding their ments and IGO’s. With diversified fund- dardized quality criteria does not neces- theoretical and methodological design, ing, they succeed in providing easily sarily result in a standardization of does not necessarily indicate a lack of in- accessible, independent structures. These academic profiles. Quite the opposite, it tellectual independence. Since concepts have the potential to promote the inclu- can be conducive to a differentiation in as basic as society or economy, mass ed- sion of younger scholars and to flatten hi- profiles between competing institutions ucation or parliament, as well as the erarchies among the Arab SSH commu- (“Heurs et malheurs”). The Lebanese initia- bulge of their critiques and variations nity, a development that is so dearly tive to create national standards, and a na-
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tional authority to that end, is somewhat public universities, public budget is far er, have not kept pace with this develop- Jonathan Kriener promising, although it is stagnant and from enough and will remain so in the ment, as the micro-data in this study many questions remain unanswered foreseeable future. Tuition fees could be confirm. The SSH are extremely affected Is research fellow at the Department (Bashshur 129-43). With regard to quality, potentially helpful. Moderate tuition fees by this development. They suffer from an for Oriental and Islamic Studies of the it makes sense to enhance the support for, combined with a well-furnished scholar- image as “disciplines for under-achievers Ruhr University of Bochum. He has been and control of, faculty and students at LU. ship program for talented but needy stu- and for girls” (El-Amine 2009). Further- a research fellow at the Georg Eckert Here, they are often left to their own de- dents would not necessarily have to result more, the numbers and merits of their Institute for International Textbook vices, and they lack information about cru- in inequality. graduates do by no means correspond Research and at the Orient Institute cial elements such as scholarship pro- While the number of university students in with the demands of their local societies, Beirut, and taught courses about the grams, research budgets and external Arab countries has multiplied massively and their research profile is uninviting. It is 20th century histories of Lebanon, funding sources. Furthermore they are li- during the last decades, vocational and now time for them to become more selec- Israel, and the Palestinians, as well able to interferences from political or sec- technical professions tend to be under- tive. An enhanced focus on quality and as recent Arab educational thought tarian sources. staffed. The national universities have connectivity should also mitigate the fre- and reform at the Ruhr University and 2. In order to achieve a substantial im- achieved goals such as social mobility and quency of interferences motivated by po- Tübingen University. His publications provement in services such as counseling the integration of women into higher edu- litical and parochial interests. deal comparatively with history, civics, and in-service training for academics at cation. Research and networking, howev- and religious instruction at Lebanese, Palestinian and Israeli schools, and Notes administrative support by the 4 Statistics of the Lebanese although their providers 6 Between 2002 and 2008, higher education in Egypt and Lebanon. Orient-Institut Beirut. Centre de Recherche are Arab and French. the share of North America [email protected] et de Développement Articles in the Arab Studies and the European Union email: 1 Data in this article were 2 E.g. Galal; Lamine; Pédagogique, 2011-2012. Quarterly were categorized in global research output gathered in 2012 and 2013 Maktoum Foundation; UNDP; as American, although their decreased from 73.8 to from legal and statistical Yearly by the Arab Thought 5 References were providers and most of their 67.6%, that of the OECD literature, faculty interviews, Foundation. categorized according authors are ethnic Arabs. from 84 to 76.4%. Countries doctoral theses, and student to the location of their All references to Arabic classified as ‘developing’ surveys, in the frame of the 3 Already in the 1980s a publishing institution, even language publications, increased their share from 21 research project “Local, debate about the SSH in their if its providers stem from a however, were counted as to 32% (UNESCO, 10). Regional, and International domestic academia went different country or cultural Arab, even if published in e.g. ‘Borrowing and Lending’ in on among Arab and Muslim background. E.g. publications London or Paris because they ––› Social Sciences at Egyptian academics, see Lange, by the Center for Arab address an Arab audience. and Lebanese Universities.” Edipo lu. As these debates Unity Studies and the Translations were categorized It was funded by the ǧ are strictly normative, though, Institut français du Proche- according to the author of Volkswagen Foundation, I restrict myself to two tracks Orient, both in Beirut, were the original. coordinated at the Ruhr- of the recent, more empirical categorized as Lebanese, Universität Bochum, and debate. received scientific and
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––› 7 Where not notified Works Cited Bertenthal, Bennett Galal, Ahmed. The Road Not Hanafi, Sari. Donor otherwise, this section I. “Challenges and Traveled: Education Reform Community and the Market summarizes a session Alabaster, Olivia. “Leaders Opportunities for the Social in the Middle East and North of Research Production: on the workshop “Social Must Invest in the Youth: LAU and Behavioral Sciences.” Africa. International Bank Framing and De-framing Sciences at Arab Universities: President.” dailystar.com.lb. The Social Sciences at a for Reconstruction and the Social Sciences. Beirut: Opportunities and The Daily Star Lebanon, 19 Turning Point? Ed. OECD. Development/The World American University of Beirut, Constraints,” held at the Dec. 2011. Web. 14 Apr. 2015. N.p.: OECD Publishing, 1999. Bank. Washington, DC: World 2009. Print. Orient-Institut Beirut on 28 137-41. Print. Bank, 2008. Web. 10 Apr. February 2014. It was mainly Arab Thought Foundation. Al- 2015. ---. “The Social Sciences covered by Adnan El-Amine Taqrīr al-ʿarabī al-thālith li-l- Edipoǧlu, Kerim. Research in the Arab East: and Sari Hanafi. tanmiya al-thaqāfiyya. Beirut: “Islamisierung der Gringas, Yves, and Sébastien Dilemmas of the Research Arab Thought Forum, 2010. Soziologie oder Mosbah-Natanson. “Where Centers outside of the Web. 14 Apr. 2015.
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––› ---. “Heurs et malheurs Lange, Katharina. ---. Council of Ministers. Mushallab, Maya. “Tajaddud Nehme, Denise (LU, General du système universitaire Zurückholen, was uns gehört: “Qānūn raqm 66: Tanẓīm ishtibākāt fī kulliyyāt al-jāmiʿa Secretary, Department of libanais: À l’Heure de Indigenisierungstendenzen al-majālis al-akādīmiyya al-lubnāniyya wa-ṭullāb Statistics). Message to the l’homogénéisation et de in der arabischen Ethnologie. fī-l-jāmiʿa al-lubnāniyya. al-taqaddumī al-ishtirākī author. 24 May 2013. E-mail. la marchandisation de Münster: Transcript, 2005. Taʿdīl baʿḍ aḥkām al-qānūn wa-tayyār al-mustaqbal l’enseignement supérieur.” Print. raqm 75 tārīkh 26/12/1967.” yatawaqqafūna ʿan al-ḥuḍūr. ---. Message to the author. 5 Revue des mondes Al-Jarīda al-rasmiyya, 4 Mar. Riʾāsat al-jāmiʿa tuhaddid June 2013. E-mail. musulmans et de la Lebanese American 2009. bi-aqṣā tadābīr li-manʿ Méditerranée 131.1 (2012): University (LAU). “Faculty taḥawwulahā makānan li-l- Rahal, Moadad. “The 127-45. Web. 10 Apr. 2015. Governance.” lau.edu.lb. 11 Lebanese University (LU). ṣirāʿ wa-l-fitna.” aawsat.com. Lebanese University and the Apr. 2007. Web. 5 Apr. 2013. “Mudhakkirat idāra raqm 12.” Al-Sharq al-Awsaṭ, 9 Dec. Issue of Social Integration: Kawtharani, Wajih. “Al- 19 Oct. 2012. 2006. Web. 2 Apr. 2015. An Analytical Survey Study.” Īdiyūlūjī wa-l-maʿrifī fī-l-khiṭāb LAU Education Junior 1. Towards an Arab Higher al-tārīkhī al-ʿarabī.” Al-Maʿrifī Personal interview. 28 Nov. LU Arts 1 Senior. Personal ---. “Ishtibāk bayna ‘amal’ Education Space. 657-77. wa-‘l-īdiyūlūjī fi-l-khiṭāb 2012. Beirut. interview. 17 Feb. 2011. wa-‘ḥizb allāh’ fī-l-jāmiʿa al-ʿarabī al-muʿāṣir. 191-223. al-lubnāniyya: Taṭawwur Salamé, Ramzi. “Career Path Print. LAU Education Junior 2. LU Political Science 1 Senior. ilā iḍrām al-nīrān fī ḥaram of Higher Education Teaching Personal interview. 12 Apr. Personal interview. 27 Nov. kulliyyat al-ḥuqūq: ʿAlā Personnel in the Arab States Khoder, Patricia. “Menacée 2013. Beirut. 2012. khalfiyyat al-taḥḍīr li- and the Quality Challenges.” et agressée, une mahrejān fī dhikrā ightiyāl Towards an Arab Higher secrétaire générale de LAU Education Senior 1. “Lubnān: 5 jurḥā fī ishtibākāt mughniya.” aawsat.com. Al- Education Space. 319-46. l’UL démissionne, mais les Personal interview. 8 Apr. bayna ṭullāb ‘amal’ wa-‘ḥizb Sharq al-Awsaṭ, 13 Feb. 2009. étudiants la soutiennent.” 2013. Beirut. allāh’.” aawsat.com. Al-Sharq Web. 2 Apr. 2015. al-Sayyid, Riḍwān. “Al-Maʿrifī L’Orient-Le Jour, 11 Dec. 2010. al-Awsaṭ, 1 Feb. 2001. Web. 2 wa-l-īdiyūlūjī fī taḥqīqāt al- Web. LAU Education Senior A. July 2013. Nasser, Ramzi N., and turāth al-ʿarabī wa-qirāʾātihi.” Personal interview. 2 Apr. Kamal Abouchedid. “The Al-Mustaqbal al-ʿarabī 381 Lamine, Bechir, ed. Towards 2013. Beirut. Maatouq, Frederique. “Bināʾ Academic ‘Patras’ of the Arab (2010): 104-28. Web. an Arab Higher Education al-jāmiʿa al-waṭaniyya fī dawla World: Creating a Climate Space: International Lebanese Republic. Law ghayr waṭaniyya.” annahar. of Academic Apartheid.” “Tajaddud ishtibākāt bayna Challenges and Societal 206: Change of the order of com. An-Nahar, 30 Apr. 2013. PORTAL: Journal of ‘amal’ wa-‘al-taqaddumī’ ʿalā Responsibilities. Proc. of the salaries of individual faculty Web. 2 May 2013. Multidisciplinary International khalfiyyat intikhābāt al-jāmiʿa Arab Regional Conference at the Lebanese University Studies 4.1 (2007). Web. 17 al-lubnāniyya.” aawsat.com. on Higher Education, 1 and of the alimentation of its Maktoum Foundation. May 2011. Al-Sharq al-Awsaṭ, 19 Apr. May to 2 June 2010. Beirut: retired personnel. Al-Jarīda Arab Knowledge Report: 2002. Web. 2 July 2013. UNESCO Regional Bureau for al-rasmiyya 664. 8 Mar. 2012. Towards Productive Nauffal, Diane I. “Higher Education in the Arab States, Intercommunication for Education in Lebanon: ––› 2010. Web. 10 Apr. 2015. Knowledge. Dubai: Ghurair, Management Cultures and 2009. Their Impact on Performance Outcomes.” PhD thesis. University of Birmingham, 2004. Print.
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––› Touma, Jean. “Baʿd istiqālat al-ḥukūma: Al-jāmiʿa al- lubnāniyya ilā ayn?” annahar. com. An-Nahar, 3 Apr. 2013. Web.
UNESCO. UNESCO Science Report 2010. Paris: UNESCO Publishing, 2010. Web. 15 Apr. 2015.
United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). Arab Human Development Report 2003: Building a Knowledge Society. New York: United Nations Publications, 2003. Web. 10 Apr. 2015.
Yassin, al-Sayyid. “Al-Taʾlīf al-sūsyūlūjī al-ʿarabī: Muntalaqātuhu wa- marāḥiluhu w-ittijāhātuhu wa-mushkilātuhu wa-āfāq taṭawwurihi wa-taṭwīrihi.” Al-Maʿrifī wa-ʿl-īdiyulūjī fi-l- khiṭāb al-ʿarabī al-muʿāṣir. 85-113.
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politics of scientific research; civil society and elite formation and transitional jus- Arab Higher tice. His last book is Arab Research and Education and Knowledge Society: New Critical Per- spective (with R. Arvanitis) (in Arabic, Bei- Research post– rut: CAUS and forthcoming in English with Routledge). 2011. Keywords: Higher Education; Arab Coun- An Interview with tries; Post-Arab Uprisings
Sara Hanafi I.B. & A.R.: To what extent would you de- fine the Arab upheavals and subsequent developments as a game changer for Mid- dle Eastern academic systems and institu- tions, and for the institutional landscape Interview by of knowledge production within the Ines Braune and Achim Rohde MENA region?
The upheavals of 2011 and subsequent Sari Hanafi is currently a Professor of So- S.H.: The uprisings in the Arab World developments in the MENA region have ciology and chair of the department of started out in a marginal town in Tunisia had substantial effects on universities and sociology, anthropology and media stud- toward the end of 2010, traveled through- research centers within Arab world and in ies at the American University of Beirut. out the Arab region like wildfire, inspired other neighboring countries where simi- He is also the editor of Idafat: the Arab various protest movements around the lar developments are taking shape (secu- Journal of Sociology (Arabic). He is the world, then gradually assumed different rity issues, stricter political control/lesser Vice President of the International Socio- trajectories that are still underway. As is levels of political control and repression, logical Association (ISA) and Vice Presi- often the case with revolutions, these changing levels of funding, changing fo- dent of the board of the Arab Council of events continue to supply us with a reper- cus of donors etc.). META had the oppor- Social Science. He is the author of numer- toire of surprises, counter plots, setbacks, tunity to talk with Sari Hanafi about the ous journal articles and book chapters on and successes. In this framework, I would repercussions of these developments for the political and economic sociology of say it is affecting the knowledge produc- scholarly work within the MENA region. the Palestinian diaspora and refugees; so- tion in the region and will continue to do ciology of migration; transnationalism; so. Previously the situation was disastrous
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in many Arab countries. For instance, the indicates an absence of a ‘scientific com- sition itself within the regional institu- Mubarak reign left feelings of discomfort munity’ in Lebanon which acknowledges tional landscape as a consequence of among academics. All that made the pub- the contribution of its members. Of such developments? lic research institutions almost paralyzed. course traditions are the result of an ac- The stress on the university system was tive re-enactment of our history. Scientif- S.H.: The university system and the system enormous: lack of funds, inappropriate ic, academic and disciplinary communi- of social knowledge production greatly structures, and bad management. We ties are fond of these small rituals that influence elite formation in the Arab world. cannot but be convinced that some of the revive the intellectual standing of their Many factors will play a role, but one of dry wood that fed the revolution was to be members and permit us to gauge our them is the compartmentalization of schol- found among the frustrated academics own position as a group, inside the ‘com- arly activities. Universities have often pro- and students. As an editor of Idafat—the munity’. What is at stake in any of these duced compartmentalized elites inside Arab Journal of Sociology, I can testify informal evaluations is where we stand, each nation-state who do not communi- that I received good submissions after the and at the same time to which group we cate with one another: They are either elite uprisings in Egypt, while before this was belong. Institutions make some of this that publish globally and perish locally or rare. However, the protracted period of boundary work, and the book I wrote with elite that publish locally and perish glob- authoritarianism will have a deep effect my colleague Rigas Arvanitis (The Arab ally. The American University of Beirut on knowledge production. The region Research and Knowledge Production: A model has often failed to be connected to was marginalized and invisible in interna- New Critical Perspective), published re- its local and regional context instead it ori- tional scholarship. cently in Beirut in Arabic, unfolds this ents itself toward an international audi- problematic institutionalization that has ence. There are some efforts being con- We have sufficient evidence that the sci- taken place in the Arab world. It asks the ducted under the provost, Ahmad Dallal, entific communities in the region are still question why MENA-region scientists but in my sense they are still insufficient. very weak. In June 2014, I organized a wait so much to create an active scientific tribute to Samir Khalaf, who is a professor community, compared to other regions I.B. & A.R.: How would you characterize of sociology at the American University of like Latin America. The problem is the current trends towards the restructur- Beirut (AUB). When we sent this invitation grounded in deeper social and political ing of universities in the MENA region? In to our mailing list, we received seven realms that influence the production of what directions are they leading? phone calls and emails asking us when scientific knowledge. Samir passed away, and four other emails S.H.: There is a massive academic boom in asking when he retired. This anecdote I.B. & A.R.: To what degree does AUB as higher education in the Arab world. One highlights the Arab world’s lack of tradi- an elite western institution of higher important pattern characterizing the cur- tion of paying tribute to someone if he is learning and research located within rent boom is a dual process of privatiza- still alive or during his professional life. It the MENA region see the need to repo- tion alongside globalization. Two-thirds
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(around 90) of the new universities found- University (Jeddah, SA), King Abdullah nation of knowledge and arts, social orga- ed in the Arab Middle East since 1993 are University of Science & Technology (Thu- nization, etc. become invisible in these private, and more and more (at least 60) of wal, SA), Cairo University, and the Ameri- one-dimensional rankings. Even the actual them are branches of western, mostly can University of Beirut. Beyond this over- contribution of individuals highly devoted American, universities. While offshore all ranking, the newspaper offers rankings and loyal to their own home institution be- campuses (Qatar Education City, Dubai in each scientific field, an approximation comes a footnote in the career of academ- Campus) can protect the university from to academic disciplines. While the whole ic faculty members. Rather more worrying their conservative surrounding societies, concept of ranking is problematic, the is the fact the promotion reports, pro- this results in a tendency for the university ranking concerning the social science and duced for promotion inside universities, to cut its ties with society. The parachuting humanities (SSH) is fundamentally flawed decide the professional death or life of of these structures does not encourage since most SSH production is in Arabic candidates. They are contaminated by research output, and the social sciences in and the Arabic-language journals are not benchmarking and the managerial view of these institutions are very marginalized. If indexed by Scopus. “excellence” that obscures all other di- one had to choose between the Saudi As Bourdieu once wrote, “standardization mensions not part of the ranking in terms model or the Qatari/Emirati model, I benefits the dominant,” and these rank- of publications. Ranking is thus part of an would argue that the former is much bet- ings want to consolidate the idea of a one- academic celebrity model that operates at ter, as it creates universities with local and for-all standard, a measure that fits all, in- a global level, in a selective way, as does Arab hiring, which is more sustainable dependent of contents, orientation, globalization itself. than the international alternative. Finally, I location or resources. Instead of thinking While I am not enthusiastic about any am so worried about the commodification about universities as a social institution ranking, if a ranking is a must I can think of higher education. I envy German peo- that fits a certain environment in terms of of alternative methods and criteria for in- ple who resisted the privatization of their ecology (bio-diversity adapted to its envi- dividual professors. Some principles higher education and paying tuition in na- ronment), it is thought of in terms of hier- should to be taken into account in this tional universities. As Prof. Alaa Hamarneh archy (how to attain the title of “the best” regard: once put it, Germans would accept neo- when competing against the 41-billion- All indicators should be scaled against liberalism everywhere but not in educa- dollar endowment of Harvard University). the number of academic staff a university tion and health. Limited to this elite formation function, the employs. In November 2014, US News, extending university becomes a caricature of itself. Bibliometrics may inform, but not re- its previous repertoire, published a list of Effects in the country or the territory, ac- place peer review Creation of national/ the “Best Arab Region Universities”. Ac- tivities beyond publishing, research, com- language portal (such as The Flemish cording to this ranking, the “best” Arab munity services, participation in public de- Academic Bibliographic Database for five universities are King Saud University bates, influence of policy decisions, SSH). The newly established E-Ma’refa (Riyad, Saudi Arabia [SA]), King Abdulaziz contribution to local political life, dissemi- and Manhal are a starting point for the
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Arab world, but they are still insufficient duction from within the region, and to derstood and practiced as a process that and it is better to have a national or an what extent is this already happening? is never-ending, dialectical, and imbued official pan-Arab organization create with heuristic tensions. such a portal. S.H.: The bibliometric study we conducted Given Arab scholars’ lack of resources, of 519 academic articles written on the language barriers, and poor publication Benchmark the whole life cycle of re- Arab uprisings in Arabic, English and record in mainstream journals, it is clear search (i.e. including knowledge transfer French demonstrated that there is a hier- that many Arab scholars working in Ara- and public/policy research activities). We archy of legitimacy in knowledge due in bic and within national institutions are admit that not all research should have an part to where the articles are produced. virtually invisible internationally. The immediate relevance to local society. Thus The majority of articles are indeed pro- challenge today is the disengagement of research should be classified by tempo- duced outside the Arab World and in Eng- social science research from its local con- rality (research that needs time to have lish. This is primarily due to the hegemony text, which is amplified by the hegemony output [because of long fieldwork or be- of the English language in social science of neoliberal interests and concurrent cause of political sensitivity of its content] research, facilitated by the dominance of narratives for change, as well as the mar- versus research that yields quick results) Western academic institutions and think ginalization of local knowledge by many and by public/policy relevance and tanks, as well as the standards of publica- Arab scholars who suffer from both local knowledge transfer/innovation (looking tion in international journals, which make and global constraints on knowledge at how much research income an institu- little to no effort in accommodating for- production. tion earns from industry). Indicators of eign languages. Furthermore, what little public/policy activities for the relevant re- knowledge is being produced within the I.B. & A.R.: How would you characterize search should be developed, including Arab world is produced in Arabic and not the impact of the ongoing transforma- when these activities will yield relevant being translated. In fact, scarcely any au- tions in the MENA region on working re- public and policy debates. thors who write in English or French refer- lations between scholars and academic ence in Arabic. To a large extent, authors institutions located there and those in I.B. & A.R.: It has been argued that among who write in a particular language, cite in the global North? the main challenges for scholars working that particular language. The issue of lan- in MENA academic institutions is the low guage compartmentalization becomes S.H.: The current transformation in the level of global connectivity and visibility of significantly poignant here. I see transla- Arab world definitely has begun to foster knowledge production within MENA re- tion an opportunity for increased reflexiv- cooperation with the North. The greatest gion. What are the main problems in your ity, which might lead to new ways of con- evidence of this is the northern funding view that need to be tackled in order to ceptualizing and articulating concepts. for research and collaboration in the increase the relevance of knowledge pro- New ways of thinking can indeed be found Arab world. Some international social in translation, as long as translation is un- projects do not fund research but merely
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workshops. One typical example is the The fields of natural sciences are often should be an ivory tower. We don’t ap- projects funded by the French Agence supported by powerful institutional proach the private sector. Let it come to us National de la Recherche (ANR). In six re- frameworks. In Lebanon, for historical if they need us. We have our reputation.” cent projects in which I have identified reasons, many relationships are estab- In the Lebanese context, I may schemati- the involvement of Arab researchers, lished with France, as we have shown. cally consider AUB as the most interna- some of them were frustrated that the re- This trend is now reflected in stronger tionalized university, USJ (specifically in search they conduct is not paid, even for collaboration within the framework of Eu- applied research) as most locally relevant the research assistant. Many local re- ropean projects. Increasingly, these col- and the Lebanese University as having searchers ended up unable to make their laborations go through PhD co-supervi- missed the opportunities to be locally or contribution visible: they contribute to sion, a new practice favored by French globally relevant. two publications among twenty publica- universities which has become fairly com- tions resulting from these ANR projects. mon with Lebanese PhDs. Articles co-au- I.B. & A.R.: How do you see the develop- This does not mean that there is simply a thored with European researchers rose ment of social science in the region in the monopoly held by the French research sharply. Little collaboration exists with future? team, but also lack of interest in some other researchers in the Arab countries Arab researchers. These projects also do and the Middle East. Finally, the links that S.H.: In spite of these amazing develop- not have funding for translation. Overall, AUB and the Lebanese American Univer- ments in the Arab world, propelled by it seems that the formation of interna- sity have established for the accreditation ongoing transformations, there are two tional teams in the social sciences is rath- of their program in the United States fa- forces that seek the de-legitimization of er rare and collaborations are often con- cilitate collaborations with this country the social sciences: the authoritarian ducted individually. without excluding access to European political elites, as well as some ideolog- and Arab funding. ical groups such as certain religious au- On the other hand, the absence of inter- thorities. national collaborations is often voluntary, We should admit that there is a tension be- sometimes for personal or ideological rea- tween the internationalization of research It is rare in the Arab region to hear of a sons. We are amazed to find some faculty and its local relevance. One researcher ‘white paper’ written by social scientists in Arab universities who speak perfect from the Université Saint-Joseph de Bey- at the request of the public authority and English and French unwilling to communi- routh [USJ] put it clearly that when Leba- debated in the public sphere. Sociolo- cate with their peers abroad. They say nese researchers do not have links to the gists are working either as elements in clearly that they are not interested. These local private sector, they end up looking the matrix of modernization projects, cases of researchers who adopt a sort of a for international collaboration. This was re- though not as an independent body, or counter-hegemonic position are, howev- peated by one professor in engineering at as servile agents restricted to justifying er, not very common. AUB who affirmed that “the university the government’s decisions. Even when
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the former Tunisian dictator Ben Ali dur- clericalist activist from the General Union has not been the case in the Arab world. Ines Braune ing the 1990s positively referred to sci- of Syrian Women, a state-sponsored or- Still, some changes are visible that might ence in his discourse and used it as an ganization. While family planning falls inspire hope regarding the future of so- is an assistant professor at the Center ideological weapon in his ruthless strug- squarely within the domain of sociology cial sciences in the MENA region: In Sau- for Near and Middle Eastern Studies gle against the Tunisian Islamists, he did and demography, no social scientist was di Arabia for instance, the Namaa Center (CNMS) at Philipps-University Marburg. not refer to the social sciences but to the ever consulted for these public debates. for Research and Studies and the Taseel She holds a PhD in Arabic Studies from ‘hard’ natural and applied sciences. In Another example can be drawn from Qa- Center for Studies and Research are two Leipzig University and has a background many Arab countries, scientific meetings tar. The Qatari authorities protected recently established research centers in media studies. Her research interests are treated like any other public meeting themselves from conservative political that aim at connecting the sharia (reli- include cultural studies, media and youth and held under police surveillance, and and religious commissars by asking the gious studies) to modernity. Namaa de- in the Arab world. She is also interested principled social scientists have often Qatari branches of foreign universities to clares in its mission statement the need in the institutionalization of knowledge been sent to prison, exiled or assassinat- teach the same curriculum as their pro- for moderate Islamic discourse to be in- production and research ethics, ed. An intelligence officer once told me: gram at the university headquarters. tegrated with intellectual discourse and especially with an eye on new media. “All of my group [of dissident social sci- However, who would protect professors its tools for the sake of “conscious devel- email: [email protected] entists] fills less than one bus and can within these parachuting universities? In opment” and of connection to “knowl- easily be taken to prison!” On a positive a recent interview, the President of Carn- edge and experience of the contempo- note, generally speaking, Arab authori- egie Mellon University Qatar, in order to rary world.” The titles of the three studies tarian states have always underestimated “protect himself,” stated that the Qatari mentioned in the website are very re- the salience of such “bus people,” wheth- authorities were responsible for the uni- vealing: “Freedom or Sharia?”, “Problems er defined as dissident intellectuals or versity’s curriculum. So everyone tried to of values between culture and science,” more generally the enlightened middle preempt the debate in a context already and “Averroes’ school of thought and its class, in stirring protests. problematic, as the freedom of expres- connection to the European renais- sion is very limited. The development of sance.” Already invoking positively Aver- Religious authorities have often felt a “sphere for science” could become an roes’ school of thought is something very threatened by social scientists, as the two extra-territorial space of exception, in the new in a country dominated by Salafism groups competed over the discourse on sense that local laws do not necessarily and Wahabism. More specifically regard- society. A study on family planning in apply to it, bestowing the freedom to ing the social sciences, one of the Saudi Syria that I did many years ago revealed criticize the surrounding society, but run- authors that Namaa promotes is Abdullal tense television debates involving a reli- ning the risk of being disconnected from Sufiani. In 2004 Sufiani received a PhD in gious leader and an activist: the late societal needs. Education from the Islamic University of Sheikh Mohamed Said Ramadan al-Bou- While the social sciences worldwide, Madineh (SA) with an endeavor to do ti (who argued that Islam is against any along with philosophy, were one of the crossover between education as a sci- form of family planning) versus an anti- major tools for reforming religion, this ence and fiqh. His PhD thesis is entitled:
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“Regulations of educational critiques Achim Rohde through fatwas of Shaykh al-Islam Ibn Taymiyyah and their application in the is the scientific coordinator of the field of educational research.” In a lecture research network “Re-Configurations: on the hidden factors influencing the History, Remembrance and faqihs (jurisprudents or the religious law- Transformation Processes in the Middle yers of Islam), Sufiani challenged the sa- East and North Africa” at Philipps- crality of faqihs, using psychology and University Marburg. He holds a PhD sociology referring to Freud and Ibn in Islamic Studies from Free University Khaldoun. Berlin. His research interests include the modern and contemporary history of I.B. & A.R.: Thank you very much! the MENA region, in particular Iraq and Israel/Palestine, as well as the history of Oriental Studies in Germany. email: [email protected]
ISSN: 2196-629X urn:nbn:de:hebis: 04-ep0003-2015-108-35749
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During the 1960s and 70s, Morocco be- tension that was in some respects in- came what Mohamed Tozy has rightly formed by tools and concepts from fields Hassan Rachik: called “the last anthropological conces- of study such as Orientalism, ethnocen- “Le proche sion.” The phrase could not be more fit- trism, and Eurocentrism as well as Subal- ting given the anthropological scramble tern Studies. However, due to an interest- et le lointain: for the country during this period. In- ing generational effect, this tension has deed, this anthropological interest in been defused to a certain extent. Un siècle Morocco, which dates back to the late In his latest book Le proche et le lointain, nineteenth century, became a trend in a Hassan Rachik analyses and interprets a d’anthropologie brand of anthropology directed at re- century of anthropological discourse on mote geographies. Morocco, and chooses to defuse the ten- au Maroc” There are, however, structural factors that sion through the lens of the sociology of could explain this anthropological fascina- knowledge. He mainly examines the long tion with Morocco. Moroccan traditional twentieth century as an object for his eth- practices survived the Jacobin colonial ad- nographic investigation in order to ana- ministration, arousing further anthropo- lyze how anthropologists observed Mo- logical curiosity about the country. Be- roccans. As an anthropologist living in sides, Morocco, unlike other sites, was a Morocco, he aims to “interpret, […] what country where anthropological investiga- has been written about Moroccans, their tion could be conducted without much character, their soul, their mentality, and political restriction. their ethos.” He thus considers how for- Ever since the 1980s and more specifically eign anthropologists as observers have the 1990s, the academic scene in Morocco built general propositions, attributing has witnessed the emergence of “local” common traits to Moroccans as a whole. anthropologists who read, reread, and Much of the book is devoted to the an- scrutinized anthropological knowledge thropologists and travelers during the pre- produced on Morocco, thereby triggering colonial (De Foucauld, Mouliéras, Salmon, Fadma Ait Mous a debate on the status of the “local anthro- Michaux-Bellaire, Doutté and Wester- pologist” and his/her interaction with marck), colonial (Laoust, Montage, Brunot, Book Reviewed those anthropologists who produced Hardy and Berque) and postcolonial peri- Marseille: Parenthèses/Maison Méditer- scholarship on Moroccan culture and so- ods (Gellner, Hart, Waterbury, Geertz). Ref- ranéenne des Sciences de l’Homme; ciety. This interaction of the observed with erences in the book draw upon close 2012; pp. 272; ISBN 978-2863641583 the observer gave rise to an underlying readings of their published works.
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As the title of the book suggests, in Le theoretical contribution; it is a notion acterized by bargaining, as is the case with Fadma Ait Mous proche et le lointain, Rachik shuttles be- which carries several dimensions such as traditional souks, conclude that the Mo- tween what is ‘close’ and what is ‘distant’ fieldwork duration and proficiency in local roccan is a negotiator. is an Assistant Professor at Hassan II while positioning himself as a Moroccan languages. The author does not try to pri- Unlike some postmodernist researchers, University in Casablanca, Morocco. anthropologist based in Morocco. He oritize or single out the best ethnographic Rachik does not reject generalizations. He Her research is mainly focused on clearly points out that a ‘native’ position situation, but instead to see what any such warns of binary oppositions and extreme nationalism and social movements, could sometimes constitute a constraint in situation could possibly allow for in terms positions, whether these relate to cultural- gender and socio-political the study of one’s own culture and society. of the degree or range of observation. For ist generalizations or denial of any gener- transformations, history and memory, By describing the conditions affecting the instance, a traveler who does not speak alization, for that matter. Rachik is in sup- social media, citizenship and migration. processes of knowledge production by local language would interact less with port of a conditional generalization; that is She recently published (with Driss Ksikes) these authors, Rachik further asserts that people but would be more inclined, given to say, a generalization which explicitly Le métier d’intellectuel: Dialogues avec the production of the anthropological dis- the situation, to favor external description outlines sociological and cultural condi- quinze penseurs du Maroc (2014). course depends mainly on academic stan- of housing, clothing, weapons, and other tions of its relevance. email: [email protected] dards rather than political factors. This par- accessories. This book goes beyond the limits of a ticular insight is, in itself, a deconstruction Le proche et le lointain also examines an- country to be part of a comprehensive his- of the essentialism that informs both colo- thropological generalizations with regard tory of anthropology as a discipline. It is a nial and nationalist approaches in dealing to mind, character or soul. Rachik shows theoretical contribution to the under- with the anthropological legacy. how these generalizations are constructed standing of the evolution of anthropolog- As such, Rachik’s work has much to offer and what their limits are. Geertz and other ical perspectives on the culture of the Oth- scholarship in a variety of ways. The notion American anthropologists, for example, in er, a reflection on the near and the distant. of “ethnographic situation” is a substantial their descriptions of some situations char-
Works Cited
1 Albera, Dionigi and Mohamed Tozy. La Méditerranée des anthropologues. Fractures, filiations, contiguïtés. Collection L’atelier méditerranéen, Maisonneuve and Larose-MMSH, 2005. ISSN: 2196-629X urn:nbn:de:hebis: 04-ep0003-2015-108-35756
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“Taksim has never felt safer in my entire Until May 31, socialists, LGBTQs, feminists, life,” she said with a big smile on her face. football fans, Marxist-Leninist militants, an- Umut Özkırımlı “Did you see the rainbow flag on top of archists, environmentalists, anti-capitalist (ed.): the barricade in Beşiktaş yesterday?” he Muslims and many others were all islands asked curiously. “The mobilization of the in themselves. The tiny green space at the “The Making common gives the common a new inten- heart of the city electrified in an unprece- sity,” Hardt and Negri have written (213). dented manner their various desires for of a Protest “[Its intensification], finally, brings about and attachments to alternative and radical an anthropological transformation such worlds. But more importantly, what it also Movement that out of the struggles come a new hu- did was to facilitate a sense of coming- manity.” “It’s like falling in love”, one pro- togetherness, instigating commensurabil- in Turkey: testor is on record as saying. ity to a certain degree in demands, lan- guages, intensities and sensibilities. #occupygezi” The May to June 2013 uprising in Turkey started as a protest against the loss and The Making of a Protest Movement in Tur- commodification of an urban commons in key, the latest of half a dozen edited vol- Istanbul, but quickly evolved into the sin- umes and special issues on the Gezi upris- gle most important spectacle of anti-au- ing that have so far appeared in English, thoritarianism in the history of the country. takes this partial convergence in concerns The event itself—that is, the initial street and grievances as its starting point to con- clashes with the police along Istiklal Street textualize and make sense of those eigh- on May 31, 2013—really came out of a void. teen days that have changed the country. There were hardly any signs or prece- The volume brings together eight articles dents; what was once a foreboding only written from a variety of perspectives in- retrospectively became a harbinger. cluding sociology of Islam, politics of race Among the thousands of people who en- and law, poststructuralism, queer studies camped and reclaimed first Gezi Park and and political ecology to shed light on the Erdem Evren then the entirety of Taksim Square in the social and political developments and first two weeks of June, however, there processes that preceded and followed the Book Reviewed were many groups which had already uprising in May to June 2013. New York: Palgrave Macmillan; 2014; 154 carved miniscule anti-systemic spaces out More than a few contributions explicitly pp; ISBN 9781137413772; $67,50 (hard- of the now overtly conservative and neo- seek to challenge or reveal the limits of cover) liberal political landscape of the country. well-seated political and academic con-
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ventions of thinking about and through the Kurdish political movement and LG- the Ottoman Empire and the recent dis- Erdem Evren Turkey. I will mention three of them here: BTQ groups and individuals during and tinction between ‘Black Turkey, White Turk’ Aslı Iğsız’s extensive documentation of the after the Gezi uprising to take issue with to which Tayyip Erdoğan extensively re- is a post-doctoral researcher at Zentrum effects of deployment of law in order to two things: Joseph Massad’s extremely sorts. Only in the afterword, Spyros A. So- Moderner Orient in Berlin. He holds simultaneously facilitate rampant privati- problematic contention that the growing fos observes with insight that “the idea of a PhD in political science from the zation and expansive criminalization seeks recognition of homosexuality in the glob- regaining some sort of subjectivity and Free University, Berlin. His research to situate the AKP’s rise within a broader al South categorically serves the interest agency that had been systematically un- interests include the anthropology of context of authoritarianism’s marriage of imperialism, and Jasbir Puar’s notion of dermined and frustrated” (137) is per- the state and violence, capitalism and with neoliberalism. Contending that ‘dem- “homonationalism,” which concerns the ceived by most contributors to lie behind environment, political activism especially ocratic authoritarianism’ has always been toleration and protection of LGBTQ bod- the Gezi protest. However, what potential in Turkey. the regime’s character since the 1940s, ies in the global North as “the latest litmus these subjectivities and agencies hold to email: [email protected] Cihan Tuğalby contrast recounts some of test of a genuine commitment” (115) to lib- deepen the cracks that are already opened the AKP’s policies and reactions before eral democracy. at the heart of the neoliberal-conservative and during the uprising as a deviation model is one among many other ques- from this formula. He discerns a novel ‘fas- One notable weakness of the book is the tions that goes unanswered. cistic path’ and asks if instead ‘Gülenism’ absence of conceptual or thematic coher- Despite its limitations, The Making of A could be the new skin for old ceremony. ency. Neither the foreword by Judith But- Protest Movement in Turkey is an impor- Even if the recent political developments ler nor the introduction by the editor Umut tant edited volume that brings together in Turkey fail to support his speculation Özkırımlı offers much help in pointing to a stimulating pieces written by prominent that the Gülenization of the regime is the common theme or problem and this scholars working on Turkey. One should domestic and international capital’s Plan causes partial confusion since the volume approach it as an early but valuable con- B, his analysis of the past and future of the brings together articles as diverse as tribution to a critical academic and politi- ‘Erdoğan wing of the regime’ remains Zeynep Gambetti’s Deleuzian reading of cal conversation that we will continue to valuable. Emrah Yildiz’s thoughtful piece body politics during the uprising and Mi- have for years to come. reflects upon the convergences between chael Ferguson’s notes on the slavery in
Works Cited
Negri, Antonio, and Michael Hardt. Multitude: War and Democracy in the Age of Empire. London: Penguin ISSN: 2196-629X Books, 2006. Print. urn:nbn:de:hebis: 04-ep0003-2015-108-35769
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Muhammad ʿAbd al-Malik al-Mutawakkil: Muhammad ʿAbd al-Malik A Political Biography A rather popular hadith in Yemen attrib- al-Mutawakkil: A Political Biography uted to the prophet reads as follows: “The people of Yemen have come to you and they are more gentle and soft-hearted. Be- lief is Yemenite, and so is wisdom […].” While many European observers today may take pains to reconcile its meaning with the current imbroglio of Yemeni af- fairs, the hadith seems perfectly apt to characterize one of the most formidable Yemeni thinkers and human rights activists of the last half century: Muhammad ʿAbd al-Malik al-Mutawakkil, a pious and highly critical mind whose main endeavor was to build bridges, though he was never at a loss for drawing the line when necessary. Jens Heibach In his memoirs, Sinan Abu Luhum, once a big gun in Yemen after the overthrow of Muhammad ʿAbd al-Malik al-Mutawakkil the post-imamic, republican era up to the Yemen’s last imam, noted that “he was a (1942-2014), professor of political science fall of ʿAli ʿAbdallah Salih, just as his writ- well-versed politician, distinguished by his at Sanaa University, deputy secretary- ings are an enlightening guide to the un- wisdom, rationality, and flexibility, and one general of the Union of Popular Forces, derstanding of the latter and the Yemeni of those rare figures that were accepted and pioneer of the human rights move- social fabric as a whole. This article seeks by all political parties. We considered him ment in South Arabia, was one of the few to provide a political biography of a man to be a true peacemaker” (Abū Luḥūm homme de lettres in Yemen whose intel- whose calm and sensible voice many will 169). lectual clout extended far into the Arab find missing in these times of turmoil. Fitting as they are, Abu Luhum’s words did world. As an outstanding figure of politi- not refer to al-Mutawakkil but to Jarallah cal and scholarly life in the southern tip of Keywords: Al-Mutawakkil; Yemen; Intel- ʿUmar, the deceased leader of the Yemeni the Arabian Peninsula, his vita exemplifies lectual; Opposition; Human Rights; Joint Socialist Party with whom al-Mutawakkil the ups and downs of Yemeni politics in Meeting Parties was compared immediately after his death
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(Glosemeyer and Wuerth) and with whom the 9th century. In 1918, he declared the was a Hashemite. […] I had not yet he shared some striking traits, important northern part of Yemen a sovereign king- reached the age of six when I grew up- periods of his political life, and, unfortu- dom. Born in a Zaydi imamate as son to a set because my mother was used to be nately, the same fate. Like Jarallah ʿUmar, Hashemite father, al-Mutawakkil hence called by her name, while the seconda- who was shot down when reaching out to had an auspicious destiny. Under the te- ry wife was called ‘noble one’ [sharīfa] Yemen’s Islamist Islah party in December nets of the Zaydiyya, arguably the oldest (“Al-Duktūr Muḥammad ʿAbd al-Malik 2002 (Carapico, Wedeen, and Wuerth), al- branch of the Shia, descendants of the al-Mutawakkil fī suṭūr”). Mutawakkil was assassinated on political prophet Muhammad took an eminent po- Later on, he began to reflect on the so- grounds in the Yemeni capital near his sition, both theologically and socially. Ac- perceived humiliation of his mother and home on 2 November 2014. Like in Jaral- cordingly, it does not come as a surprise connected such deliberations to Yemen’s lah’s case, the precise motives behind the that he received a profound theological social realities, wondering how they were murder remain in the dark, although it was education from which he would benefit to be brought in line with the value of quickly surmised that he was killed by ex- throughout his life. equality which to his mind was a central tremists too (“Mā warāʾ al-khabr?”). This Yet he also grew up in a country with sharp tenet of Islamic teachings. In his later writ- presumption, however, might be prema- social boundaries that were arranged in a ings as well as in personal conversations, ture. While al-Mutawakkil was always un- triadic order. On the top were the Hash- al-Mutawakkil thus often cited hadiths comfortable in that he insisted on freely emites, who had exclusive access to high- such as the one according to which “hu- speaking his mind, he had made many en- er religious positions and political leader- man beings are as equal as the teeth of a emies toward the end, even amongst his ship, as well as the scholarly quḍā-families comb”1 to highlight the equality of hu- former fellow oppositionists. Yet it is (“judges”, sing. qāḍī); then came those of mans irrespective of their denomination, worthwhile to recount his life from the be- a tribal origin and, at the bottom of the race, and sex. As a six-year-old, however, ginning. social ladder, the ahl al-thulth, i.e. non-trib- he stubbornly decided to never again be al people of “low birth” offering “lower called ‘noble one’ but insisted on every- From Imamate to Republic services” that were needed, but despised one using his given name. Muhammad ʿAbd al-Malik al-Mutawakkil by both the tribes and the Hashemites. The (northern) revolution of 1962 and the was born in 1942 in the northwestern gov- Descent was thus a crucial prerequisite for ensuing civil war, which lasted until 1970 ernorate of Hajja to a father serving in the the definition of a person’s social status, and quickly opened out into a full-fledged court of imam Yahya Muhammad Hamid and this al-Mutawakkil learnt in early life. proxy war between Saudi Arabia and Nas- al-Din (1869-1948). Roughly two decades He later recalled one experience in his serist Egypt, saw the end of the imamate before, Yahya had seized the chance pro- childhood that critically informed his per- and the creation of the Yemeni Arab Re- vided by World War I to get rid of Ottoman spective on Yemeni society: public (YAR). Henceforward, the long- suzerainty and reinstate a Zaydi imamate My mother was of a tribal origin, and standing differences of Yemen’s social sta- which had been in place since the end of the secondary wife [of my father, ḍarra] tus groups were abolished, at least in
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formal terms. Gabriele vom Bruck has pro- ture, though, he did not limit himself to the Opposition in a United Yemen vided a fascinating account of how the for- strictly political sphere in this period of life Al-Mutawakkil fully re-emerged on the po- merly ruling families grappled with adapt- but engaged in diverse activities. In the litical stage only after the unification of the ing to the new political and social 1970s he co-founded, amongst others, the YAR with its southern socialist counterpart, environment. Al-Mutawakkil, who had Local Development Association of Hajja;2 the People’s Democratic Republic of Ye- spent most of the revolutionary days in he was a member of the national board of men (PDRY), in May 1990. There are many Egypt studying journalism, obviously felt the UNESCO; and he co-founded the first reasons to account for why unity was little regret about this newly established Yemeni theater as well as the Center for reached at this specific point in time, most order. Even before the revolution, Ahmad Yemeni Studies and Research, reportedly notably perhaps the collapse of the Soviet Muhammad Nuʿman (1909-1996), a prom- the only institute in the whole Arabian Pen- Union. Intriguingly, regime elites on both inent leader of the Free Yemeni Move- insula that had an elected board of admin- sides had simultaneously opted for intro- ment and prime minister under ʿAbdallah istration between 1974 and 1977. ducing a parliamentary system with a sub- al-Sallal and ʿAbd al-Rahman al-Iryani, had The year 1977, however, not only brought stantial catalog of basic rights, at least become a spiritual mentor to him. Many an end to the center’s democratic experi- compared to regional standards at that years later al-Mutawakkil would indicate ment but also witnessed the murder of de time. Many scholars retrospectively agree the enormous influence Nuʿman had ex- facto president Ibrahim al-Hamdi (1943- that the decision to embrace democracy erted on him, stating that it was him “from 1977). Since the end of civil war in 1970, the “was largely a strategic choice by which whom we learnt the spirit of tolerance and YAR had all but consolidated power, and each [i.e. elites of the YAR and the PDRY] moderation, the principle of equality, and in many respects was republican in name intended to prevent the other from domi- that we shall never bow to anyone but only. The murder of al-Hamdi, who had nating” (Schwedler 48). Yet such delibera- God” (“Al-Duktūr Muḥammad ʿAbd al-Ma- sought to truly enforce the equality of all tions were all the same to most Yemenis lik al-Mutawakkil fī suṭūr”). of Yemen’s social status groups, was prob- who readily took advantage of the newly In 1968, when the war between republican ably the last straw to al-Mutawakkil. With gained liberties. Within months, some and royal forces was still ravaging north- the YAR becoming increasingly authoritar- three dozen political parties were found- ern Yemen, al-Mutawakkil was appointed ian after the coming into power of ʿAli ed and eagerly prepared for the first com- to his first political position as the First ʿAbdallah Salih in 1978, he turned his back petitive elections. Secretary of the YAR’s embassy in Cairo—a on politics for the time being and instead Among these was the Union of Popular quite remarkable development given his resumed his studies, which brought him Forces (UPF), a somewhat left-leaning par- family background. Many appointments first to the US and then to Egypt, where he ty with a Zaydi character that was mostly followed suit, most in the public media received a doctorate from the faculty of run by Zaydi intellectuals (Dorlian 13-14). sector due to his learnt profession, and in communication of Cairo University in 1983. Al-Mutawakkil significantly contributed to 1976 he became Minister of Trade and the party’s set-up and orientation and in Supply. Owing to his multi-talented na- 2001 became its deputy secretary-general.
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That the party was rather insignificant in one another over questions pertaining to se would be little more than décor ad- terms of membership and resources did the distribution of power in the aftermath orning the regime’s face to the external not cause him a headache as, apparently, of the 1993 parliamentary elections, a mil- world and misguiding public opinion he was bent on political content, not posts. itary conflict was looming on the horizon. at home. […] After the war over power To this end the UPF was a perfect match. In an effort to avert war, several politicians, in 1994, the [political] equilibrium col- Al-Mutawakkil would frankly confess that intellectuals, and notables from southern lapsed […and] the opposition parties the UPF was hardly capable of becoming and northern Yemen promptly organized had no choice but to embark on coor- a governing party but instead embarked a National Dialog Conference in Novem- dination in order to re-establish at least on an educational mission with the aim of ber 1993. In on the committee sat not only some balance (“Al-āfāq” 156). turning Yemenis into democratic citizens. Jarallah ʿUmar but also al-Mutawakkil, Developments in post-war Yemen are Connected to this, he considered gender who by then had become a professor of here accurately put in a nutshell. With his equality and tolerance toward different political science at Sanaa University, and power consolidated, the regime under faiths to be core principles of the party’s both contributed to the passing of a docu- ʿAli ʿAbdallah Salih became increasingly platform. The Zaydi nucleus of the UPF ment that can be considered a hallmark of authoritarian in nature, rolling back politi- meshed well with his political convictions. democratic political culture in Yemen. This cal and civil rights in an ever more blatant To him, reason (ʿaql) was one of the main Document of Pledge and Accord (wathīqa way. Counter-balancing by peaceful pillars of the Zaydiyya that provided for al-ʿahd wa-l-ittifāq) suggested plenty of means seemed to be the only viable op- the possibility of a steady reinterpretation reforms on good governance, the security tion, which, as a matter of course, presup- of Islamic principles, adaptability in gen- sector, and the judiciary. Above all, it posed oppositional cooperation. That eral, and, most importantly, the necessity called for a limited executive, a bicameral said, this was arguably highly unrealistic as of discrete thinking. The importance of the parliament, and extensive political, admin- Yemen’s two most powerful opposition latter for a sound functioning of democrat- istrative, and financial decentralization parties, the Yemeni Socialist Party (YSP) ic institutions was essential, he would ar- (Carapico 178-80). Eventually, though, it and the Islamist Islah, considered them- gue, and concomitantly substantiated by was of no avail. In May 1994, a war broke selves archenemies. Again, bridge-build- the Zaydi doctrine of the khurūj ʿalā al- out that was short-lived but had devastat- ers were needed, and again it was al-Mu- ḥukm al-ẓālim, i.e. standing up to oppres- ing and lasting effects on Yemen’s polity tawakkil who played a key role in bringing sive rule, which was also affirmative of the and social fabric. together parties that shared an utterly hos- principle of opposition a democratic sys- From the very beginning, al-Mutawakkil tile past. In this context, al-Mutawakkil’s tem could not dispense with (al-Mutawak- was clear in his mind about the ramifica- standing and personal background was kil, Personal Interview A). tions of war: quite meaningful. As Michaelle L. Browers Democracy in Yemen, however, stood on Imbalance usually generates a totalita- notes, he managed “to communicate with shaky grounds. After former regime elites rian regime and arbitrary rule. If there all sides not only because of his personal of the YAR and PDRY had fallen out with were democratic remainders, then the- demeanor […] but also because of the in-
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tellectual position he occupies: he is at Center for Arab Unity Studies in Beirut in cited online by human rights organiza- once highly religious and consistently lib- the 1990s and 2000s (Browers, Political tions all over the Arab world. eral in perspective” (“Origins and Archi- Ideology 86). After all, engaging with Is- This book was of particular relevance for tects” 577). lamists was also one practical way to Yemen, as it contributed to the public dis- The oppositional alliance which arose due strengthen the parties’ moderate forces pute on takfīr, the discursive act of accus- to the engagement of committed individ- and contain their radical fringes—the need ing someone of apostasy. Since the early uals such as al-Mutawakkil was called the for which he could recognize in his daily 1990s, many radical forces inside and out- Joint Meeting Parties (JMP). It encom- work as human rights activist. side the Islah party had exercised takfīr in passed a range of various Socialist, Nas- order to muzzle political opponents, lead- serist, Zaydi, and Sunni Islamist parties, Pragmatic Idealism ing to hundreds of assassinations of So- and, most importantly, the YSP and Islah. Despite his impressive record as a politi- cialist politicians (among these Jarallah The JMP was soon characterized as an un- cian, to posterity al-Mutawakkil will per- ʿUmar). Al-Mutawakkil argued out of the usual example of oppositional coopera- haps be known first as human rights ac- classical sources, compellingly dismissed tion which “both puzzlingly and pleasantly tivist. This activism rested on several the notion of an allegedly religious obliga- deviates from theoretical expectations pillars. In his university lectures on hu- tion of punitive measures against apos- about the difficulty of launching and main- man rights he taught many generations tates, and strongly vindicated the freedom taining strategic alliances among ideolog- of students, and he was vice-president of religion and the freedom of expres- ical diverse political groups” (Glosemeyer of the independent Yemeni Organiza- sion.3 This was one of the countless in- and Sallam 327). It was often met by harsh tion for the Defense of Liberties and Hu- stances of him publicly taking sides criticism, even by al-Mutawakkil himself man Rights and president of the Jazeera against Yemen’s potent Salafi current, who in 2010 became its rotating head for Center for Human Rights Studies, both which only a few intellectuals would dare six months, but by all accounts contribut- of which are amongst the most active to do. In one of his last public quarrels with ed significantly to the fall of the Salih re- and influential NGOs in Yemen promot- the Salafis, he had openly spoken up for gime in 2011. The JMP’s shortcomings not- ing human rights and democratic re- the introduction of a “civil state” (dawla withstanding, al-Mutawakkil strongly form. First and foremost, though, he madaniyya) after the collapse of the Salih believed in the necessity of Islamist and wrote innumerable essays, editorials, regime, which prompted a scathing reply secular forces cooperating in order to face and books on Yemen’s stalled democra- and barely concealed threat from Yemen’s authoritarianism—not only in Yemen but in tization and the inalienability of basic ultra-conservative cleric ʿAbd al-Majid al- the whole Arab world. He thus engaged in rights. In 2004, he published perhaps his Zindani (“Maktab al-Shaykh al-Zindānī”).4 scores of regional conferences aiming at most important study, which discussed It bears some irony that his staunchest crit- their rapprochement, and he served as the compatibility of human rights and Is- ics came from the radical wing of Islah, general coordinator to four such National- lam (al-Mutawakkil, Al-islām wa-l-iʿlānāt one of the JMP’s founding members. Yet Islamic Conferences organized by the al-duwaliyya) and which is frequently allying with Islah had not only been a stra-
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tegic choice as outlined above, but ulti- civil war and state failure. Still the rotating The Uncomfortable Peacemaker mately a question of pragmatism. Al-Mut- head of the JMP at that time, he was con- After Salih’s resignation in November 2011, awakkil certainly was an idealist. At times, vinced that only negotiations with the re- al-Mutawakkil’s relations with the JMP par- however, idealists also have to engage in gime could avert the latter. When a nego- ties grew increasingly sour as he became pragmatism, especially politicians. Al-Mu- tiated solution failed several times, he more and more disillusioned by his former tawakkil was in no way exceptional in this reminded the youth that “in politics, there fellow oppositionists. According to the regard. While, for instance, some twenty is no such a thing as an irrevocable posi- stipulations of the GCC agreement lead- Arab political scientists during a 2001 con- tion” and that negotiations with the re- ing to Salih’s abdication, the JMP had be- ference in Beirut rejected the notion of op- gime had to continue (“Al-Mutawakkil ʿan come part of the government for a transi- position parties cooperating with Western mawqif al-mushtarak”). Evidently, such ne- tional period that should have lasted for powers, al-Mutawakkil preferred to criti- gotiations also had to include national two years. Its governing record after one cize the parties’ “totalitarian culture” as power brokers the youth wholeheartedly year in office, however, was sobering at well as their ambition to “dominate the in- rejected. On these grounds, he was there- best, irrespective of the huge challenges stitutions of civil society.”5 In a speech de- fore even criticized publicly by one of his every new government in Yemen would livered some years later he soberly argued daughters (“Jadal”). Al-Mutawakkil’s politi- have faced. Yet instead of getting down to that “given the impossibility of effective cal pragmatism notwithstanding, there work and at least attempting to tackle opposition without resources, the Yemeni were some red lines that he was not will- some of the most eminent problems, the opposition has to go for external sup- ing to cross. When Salafi militants obvi- JMP prioritized differently. Al-Mutawakkil, port.”6 To cite yet another example, while ously belonging to the Islah party attacked whose internal criticism was no longer he considered the tribal-military complex male and female protesters who had re- paid regard to, once more appeared be- to be the biggest menace to Yemen’s de- jected protesting separately but had prac- fore the public while still recovering from mocratization, he consistently argued that ticed what they called the “mingling of a complex surgery. In an interview he the tribes were part and parcel of its tradi- sexes” (ikhtilāṭ), he wrote a public letter blamed the JMP for “only [paying] atten- tional civil society (al-Mutawakkil, “Société threatening to withdraw from the coalition tion to job distribution, and I criticize them civile” 195-96), holding that by way of their unless the heads of the JMP parties apolo- for that because jobs are for all people. integration they would eventually merge gized and the culprits were held account- They have to pay attention to state con- into the modern civil society (Personal In- able. Otherwise, he noted, “we will lose all struction [i.e. state-building] and develop- terview A). our credibility regarding our strife for free- ment” (al-Mutawakkil, Interview). During the so-called Yemeni Revolution in dom, democracy, and respect for human Yet there was another serious concern to 2011, he had to take some bitter pills. Al- rights. And thereby we will also lose our him. After the fall of the Salih regime, Islah ready at the very beginning in February, self-respect” (“Al-Mutawakkil yuʿalliq had evolved into the single most powerful he had admonished the protesting youth ḥuḍūr”). force, which not only had a strong tribal that an unbridled revolt could end up in backing, but by then had also gained sig-
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nificant influence in the military. Al-Mut- tawakkil had tried to build bridges, and cation of North and South, and many revo- Jens Heibach awakkil’s fear of political imbalance resur- once again he had offered some uncom- lutions, coups, and counter-coups. His in- faced, and it was far from ill-founded. He fortable ideas and had spoken some un- fluence on Yemeni politics, its modern is a research associate in the department thus arrived at the conclusion that the for- comfortable truths to power. This time, political culture, and its human rights of Middle Eastern Politics at the Center mer ruling party, the General People’s however, he had antagonized too many movement was meaningful, although not for Near and Middle Eastern Studies Congress, which at that time was at the sides—some of which had a vested interest always visible at first sight. He will first and at Marburg University. He holds a verge of falling to pieces, had to be kept in quieting him, while some of which left it foremost be remembered by Yemen’s diploma in political science from the alive and reformed so it could henceforth at merely sidelining him. In the end, even younger generation and, most notably, his Freie Universität Berlin. His research act as a counterbalancing force to Islah his own party, the UPF, had deposed him students, all of whom have grown weary interests include political opposition, (Personal Interview B). Such calculations from the office of deputy secretary-gener- of party politics but nevertheless admired conflict resolution, political Islam as well were shared by others, too, and they were al, purportedly “on health grounds” him as an incorruptible politician, as a as politics and society of the Arabian in accord with Yemen’s traditional formula (“Iʿfāʾ”). teacher, an activist, and as a role model for Peninsula. that sought to establish a political equilib- Muhammad ʿAbd al-Malik al-Mutawakkil integrity and farsightedness. It is in these email: [email protected] rium by integrating all social and political died at the age of 72. Almost certainly, it days in which Yemen can find no peace forces into the political realm. To many of will never be fully investigated who was that the country lost one of its major his former co-oppositionists, however, this responsible for his murder. He had lived to peacemakers. came close to treason. Once again al-Mu- see imamic and republican Yemen, unifi-
Notes 2 Throughout the YAR, 3 For a discussion of based on democracy, 5 The transcript of the the Local Development Mutawakkil’s arguments nondiscrimination, and discussion was published 1 See Ibn Ḥajar al-ʿAslaqānī. Associations were and his contribution to this freedom of religion. in Balqazīz 113-62. For this Fatḥ al-bārī li-sharaḥ Ṣaḥīḥ al- community-based and non- debate, see Philbrick Yadav Following this interpretation, particular statement of al- Bukhārī, 1:658-59 and 3:204- governmental instances of 151-54. al-Mutawakkil’s notion of a Mutawakkil, see p. 137. 05. For the introductory grassroots state-building civil state came close to that hadith, see Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī. efforts and a splendid 4 In order to undermine of a secular state: Legislature 6 The speech, which was Kitāb al-maghāzī [vol.5]: Bāb example of civil society al-Zindani’s call for the was to be confined to given during a meeting of the qudūm al-ashʿariyyin wa ahl activism in Yemen until they introduction of a caliphate, popular representatives National Solidarity Council al-Yaman [book 59], hadith were integrated into the al-Mutawakkil had contrasted only, and the affairs of the in Sanaa in April 2010, was 671. authoritarian regime under al-Zindani’s views with a state were to be run “in published by al-Masdar ʿAli ʿAbdallah Salih in 1985 recently published fatwa of accordance with the [man- Online, see “Al-Duktūr (Carapico 107-08). the al-Azhar. Al-Mutawakkil made, al-qānūn] law, and Muḥammad ʿAbd al-Malik al- summarized and commented only with the [man-made] Mutawakkil yushakhkhiṣ.” on al-Azhar’s reasoning law.” See al-Mutawakkil, “Al- on the legitimacy of a Azhar wa-l-Zindānī.” political order that was ––›
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––› Works Cited Balqazīz, ʿAbd al-Ilah, ed. Carapico, Sheila, Lisa “Jadal lā yantahī bi-shaʾn ---. “Société civile, Al-muʿāraḍa wa-l-sulṭa Wedeen, and Anna Wuerth. al-majlis al-waṭanī tawajjahu citoyenneté et pouvoir local.” fī-l-waṭan al-ʿarabī: Azma “The Life and Death of iʿlān al-janūbiyūn [sic].” Société civile, associations et Abū Luḥūm, Sinān. Ḥaqāʾiq al-muʿāraḍā al-siyāsiyya Jarallah Omar.” Middle East newsyemen.net. News pouvoir local. Ed. Sara Ben wa wathāʾiq ʿishtuhā: Min al-ʿarabiyya. Beirut: Markaz Report Online. Middle East Yemen. 20 Aug. 2011. Web. 22 Nefissa, Maggy Grabundzija, qiyām al-waḥda-2006. Vol. 4. dirāsāt al-waḥda al-ʿarabiyya, Research and Information Aug. 2011. and Jean Lambert. Sanaa: Ṣanaa: Muʾassasa al-ʿafīf al- 2001. Print. Project, 31 Dec. 2002. Web. 6 CEFAS, 2008. 195-97. Print. thaqāfiyya, 2008. Print. Jan. 2015. “Maktab al-Shaykh al- Browers, Michaelle L. Zindānī: Radd ʿalā al-Duktūr ---. Interview by Mohammed “Al-Duktūr Muḥammad ʿAbd “Origins and Architects Dorlian, Sami. “Zaydisme et Muḥammad al-Mutawakkil al-Samei. yementimes.com. al-Malik al-Mutawakkil fī of Yemen’s Joint Meeting modernisation: Émergence ḥawla al-dawla al-madaniyya.” Yemen Times. 3 Dec. 2012. suṭūr.” Hshd.net. Muʾassasa Parties.” International Journal d’un nouvel universel marebpress.net. Mareb Press Web. 9 Dec. 2012. ḥashd al-iʿlāmiyya, 18 July of Middle East Studies 39.4 politique?” Chroniques Online. 26 July 2011. Web. 5 2012. Web. 10 Dec. 2014. (2007): 565-86. Print. yéménites 13 (2006). Web. 6 Jan. 2015. ---. Personal Interview A. 6 Jan. 2015. Aug. 2008. Sanaa. “Al-Duktūr Muḥammad ---. Political Ideology in the “Mā warāʾ al-khabr? Man ʿAbd al-Malik al-Mutawakkil Arab World: Accommodation Glosemeyer, Iris, and Hesham al-mustafīd min ightiyāl ʿAbd ---. Personal Interview B. 21 yushakhkhiṣ al-waḍʿ al-siyāsī and Transformation. Sallam. “The JMP Alliance: al-Malik al-Mutawakkil?” Dec. 2012. Sanaa. fī-l-Yaman.” almasdaronline. Cambridge: Cambridge New Political Pragmatism aljazeera.net. Al Jazeera com. Al-Masdar Online. University Press, 2009. Print. in Yemen?” Conflict, Network. 3 Nov. 2014. Web. 6 Philbrick Yadav, Stacey. Muʾassasa al-maṣḍar li-l- Identity, and Reform in the Jan. 2015. Islamists and the State: iʿlām, 21 Apr. 2010. Web. 8 vom Bruck, Gabriele. Islam, Muslim World. Ed. Daniel Legitimacy and Institutions in Aug. 2010. Memory, and Morality in Brumberg and Dina Shehata. Al-Mutawakkil, Muḥammad Yemen and Lebanon. London Yemen: Ruling Families in Washington: United States ʿAbd al-Malik. “Al-āfāq and New York: I.B. Tauris, “Al-Mutawakkil ʿan mawqif Transition. New York and Institute of Peace Press, 2009. al-dīmuqrāṭiyya fī-l-thawra 2013. Print. al-mushtarak wa-l-taḥḍiriyya Houndmills: MacMillan, 2005. 327-41. Print. al-Yamaniyya.” Al-mustaqbal rafḍ al-ḥiwār maʿa al-raṣāṣ: Print. al-ʿarabī 34.399 (2012): 149- Schwedler, Jillian. “Yemen’s Fī-l-siyāsa lā yūjad mawqif Glosemeyer, Iris, and Anna 58. Print. Aborted Opening.” Journal nihāʾī.” newsyemen.net. News Carapico, Sheila. Civil Society Wuerth. “Muhammad ʿAbd of Democracy 13.4 (2002): Yemen. 23 Feb. 2011. Web. 23 in Yemen: The Political al-Malik al-Mutawakkil.” ---. “Al-Azhar wa-l-Zindānī 48-55. Print. Feb. 2011. Economy of Activism in Middle East Report Online. wa-l-dawla al-madaniyya.” Modern Arabia. Cambridge: Middle East Research and barakish.net. 11 July 2011. “Al-Mutawakkil yuʿalliq ḥuḍūr Cambridge University Press, Information Project, 8 Dec. Web. 5 Jan. 2015. ijtimāʿāt al-mushtarak mā lam 1998. Print. 2014. Web. 10 Dec. 2014. yatimm ittikhādh ijrāʾ ḥāsim ---. Al-islām wa-l-iʿlānāt al- jāzim.” newsyemen.net. News “Iʿfāʾ al-Duktūr Muḥammad duwaliyya li-ḥuqūq al-insān. Yemen. 23 Apr. 2011. Web. 24 ʿAbd al-Malik al-Mutawakkil Ṣanaa: Maṭābiʿ Ṣanʿāʾ Apr. 2011. min manṣabihi al-ḥizbī.” al-ḥadītha li-l-ūfsit [Offset], albaladonline.net. Al-Balad. 2004. Print. 28 Sept. 2012. Web. 12 Feb. ISSN: 2196-629X 2013. urn:nbn:de:hebis: 04-ep0003-2015-108-32601
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Almost three years into the Syrian civil war a de facto autonomous Syrian Kurdish po- Syrian Kurdish Political Activism: litical entity was established (Hawar news). A Social Movement Theory It appears the conflict provided the Kurds with the opportunity to create an entity in Perspective which the dominant party was able to cre- ate transitional governments in the three Kurdish cantons, albeit without elections (“Flight of Icarus?” 1).
Rojava—the Kurdish name for the areas forming Syrian Kurdistan—became rele- vant not only within Syria but for the whole Middle East as a potential regional politi- Wietse van den Berge cal actor and the second autonomous Kurdish area after the Kurdish Regional Syrian Kurdish politics is complex. While Keywords: Syria; Kurds; Political Parties; Government in Iraq (Gunter 1). This article the political parties appear rather similar PYD; KNC focuses on the dynamics between macro in terms of their goals, fierce inter-party and micro level occurring within Syrian rivalry exists, nonetheless. Shedding Introduction Kurdish politics. From both a scientific and some light on Syrian Kurdish politics us- During 2014 the Syrian conflict, which be- a societal perspective, future analysis ben- ing Social Movement Theory as a theo- gan in 2011, a new stage was reached as efits from better understanding regarding retical framework, this article deals with Syrian Kurdistan came under threat from the intentions and interests of the new en- how and why Syrian Kurds choose a spe- the Islamic State. The Syrian-Kurdish can- tity. The main research question in this cific political party. Interviews with Syrian ton of Kobanî became the focal point of study is why do Syrian Kurds choose to Kurdish political activists in Iraqi Kurdi global media reporting on the fight be- support specific political parties? stan provide the data. The interviews tween jihadists and Kurdish forces. The point out that a striking cleavage exists: shared threat presented by the Islamic Since Rojava declared autonomy, two ma- Respondents sympathizing with the dom- State appears to bring the politically jor blocs have dominated its politics: the inant political party preferred social fragmented Syrian Kurds closer together Kurdish Democratic Union Party (Partiya equality, while interviewees belonging to (Rudaw). Yekîtiya Demokrat; PYD) and the Kurdish other parties have a preference for non- National Council (Encûmena Niştimanîya violence. Kurdî li Sûriyê, KNC) (Hevian 46; Hokayem
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78-79). The self-description of both em- ever, these organizations do not exactly Theoretical Framework and Methodology phasizes their struggle for an autonomous match the western idea of political par- Social Movement Theory’s different and democratic Syrian Kurdistan in which ties—associated with electoral processes schools focus on collective action (Opp minority rights are guaranteed (KNC; PYD; (Allsopp 6). If the party narratives are rath- 47-48). Framing Theory assumes individu- Sinclair and Kajjo). But neither have yet er similar, then how and why do people als interpret situations according to an id- outlined what they mean by these key con- choose one specific political party and not iosyncratic reference, the frame, which in- cepts. (Savelsberg, “The Syrian-Kurdish another one? To answer this question, fluences their consequential behavior Movements” 102). Their resources differ which is essentially about political mobili- (Benford and Snow 614). Collective Iden- greatly: “Although the KNC is a coalition of zation, this study will use Social Movement tity Approach assumes that the more an more than a dozen Kurdish parties, it Theory to provide an explanatory model. individual feels a sense of belonging to a wields no real power in the region. It lacks, group, the greater the chance that the in- above all, the military force and other nec- Applying Social Movement Theory to po- dividual participates in politics on behalf essary means […] to counter the well-orga- litical mobilization among Syrian Kurds is of that group (Klandermans 889). Political nized PYD” (Hevian 47). Furthermore, it is not completely new. Jordi Tejel studied Opportunity Structure assumes “exoge- argued that both blocs are influenced by the Syrian Kurdish 2004 Qamishli revolt nous factors enhance or inhibit prospects foreign actors. PYD is closely linked to the using an implicit Social Movement Theory for mobilization” (Meyer and Minkoff Kurdistan Workers’ Party (Partiya Karkerên model, focusing on the macro level. Ac- 1457). Finally, Resource Mobilization The- Kurdistan; PKK), originating in Turkish- cording to Karl-Dieter Opp political mobi- ory focuses on social support and assets Kurdistan. KNC’s parties have strong con- lization involves a reciprocal process in within society that need to be mobilized nections to different foreign parties like the which both the macro and micro level are (McCarthy and Zald 1213). These different Kurdistan Democratic Party (Partiya De- involved. It makes this research—that does approaches appear to complement or mokrata Kurdistanê, KDP) and the Patriotic include the macro-micro dynamics—a nec- overlap one another. They share Mancur Union of Kurdistan (Yekêtiy Niştîmaniy essary complement to Tejel’s to under- Olson’s Theory of Collective Action of an Kurdistan, PUK) from Iraqi-Kurdistan. In ad- stand political mobilization in Rojava. As individual being a rational actor, despite dition, some KNC-parties sympathize with far as the studies overlap, studying similar different interpretations of the concept of the PKK as well (Savelsberg, “The Syrian- phenomena in different times and circum- rationality (Opp 2-8). Kurdish Movements” 94-96). stances makes a comparative analysis pos- sible. Other research has applied Social Theoretical Framework: Structural-Cogni- Although exact numbers are lacking, it is Movement Theory in a Middle Eastern set- tive Model estimated that approximately ten percent ting but not to Syria (Munson; Wiktorowicz), Opp combines the schools of Social of Syria’s nearly two million Kurds are nor to the Syrian Kurds (Leenders and Movement Theory mentioned above into members of organizations that are labeled Heydemann). a comprehensive model. In it, he consid- political parties (Sinclair and Kajjo). How- ers these approaches as hypotheses. He
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assumes that micro-macro-level dynamics als (micro level) choose specific parties In the Ottoman Empire the Kurds experi- (between individuals and groups) are es- (macro level). enced autonomy as part of the millet-pol- sential in understanding political mobiliza- icy, providing a high level of self-rule to tion: Methodology: Literature Review and minorities within the Empire with Kurds Semi-Structured Interviews having their own principalities and king- The framing perspective deals with The study’s contextual base is a literature doms (Black 210). This history, together macro-to-micro relationships (ef- review of Syrian Kurdish politics. Apart with a culture distinctive from that of the fects of social movement activities on from Tejel’s, relatively few studies exist neighboring Arab, Persian and Turkish frame alignment) and […] with the re- about politics in Rojava (Allsopp 7; Tejel 1). people, lead to the inclusion of the Kurds lationships of framing and incentives. Developments in the Syrian conflict trig- in the 1920 Sèvres Treaty, intended to […] The resource mobilization and ger new research and publications on pol- achieve peace between the Ottoman Em- political opportunity structure per- itics in Rojava. For current affairs (social) pire and the Allies of World War I. Article spectives focus on the macro model media are important but unreliable 62 of the treaty promised “local autonomy and—implicitly—adumbrate macro- sources. In order not to rely completely on for the predominantly Kurdish areas” and to-micro relationships. The theory of secondary or tertiary sources, interviews Article 64 spoke of “an independent Kurd- collective action is the only one that were conducted in the region. The litera- ish state of the Kurds”. The Sèvres Treaty explicitly addresses micro and macro ture review provided the basis for the was never ratified and the 1923 Lausanne relationships, but the theory does semi-structured interviews. Treaty sealed its fate by granting Turkish not mention framing. The identity borders. Meanwhile, following the 1916 approach is mainly a micro model, Syrian Kurdish History and Present Situa- Sykes-Picot Agreement Iraq and Syria had although there are hints of effects of tion come under control of Great Britain and macro structures on identity forma- While the origin of the Kurdish people can France, respectively (Khidir 26), dissolving tion. The micro-to-macro relationship be traced back approximately 5,000 years, the creation of a Kurdish state. from individual to collective protest the traditional starting point of modern France acknowledged the sectarian diffi- is not addressed by any perspective. Middle Eastern history appears to begin culties of its inter-war Syrian mandatory (Opp 335, italics in original) with the First World War (1914-1918) and the area and divided it into several autono- consequential fall of the Ottoman Empire mous regions, although, the Syrian Kurds Opp’s is a cyclical model in which macro (Fisk; Tejel). Strictly speaking, this is correct did not receive an autonomous area aspects influence the individual, but in in the case of the Syrian Kurds, because (Dorin), and Syria gained independence which the individual’s shared preferences Syria as a modern political entity only came in 1946. A series of coups d’états occurred also affect the macro level. For this article into existence as a French mandate region during the first two decades of indepen- to focus on micro-macro-dynamics, it will after the First World War (Allsopp 20) be- dent Syria, until Baʿth Party seized power use Opp’s model to explain why individu- fore which only Kurds existed. in 1963. The Baʿth Party had a secular,
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strong Arab-nationalist agenda. They key threatened war and to cut off water the Kurdish movement and the re- changed the country’s name from Syrian supplies to Syria the regime forced Öcalan gime. The former has gained a certain Republic into Syrian Arab Republic when to leave, which eventually led to his arrest. freedom of action to create space for they assumed power (Allsopp 22), exclud- It shows how the Syrian regime used the protest where Kurdish ethnicity can be ing people considering themselves non- Kurds in its regional power play (Hokayem openly displayed. The latter seems to Arabs, like the Kurds. They enforced pro- 79), bringing Tejel to label the rule under confirm the selective withdrawal of the grams of Arabization upon non-Arabs Baʿth Party leader Hafez al-Asad (1970- state. […] Bashar al-As‘ad [sic] seems whom the Baʿth considered a threat. Harsh 2000) “the years of exploitation” (Tejel 62). prepared to tolerate the consolidation repression of Kurds occurred: they erased The death of Hafez al-Asad and succes- of a Kurdish space (cultural and sym- Kurdish references from culture, enforced sion by his western educated son Bashar bolic), at least for the time being. (Tejel relocations (Tejel 65) and took Syrian na- in 2000 led to expectations and hope of 136-37) tionality from between 120,000 (Tejel 51) modernization and democratization with- and 300,000 (Allsopp 148-75; Hokayem in Syria. However, disappointment in- Nevertheless, dissatisfaction among the 78) Kurds. The Arabization policy also frus- creased among Syria’s population, includ- whole Syrian population remained, espe- trated Kurdish political ambitions to unite ing its Kurds, when these expectations cially when the regime proved incapable the different Kurdish areas and create a were not fulfilled (Hokayem 21-38).The of coping with a drought that greatly af- Kurdish state. With this ambition in mind combination of disappointment and the fected Syrian agriculture. In the wake of the first Syrian Kurdish political party was repressive measures ignited the 2004 Qa- uprisings in other Arab countries small established in 1957. Together with its off- mishli revolt among Kurds in Rojava. It was scale protests occurred in Damascus in spring it aimed at political, cultural and named after the city where the main pro- February 2011, without any follow-up. Only socio-economic emancipation of the tests occurred. Eventually the uprising when regime forces cracked down hard Kurds and the democratization of all of stopped after Kurdish parties urged for on protests by schoolchildren in the south- Syria (Allsopp 28). cessation of violence. It made the Syrian ern city of Derʿā in March 2011, a process Under Baʿth Party rule, Syrian Kurdish po- regime aware of the Kurdish capacity for of escalation ignited that eventually lead litical parties went underground (Allsopp collective action. Since then, as there was to the Syrian Civil War (Hokayem 9-20). 31-34). This appears in sharp contrast with no active civil society among the Kurds, Syria’s Kurds initially kept a low profile in Baʿth Party’s aid to PKK during the 1980s the regime allowed Kurdish parties a piv- the conflict. Only when regime forces with- and 1990s: ”[I]ts [Baʿth Party] support was otal role between authorities and the drew from Rojava mid-July 2012 did the not due to its love for in Turkey; but rather Kurdish people. Kurdish militias fill the power vacuum and was the result of its adversarial policies hence became a prominent actor within with Turkey” (Hevian 46). The PKK-leader [T]he pacification of the protests led Syria (Crisis Group “Syria’s Kurds” 2-4). Abdullah Öcalan lived in the Syrian capi- by the Kurdish parties themselves was tal, Damascus, until 1998. Only when Tur- a prelude to a new balance between
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Current Syrian Kurdish Politics: The PYD The PYD’s image suffers from its link with Interviews and the KNC the PKK, designated by both the Europe- In the complex Syrian Kurdish politics—as Kurdish militias of the People’s Defense an Union and the United States as a terror- sketched above—people decide on which Corps (Yekîneyên Parastina Gel, YPG) af- ist organization. Alliances between the political parties to support. How and why filiated to the PYD replacing regime forces KNC and the PYD eventually failed (Tanir, they choose these parties, as well as which in Rojava raised suspicions of cooperation Wilgenburg and Hossino 9-10), even specific bloc they support, is an important between the PYD and the Syrian regime. though they share the same implicit ideal question. The two camps are assumed to PYD demonstrations are characteristically of an independent Kurdish entity be quite similar with respect to ethnic more pro-PYD than anti-regime. (Hokayem 78-79) and both can benefit composition, their overall goals, and the from cooperation. The KNC has “interna- level of repression they have experienced. Rival Kurdish groups argue the YPG be- tional partners and legitimacy, it is increas- longs to Syria’s branch of the PKK—which ingly divided internally and lacks a genu- Between March 1 and 10, 2014, twelve the regime hosted for so long—, sharing ine presence on the ground; conversely, semi-structured interviews were conduct- the same organizational principles and the PYD’s strong domestic support is not ed among politically active Syrian Kurds in Marxist ideology. Further, the YPG-militias matched by its international standing” Iraqi Kurdistan in the cities of Erbil and Su- are trained by the PKK (Crisis Group “Syr- (Crisis Group “Syria’s Kurds” iii). Violent laymaniyah and a refugee camp. Contacts ia’s Kurds” 11). The YPG provides the PYD clashes between KNC and PYD support- with political activists were established with the necessary military means to con- ers have been reported (Wilgenburg) and through academic and Syrian Kurdish po- trol Rojava in order to administer political the PYD is accused of assassinations, ha- litical networks. Respondents proved power as its best-organized political party rassments and kidnappings of KNC mem- helpful in introducing new interviewees, (Hevian 46-47). bers (Savelsberg, “The Kurdish Factor”). often from other parties, and sometimes These might reflect a regional rivalry on even from rival parties. The KNC which formed in October 2011 is which an organization represents the wid- a coalition of around twelve minor parties.1 er Kurdish community (Crisis Group Interviewees’ Backgrounds Most of these have their roots in the first “Syria’s Kurds” 18). Arguably, only after a The interviews were conducted with peo- Syrian Kurdish party, the Kurdish Demo- new external threat appeared in the shape ple from seven different parties, as well as cratic Party in Syria (Partîya Dêmokrat a of the Islamic State, Kurdish parties in Ro- two independent activists (both, however, Kurd li Sûriye, KDPS) (Allsopp 17). Political java agreed to form a new alliance, known with clear sympathies). Eight interviewees and personal rivalries make the KNC vul- as the Duhok Agreement (Rudaw). Spring including the two independent activists, nerable to internal struggles, which can 2015 the Duhok Agreement seems to have are active on a national (that is Rojava) lev- lead to a lack of effective political power failed as well. el, three on a regional level, and one on (Hevian 47). village level. In total ten men and two women were interviewed, of whom nine
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were middle aged and three were in their inated against Kurdish farmers), the fight those interviewed. One KNC activist twenties and thirties. Of the seven people for women’s rights and the emergence summed up his feelings by reciting a self- talking about their origins, two originate among individuals of a feeling of Kurdish written poem. Singing and dancing and from peasant families, four from a village nationalism. the Kurdish New Year celebration of and one from a major city. Three villagers The interviewees all share awareness of Nowruz are also important points of refer- and one of peasant background moved to the regime’s repressive measures towards ence. Finally, Marxist revolutions inspired a big city during childhood, usually as a the Syrian Kurdish population and indicat- solely the PYD supporters have been im- consequence of regime policy. Four re- ed that this was a key element in becom- portant. They see Angola, Cuba and Viet- spondents originate from contested areas ing politically active. For both female re- nam as examples of peoples who freed within the Syrian Conflict, such as Damas- spondents women’s emancipation was an themselves from oppression as they con- cus or the Afrin region in northwest Syria. additional aspect. In a broader context, sider the Arabs the oppressors in Rojava. Of the eight respondents who mentioned four interviewees emphasize their activism One independent respondent also used their education, one had finished elemen- is for Kurdish rights in particular, but for these revolutions as an example, howev- tary school and six completed secondary Syrian rights in general as they recognize er, he did so in order to emphasize that school. One respondent has a doctor’s de- the Syrian regime discriminates other eth- violent revolutions eventually lead to less gree. nic groups as well. than good outcomes.
Interviewee Motivation: Why Become Po- The political ideas of Mustafa Barzani are The Interviewees and Leverage: Becom- litically Active? also important for the KNC affiliated activ- ing Politically Active Education proved to be one of the fields ists and Abdullah Öcalan for the PYD and How, then, do people become politically where interviewees experienced repres- their affiliates. These names were men- active? Six respondents answered that sion by the Syrian regime: not being al- tioned nine times in total, but respondents family members were politically involved; lowed to attend university, being forced to also mentioned other political thinkers. five in the same party as their family mem- study Arabic literature, or not being al- Among the PYD, left wing writers are pop- bers, one was independent. Three inter- lowed to discuss Kurdistan or Kurdish ular, such as Marx, Lenin, Gorki and viewees became acquainted with political identity. On the other side of the spec- Chekhov, while Nietzsche and Rousseau ideas through the media, especially radio trum, one interviewee became politically were also named. A number of interview- broadcasts. Here education also played an active following the receipt of a grant from ees—both PYD—named the Kurdish nation- important role because it created aware- his father’s Kurdish political party. Six peo- alist poet Cigerxwin among others as a ness among the respondents regarding ple became politically active during their main source of inspiration. the regime’s repression. Some undertook secondary schooling. Other factors that further research independently and then made people politically active include the Poems and other cultural expressions play volunteered for political action, as one of regime’s agricultural policies (that discrim- an important role in the lives of many of
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the female activists tells about her joining the armed rebellion:
In 1996 comrade Zilan committed a sui- cide attack in Turkey. I named my name after her. At that age, the comrades re- fused to accept me in the armed revo- lution. I was allowed to do only political activism […]. [W]hen Öcalan was ar- rested, my sympathy grew so strong— due to my own research and since I knew about the Kurdish situation in the Middle East—, that I insisted on joining.2
In one case the peshmerga, the Kurdish fighting force, triggered political activism Figure 1: Respondents indicating why they support a specific party, categorized according to party by passing through villages and recount- affiliation and answers given. Scores in absolute numbers, n=12. Respondents usually give multiple ing their stories. answers for why supporting a political party.
The Interviewees and Choice: Why Be- they are willing to use it in the case of self- spondents referred to either Mustafa come Member of a Specific Party? defense. In four cases, choice was a matter Barzani or Abdullah Öcalan on nine out of As most of the respondents were of mid- of lacking other alternatives, either be- twelve occasions as an inspiration in be- dle age, most answered that the choice cause only one party was active in the vil- coming politically active. It appears, there- was limited when they became politically lage of origin, or that other parties were fore, that these leaders and their thinking active. One interviewee said the he re- deemed to be worse. Five people joined have exerted great influence on Kurdish mains loyal to his party. Four PYD mem- the parties in which relatives were already political life, even though Barzani is dead— bers emphasized the focus on the whole active. Figure 1 summarizes these respons- his son Massoud has succeeded him—and of society—in case of the female activists es. Öcalan is imprisoned in Turkey. An inter- including women’s rights. Five non-PYD esting development, then, is the ostensi- respondents claim the choice of their par- Overall Findings ble approach by Öcalan towards Barzani, ty depended on its non-violent nature. Although twelve respondents is a small claiming the latter to be the leader of all When asked about the use of violence for number, the observations are interesting Kurds (Kurdpress).Another important fac- political ends PYD members commented and point the way to further research. Re- tor is family, which appears to be of great
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influence in the way in which someone be- share common experiences leading to proach. Perhaps the issue of family might comes politically active and with which similar political preferences (Barner-Barry fit here as well. party they ultimately become involved. and Rosenwein 94). Family as phenome- Furthermore, one of the primary reasons non in Social Movement Theory can be In all twelve interviews the respondents given for why people join a specific party situated among all main sub-theories of mention repression of Kurds as a key fac- is the preference—emphasized by PYD the Structural-Cognitive Model. How to lo- tor in becoming politically active. Some members—for a party to be based upon cate family within the model needs further scholars use Political Opportunity Struc- social equality and accepting violence exploration. ture as an explanatory model for the Kurds only on the basis of self-defense—all of political activism during the Syrian Con- which are reminiscent of Rousseau (Rus- From a Framing Theory perspective the flict: “The weakening of a state that proved sell 695). It is also revealing that Rousseau choice for either the KNC or the PYD is a oppressive, manipulative, and oblivious to is mentioned directly by one of the re- dynamic process in which the macro level their needs presented new political op- spondents as having influenced his politi- influences the individual. This explains the tions for them” (Hokayem 78). As obvious cal thought. KNC-members emphasize importance of family members as the cul- as this might seem, it does not explain the they choose non-violent politics, and while tural expressions emphasizing Kurdish macro level reluctance of the Kurds to join other factors appear to be evenly distrib- identity and focusing on collective repres- the opposition in initial years of the Syrian uted between both sides, the preference sion. In case of the PYD, this feeling is en- Conflict. Following Tejel, the coming to for social equality versus non-violence forced by class awareness (itself influ- power of Bashar al-Asad and his tolerance seems to be mutually exclusive among the enced by left wing literature), creating an of some form of Kurdish entity after the respondents. The related observation that image of the colonized people whom Qamishli-revolt explains why the Kurds are only PYD-members regard Marxist revolu- must free themselves from repression. An- reluctant to give up this position. Only af- tions abroad as positive examples seems other aspect is that each respondent ter the regime withdrew from Rojava did to confirm this cleavage within Syrian seems to present their answers in corre- they participate in the conflict. This implies Kurdish politics. spondence with the framing of the respec- that the political opportunity is not primar- tive parties when it comes to the accep- ily the Syrian Conflict, but al-Asad’s chang- Structural-Cognitive Model and Syria’s tance of violence. ing attitude towards the Kurds. Kurds Incorporating the results into the Structur- Cultural expressions—and, for the female Resources cohere with opportunities and al-Cognitive Model leads to somewhat respondents, their gender—that empha- both are recognized within a specific ambivalent outcomes, especially in rela- size the group’s uniqueness and offer the frame of reference. Hence, Resource Mo- tion to the impact of relatives on political individual a feeling of belonging can pro- bilization Theory interprets the framing el- participation. Research suggests that voke political activism, an argument which ements as necessary instrumental assets members of the same group—family— is supported by Collective Identity Ap- for creating popular support. Political op-
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portunities are only considered as such if addition to having experienced repres- the choice of party: KNC respondents Wietse van den Berge there are enough assets to actually regard sion, leadership inspired respondents to were clearly motivated by the narrative of them as a viable option. In their reciprocal become politically active. Half of the re- non-violence, while PYD respondents is a PhD Candidate at the Centre for relationship, Resource Mobilization Theo- spondents became involved through rela- chose social equality while accepting vio- Terrorism and Counter-terrorism of ry and Political Opportunity Structure tives, while others were influenced by the lence in cases of self-defense. Leiden University in The Netherlands. identify the same important factors, such media. Why they choose their specific par- His subject concerns political violence in attractive leadership and organization, ty is mainly due to individual perceptions contemporary Middle East, focusing on both of which were mentioned by KNC regarding the weaknesses of other par- minorities such as Syria’s Kurds. and PYD supporters. ties, although in some cases there were email: [email protected] simply no alternatives. Both sides dis- Further research is necessary to gain played fairly similar opinions on these is- greater insight into the processes of po- sues. The major difference which emerged litical mobilization among Syria’s Kurds. In concerns other reasons that underpinned
Notes Works Cited Benford, Robert D. and David Dorin, Bernard. “Pour une Hokayem, Emile. Syria’s A. Snow. “Framing Processes federation en Syrie.” www. Uprising and the Fracturing 1 Some parties have different “About PYD.” www.pydrojava. and Social Movements: An liberation.fr. Libération of the Levant. Abingdon: factions that operate net. PYD, 16 Oct. 2013. Web. 4 Overview and Assessment.” Monde, 1 Oct., 2013. Web.1 Routledge, 2013. Print. independently and are Feb. 2014. Annual Review of Sociology May 2014. practically separate parties 26 (2000): 611-39. Web. 10 Hossino, Omar, and (Allsopp 17; Hevian 47-50; Allsopp, Harriett. The Kurds Apr. 2015. Fisk, Robert. The Great War IlhanTanir. “The Decisive Hossino and Tanir 5). of Syria. Political Parties and for Civilisation: The Conquest Minority: The Role of Identity in the Middle East. Black, Antony. The History of the Middle East. London: Syria’s Kurds in the Anti- 2 Interview in Suleymaniyah, 7 London: I.B. Tauris, 2014. of Islamic Political Thought. Harper Collins, 2005. Print. Assad Revolution.” www. March 2014. Print. Edinburgh: Edinburgh henryjacksonsociety.org. University Press, 2011. Print. Gunter, Michael M. Out of Henry Jackson Society, 9 Mar. Barner-Barry, Carol Nowhere: The Kurds of Syria 2013. Web. 1 May 2014. and Robert Rosenwein. “Charter of the Social in Peace and War. London: Psychological Perspectives Contract.” www.hawarnews. Hurst Publishers, 2014. Print. International Crisis Group. on Politics. Prospect Heights: com. Hawar News, 29 Jan. Flight of Icarus? PYD’s Waveland, 1985. Print. 2014. Web. 30 Apr. 2014. Hevian, Rodi. “The Precarious Rise in Syria. Resurrection of Syrian Brussels: International Crisis “Divided Syrian Kurds Reach Kurdish Politics.” Middle Group, 2014. Web. 10 Apr. Deal in Face of ISIS Threat.” East Review of International 2015. www.rudawnet. Rudaw, 22 Affairs 17.3 (2013): 45-56. Oct. 2014. Web. 22 Oct. 2014. Print. ––›
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––› ---. Syria’s Kurds: A Struggle McCarthy, John D., and Opp, Karl-Dieter. Theories Sinclair, Christian, and Within a Struggle. Brussels: Mayer N. Zald. “Resource of Political Protest and Sirwan Kajjo. “The Evolution International Crisis Group, Mobilization and Social Social Movements: A of Kurdish Politics in Syria.” 2013. Web. 10 Apr. 2015. Movements: A Partial Theory.” Multidisciplinary Introduction, www.merip.org. Middle East The American Journal of Critique, and Synthesis. Research and Information Khidir, Jaafar H. “The Kurdish Sociology 82.6 (1977): 1212- London: Routledge, 2009. Project, 31 Aug. 2011. Web. 29 National Movement.” Kurdish 241. Web. 10 Apr. 2015. Print. July 2014. Studies Journal 11 (2003): 1-51. Web. 10 Apr. 2015. Meyer, David S., and Debra Peace Treaty of Sèvres, 1920. Tanir, Ilhan, Wladimir C. Minkoff. “Conceptualizing www.hri.org. HRI Project, 25 van Wilgenburg and Klandermans, Bert. “How Political Opportunity.” Social Sept. 1997. Web. 10 Apr. 2015. Omar Hossino. “Unity or Group Identification Helps to Forces 82.4 (2004): 1457-492. PYD Power Play? Syrian Overcome the Dilemma of Web. 10 Apr. 2015. Russell, Bertrand. The History Kurdish Dynamics After the Collective Action.” American of Western Philosophy. New Erbil Agreement.” www. Behavioral Scientist 45 Munson, Ziad. “Islamic York: Simon & Schuster, 1945. henryjacksonsociety.org. (2002): 887-900. Web. 10 Apr. Mobilization: Social Web. Henry Jackson Society, 15 2015. Movement Theory and Oct. 2012. Web. 1 May 2014. the Egyptian Muslim Savelsberg, Eva. “The “Kurdish National Council.” Brotherhood.” The Kurdish Factor in the Syrian Tejel, Jordi. Syria’s Kurds: National Coalition of Syrian Sociological Quarterly 42. 4 Revolution.” Syrian Studies History, Politics and Society. Revolution and Opposition (2001): 487-510. Web. 10 Apr. Association Bulletin. 18.1 London: Routledge, 2009. Forces. National Coalition 2015. (2013). Web. 8 Apr. 2014. Print. of Syrian Revolution and Opposition Forces, n.d. Web. “Ocalan Calls Barzani the ---.“The Syrian-Kurdish Wiktorowicz, Quintan. 23 Dec. 2014. Leader of All Kurds.” www. Movements: Obstacles Islamic Activism. A Social kurdpress.com. Kurdpress, Rather Than Driving Forces Movement Theory Approach. Leenders, Reinoud, and 9 June 2013. Web. 29 Dec. for Democratization.”Conflict, Bloomington: Indiana Steven Heydemann. “Popular 2014. Democratization, and the University Press, 2004. Print. Mobilization in Syria: Kurds in the Middle East. Opportunity and Threat, and Olson, Mancur. The Logic Turkey, Iran, Iraq, and Syria. Wilgenburg, Wladimir van. the Social Networks of the of Collective Action: Public Ed. David Romano and “Rival Kurdish Parties Clash Early Risers.” Mediterranean Goods and the Theory of Mehmet Gurses. New York: in Syria.” www.almonitor.com. Politics 17.2 (2012): 139-59. Groups. Cambridge, MA: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014. Al-Monitor, Mar. 2013. Web. Web. 10 Apr. 2015. Harvard University Press, 85-107. Print. 12 Mar. 2013. 2002. Print.
ISSN: 2196-629X urn:nbn:de:hebis: 04-ep0003-2015-108-25206
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Introduction Under an authoritarian regime there is no Policing January 25: Protest, Tactics, transparent, legitimate set of state institu- and Territorial Control in Egypt’s tions through which a citizenry can ex- press demands and discontent. As soci- 2011 Uprising ologist Asef Bayat remarks, however, when people are deprived of the electoral pow- er to change the status quo, they “are like- ly to bring collective pressure to bear on authorities to undertake change” (11). This is particularly evident in the case of Egypt. When thousands of Egyptians took to the streets of Cairo and other cities in the country to contest then-President Hosni Mubarak’s authoritarian rule, the country’s security forces were overwhelmed not Dimitris Soudias only by the sheer number of protesters, but arguably also by their tactics in appro- On January 25th, 2011 thousands of pro- tions between security forces and protest- priating and maintaining spaces of resis- testers took to the streets of major cities ers in protest events during the uprising, tance. in Egypt—referred to as the “day of focusing on policing strategies, tactical In this paper, I will shed light on the protest wrath”—to express their grievances and repertoires, and spaces of resistance. policing of what has come to be known as frustration with the ruling regime, ulti- Through this, I hope to offer a way of the “January 25 uprising” in Cairo. Ground- mately leading to the ouster of President looking at the politics of territorialization ed in a sociology of space and social Hosni Mubarak after three decades in and space production in protest, and by movement research, this paper assumes power. The street, as a socially construct- extension, the negotiation of power rela- that the negotiation of power relations ed space of discontent, had become the tions between authority and resistance during the uprising was expressed in at- central locus of political change. In this actors. tempts by protesters to gain territorial paper, I will tackle the question of how control through tactical repertoires in or- and why policing strategies in Cairo failed Keywords: Protest; Space; Egypt; Tactical der to produce and expand spaces of re- to contain protesters, eventually leading Repertoires; Protest Policing; Arab Upris- sistance; whereas the security forces at- to the withdrawal of security forces on ings; Cairo. tempted to maintain territoriality through January 28th. I will analyze the interac- policing strategies to control and contain
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these spaces. The data for this endeavor phasis in original). They do not “just exist” of policing strategies. Della Porta and Re- consists in participant observation, semi- in a vacuum, but operate within structural iter (33) found out three strategic ap- structured interviews, and qualitative doc- constraints, such as repression, or poverty proaches for policing protest events: co- umentary analysis. of resources (Ennis 520). ercive strategies (use of force, violent This paper is structured as follows: first, I As social movement research indicates means, or agents provocateurs to control will conceptualize notions of tactical rep- (McAdam; Suh; Tilly), the development of or disperse a protest action in a legal or ertoires and policing strategies in social tactical repertoires occurs over time within illegal manner), persuasive strategies (at- movement research, before elaborating structural constraints—a process that I call tempt to control protest through contact- on the relationship between social space, political learning. As shown elsewhere ing activists, organizers and leaders prior territoriality and tactics in protest. What (Abdelrahman; El-Mahdi and Korany; to protest event), and informative strate- follows is a case study of key events1 dur- Soudias), Egypt’s January 25 uprising can gies (gathering widespread information ing the January 25 uprising, in which I seek be understood as the culminating epi- about an event and targeted information to relate the theoretical considerations, sode of five contentious cycles since 2000. to identify law-breakers). Throughout the mentioned above, to my ethnographic Each cycle included a predominant pro- January 25 uprising, coercive strategies findings. Through this, I hope to offer a testing actor, ranging from pro-democra- were dominant. As one protester notes, way of looking at the politics of territorial- cy actors to the labor movement, which “the state security has an […] automatic ization and space production in protest, introduced particular tactics from which program to counter protests” (protest par- and by extension, the negotiation of pow- other (involved) actors were able to learn. ticipant, personal communication, 23 Mar. er relations between authority and resis- Here, actors implement those known and 2011). The main goal of policing is territo- tance actors. available tactics that—through individual rial control and will be discussed in detail and collective experiences and observa- below. As I will show, Egyptian security Tactical Repertoires and Policing Strate- tion of other actors’ experiences—have forces regularly resort to coercive strate- gies proven to be successful in order to pursue gies in order to suppress dissidents. As far Tactical repertoires, or simply tactics, are a goal. In this vein, Tilly rightly points out, as mobilization is concerned, coercive po- at the heart of any protest action. They em- “the existing repertoire constrains collec- licing strategies may increase the risk of body the means for gaining territorial con- tive action […] people tend to act within collective action and make it less attractive trol over places and expanding or contain- known limits, to innovate at the margins of for bystanders to join, thus constraining ing spaces of resistance. As Taylor and Van the existing forms, and to miss many op- mobilization. However, it is important to Dyke note, tactical repertoires are tools of portunities available to them in principle” note that coercive policing strategies can “contestation in which bodies, symbols, (390). very well backlash and lead to increased identities, practices, and discourses are This is true also for the tactics of security mobilization. As della Porta and Diani used to pursue or prevent changes in in- forces. In social movement research, these note, stitutionalized power relations” (268 em- can broadly be subsumed under the label […] many forms of repression, particu-
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larly when they are considered illegiti- experienced in multiple ways, Lefebvre where their “orderly”3 use changed to- mate, could create a sense of injustice (33; 38-39; 245) identifies the triad of per- wards an “exceptional” appropriation with that increases the perceived risk of in- ceived space (spatial practice), conceived shifting actions, symbols, and discourses action. It is not surprising therefore that space (representations of space), and that can be subsumed under the banner these two divergent pressures produ- lived space (representational spaces); see- of resistance. ce contradictory results, and empirical ing a unity between physical, mental, and This experience is not unique to Cairo, but research indicates a radicalization of social space. An example that incorpo- occurred in similar ways in the squares of those groups most exposed to police rates these constructs is Tahrir Square in Taksim, Syntagma, Euromaidan, Puerta del violence in some cases and renunciati- the heart of Cairo. The Square has been Sol, or Tagheer—to name just a few occu- on of unconventional forms of action in conceived, designed and produced pations around that time. But why do pro- others. (200) through labor, technology and institutions. testers take their demands to city centers? As I will illustrate, protesters still widely The meaning of the space, however, is Building on Bayat (167-69), I argue that feared the state’s repressive power, pre- adapted and transformed as it is per- protesters chose to take their dissent to dominantly expressed through coercive ceived and lived by social actors. Tahrir downtown Cairo for a variety of interre- policing. However, with protesters taking Square, which had been conceived as a lated reasons: (1) mobile crowds can rap- over more and more streets during the up- traffic junction, may have been perceived idly assemble and disperse at large streets rising, protesters’ perception shifted as as a central and popular meeting spot, and squares, such as Qasr al-Aini Street the perceived strength of the movement and lived as a hub of transportation, con- and Tahrir Square; (2) downtown Cairo has increasingly outweighed the fear of state sumption and socializing on January 24, historical and political significance as most repression (Kurzman). 2011. But on January 25, 2011, when the political institutions are located there Egyptian uprising began, it has widely (symbolizing state-power) and major his- Territoriality and Spaces of Resistance been perceived as a space of protesting torical uprisings have occurred in the area Tactical repertoires and policing strategies authority and lived as a heterotopia of re- (1881 Urabi revolt at Abdeen Square; 1919 are the means of gaining territorial con- sistance despite its initial conception Anti-British uprisings, where women pro- trol, and for protesters they are the prereq- (Schumann and Soudias; Telmissany). tested alongside men for the first time;4 uisite for constructing spaces of resis- Tactical repertoires, then, are a means for 1977 bread riots at Tahrir Square); (3) tance. I concentrate on Henry Lefebvre’s inducing and maintaining such a transfor- downtown Cairo serves as the intersection notion of spaces as it underlines that the mation. As people use Tahrir Square in a for mass transportation networks, facilitat- social and the spatial are inseparably way other than its initial conception as a ing easier access and escape for potential linked and mutually constitutive.2 traffic junction, it can become something protesters; (4) downtown Cairo is the cen- In Lefebvre’s conception, spaces are con- else entirely, appropriated in use. This is ter of media attention, which allows pro- structed through social relations and true for various streets, squares and build- testers to extend their discontent beyond structures. Acknowledging that spaces are ings during the January 25 uprising, their immediate environment.
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In line with my argument, security forces criminalize any kind of protest.5 In sum- jor protest event on January 25 with a cat- attempted to prohibit this change, that is, mary, the state’s authority and existence is alog of demands, ranging from minimum the construction of spaces of resistance, dependent on “the capacity of the police wage to ending the Emergency Law. through territorialization in order to main- to mark and enact meaningful boundar- Widely labeled as the “Day of Wrath,” the tain public order. As Herbert notes, ies, to restrict people’s capacity to act by demonstration was scheduled to coincide Territorial control is an inherent out- regulating their movements in space” with National Police Day to protest routine come of the social organization of the (Herbert 13). Because state power is em- brutality and torture by the state security police [...] modern policing has meant bedded in a concrete territory and par- apparatus. On January 24, I contacted an the development of a capacity to intru- ticular spatial routines, contention over activist with the April 6 Youth Movement de into and control space. […] officers space is a direct challenge to state control to find out where the protest would be lo- can, when necessary, secure control of and authority (Zajko and Béland 721). This cated and he told me there was no spe- the flow of action in space. The police is especially true when strategic buildings cific location. He explained that the ab- […] are expected to be effective agents with an immense political significance, sence of protest locations was in part a of territoriality, to be able to control so- such as the Ministry of Interior (MoI) that strategic omission; hinting that protests cial action by controlling area. (6-10) usually houses the police, are being be- were intended to be all over the country, Many policing strategies involve enacting sieged or taken over. predominantly in residential areas. I inter- boundaries, restricting access and using As I will show in the following section, pro- pret this as a tactical stance in countering force in creating and maintaining “public testers during the January 25 uprising territorial control by security forces. order.” As Sack notes, “social power can- were aware of the security forces’ coer- Whereas, previously, protests had taken not exist without these territorial rules. cive policing strategies and carefully con- place in locations symbolizing state pow- Territorial and social rules are mutually sidered their tactics accordingly. By at- er, such as in front of the cabinet building constitutive” (327). Complementing Fou- tempting to gain territorial control of or the parliament, the January 25 protest cault’s notion of disciplinary power, the streets and squares, protesters targeted was intended to mobilize people in resi- capacity to use force is central to the role constructing, maintaining, and expanding dential neighborhoods. The security forc- of the police. The nation state needs the spaces of resistance. es would expect protests in the same old capacity to exercise systematic control locations as occurred over the previous over its population in order to maintain January 25: A Diary of Resistance6 decade. But demonstrations scattered itself. In Egypt, this has been reinforced With the fall of Tunisian President Ben Ali across the city would soon prove difficult with the Emergency Law. In place since on January 14, 2011, hopes and worries for to police. President Sadat’s assassination in 1982 un- a similar revolutionary uprising for Egypt til 2012, it allowed security forces to arrest were widely discussed in Cairene cafés people without charge, limit freedom of and elsewhere. Various blogs and Face- assembly and expression and effectively book pages were quick to announce a ma-
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January 25: To New Beginnings On the morning of January 25, downtown Cairo was practically deserted. A massive security presence in front of the MoI and on Tahrir Square was intended to intimi- date potential protesters. Plainclothes state security agents urged passers-by to keep moving and not stand in the square— attempting to preemptively disrupt pro- test crowds from gathering and maintain- ing “public order.” Around noon, a group of some 40 protesters approached the square from Qasr al-Aini Bridge, which leads to the square, but were immediate- ly blocked by riot police. The individuals fled towards Corniche al-Nil (a wide street along the Nile), reassembled and marched away from Tahrir Square towards the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Within min- utes they joined up with another group of a few hundred people who were already marching on Corniche al-Nil. Behind the marching crowd, a large group of riot po- lice was keeping a constant distance. Only when the protesters attempted to ap- proach Tahrir Square did the riot police violently intervene. By the time protesters arrived at the state TV building (Maspero), the group num- bered in the thousands. As Maspero sym- Figure 1: Map of Downtown Cairo bolizes state-power, the demonstrators 1 US Embassy, 2 Parliament, 3 Ministry of Interior, 4 Ministerial Cabinet, 5 NDP Headquarters, 6 Journalists Syndicate, 7 Supreme Court, 8 Maspero Television Building, 9 Ministry of Foreign Affairs stopped there and chanted against the regime. Following this, the group attempt-
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ed to march to the heavily populated tors outnumbered the surrounding secu- fairs and outside Cairo in Alexandria, Tan- Shoubra neighborhood to link up with an- rity forces. This appropriation amounts to ta, Mansoura, Aswan and Asyut (“Egypt other emergent protest group. The secu- a process of negotiating what is allowed Warns Protesters”). While neither of the rity forces blocked off certain streets on and “orderly,” and what is not. While more “organizing” movements explicitly and the way, but the crowd would always research needs to be done as to why the publicly called for it, at around 5 pm, thou- avoid confrontations and continued to police were so reluctant to use force, many sands marched into Tahrir Square. One shift to more peripheral side streets, while of the participants I talked to interpret this respondent reported: remaining cohesive. As one respondent initial hesitancy as a move by the regime Everybody knows: ‘When in doubt, go noted, to avoid the same mistakes of indiscrimi- to Tahrir.’ […] I don‘t know if protesters If you imagine the protesters were like nate and brutal protest policing as Ben Ali organized it together to go to Tahrir or a body of water, the police would not in Tunisia. if they knew instinctively—because in necessarily try to stop the water, be- After hours of marching, the demonstra- 2003 [anti-Iraq war protest] that was cause the water would break through. tors arrived in Shoubra and were con- where everyone met up in the end. So what the police would do is channel fronted by a massive police cordon on (Protest participant, personal commu- the protesters. When I was in Shoubra Shoubra street. This time they confronted nication, 17 Mar. 2011) […] I would see the police block roads, the blockade and some fighting erupted This underlines the political learning pro- but always keep one road open, so pro- between police and protesters. The block- cess I outlined earlier. In this case, and in testers would keep flowing. Instead of ade opened due to the sheer number of other interview situations, the protesters trying to block them all […] the police protesters, and they were allowed to keep recalled the success of occupying Tahrir in would block the important routes. They marching. The security forces were unable the 2003 anti-war protest, and chose to as- would not want them to go to certain to contain the masses with their usual cor- semble there again for January 25. Pro- areas, but then they would open insi- doning tactics. Arguably, the unprece- testers approached the square from differ- gnificant routes and try to keep them dented experience of breaking through ent directions, making it impossible for a circled. (Protest participant, personal police cordons contributed to the protest- significantly outnumbered security force communication, 21 Mar. 2011) ers’ perception that they, and by exten- to contain them. The protesters were able The security forces were still following the sion the protest movement, have grown to converge in the square. The only street crowd but did not crack down. This hesi- stronger than the state’s capacity to re- off Tahrir with an overwhelming security tancy was surprising. Usually, as soon as press dissent. presence was Qasr al-Aini—the street near protests emerge, the police would set up The appropriation of space continued that which many ministries as well as the parlia- cordons and beat protesters down. But day, as thousands gathered in front of the ment are situated. Qasr al-Aini was off lim- this day passers-by joined in, the protest- Supreme Court, the headquarters of the its. When the protesters attempted to ap- ers physically expanded their space as ruling National Democratic Party (NDP), propriate this street, riot police responded they marched, and soon the demonstra- Maspero and the Ministry of Foreign Af- with water hoses, massive amounts of tear-
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gas, and rocks thrown by what appeared “Stay strong at 1:00 am. Make sure that January 26: New Situation, Old Policing to be paid thugs (baltagy). Protesters re- you uphold it to the point they [police] Strategies sponded by breaking street pavement get very violent, so we can get it on As policing did not manage to contain and hurling it at riot police. Whenever the camera.” (Protest participant, personal protesters, which is certainly related to the protesters retreated, the battle would communication, 17 Mar. 2011) unusual hesitancy in cracking down on the stop. This process of negotiating space The security forces marched on the square appropriation of space by protesters, inte- lasted several hours. Later, additional riot around 3:00 am with massive force, ar- rior minister Habib al-‘Adly issued orders police positioned themselves on all streets resting hundreds, including the protester to “arrest any persons expressing their leading to Tahrir Square. Yet protesters quoted above. The protesters had learned views illegally,” thus trying to legitimate were free to enter and exit. One protester the police tactic from previous confronta- coercive policing by a narrative of uphold- on January 25 asked me to spread the tions, and applied the counter tactics they ing ‘public order’ (“Timeline: Egypt’s Rev- word to stay at the square because the believed to be most suited for maintain- olution”). That day, with mobile communi- crackdown might occur at midnight, when ing their protest. Activists used the media cation cut off, I went to the journalists the number of protesters had decreased, as a platform for spreading their dissent syndicate—then a stronghold of opposi- as had happened in the 2003 anti-war pro- beyond Tahrir Square, arguably by appro- tion to the regime—assuming protests tests. This protester had learned from his priating the space of news coverage, in would be staged there. As with previous experiences in 2003 that police might try order to attract other Egyptians to join protests at this location, protesters stood to violently disperse the demonstration at and prompt an international response to on the steps in front of the syndicate and night, after many of the protesters had left. police brutality. The MoI issued a state- were surrounded and contained by a po- Another protester reported: ment blaming the Muslim Brotherhood lice cordon twice their size. Some 80 pro- Around 10:30 pm, I met a correspon- for initiating the protests, a claim the testers chanted “leave, leave [Mubarak]” dent for Al Jazeera and he told us they Brotherhood denied. This move was in- and “down, down, Hosni Mubarak.” The [police] are going to sweep it [Tahrir tended to delegitimize the protests while protests were more energetic and vocal Square] around midnight. It was pretty legitimizing repressive policing; suggest- than I had witnessed on other occasions. known, even to media. We knew that ing the regime was only fighting the “Is- Thousands of riot policemen were on they would attack us at 1:00 am and the lamist threat”. January 25 marked the be- standby, spanning the entire distance objective was not to keep the [square]— ginning of a seemingly horizontal from the Supreme Court’s main entrance because of the amount of riot police uprising, in which protesters increasingly to the lawyers and the journalists syndi- we saw getting prepared outside. The gained territorial control over Cairo’s cate, as hundreds of protesters ap- objective was to get them on camera, streets and squares. proached the area and attempted to join beating […] us and firing at us. That was the many small, scattered protests in the the actual objective. And an organizer area. The protesters seemed angry, con- [of the protest], […] came and told me: fronting police by yelling, pushing, and at-
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tempting to break through the cordon. tactic of cordoning became impossible. already weakened police to contain and When they did, the riot police hit them Instead, they reverted to chasing protest- cordon them. with batons and plainclothes agents ers and beating them up. Yet the protest- For the first time since January 25, the would drag some of them behind the cor- ers would reassemble and keep marching. Muslim Brotherhood announced it would don and severely beat them. Despite the I suggest that on January 26 the protesters “allow” individual members to participate presence of international reporters, often continued to recognize and fear the state’s in protests, but not join as an organiza- associated with police restraint, the police coercive powers but to a lesser extent tion. One protest participant recalled, “on did not hesitate to beat protesters.7 After than in the past. At this point, relative to the 28th, when we started from the some hesitancy during January 25, the po- the state security presence in and around mosque it was extremely apparent there licing strategies returned to the same co- downtown, they felt these powers were were people of the Brotherhood that ercive and brutal ones the protesters were hardly comparable to the strength of the made a huge impact on the amount of demonstrating against in the first place. protest movement. The perceived strength people [protesting]” (protest participant, The coercive policing that day was intend- of the movement became a decisive fac- personal communication, 17 Mar. 2011). ed to reestablish the norms of what pro- tor in people’s decision to participate After Friday prayer in mosques, which testers are and are not allowed to do. (Kurzman). had also been appropriated by protest- A few meters away from the journalists ers, tens of thousands of people took to syndicate, passers-by were stopping to January 28: Policing Breakdown the Egyptian streets. The main places of watch and condemn the violent interac- Protests continued on January 27 across contention in Cairo were the Sixth of Oc- tions. In less than half an hour, some three several cities, including Cairo, Alexan- tober Bridge, Qasr al-Nil Bridge, Al-Azhar dozen by-standers gathered and started dria, Suez and Ismailia, and hundreds Mosque, the Presidential Palace and Tah- chanting against police brutality. In re- were arrested. Yet by upholding spaces rir Square. That day protesters set fire to sponse, the police opened traffic on the of resistance through their continuing the NDP headquarters. Setting this build- street to disperse the bystanders and pro- engagement in street protests, protest- ing on fire not only contributed to the testers, who increasingly started to sur- ers made it clear that they would not protesters’ perception that power struc- round the very police cordon surrounding give up until their demands were met. tures were negotiable, but went further the protesters on the steps of the journal- On January 28, Internet and mobile and set a concrete example of abolishing ists syndicate. Opening traffic worked to telephone services were entirely cut off. authoritarian structures as the regime an extent and the crowd scattered, but This tactic was intended to weaken was slowly “burning down.” Not merely soon by-standers turned protesters start- demonstrations but it backfired instead: metaphorical, the burning down of the ed marching away from the police pres- as the protesters were unable to com- headquarters had concrete logistic and ence and further into downtown Cairo. municate and coordinate protest loca- strategic consequences, as it disturbed As protests and marches were taking tions, they were scattered all over Cairo, the inner cohesion and organization of place all over town, the standard police making it all the more difficult for the the regime.
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Downtown Cairo was filled with teargas. security services who were respon- gassing themselves. After several hours of Residents who chose not to actively par- ding with violence; who were beating battle and ineffective policing, the security ticipate in protests would throw supplies, them, shooting with teargas [and] rub- forces retreated and thousands of protest- such as water and vinegar against the ber bullets at them. In the face of such ers were able to march into Tahrir Square, clouds of teargas, from their balconies as provocation, the restraint on the site of starting an occupation that would last for an act of solidarity and sympathy. Some the protesters was incredible. (Protest weeks. As one participant noted, would even throw water from their win- participant, personal communication, I think that what January 28th really dows and balconies on police forces as a 21 Mar. 2011) demonstrated […] was how comple- means of attacking them. To me, and as I The protesters chanting “peaceful” were tely rotten to the core the police state assume to other participants, these efforts negotiating the terms of their space ex- had become. […] Honestly, how hard were extraordinarily touching emotionally, pansion through discursive practices in a should it be for a police state to hold a as they solidified affective bonds between Foucauldian sense. The chant can also be bridge? That should be one of the easi- protesters and helped them sustain their understood as a moral exhortation to est tasks for a police state that is able to efforts in the battle over protest spaces. As delegitimize police violence. Most com- deploy hundreds of thousands of se- Cairo’s streets were filled with masses of munication with security forces would take curity personnel. Instead what you saw protesters, security forces retreated from place through chants that reflected the was the incompetence of their security most places in order to defend key minis- protesters’ intentions and goals. Some forces, lack of coordination between tries and government buildings. As a re- chants even asked for the police to join them and their total unpreparedness sult, the bridges leading to downtown them. Still, the police generally responded for an […] outpouring of political dis- Cairo were marked by a huge security using massive force, making January 28 content. (Protest participant, personal presence. Qasr al-Nil Bridge, which leads the bloodiest day since protests started. communication, 20 Mar. 2011) to Tahrir Square, was a center of conflict The riot police attacked protesters with Even in trying to perform the usual func- on January 28. Thousands of protesters at- large-scale use of teargas and with water tions of territorialization as a means of po- tempted to cross the bridge while masses hoses. The protesters used trashcans and licing areas through massive security de- of riot policemen countered with water previously occupied police outposts as ployment and violent crackdowns, it trucks and armored vehicles in an attempt shields and barricades and some threw became apparent that the police were un- to quell the (re-) appropriation of space by the teargas grenades back at the police. able to perform their fundamental tasks. the protesters. One participant notes: Policemen seemed unable to cope with The training most riot policemen had Protesters marched towards the poli- the situation, as their trucks ran over other been given was simply not enough to ce with their arms up in the air, chan- policemen, teargas was thrown into the cope with such massive protests and the ting “peaceful, peaceful.” They really Nile and some riot policemen threw tear- coercive policing strategies that they used tried not to make it violent. These were gas grenades at protesters without con- generally failed to suppress dissent.8 Ac- peaceful protesters marching towards sidering the wind direction, effectively cording to a journalist respondent who
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was able to interview security forces, riot performance. Clearly, losing control of throwing teargas, beating with batons and policemen were ordered to work 16 to 18 these buildings could have induced a shooting rubber bullets could not stop the hours a day beginning on January 25, complete collapse of the regime. The MoI protesters from expanding their space of which was likely detrimental to their per- represents domestic state-power and protest to the parliamentary assembly.10 formance. The respondent further claimed houses the planning of police activity, Protester numbers, tactical considerations that policemen were threatened with jail while Maspero houses propagandistic and implementation, as well as their per- and sexualized torture by their supervi- state-broadcasting that reaches almost ev- ception of state-power compared to their sors, if they refused to confront protesters ery Egyptian household and represents own were superior to the police’s. After (protest participant, personal communica- the interface of communication and infor- hours of fighting, hundreds wounded and tion, 21 Mar. 2011). When I was observing mation production, and distribution. It be- some killed, the protesters were able to police movement in my apartment right came apparent that the protesters’ appro- appropriate the area around the parlia- across the MoI on January 27, I witnessed priation of spaces put the regime’s mentary assembly and Qasr al-Aini street, how police officers slapped lower-ranking survival at stake as the streets slowly and forced the police to retreat to the MoI. riot policemen and hit them with their changed ownership. Although it was heavily contested, protest- guns if they refused to return to the front- A curfew starting at 6 pm was announced ers did not manage to occupy the prem- lines of battle on the opposite side of the on January 28 to intimidate protesters and ises of the MoI as police were prepared to ministry.9 Additionally, scale and determi- keep them off the streets. Yet thousands use lethal means in order to defend their nation of the protests overwhelmed secu- defied it and some attempted to approach “last frontier.” Yet the act of besieging the rity forces, forcing the police to surrender the parliamentary assembly and the MoI, MoI, had a considerable impact on the or- certain areas and congregate at perceived turning adjoining Qasr al-Aini street into a ganization and internal cohesion of the critical locations key to the regime’s sur- battlefield. The protesters set cars on fire, police. The next day, after severe and vival. After Tahrir Square, university cam- which then served as burning barricades bloody fighting, riot gear and many police puses, the bridges leading into downtown against the police, and hundreds of pro- uniforms were found in the streets sur- Cairo, and virtually all mosques that served testers continuously advanced towards rounding the ministry, as policemen re- as starting locations for protests had been the parliament equipped with sticks and portedly changed into plainclothes and “lost,” the police shifted their presence to stones. Pick-up trucks transported desks, fled the scene. Since the police had been the fortress-like MoI all the way up to near- chairs and wood laths to the front line to unable to control territory, contain protest- by Qasr al-Aini street, as well as to Mas- sustain the barricades, while cars and mo- ers, or even keep its own men in line, mili- pero. The regime would by no means al- peds transported the wounded from the tary forces took over on late January 28, low these two buildings to “fall” as this front lines to hospitals. Different protesters after which the police virtually disap- could have severe implications for the had different tasks ranging from physical peared from the streets. The police’s with- protesters’ perception and fear of the re- fighting to efficient supply chain manage- drawal facilitated the occupation of Tahrir gime, but also the regime’s organizational ment. The usual coercive police tactics of Square, which quickly became the sym-
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bolic epicenter and a heterotopia of the police as modern policing has meant the looking glass well beyond Egypt’s January Dimitris Soudias Egyptian uprising (Schumann and Soudi- development of a capacity to intrude into 25 uprising. To name just one example: as; Telmissany). The streets at that time, it and control space. Social power hence following the coup d’état against Mursi in is a research fellow in the BMBF-funded appears, no longer belonged to the coun- does not exist without territorial rules. The 2013; the occupation of Raba’a al-Adawiya “Re-Configurations” project at the Center try’s autocrats, but to the people. protesters’ attempt to constitute spaces of Square by Mursi-supporters; the rallies in for Near and Middle Eastern Studies resistance is an act of a) resisting dictated Tahrir Square by his opponents, as well as (CNMS), Philips University Marburg. He Conclusion modes of territoriality, and hence b) rene- supporters of the armed forces; and the holds a Graduate Diploma in Middle East During the January 25 uprising in Cairo, gotiating existing power structures by “lib- establishment of “The Third Square” on Studies from the American University in protesters constituted spaces of resis- erating” places, redefining symbols and Sphinx Square were an embodiment of Cairo and an MA in Political Science from tance and expanded them through the meanings, expressing demands, grievanc- power relations at that time. Friedrich-Alexander-University Erlangen- employment of tactical repertoires. The es and desires. This too is the case outside of Cairo, in the Nuremberg. Among his most recent security forces on the other hand attempt- In my case study, the capacity of the police occupations of major squares, parks, and publications are: “Mapping Popular ed to maintain control over spaces to mark and enact meaningful boundaries, streets like in Athens, Istanbul, Madrid, Perceptions: Local Security, Insecurity through policing strategies, trying to keep to restrict people’s capacity to act by regu- New York, or Sanaa. These are all cases in and Police Work in Yemen” together the streets contained and “orderly.” The lating their movements in space has prov- point for how protesters produce spaces with Mareike Transfeld (Yemen Polling struggle over protest spaces is a key ex- en insufficient and jeopardized existing of resistance in order to challenge extant Center, 2014); Negotiating Space: pression of the negotiation of extant pow- power relations in favor of the protesters. power relations. The coercive policing The Evolution of the Egyptian Street, er structures between protesters, on the The police were not only unable to contain strategies through which security forces in 2000-2011 (The American University in one hand, and the regime represented by protesters, but barely managed to defend each of these occupations cracked down Cairo Press, 2014); “Präsenz und Raum their security forces, on the other. key state institutions. The latter in turn se- on protesters not only show their attempts in der Arabischen Revolte” together The battle over spaces by these actors un- verely restricted the regime’s capacity to at social control through territoriality. They with Christoph Schumann (Präsenz und derlies strategies of spatial control. A organize and act, which temporarily led to also show that when the status quo is seri- implizites Wissen. Ed. Christoph Ernst premise of the modern nation state is its the breakdown of state security services ously under threat and authorities in jeop- and Heike Paul. Transcript, 2013). control over territory. The police are given and their monopoly of force. ardy, violence appears to be the primary email: [email protected] a set of legal and coercive powers to im- As suggested here, the modes of thinking policing choice — regardless whether the plement this control in terms of Foucauld- the concepts of territorialization,space political systems are labeled authoritarian ian disciplinary power. This is an inherent production, and tactical repertoires to- or democratic. outcome of the social organization of the gether can serve as a helpful analytical
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Notes 2 For a review of space 5 Though the emergency 10 Unverified sources even Works Cited conceptions and their law in Egypt was formally reported police use of live 1 relation to protest, see suspended in 2012, a new ammunition on Qasr al-Aini. A detailed ethnography of Abdelrahman, Maha. Egypt’s Soudias 28-44. protest law introduced in the entirety of the uprising Long Revolution: Protest late 2013 perpetuates the is impossible, and due to Movements and Uprisings. 3 According to the United widespread criminalization of lack of space, I will focus New York: Routledge, 2015. States Institute of Peace, protest. on those protest events in Print. which I have participated public order describes the “absence of widespread 6 Where not marked in, and that provide fruitful al-Ali, Nadje. “Gendering criminal and political differently, the following examples of police-protester the Arab Spring.” Middle violence, such as riots and is based on personal interactions in relation to my East Journal of Culture and intimidation against targeted observations in protest argument. Data has been Communication 5.1 (2012): groups or individuals” (73). events in Cairo between gathered through participant 26-31. Web. 20 May 2015. observation throughout One needs to keep in mind January 25 and February 11 the problematic nature of 2011. the 18 days, qualitative Amar, Paul. “Middle East the constitution of the term: documentary research, Masculinity Studies. The police are the agent 7 Multiple respondents noted as well as semi-structured Discourses of “Men in of enforcing public order. that journalists, particularly interviews in March and Crisis,” Industries of Gender As they usually hold the international reporters, April 2011 with participants, in Revolution.” Journal of monopoly of the ‘legitimate’ have a restraining effect on i.e. self-described first- Middle East Women’s Studies use of force, they too can violent policing, as regime time protesters, activists, 7.3 (2011): 36-70. Web. 4 May exert massive amounts of and security forces have no and journalists. During my 2015. participation in the January violence, therefore disrupting interest in police brutality what is considered ‘public being reported abroad. 25 uprising, I framed my della Porta, Donnatella, order’. I need to stress the role as a researcher, but and Mario Diani. Social very political, rather than 8 For more detailed strongly sympathized with Movements: An Introduction. normative connotation of the information regarding the the protesters’ cause and 2nd ed. Oxford: Blackwell, term as it is the authorities organization of security even became friends with 2006. Print. many of the people I have who usually decide upon forces in Egypt prior to the the definition of order and January 25 uprising, see met during the uprising or della Porta, Donnatella, and disorder. Soudias 61-65. while conducting interviews. Herbert Reiter. “The Policing Albeit I did not participate of Global Protest: The G8 at 4 For a gender-focused 9 These observations indicate in chants and direct action Genoa and Its Aftermath.” perspective on the Egyptian struggles within the security against police, I too was part The Policing of Transnational revolutionary process, see force during that time. While of the research situation: I Protest. Ed. Donnatella della Amar; al-Ali; Sholkamy. further research is required, too marched and maintained Porta, Abby Peterson and it is fair to say the police did solidarity with protesters in Herbert Reiter. Aldershot: not act and function as a the face of continuous police Ashgate, 2006. 13-42. Print. attacks. Whether or not I was monolithic unit during these 18 days. successful in maintaining ––› critical distance to my research subject, I leave up to the reader to decide. Middle East – Topics & Arguments #04–2015 Off-Topic 182
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Middle East – Topics & Arguments #04–2015