OSSERVATORIO N.6 | Jun

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

OSSERVATORIO N.6 | Jun OSSERVATORIO N.6 | Jun. 2019 Trend · Politics · Economics TREND POLITICS ECONOMICS European vote increases Inverted equilibria in the GDP returns to grow in first Lega’s weight changing the majority jeopardises the quarter but pace remains close scenarios for future majorities. Government and the PoR to zero. keeps open chances of an early vote. 1 This issue of Osservatorio was closed on June 3rd, 2019 . Next issue: July 4th, 2019 Cover photo: © CC BY-NC-SA 3.0 Presidenza del Consiglio dei Ministri EDITORIAL European elections: new equilibria, old instability The results of the European elections outline a clear reversal in the power rela- tions between the Lega and the Movimento 5 Stelle within the majority parties. The vast success of Matteo Salvini, who was also able to wear out the Movimen- to’s leverage in the Southern Regions, redefines the Government agenda rein- forcing the Lega’s priorities. The symmetrical dualism with Luigi Di Maio comes to a close and Di Maio’s fa- vourable numbers in the Cabinet will not be enough to slow down his ally’s surge. The stability of the Contract for Government will no longer depend on the balan- ce of the Government’s approved measures, but rather on the Movimento 5 Stel- le’s ability to follow a political line which can accommodate the Lega’s requests without being completely out of touch with its base. The one just described is a difficult compromise to strike, especially when con- sidering that conceding greater leeway to Salvini could result in losing more vo- ters. In fact, the scenario of a Government crisis is still very much on the table for the President of the Republic, who is worried that conflict within Palazzo Chigi will continue should the Lega’s pressure be non-negotiable for the other majo- rity party. The time frame for this scenario – which could see a centre-right coalition win- ning, based on the results of the Europen elections – is bound by the economic timeline: a general election would need to be held by the end of September for the budget act to be produced by a new Government in office. This step is key to manage the European Union’s apprehension regarding the stability of the Ita- lian public finances. The paradoxical result of the last elections clearly emerges from the role of Italy in Europe: the Lega, a predominant force at the national level, will not be part of the majority who will have the power to influence the appointments of the major political offices within the European institutions. Coming out of a mandate whe- re it held the presidency of the European Central Bank (ECB) and the European Parliament, Italy is now risking to stand on the sidelines if the Government fails to mitigate the internal sovereigntists pressures with the positions of Christian-de- mocrats, socialists and liberals. 3 INDEX TREND 5 What would have happened if on May 26th the country voted for the general elections? POLITICS 8 The Movimento 5 Stelle is going through a reform 9 The Government Lega-led “Phase 2” 10 The President of the Republic’s red lines for a Government crisis 11 The European implications of the Italian vote ECONOMICS 12 Matteo Salvini’s €30bn fiscal act 13 GDP slowing down, latest ISTAT estimates 14 Markets reaction and Europe’s possible stance INTERVIEW 15 Marco Zatterin: which future for the European Union? © CC BY-NC-SA 3.0 Presidenza del Consiglio dei Ministri © CC BY-NC-SA 3.0 Presidenza del Consiglio dei Ministri © CC BY-NC-SA 3.0 Presidenza del Consiglio dei Ministri OSSERVATORIO - Trend · Politics · Economics Trend What would have happened if on May 26th the country voted for the general elections? he European elections on the 26th May YouTrend tried to answer this question with si- drastically changed the power relations mulations based on four different scenarios Twithin the Italian political landscape. This and carried out for Cattaneo Zanetto & Co. It is not news; it is in fact a regular occurrence is important to note that these are simulations which has been happening consistently since and not an exact reflection of reality: even if 2013. A series of “electoral revolutions” sharing new elections were to take place in the next few one constant: voters always reward the political months, it goes without saying that there are force which best embodies the willingness to clear differences between a European vote and change the status quo. This happened in 2013 a national one. and 2018 with the Movimento 5 Stelle, in the 2014 European elections with Matteo Renzi’s These speculations are naturally destined to be- Partito Democratico and in 2019 with Salvini’s come obsolete, “overrun” by subsequent even- Lega. ts. More specifically, the distribution of public consensus could be affected by the European The distribution of public consensus emerging elections results in multiple ways: it could trig- from European elections carries substantial po- ger a “bandwagon effect” that brings more and litical consequences, irrespective of what the more votes to Matteo Salvini’s party or, on the future of the Government may be: even if the contrary, it could bring voters closer to its oppo- ECONOMICS majority carries on as is, the internal power re- sition. For the time being, it’s impossible to pre- lations are now vastly different, as it has been dict in which direction we are headed, but the chronicled in the past few days. Should there polls in the next few weeks will realistically pro- be new elections, what would the Parliament vide useful clues. composition look like if Italians distributed their votes among the various parties like they did on latest election? INTERVIEW 5 © CC-BY-NC-SA Presidenza del Consiglio dei Ministri OSSERVATORIO - Trend · Politics · Economics SCENARIO 1 - CENTRE-RIGHT COALITION The first scenario sees identical coalitions to the ones in effect in 2018. Results are clear-cut: a centre-right coalition formed by the Lega, Forza Italia and Fratelli d’Italia would win a majority just short of two thirds in the Chamber of Deputies (402 seats out of 618) and of exact- ly two thirds in the Senate (206 out of 309). 4 402 78 134 SCENARIO 2 - LEGA ONLY What would happen if the Lega decided to stand alone in the next elections? Our simula- tion portrays a state of affairs whereby the Lega would win 262 seats in the Chamber and 124 in the Senate: substantial numbers but still con- siderably short of what is needed for Matteo Salvini to win a majority. 4 70 116 262 166 6 OSSERVATORIO - Trend · Politics · Economics SCENARIO 3 - FDI+LEGA The most interesting result is possibly the one ari- sing from the third scenario, whereby we specula- ted about an “all-sovereignist” coalition between the Lega and Fratelli d’Italia. With a 40.8% share of the vote, this coalition would win the majority in both Houses (328 seats in the Chamber of Depu- ties and 162 in the Senate) without having to extend the coalition to Berlusconi nor the the Movimento 5 Stelle. 4 36 101 328 149 SCENARIO 4 - FI+CENTRE-LEFT COALITION If the scenario just described were to become a re- ality, we could speculate that the divorce between Silvio Berlusconi and his historical allies would lead to crucial consequences. It might even lead to the emergence of an “anti-sovereignist” and pro-Eu- ropean line-up formed by the centre-left but also Forza Italia itself. If the numbers were the same as the European elections, this line-up would still not have enough consensus to win against the soverei- gnist coalition, but it would prevent them from win- ning the absolute majority in Parliament. 86 293 235 4 6 7 OSSERVATORIO - Trend · Politics · Economics Politics © CC-BY-NC-SA Presidenza del Consiglio dei Ministri The Movimento 5 Stelle is going through a reform nalysis of the defe- in 2018; on the other hand, it is various strands coexisting wi- at”, “a showdown”: possibly even more important thin the party, whose synthesis these expressions, to identify an organisational is now key to avoid jeopardising “ “A commonly used by the media structure which can put an end the majority in Parliament as for the losing parties in the after- to the Movimento’s subordina- a result of the loss of consen- math of an election, seem to be tion to the Lega. sus in the European elections. now very apt for the Movimento A possible way forward is to 5 Stelle for the very first time. The Rather than a pure headcount, establish a top-down hierar- immediate effect of the Europe- the Movimento is looking for an chical structure where Luigi Di an elections is noticeable within identity that is pragmatic but Maio becomes the voice of the the Movimento led by Luigi Di does not err on the side of flexi- five stratified strands, which Maio and the future equilibria bility. In other words, it is looking can be, in theory, traced back of the Government will largely to define a clear red-line on the to Roberto Fico, Beppe Grillo, depend on the outcome of the themes and policies which need Alessandro Di Battista, Davide internal discussions that Movi- to be negotiated with the Lega, Casaleggio and Di Maio himself. mento’s leadership will have. with the ultimate aim of coun- The other option entails a more terbalancing its growing power drastic choice of allegiances, The current situation of the in the political arena instead of which oscillates between the Movimento is reminiscent of a battling only on communica- moderate “leftist” side close to difficult juncture experienced tion style, where Salvini showed Fico and the more radical and in the aftermath of the 2019 re- a considerable edge.
Recommended publications
  • Sergio Mattarella
    __________ Marzo 2021 Indice cronologico dei comunicati stampa SEZIONE I – DIMISSIONI DI CORTESIA ......................................................................... 9 Presidenza Einaudi...........................................................................................................................9 Presidenza Gronchi ..........................................................................................................................9 Presidenza Segni ..............................................................................................................................9 Presidenza Saragat.........................................................................................................................10 Presidenza Leone ...........................................................................................................................10 Presidenza Pertini ..........................................................................................................................10 Presidenza Cossiga ........................................................................................................................11 Presidenza Ciampi .........................................................................................................................11 Presidenza Mattarella ....................................................................................................................11 SEZIONE II – DIMISSIONI EFFETTIVE ........................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Bright Side of Populism: Beppe Grillo As Promoter of Political Change and Reform
    XXVII Convegno della Società italiana di Scienza politica Università di Firenze 12 - 14 September 2013 The bright side of populism: Beppe Grillo as promoter of political change and reform Jana Edelmann. Research Assistant at Universität Siegen/ Ph.D Student at Ludwig- Maximilians-Universität München First Draft – please do not cite or quote, comments are welcome Abstract With his irresponsible simplifications and unsustainable political demands, populist Beppe Grillo poses a serious danger for the Italian democracy and its institutions, as the widespread opinion goes. However, this negative interpretation falls short of taking into account two crucial aspects: Firstly, Grillo and his MoVimento 5 Stelle are caused by, respond to and intend to change the political system’s and its actors’ uncontested inefficiencies and encrusted structures, woes that the established political elite – so far unsuccessfully – has been trying to change for decades. Secondly, populism as a neutral analytical concept indeed allows for its potential to positively influence the political system, namely by addressing taboo subjects and putting them on the political agenda. As argued in this paper, Beppe Grillo’s populist approach provides Italy with a variety of well-founded stimuli for political and institutional change as he and his movement openly address, expose and criticize structures and procedures that lie at the very heart of the Italian political system’s difficulties. I. Introduction: Beppe Grillo - political clown and democratic catastrophe? This year’s Italian national parliament’s election provided the political system with a clear and unexpected winner: Beppe Grillo’s MoVimento Cinque Stelle (M5S), campaigning for the first time on the national level and founded just around three and a half years before (2009), from scratch achieved 23.79 per cent of the votes in the Senato and 25.55 per cent in the Camera, by this becoming the most successful single party (cf.
    [Show full text]
  • Italian Parliamentary Elections
    May 2018 1 % POLICY PAPER A Game of Thrones: Italian parliamentary elections Alexandr Lagazzi § On March 4, Italy held its general elections, which resulted in a tri-polar electorate and a political deadlock. After more than 10 weeks of negotiations, the Five Star Movement and the Northern League agreed upon a common agenda to form a governing coalition. On may 18 the final draft of the coalition pact was published. § This paper will aim to summarize the 2018 parliamentary elections by commenting on the outcome with regards to the rounds of (in)formal negotiations, pin-pointing the most surprising outcomes, and reacting to the most recent developments in order to compile an overview of the parliamentary power games. May 2018 2 % Introduction Behind-the-curtain politics: actual winners and losers With over 65 governments since the end of WW21, the Italian parliamentary system still reflects world-war In the weeks before the vote, four parties were on the precautions, such as the power symmetry between the two lookout for playing a key-role in forming the next houses of the parliament. This ‘perfect bicameralism’ means government: Renzi’s ruling Democratic Party (Partito that ever since Italy became a republic in 1946, its Prime Democratico, PD); Grillo’s Five Star Movement Ministers needed a majority in both the House of Deputies (Movimento 5 Stelle, M5S) headed by Di Maio; Berlusconi’s and the Senate. Designed to prevent a Mussolini-like abrupt Forza Italia (FI); and Salvini’s League (Lega Nord, L). As rise to power, this system has been a success, but it gave expected, the Democratic Party led the centre-left coalition, Italy a relatively weak executive branch.
    [Show full text]
  • Does the Five Star Movement Deviate from Its 'Democratic Formula'?
    Innovative Politics: Does The Five Star Movement Deviate from its ‘Democratic Formula’? Anna Grazia Napoletano S4609301 16 November 2017 Comparative Politics Master thesis Supervisor: Dr. Maurits J. Meijers Nijmegen School of Management Radboud University Nijmegen Word count. 33, 759 Table of Contents 1. Introduction…………………………………………………………………. 3 1.1 Innovative politics: from a minimalist concept of democracy to a complex one……….. 8 1.2 Innovative politics: Pirate Party, Geenpeil and the Five Star Movement……………….. 12 2.The Five Star Movement: History and organization……………………………………... 15 2.1 Italian political context:……………………………………………………………… 15 2.2 From a website to a Movement: The Five Star Movement’s embryo stage………….. 18 2.2.1 Anti-media………………………………………………………………………….. 19 2.2.2 Meetup……………………………………………………………………………… 21 2.3 From a Movement to a party…………………………………………………………. 24 2.3.1 Current structure……………………………………………………………………… 27 2.3.2 The Five Star Movement manifesto and its system of checks and balances…………. 28 2.3.3 Staff…………………………………………………………………………………… 30 2.3.4 Financing……………………………………………………………………………… 30 3. Divergence from the Five Star Movement’s Democratic Formula………………………. 31 3.1 The FiveStar Movement democratic formula: direct-participatory, transparent and deliberative………………………………………………………………….. 31 3.2 Direct and Participatory Democracy……………………………………………………. 32 3.3 Transparent Democracy…………………………………………………………………. 35 3.4 Deliberative Democracy………………………………………………………………… 35 3.5 Deviations from the Five Star Movement’s democratic formula……………………….. 36 3.6 Expectations regarding the Five Star Movement’s divergence from its “democratic formula”……………………………………………………………………………………… 38 3.6.1 The massive organization of internal democracy and “the Iron Law of Oligarchy”….… 38 3.6.2.The Lack of ideology: Delegation Vs. Representation and Taggart’s protest politics….. 41 4. Methodology……………………………………………………………………………… 46 4.1 Exploring the world of the Five Star Movement………………………………………….
    [Show full text]
  • New Party Organizations and Intra-Party Democracy: a Comparative Analysis of the Five Star Movement and Podemos
    CENTRAL EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY Doctoral School of Political Science, Public Policy and International Relations Track: Comparative Politics New Party Organizations and Intra-party Democracy: A Comparative Analysis of the Five Star Movement and Podemos PhD dissertation BY Bálint Mikola SUPERVISOR: Zsolt Enyedi CEU eTD Collection BUDAPEST, HUNGARY Date of submission: November 24, 2018 Word count: 84,744 words Table of contents Chapter 1 – Theoretical introduction........................................................................................................ 8 1. Literature review – Members’ role across party models ..................................................................... 10 2. Participation in new political parties ................................................................................................... 13 2.1 The diversification of party affiliation .......................................................................................... 14 2.2 Online participation....................................................................................................................... 15 2.3 Intra-party democracy ................................................................................................................... 16 3. Indicators............................................................................................................................................. 18 4. Causal model and hypotheses ............................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Zarządzanie Mediami, 2018, Tom 6, Numer 4
    zarządzanie mediami Tom 6(4)2018, s. 251–271 doi:10.4467/23540214ZM.18.018.10570 www.ejournals.eu/ZM Maciej Miżejewski Jagiellonian University in Kraków THE IMPACT OF THE REFORM OF THE ITALIAN PUBLIC BROADCASTER RAI ON THE OUTCOME OF THE 2018 PARLIAMENTARY CAMPAIGN Abstract The public broadcaster RAI (Radiotelevisione italiana), in its parliamentary campaign in 2018, was to be the guarantor of the electoral success of the Italian centre-left. However, this was not the case. The Democratic Party (Partito Democratico) lost the elections. The decision of the then Prime Min- ister Matteo Renzi to strengthen political control over the RAI before the upcoming elections was wrong. The model of government television criticised by the opposition proved to be dysfunctional. The restriction of the autonomy and the consequent reduction in the credibility of the public broad- caster RAI gave the Italian opposition an argument to change its electoral strategy and to transfer the campaign to the network, which determined its final outcome. In the 2018 parliamentary campaign in Italy, RAI stopped serving as a forum for public debate, thus ending the stage of its domination as a medium in the process of political communication during the Second Republic. Key words: mediatization of parliamentary campaign, politicization of media, protection of media pluralism, hybridization of election campaign Beppe Grillo, leader of the victorious 5 Stars Movement (MoVimento 5 Stelle), com- menting on the political consequences of the RAI reform, compared them to the
    [Show full text]
  • Mapping Italy: Scenario and Political Risks
    in collaboration with Luiss Luiss School of European Luiss CISE School of Government Political Economy Centro Italiano Studi Elettorali Mapping Italy: scenario and political risks No. 6 October 2020 Monthly Report on Italy Table of contents 1. Scenario and risks 4 1.1. Politics 4 1.2. Scenario 5 1.3. Forecasts 7 1.4. Mapping risks 8 2. Polls 9 3. Economic Scenario 12 No. 6 October 2020 2 of 14 Monthly Report on Italy Italian politics has always been an arcane subject. A handful of specialists and enthusiasts love to talk of its Machiavellian intricacies for hours on end, but most people, especially north of the Alps, not only do not understand it, but see no reason why they should bother to understand it. Today there are at least three reasons why they should. First, in Italy the crisis of the political establishment that is now evident in many advanced democracies began a quarter century ago. This means that the country is further down the road of the democratic malaise – it is a laboratory and a bellwether. Second, Italy is the first country from within the historical core of the European community to be governed by anti-establishment parties. Third, its politics represent the greatest threat to the stability, or possibly even the existence, of the common European currency. Founded in 2010 in a University that has a very strong international vocation, the Luiss School of Government aims to facilitate the connection between Italy and the world outside of it. It aims to prepare the future Italian public elite for the complexities of an ever more integrated planet, and to provide first-class education to non-Italian students in Italy’s capital city.
    [Show full text]
  • Editorial: Hung Parliament in Italy and the Difficult Gestation of a New Government (March–May 2018) Christina M. Akrivopoulou
    Int. J. Human Rights and Constitutional Studies, Vol. 6, No. 2 2018 93 Editorial: Hung parliament in Italy and the difficult gestation of a new government (March–May 2018) Christina M. Akrivopoulou Greek Refugee Appeals Authority, Kanellopoulou Avenue 2, PC 101 77, Athens, Greece Email: [email protected] During the last Italian general election (4 March 2018), no political party won a clear majority, thus leading to a hung parliament. The election outcome has favoured the centre-right alliance, with Matteo Salvini’s League (LN) becoming the main Italian political force while the Five Star Movement (M5S) was the most voted political party. Matteo Renzi and the centre-left coalition came third in these elections. The results led immediately to the formation of a new coalition government. The formation of the new Italian government was a long gestation and it took 88 days in total. During this time a hung parliament occurred, the presidents of the two housed of the Italian Parliament have resigned (Maria Elisabetta Alberti Casellati, Roberto Fico), though Prime Minister Paolo Gentiloni remained in his seat to manage state affairs until the formation of a new government. As it is common practice in the Italian political system, the Prime Minister resigned to President Sergio Mattarella who asked him to remain in office until the government formation procedures were concluded. On 31 May 2018, after 88 days of extremely difficult negotiations, the professor of law Giuseppe Conte became the next Italia Prime Minister with support from LN and M5S, while Matteo Salvini from LN and Luigi Di Maio from M5S were appointed as vice premiers with many competences.
    [Show full text]
  • Factsheet: the Italian Chamber of Deputies Palazzo Montecitorio, Seat of the Camera Dei Deputati
    Directorate-General for the Presidency Directorate for Relations with National Parliaments Factsheet: The Italian Chamber of Deputies Palazzo Montecitorio, seat of the Camera dei Deputati 1. At a glance The Italian Parliament consists of two chambers: the Chamber of Deputies ("Camera dei Deputati") and the Senate ("Senato della Repubblica"). The Chamber of Deputies has a maximum of 630 Members, elected by the citizens being at least 18 years old. Every elector who is 25 years old on the day of the elections can be elected to the Chamber. Given the failed attempt to reform the Constitution, the Italian Parliament has remained a "perfect bicameral system", where the two Chambers have exactly the same functions and powers. Italy is a Parliamentary Democracy, where both the Chamber and the Senate give a vote of confidence on a new Government and its political programme. Every seven years, a special body composed of the Chamber, Senate and regional delegates elects the President of the Republic. The last electoral law is a mixture of majority (1/3 of the seats) and proportional system (2/3 of the seats). In addition, since 2006, 12 deputies are elected by the Italians resident abroad. 2. Composition Party EP Affiliation Current seats Movimento 5 Stelle 222 5 Stars Movement Lega Salvini Premier 123 League Salvini for Premier Partito Democratico (PD) 111 Democratic Party Forza Italia - Berlusconi Presidente 105 Come on Italy - Berlusconi for President Fratelli d'Italia 32 Brothers of Italy Liberi e Uguali (LEU) 14 Free and equal Più Europa con Emma Bonino 3 More Europe with Emma Bonino Noi con l'Italia - UDC 4 Together with Italy Gruppo Civica Popolare+AP+PSI+Area Civica 4 Misto Popular Civic List Minoranze Linguistiche SVP-PATT 4 Linguistic Minorities MAIE - Movimento Associativo Italiani all'Estero 6 628 3.
    [Show full text]
  • You Won't Believe Our Results!
    You Won't Believe Our Results! But They Might: Heterogeneity in Beliefs About The Accuracy of Online Media Preliminary Draft Mario Luca∗ Kevin Mungery Jonathan Naglerz Joshua A. Tuckerx January 2, 2020 Abstract \Clickbait" media has long been espoused as an unfortunate conse- quence of the rise of digital journalism: faced with new monetary incen- tives driven by digital advertising, journalists are forced to chase \clicks" at the expense of high quality news. But little is known about why readers choose to read clickbait stories. Is it merely curiosity, or might voters think such stories are more likely to provide useful information? We provide a first test of this question with a survey experiment conducted in Italy, where a major political party, the Five Star Movement, enthusiastically embraced the aesthetics of new media and encouraged their supporters to distrust legacy outlets in favor of online news. We offer respondents a monetary incentive for correct answers, and thus manipulate the relative salience of the motivation for accurate information. Surprisingly, this in- centive increases differences in the preference for clickbait; older and less educated subjects become even more likely to opt to read a story with a clickbait headline when the incentive to produce a factually correct an- swer is higher. In contrast to other explanations for the rise of low-quality online media, our model suggests that a politically relevant subset of the population prefers clickbait media because they trust it more. ∗Sciences Po Paris, Economics Department, [email protected] yPenn State University, Political Science Department, [email protected] zNew York University, Politics Department, Center for Social Media and Politics, [email protected] xNew York University, Politics Department, Center for Social Media and Politics, [email protected] 1 1 Utility and Media Choice A central parameter in the study of political media is the process by which the public selects media to consume.
    [Show full text]
  • The Electoral Consolidation of the Five Star Movement
    The Electoral Consolidation of the Five Star Movement Alberto Stefanelli1∗ 1Department of Political Science, Central European University, Budapest, Hungary Keywords: Populism, Five Star Movement, Italian Politics, Elections, Beppe Grillo Abstract In many European countries, the success of populist formations is transforming the party system and the traditional electoral competi- tion structure. Italy is no exception. Since the 2013 Italian general election, scholars have wondered wether the electoral successes of the Five Star Movement (FSM) marked the end of the so-called Italian Sec- ond Republic. This paper analyses the electoral performance and the transformation of the Five Star Movement on both local and national levels. First, I will briefly overview the characteristics of the FSM in relation to the main conceptual dimensions of populism. Secondly, I will examine the electoral history of the FSM from its foundation till the 2017 administrative elections round. Thirdly, I will focus on the territorial strengthening at the local level and on the geographi- cal consolidation of the FSM electoral support. Lastly, I will briefly overview the socio-demographic profile of its voters and the evolution of its electorate. ∗Alberto Stefanelli is a Master student at the Central European University, Budapest. He is specialising in research methods and voting behaviour. He is currently leading the outreach team of Team Populism. Email: [email protected] 1 1 Introduction “The mainstream media has often spoken of Pannocchia1 in the same way they speak of our movement. Do you remember? They said that we were sexist, homophobic, demagogues, pop- ulists. They do not realise that millions of people no longer read their newspapers or watch their TVs.
    [Show full text]
  • Di Maio, Tanti Ministri “Ro S S I” E All'ultimo Salta Roberto Fico
    6»POLITICA |IL FATTO QUOTIDIANO |Venerdì 2Marzo 2018 “HA SCIOLTO LA RISERVA” “ANTONIO TAJANI ha sciolto la ri- cittadini e al presidente della Repubblica”. U- da della coalizione di centrodestra? Il capo di qserva, sarà il candidato premier del na decisione che era nell’aria da tempo, ma Forza Italia svicola: “Non lo so, però è così Ora è ufficiale, B: ce n t ro d e s t ra ”. Così ieri sera a Matrix Silvio che il presidente dell’europarlamento e Ber- grande il ruolo che Tajani può espletare da Berlusconi ha annunciato il sì del presidente lusconi hanno formalizzato a un soffio dalle presidente del Consiglio. Ma se Salvini arriva “Tajani è il nostro del parlamento europeo alla sua proposta. E urne, non a caso nel giorno in cui Luigi Di Maio prima e vuole farlo lui noi comunque lo ac- pochi minuti dopo il forzista Tajani ha con- ha presentato i 17 ministri della sua ipotetica cettiamo perché abbiamo un patto di coali- candidato premier” fermato su Twitter: “Ringrazio Berlusconi per squadra di governo. Ma come la prenderà il zione. In Europa tutti mi hanno detto di non la stima, ho dato a lui la disponibilità a servire segretario della Lega Nord Matteo Salvini, al- portare via Tajani perchè è il miglior presiden- l’Italia. Ora ogni ulteriore decisione spetta ai leato ma anche rivale di Berlusconi per la gui- te del Parlamento che abbiano mai avuto”. L’E L E NCO Squadra Il candidato premier M5S presenta il suo esecutivo: 5 donne e 12 uomini. Una lista che guarda a sinistra per il dopo-voto.
    [Show full text]