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Tabularia Sources écrites des mondes normands médiévaux Vivre des deux côtés de la (Xe-XIIIe siècle) | 2011

Cross-Channel communication and the end of the ‘Anglo-Norman realm’: and the Valognes inheritance La communication de part et d’autre de la Manche et la fin du « royaume anglo- normand » : Robert fils-Gautier et l’héritage de Valognes

Daniel Power

Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/tabularia/1452 DOI: 10.4000/tabularia.1452 ISSN: 1630-7364

Publisher: CRAHAM - Centre Michel de Boüard, Presses universitaires de Caen

Electronic reference Daniel Power, « Cross-Channel communication and the end of the ‘Anglo-Norman realm’: Robert fitzWalter and the Valognes inheritance », Tabularia [Online], Vivre des deux côtés de la Manche (Xe-XIII e siècle), Online since 28 April 2011, connection on 30 April 2019. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/tabularia/1452 ; DOI : 10.4000/tabularia.1452

CRAHAM - Centre Michel de Boüard Cross-Channel communication and the end of the ‘Anglo-Norman realm’: 1 Robert i tzWalter and the Valognes inheritance La communication de part et d’autre de la Manche et la i n du « royaume anglo-normand » : Robert i ls-Gautier et l’héritage de Valognes

Daniel Power Swansea University Department of History and Classics [email protected]

Abstract: h e collapse of the ‘Anglo-Norman realm’ in 1204 placed the Anglo-Norman aristocracy in an uneviable position, as most of its members were forced to choose between keeping their English or their French lands. h e process of untangling the ties between the two countries in the ensuing decades has received little attention from historians. h e present article considers the evidence of communication at er 1204 between the English Robert i tzWalter and French royal oi cials in , which was intended to resolve problems arising from charters that Robert and his wife Gunnor de Valognes had issued in favour of the priory of Notre-Dame-du-Pré before the collapse of the Angevin régime. h ese acts provide a revealing example of English interest and involvement in Norman af airs in the years following the Capetian annexation of Normandy, despite the continuing hostilities between the kings of and . Keywords: Robert i tzWalter, Notre-Dame-du-Pré, Gunnor de Valognes, Anglo-Norman aristocracy, Capetian annexation of Normandy, cross-Channel communication, England, Normandy, charter, forgery, the 13th century, royal oi cials, inheritance.

Résumé : L’ef ondrement du « royaume anglo-normand » en 1204 a placé l’aristocratie anglo-normande dans une position intenable, car la plupart de ses membres ont été forcés de choisir entre conserver leurs terres anglaises ou françaises. Les manières de démêler les liens entre les deux pays dans les décennies qui suivirent ont reçu peu d’attention des historiens. Cet article examine la communication qui était destinée à résoudre les problèmes, après 1204, entre le magnat anglais Robert i tzWalter et les oi ciers royaux français en Normandie à partir du témoignage des chartes que Robert et sa femme Gunnor de Valognes avaient émises en faveur du prieuré de Notre-Dame-du-Pré avant l’ef ondrement du régime Plantagenêt. Ces actes

1. h e research for this article was generously supported by the British Academy. It is dedicated to Sir James Holt, whose research has revealed so much about Robert i tzWalter and his fellow . In the notes below, VCH = Victoria County History.

Tabularia « Études », n° 11, 2011, p. 1-33, 28 avril 2011 http://www.unicaen.fr/mrsh/craham/revue/tabularia/print.php?dossier=dossier10&i le=01power.xml 2 Vivre des deux côtés de la Manche fournissent un exemple révélateur de l’intérêt anglais et de l’implication anglaise dans les af aires normandes dans les années postérieures à l’annexion capétienne de la Normandie, en dépit de la poursuite des hostilités entre les rois d’Angleterre et la France. Mots-clés : Robert i ls-Gautier, Notre-Dame-du-Pré, Gunnor de Valognes, communication trans-Manche, oi ciers royaux, Angleterre, Normandie, charte, faux, le XIIIe siècle, aristo- cratie anglo-normande, l’annexion capétienne de Normandie, héritage .

h e fall of Normandy to King Philip Augustus of France in 1204 marked a decisive point in the history of both countries. Within a few short weeks, the Capetian king brought the ‘stif -necked’ duchy under his thumb 2, nearly a century and a half at er the of England had i rst established a dynastic union between Normandy and England. As contemporaries recognised, the collapse of the duchy placed the Anglo-Norman aristocracy in a painful dilemma. Since 1066 a great many of its members had enjoyed a lifestyle divided between England and Northern France, holding estates on both sides of the English Channel and sharing a single Anglo-French culture. All of a sudden, Philip Augustus’ victory forced these landowners to choose between their lands on the Continent and in the British Isles. In England, King John issued a general command to royal oi cials to seize the estates of all , probably in the summer of 1204 3. In Normandy, some redistribution was ef ected by the king of France, not least during his triumphal campaign through central Normandy in spring 1204, but he granted a period of grace in which landowners could do homage to him for their Norman lands, and it is likely that a full policy of coni scation was implemented in Normandy only from Easter 1205 onwards 4. It was one thing for each king to issue a general order to coni scate the lands of those who remained overseas; it was quite another to carry out these orders in practice. In both England and Normandy, royal oi cials struggled to establish what was to be seized by holding inquests and compiling lengthy lists of i efs 5; but since a number of landowners changed their minds about their decisions or managed to recover their lost lands by royal grace, any such lists must have quickly become out of date. h e inquests of Louis IX would later uncover a great many examples of mistaken or malicious coni scations by French royal oi cials 6 . In England, political considerations

2. ‘cervicosa Normannia’: Stevenson , Coggeshall , p. 146, describing the duchy’s subjugation. 3. h e order is mentioned in hardy , Rotuli de oblatis, e.g. p. 334 (‘occasione generalis precepti facti de terris Normannorum’, 1205). For the coni scations of the ‘lands of the Normans’ in England, see moore , 2010. 4. Delaborde, Actes de Philippe Auguste, ii, nº 901; cf. History of William Marshal , ii ( Meyer , Histoire de Guillaume le Maréchal ), ii, lines 12866-74. A general royal order for coni scation is mentioned in Grosse - Duperon and Gouvrion , Cartulaire de Fontaine-Daniel , no. LXIV. 5. E.g. Hardy , Rotuli de oblatis, p. 122-143; Book of Fees , passim; Nortier , 1995, p. 55-68; Bouquet, Recueil des Historiens des Gaules et de la France , [hereat er RHF ], xxiii, p. 606-723, and Baldwin , Registres de Philippe Auguste , i (texte ). 6. ‘Querimoniæ Normannorum’, in RHF , xxiv, I, p. 1-74.

http://www.unicaen.fr/mrsh/craham/revue/tabularia/print.php?dossier=dossier10&i le=01power.xml Cross-Channel communication… 3 meant that greater laxity was sometimes af orded to those from regions other than Normandy, such as Flanders, Ponthieu, or Brittany, or to certain social groups, such as clerics or widows; but royal indulgence of this type was both inconsistent and intermittent 7. In consequence, on both sides of the Channel there was great potential for confusion or dispute over the status of the property of Anglo-Norman landowners. h e Anglo-Norman aristocracy was ef ectively split down the middle, but many of its members attempted to maintain their interests on both sides of the sea. h e actual mechanics of separation have received little attention from historians, not least because most of the charters for the English and Norman aristocracy of the period remain unpublished and largely unanalysed. Yet this process is essential to our understanding of the absorption of Normandy into the kingdom of France and of the disintegration of the Anglo-Norman ‘realm’, which had dominated northwest European politics for nearly a century and a half. Much further research is still required, for instance, to explain why there were so few manifestations of pro-Angevin sentiment in the duchy at er 1204, especially during the Bouvines War of 1213-14. h e present article aims to cast light upon the twin processes of the separation of England and Normandy and the assimilation of Normandy into the Capetian realm. It draws upon a series of hitherto unpublished charters that reveal the contacts between Robert i tzWalter, one of the most famous in medieval England, and a portion of his wife’s property in the in northeast Normandy. h e texts reveal some of the means by which the Capetian baillis sought to control the duchy of Normandy in the early years of the French régime, and they furnish a revealing glimpse of the process of disengagement between the two countries.

1. Communications between England and Normandy at er 1204

In order to understand the documents in question, which all concerned the rights of the priory of Notre-Dame-du-Pré ( alias Bonne-Nouvelle) near , it is i rst necessary to consider the problems confronting the Capetian oi cials in Normandy. h e king of France’s baillis were hampered by their own ignorance of the province that had fallen under their sway. In order to administer Normandy ef ectively and fairly, they needed a good knowledge of the genealogies of each and every landed family in the duchy. If a Norman landowner died and the nearest heir was believed to be in England, then the property stood to fall into royal hands; and in theory this required the baillis to have accurate details about the branches of Norman landed families across the sea. h e Capetian bailif s also need a knowledge of the Norman past. Capetian acts and judgments at the Norman usually appealed to conditions ‘as in the time of King

7. For these and related issues, see Powicke , 1961, p. 286-90, p. 328-358; Stevenson , 1974; Thompson , 2003, p. 179-187; Power, 2003a, p. 189-209. I shall discuss these privileged groups at greater length in a forthcoming monograph concerning the Anglo-Norman aristocracy between 1204 and 1259.

Tabularia « Études », n° 11, 2011, p. 1-33, 28 avril 2011 4 Vivre des deux côtés de la Manche

Henry and King Richard’, implicitly nullifying the reign of King John but also setting in motion numerous inquests to ascertain the conditions before 1199 8. Yet the bailif s were mostly incomers from the French royal domain, and many of the people best informed to provide such information had retreated across the Channel in 1204. In England, royal oi cials were not constrained by the political situation to return conditions to the situation before 1199, but like their French counterparts they needed to know the fate of Anglo-Norman heirs who had remained overseas. Consequently, one of the chief paradoxes of the separation of England and Normandy was that connections between the two countries could not be completely severed if their rulers were to exert the maximum control over their kingdoms but also rule with equity. It was also in the interest of their subjects to keep channels of communication open. Some Normans plotted for the return of the Angevin dynasty, while others stood to inherit property across the sea if more senior relatives died. On numerous occasions the kings of England publicly proclaimed their intention to recover their lost i efs, and the English royal courts regularly asserted the desire of the king and political community that England and Normandy would be reunited in due course 9. On both sides of the English Channel at er 1204, we may imagine that there was a climate of rumour and conspiracy, of uncertainty about the future and regret about the past. Since no formal peace was concluded until 1259, this climate of insecurity persisted for over two generations at er the ‘loss of Normandy’. In 1205, for instance, the chronicle of Ralph of Coggeshall reported that the French knights guarding the Norman coast were terrii ed into retreating inland by rumours of the imminent return of the king of England; the same chronicler also recorded widespread fear in England that the count of Boulogne and duke of Louvain would invade to make good their claims to the honour of Boulogne, joining forces with dissident English barons who had lost their French property 10. At more peaceful moments, the two régimes were prepared to exchange relevant information or seek the restoration of dispossessed landowners overseas. In 1219, the Norman exchequer consulted the regency government of Henry III under William Marshal in order to establish whether a certain Ralph Huigan had died in England 11, and the previous year the Marshal requested the restitution of a dispossessed Norman near Caen 12. h e regent

8. B aldwin, Registres de Philippe Auguste , inquisitiones . 9. Power , 2011, p. 143. 10. S tevenson, Coggeshall , p. 148-149, p. 152. For the Boulogne-Louvain treaty, including terms for the recovery of their English rights, see Teulet, Layettes, i, nºs 749-750. 11. Delisle, Jugements de l’Échiquier, nº s 172, 246. He was presumably either Ralph i tzWigan of Willoughby (Warks.) or Ralph i tzWigan of Goldington (Beds.): Book of Fees, i, p. 8; ii, p. 1279, p. 1340; VCH Warks., vi, p. 262; Fowler , Cartulary of Old Wardon, nº 288 and p. 332 n. 169; VCH Beds , iii, p. 205, p. 206. 12. Delaborde, Actes de Philippe Auguste, iv, nº 1512 (Feb. 1218, n.s.): William de Montigny is restored to his land in the bailliage of Caen ‘ad preces karissimi amici et i delis nostri Guillelmi marescalli’, most probably the earl of Pembroke.

http://www.unicaen.fr/mrsh/craham/revue/tabularia/print.php?dossier=dossier10&i le=01power.xml Cross-Channel communication… 5 of England’s communications with the king of France and his governors of Normandy rel ected the fact that he and his wife, Countess Isabella of Striguil, had managed to retain their Norman lands at er 1204 as well as their vast estates in England, Wales and Ireland 13. h e ‘oi cial’ channels of communication have let their mark upon royal records in England and France. We have to assume, however, that many ‘private’ channels also operated, although their very nature means that they are unlikely to have let a mark upon royal records; indeed, both Normans and English must ot en have had strong motives for concealing communication with relatives and other contacts overseas. It is clear, for instance, that family networks continued to pass news of the deaths of landowners to potential heirs overseas 14. Many religious houses of Northern France retained daughter- houses and estates in the British Isles, and their heads had to cross the sea to do homage to the king of England for their possessions in his realm. Conversely, a small number of English priories had continental property which required their representatives to cross the sea: for instance, when Merton Priory in Surrey was involved in a dispute over the church of Cahagnes (), some time between 1204 and 1211, one of its canons crossed to Normandy in an attempt to defend the priory’s interests, although he complained that the whole province was against him because, unlike his adversaries, he lacked a strong local patron 15. h e English royal chancery rolls abound with requests for safe-conducts from religious to cross the sea. Merchants, too, continued to ask for licences from both monarchies to trade overseas, even in time of war. h ere were many means, then, by which news could pass back and forth across the Channel: such communication must have been substantial, for Continental French continued to have a strong lexical inl uence upon the French of the British Isles 16. One intriguing example of cross-Channel communication, soon after the Capetian annexation of Normandy, can be reconstructed from a set of documents preserved by the priory of Notre-Dame-du-Pré near Rouen. h ese reveal that in about 1208 the English Robert i tzWalter intervened in a dispute over his former lands at Bures-en-Bray (Seine-Maritime), which he had once held in right of his wife, Gunnor de Valognes. A detailed consideration of the history of the Valognes i ef reveals the signii cance of Robert i tzWalter’s intervention for cross-Channel communications in the at ermath of the ‘loss of Normandy’.

13. Power , 2003b, p. 199-224. 14. For discussion of one example (the Boistard family, 1242), see Power , 2003a, p. 195-1966. h ere are a number of other examples of heirs appearing from overseas at the death of a landowner. 15. Richardson, 1932, p. 383-392; Arnoux and Maneuvrier, 2000, p. 21-22, p. 54-57. According to the canon, Robert of Guildford, his rivals had enlisted the support of Ralph l’Abbé and Abbot Samson of Caen, who had run the Norman exchequer under King John and who were now prominent members of the new Capetian régime. 16. Trotter, 2011.

Tabularia « Études », n° 11, 2011, p. 1-33, 28 avril 2011 6 Vivre des deux côtés de la Manche

2. h e Norman inheritance of Gunnor de Valognes and the ‘loss of Normandy’ (1190-1204)

Robert i tzWalter is one of the most famous (or notorious) barons in medieval English history. Lord of the barony of in and head of a junior branch of the great family of Clare – itself a cadet branch of the Norman ducal house – that had been promoted to great wealth by Henry I, Robert became the avowed leader of the revolt that led to King John’s concession of in 1215 17. Today the nineteenth-century statues of the ‘twenty-i ve barons’ of Magna Carta may be seen in no less a place than the House of Lords at West- minster: and pride of place is taken by Robert, who styled himself ‘marshal of the army of God and Holy Church’ during the crisis surrounding the Great Charter. Robert i tzWalter played a pivotal role in the resistance to King John’s rule between the assassination plot of 1212, in which Robert was one the ringleaders, and in the in 1217, during which he and his son were captured. An aggressive litigant, he enlarged the barony of over sixty knights’ fees that he had inherited in Essex, and elsewhere 18 by securing the lands of his maternal uncle Godfrey de , bishop of Winchester, and by disputing his share of the larger Lucy inheritance in Kent, , Norfolk and elsewhere with the representatives of the senior Lucy line 19. Although the Saint Albans chronicler vilii ed King John, he was also very hostile to Robert i tzWalter, a consequence of the baron’s repeated property disputes with his abbey. Nevertheless, it is to Matthew Paris that we owe a i ne description of Robert: ‘Now he was strenuous in arms, spirited and proud, abounding in many possessions, generous, with a great number of powerful kinsmen, and protected and strengthened by a multitude of relatives by marriage’ 20. Sir James Holt has identii ed the many close ties of blood and association that linked Robert i tzWalter to the other rebels of 1215 21. h e lord of Little Dunmow’s connections spread in a network across south-east England, the East Midlands

17. For the ancestry and career of Robert i tzRichard, grandfather of Robert i tzWalter, see Round , 1895, p. 355-363; Keats-Rohan , 2002. Round notes that the extended Clare family was sui ciently distinguished in the twelt h century to be known simply as the Ricardi , rather than by a toponymic surname. 18. Hall , Red Book , i, p. 347-349: Walter i tzRobert (father of Robert i tzWalter) answers for 63½ knights of the old enfeof ment, and 3¼ of the new. Ibid. , i, p. 175 (1211-1212): Robert i tzWalter has 63½ knights de propria hæreditate . See Sanders, 1960, p. 129-130. 19. Hardy, Rotuli de oblatis , p. 228-229, p. 414; Curia Regis Rolls , viii, 25-6; xii, nº 136; Maitland Bracton’s Note-Book, nº 1764; Churchill, Calendar of Kent, nº 189/103. Cf. Hall, Red Book , ii, p. 539: Robert i tzWalter holds 11 knights of the fee of his (deceased) ‘uncle’ (cousin) Richard . 20. Riley, Gesta Abbatum Sancti Albani, i, p. 220-221: ‘ Erat enim in armis strenuus, animosus, et superbus, multis abundans possessionibus, generosus, et potentum consanguineorum numerositate, et ai nium septus multitudine, ac roboratus ’. 21. Holt, 1984, p. 2-4, p. 20-22; repr. in his Holt, 1997, p. 224-225, p. 239-240. Cf. Michel, Histoire des ducs de Normandie , p. 117-118, p. 121, for Robert’s alleged boasts about the power of his ‘lignage’.

http://www.unicaen.fr/mrsh/craham/revue/tabularia/print.php?dossier=dossier10&i le=01power.xml Cross-Channel communication… 7 and East Anglia, linking him to, amongst others, the magnate lineages of Clare, Mandeville, Lucy, Quency, Mounti chet, and Aubigny of Belvoir; these ties were ot en reinforced by multiple marriages as well as by regional solidarity 22. Although relations between Robert and some of his kinsmen on his mother’s side would later be disrupted by inheritance disputes, his family connections appear to have played a signii cant part in the organisation of the rebellion against King John. It is Robert i tzWalter’s ‘multitude of relatives by marriage’ that concern us here: specii cally, his i rst wife Gunnor, heiress of Robert de Valognes of Benington (Herts.). h e honour of Valognes answered for about i t y knights’ fees, so that Robert’s marriage, through which he initially acquired two-thirds of the honour, consolidated his interests in Hertfordshire and brought him important additional concerns in Norfolk and northern England 23. h e marriage led Robert into a dispute with his wife’s uncle, the Anglo-Scottish magnate Philip de Valognes, over the inheritance of another uncle, Geof rey de Valognes, in Hertfordshire and four northern counties 24. Gunnor’s descent from former sherif s of Hert- fordshire was also the basis for Robert’s claim to , which Sidney Painter described as ‘not very strong’ but which secured him custody (1200-9) and then a hereditable claim (1215) 25. h e marriage also embroiled Robert in two bitter contests with the abbey of Saint Albans. h e i rst dispute, concerning Northaw Wood (Herts.), pitched him against the abbey in the royal courts in 1200-1, but its roots lay deep in the Valognes family history, originating in the ambiguous terms of the abbey’s grants of the wood to Gunnor’s predecessors 26.

22. Hence Robert i tzWalter married Gunnor de Valognes, whose cousin William de Valognes married a daughter of Saher de Quency, who was in turn Robert’s half-cousin through the family of Senlis. Robert’s two daughters by Gunnor de Valognes married the brothers Geof rey (IV) and William (III) de Mandeville, successive earls of Essex. Richard de Mounti chet and Robert i tzWalter were i rst cousins through their mothers, both daughters of the justiciar Richard de Lucy, but through their fathers they were both descended from Richard of Tonbridge (d. 1090), founder of the Clare family fortunes in England. For the perils of trying to identify the political signii cance of Robert’s more distant connections, see Holt , 1984. h e future regional dominance of Robert’s kin is apparent in the Carte Baronum for Essex in 1166, where his father William i tzRobert’s carta is preceded by that of Geof rey (III) de Mandeville and followed immediately by those for Geof rey de Valognes, William de Mounti chet, and Richard de Lucy (Hall , Red Book , i, p. 345-354). 23. Hall, Red Book , i, p. 175 (1211-1212): Robert i tzWalter has 63½ knights de propria hæreditate , 33⅓ of the inheritance of his wife, the heir of Robert de Valognes, and 2 knights for Geof rey de Valognes ( de Gavoloniis), of the said wife’s inheritance. Until 1224 one third of the Valognes inheritance was held by Gundrada de Warenne, widow of Peter II de Valognes (d. 1158-9). See Book of Fees , i, p. 574-579; Sanders , 1960, p. 12; Round , 1904a, p. 707-711. 24. Hardy, Rotuli de oblatis , p. 424-425, p. 428 (lands in Yorks., Lincs., Lancs. and Northumberland); H all, Red Book , ii, p. 349; Curia Regis Rolls , v, p. 156-157, p. 158, p. 171, p. 179, p. 317; for Philip de Valognes, see below, n. 39. 25. Painter, 1949, p. 31, p. 331-332. At i rst Robert merely sought custody of Hertford Castle, but in 1215 he received it ‘ut jus suum’ ( Curia Regis Rolls , i, p. 116; Hardy, Rotuli litterarum patentium, p. 144; Holt , 1992, p. 166). 26. Curia Regis Rolls, i, p. 116, p. 178, p. 291, p. 339, p. 451; Baildon, Select Civil Pleas, i, nº 45; Riley, G esta Abbatum Sancti Albani , i, p. 63, p. 95, p. 159-166, p. 220-226; cf. Palgrave, Rotuli Curiæ Regis , ii, p. 40-41.

Tabularia « Études », n° 11, 2011, p. 1-33, 28 avril 2011 8 Vivre des deux côtés de la Manche h e quarrel was resolved by a concord in the king’s court in 1200-1 27, but another, more bitter dispute with Saint Albans raged between 1209 and 1212 over the rights of patronage over Binham Priory (Norfolk). If Matthew Paris is to be believed, it was Robert’s violent treatment of the monks of Binham, whom he besieged in their priory with an armed force, that earned him the enmity of King John, who saw Robert’s aggressive behaviour as a threat to royal authority 28. Whether this is true or not, it is clear that Gunnor’s English inheritance greatly enhanced Robert’s power but also entangled him in considerable litigation and strife 29. Robert i tzWalter’s actions as husband of Gunnor de Valognes in England caught the attention of his contemporaries. It is less well known that his marriage to Gunnor also brought him lands in Normandy. Robert himself does not appear to have inherited any Norman property. h e lords of Dunmow were descended from a younger son of Gilbert i tzRichard, lord of Clare, but all the hereditary Norman lands of the house of Clare had passed by the mid-twelt h century to the Pembroke (Striguil) branch of the dynasty. Robert’s grandfather, Robert i tzRichard, owed the bulk of his English possessions to the favour of King Henry I. Robert’s father, Walter i tzRobert, had acquired Méry (now Méry-Corbon, Calvados, cant. Mézidon-Canon) through his second marriage, to Matilda de Bohun; but Robert i tzWalter was Walter i tzRobert’s son by his i rst wife, Matilda de Lucy, and in any case, at er the death of Matilda de Bohun Méry passed to her descendants by her i rst husband, Henry d’Oilly, rather than to Robert i tzWalter’s half-brothers 30. Despite a distinguished descent from the dukes and leading barons of Normandy, Robert’s inheritance lay entirely in

27. Luard, Annales Monastici , iii, p. 28; Pipe Roll 2 John , p. 51. 28. Curia Regis Rolls , vi, p. 55-56, p. 133-134, p. 273, p. 284; R iley, G esta Abbatum Sancti Albani , i, p. 226-228. See also British Library, Ms. Cotton Claud. D.xiii (Binham Priory Register), fols. 2 – 5, for early Valognes acts for the priory. h e records of the king’s court also show Robert waging disputes over Gunnor’s inheritance with the nuns of Holywell () and William de Vescy. 29. For his disputes over the Valognes lands at er 1232, see Book of Fees , i, p. 574. 30. Rouen, Arch. dép. Seine-Maritime, 20 HP 5: Matilda, daughter of Humphrey de Bohun, grants the church of Meri to Notre-Dame-du-Pré, with the consent of her lord Walter i tzRobert, for the soul of her son h omas (s.d., late 12 th C.). h e identii cation of Meri with Méry-Corbon comes from Pouillés de Rouen , 114, which states that the church’s patron c. 1350 was the abbot of Bec-Hellouin, of which Notre-Dame-du-Pré was a dependency. h e earliest ancestors of the Bohuns had borne the surname de Meri. Matilda de Bohun had previously been married to Henry d’Oilly or d’Ouilly (Keats-Rohan, 2002, p. 620-621); under Philip Augustus a i ef at Mereium was held by the archdeacon of Angers, probably William d’Ouilly (RHF , xxiii, 619d (cf. 706c , 715 l), who is not listed in Fasti Ecclesiae Gallicanae, 7, p. 132-135). Méry presumably escheated to the French crown with William d’Ouilly’s other lands at his death, c. 1231, when his nearest heirs were allegedly in England, although Joanna d’Ouilly, one of his father’s cousins and a Norman resident, later claimed to be the next heir (‘Querimoniæ Normannorum’, nº 370-371, p. 383, p. 410, which show that the family took its name from Ouilly-le-Tesson, CA, cant. Bretteville-sur-Laize). Round , 1900, p. 329-330, mistakenly places Méry in the département of La Manche. Matilda de Bohun had at least two sons by Walter i tzRobert, namely Walter, precentor of London, and h omas, while Simon i tzWalter, lord of Daventry, was probably her son as well; but there is no evidence that they inherited any of their mother’s Norman dowry. For these sons, see Matilda’s act for Notre-Dame-du-Pré (Rouen, Arch. dép. Seine-Maritime, 20 HP 5); Round, 1900, p. 329-330; Franklin, h e Cartulary of Daventry Priory , p. xxi and no 9-16, p. 177.

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England. However, his marriage to Gunnor de Valognes between 1194 and 1199 turned him into a Norman landowner 31. Gunnor’s Norman lands were modest in size, but Robert was prepared to pay them considerable attention. His active, if inglorious participation in the defence of Normandy may have owed something to his recent acquisition of property in the duchy through his marriage, and we shall see that his concern for this property would outlast the collapse of the Angevin régime in 1204 32. Gunnor’s known Norman property lay not, as might be expected, near the town in the Cotentin from which her family derived its surname, but at the opposite end of the duchy, on the fringes of the and the Pays de Bray. h e location of this land and its fate under Robert i tzWalter are revealed by a series of charters for Notre-Dame-du-Pré, a distinguished priory of the great abbey of Bec-Hellouin. Situated on the let bank of the River Seine in the Rouen suburb of Ermentreville (now Saint-Séver), Notre-Dame-du-Pré, also known as Bonne-Nouvelle, had been founded by Matilda of Flanders, wife of , and its benefactors included Robert Curthose, Henry I, Empress Matilda and Geof rey of Anjou, and the archbishops of Rouen 33. As a convenient semi-rural residence outside the ducal capital, it was a popular staging post for the rulers of the duchy and their leading subjects. It was here that Robert Curthose had sheltered during the rebellion of the citizens of Rouen in 1090, and , archbishop of Canterbury, was lodging here when he heard the news of Richard I’s death in 1199; one tradition also made it the site of the clandestine burial of Arthur of Brittany at er his murder in 1203 34. In the late twelt h century Notre-Dame-du-Pré enjoyed the patronage of a number of baronial families from Upper Normandy, including the earls Warenne and Robert i tzWalter’s own father and stepmother Matilda de Bohun; both she and Earl Hamelin de Warenne had younger sons buried there 35. h e priory was actively building up its estates in and around Bures-en-Bray, and so an endowment from the Valognes i ef at Bures was a natural step for Robert and Gunnor to make 36.

31. Gunnor’s i rst husband apparently died in 1193-1194 ( Pipe Roll 6 Richard I, p. 64; Robert had acquired the Valognes inheritance in England by Mich. 1198 (Pipe Roll 10 Richard I, p. 135; cf. Richardson , Memoranda Roll for the First Year of King John , p. 77). 32. Below, p. 12-14. 33. Rouen, Arch. dép. Seine-Maritime, 20 HP 5, contains numerous ducal acts from Robert Curthose onwards. 34. Chibnall, Orderic Vitalis, iv, p. 222-224; History of William Marshal, ii (Meyer, Histoire de Guillaume le Maréchal, ii), lines 11844-7, although it is conceivable that this was the archbishop of Rouen. For Arthur’s burial at Notre-Dame-du-Pré, see Luard , Annales Monastici , i, p. 27; cf. Powicke , 1961, p. 316, p. 319. 35. Rouen, Arch. dép. Seine-Maritime, 20 HP 5: acts concerning the grant of rights in the church of (Seine-Maritime, cant. Bellencombre, c. ) by Earl William de Warenne, whose brothers were buried in the chapter of Notre-Dame-du-Pré (1203). For Matilda de Bohun’s son h omas, see above, n. 30. 36. Rouen, Arch. dép. Seine-Maritime, 20 HP1; cf. 55 HP 4, the abbey of St-Amand grants all its property in the manor of Bures and its dependent ville to the priory of Notre-Dame-du-Pré (8 May 1209).

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Gunnor de Valognes had i rst patronised the priory before her marriage to Robert i tzWalter. Soon at er the death of her father Robert in 1183-4 she was married to Durand de Hostilleio or de Ostilli , apparently a minor familiaris of Henry II, possibly from Outillé in Maine 37. If he was indeed Manceau by origin, Durand was a rare example of Henry intruding a man from Greater Anjou into an Anglo-Norman inheritance 38. We i rst learn of the Valognes lands in Normandy from an act of Durand and Gunnor in 1190 for Notre-Dame-du-Pré (Appendix, n o 1). At the petition of Philip and John de Valognes 39, the couple granted their land, homestead ( mainillum), wood, meadows and pastures in the i ef of Valognes at Bures-en-Bray, near Neufchâtel-en-Bray, to the priory, for the sake of the souls of Gunnor’s parents Robert de Valognes and Hawise and two other named people called Geof rey Dier ’ and Tiphaine. In return, the monks paid Durand and Gunnor a sum of 150 livres angevins and an annual payment of 10 livres angevins per annum, which the monks were not required to begin paying until 1202 40. At the time Durand was raising cash in order to join the h ird Crusade, from which he did not return 41. h e Valognes lands in Normandy therefore appear modest: a single i ef at Bures – no doubt based around the farm now known as La Valouine 42 – worth only 10 li . ang. (£2 10s. sterling) a year. Moreover, the i rst time we encounter its Norman interests, the Valognes family was divesting itself of any land in return for a regular cash income that was to be paid at Durand’s estate of Hostilleium . At er Gunnor’s marriage to Robert i tzWalter, he issued an act coni rming the terms of her grant to Notre-Dame-du-Pré (Appendix, n o 2), but he quickly took a i rm grip of her revenues at Bures. By the time the monks began paying the

37. Delisle, Catalogue des actes de Philippe Auguste , index (cf. n o 1373, 1448), identii es Hostilleium as St-Mars d’Outillé (Sarthe, ar. Le Mans, cant. Écommoy). A William de Ostilli appears as a frequent witness for King Henry II; G allia Christiana , xi, col. 484, also refers to Bishop William Borel II of (1210-1236) as de Ostilleio . However, there was an insula Ostelli in the diocese of Rouen, perhaps in the Seine or one of its tributaries such as the River Andelle (Ramackers , Papsturkunden in Frankreich, Normandie, nº 115, a very faulty text). A location near Rouen would explain why the monks were to receive payment at Hostilli (see Appendix, nº 1). Durand had custody of Gunnor, and had possibly married her, by 1185 (Round, Rotuli de dominabus , p. 87 and n. 2), and certainly before Henry II’s death (Curia Regis Rolls, i, p. 277-278); cf. P.R. 2 Richard I , p. 109. 38. Cf. Vincent , 2000, p. 119-126, for the paucity of Angevins and Poitevins rewarded by Henry II with marriages or lands in England. 39. For Gunnor’s uncle Philip de Valognes, constable of (d. 1215), see Barrow, Acts of William I, passim ; Stringer, 2004, lvi, p. 66-67. At er the death of Christina, younger daughter of Robert i tzWalter and Gunnor, in 1233, and of Robert himself in 1235, the Valognes inheritance passed to Philip’s granddaughters ( Sanders, 1960, p. 12-13). John de Valognes, clerk, may have been another uncle of Gunnor but is not recorded elsewhere ( Round, 1904b, p. 29-35). 40. h e act says ‘13 years at er the i rst coronation of Richard I’, i.e. 3 Sept. 1202. Since the payment was due on St Christopher’s Day (25 July), we might expect the i rst payment to be made on 25 July 1203; but Robert’s grant of the revenues to Gerard de Gournay by ‘1202’ (i.e. before 25 Mar. 1203) shows that he was already receiving them by then. 41. Curia Regis Rolls , i, p. 69, p. 277-278. 42. La Valouine, Seine-Maritime, cant. Londinières, c. Osmoy-St-Valéry, the adjacent commune to Bures-en-Bray (also cant. Londinières).

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10 li. per annum to Gunnor in 1202, Robert had granted away one half of the pension (100 s . ang. ) to a certain Gerard, prévôt of Gournay, and his son Odo 43, and Gunnor had remitted the other half to the monks for the sake of the soul of Robert’s cousin Richard de Mounti chet 44. h ese grants represented the interests of Robert i tzWalter rather than Gunnor herself: he had diverted a portion of his wife’s inheritance for the sake of his own kin, and used another portion to entice a local man from eastern Normandy into his service, and in the process, the Valognes interest at Bures had been reduced still further. Nevertheless, Gunnor issued an act in 1202 coni rming both grants (Appendix, n o 3). Presumably this grants were made now because the monks began paying the pension in 1202, when their thirteen years of grace came to an end. h e further reduction of their property at Bures might suggest that Robert and Gunnor were attempting to divest themselves of their modest Norman property at a time when the duchy was under severe threat from the king of France. Yet the grant for the soul of Richard de Mounti chet shows that the Anglo-Norman realm was still very much in existence in 1202. Alms for a dead ‘English’ baron were being instituted by another ‘English’ baron from Norman revenues. Furthermore, Robert played a very active part in the af airs of Upper Normandy at this time, both on his own account and that of the beleaguered king of England. He was active in trade in the region: in February 1203 he had two ships on the Seine, one carrying wine from the French royal domain, the other taking salt – presumably in the opposite direction, from the Norman coast to inland France 45. Meanwhile, in spring and autumn 1201, the count of Eu had risen in arms against King John at Drincourt (Neufchâtel-en-Bray), a mere 6 km. from Bures-en-Bray, leading to renewed Angevin-Capetian war and, eventually, the French conquest of Normandy. We i nd a number of echoes of war in the charters and activities of Robert and Gunnor in this period. Gunnor’s act of 1202 was witnessed by the count and countess of , whose Norman county suc- cumbed to French invasion that summer 46. When Robert enfeof ed the prévôt of

43. I have not come across the prévôt of Gournay or his son in the acts of the lords of Gournay or other documents concerning that lordship. It is possible that Gerard and Odo were related to Hugh de Brémontier (l . 1175), one of the knights of Hugh, lord of Gournay, and son of a certain Odo the prévôt (Évreux, AD Eure, H 86); Hugh’s son Odo de Brémontier wavered between Normandy and England until at least 1207, but his family most probably chose to remain in Normandy. See Salter, h e h ame Cartulary , i, no 45, 60, 62-64, 66-72; Hardy , Rotuli Normanniæ , p. 142; Hardy , Rotuli Chartarum, i, p. 141; Hardy , Rotuli Clausarum, i, p. 20, p. 79; Delisle, Recueil des Jugements , nº 834; RHF , xxiii, p. 746, p. 752; Salter , h e feet of i nes, nº 85; VCH Oxon. , vii, p. 174 (misidentifying Brémontier as Brémoy (Calvados)). 44. For Richard de Mounti chet (Monti quet) of Stansted Mounti chet and his family, see Sanders, 1960, p. 83; Keats-Rohan, 2002, p. 595-596. Like Robert i tzWalter, he was the son of a daughter of Richard de Lucy, justiciar of Henry II: see CRR , xii, nº 136, and below, Appendix II (Table II). 45. Hardy, Rotuli Normanniæ , p. 78. 46. For Hawise, countess of Aumale, and her third husband Baldwin de Béthune, see Complete Peerage, p. 353-355; English , 1979, especially p. 32-37; Power , 2004, p. 284-285, 415n., 484 ; for the fall of the county of Aumale, see ibid., p. 424-427, p. 532-538. h e fortress of Aumale itself had fallen to the French in 1196 and its recovery by the Normans thereat er is uncertain ( ibid. , p. 415).

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Gournay and his son with cash revenues at Bures, it is quite possible that this was to compensate him for losses suf ered because of the French capture of Gournay in July 1202. He was a frequent witness for royal acts issued in the Seine valley at this time, including one in April 1203 in which King John fulminated against the count of Sées for his betrayal of Alençon 47. On a number of occasions he appears with his cousin and comrade-in-arms Saher de Quency, and in July 1203, Robert and Saher earned the ignominy of their contemporaries for their over-hasty surrender of Le Vaudreuil to the king of France. Both noblemen were held to have shamed the English who had previously vaunted the stubbornness of their resistance to the French by comparison with the Normans 48. Robert endured a harsh imprisonment in Compiègne at the hands of Philip Augustus, who held him in contempt, and probably remained hors de combat until just before the surrender of Rouen the following year 49.

3. Robert i tzWalter and the bailli of the king of France (1204-1208)

With his return to England, Robert i tzWalter might have expected that any contact with his wife’s Norman property was now at an end. He came back to France in 1206 with King John, witnessing the truce between the kings of England and France at h ouars in October, but it is very unlikely that he would have been able to visit Normandy 50. Yet a few years later, he intervened in a dispute between the monks of Notre-Dame-du-Pré and the prévôt of Gournay over the i ef of Valognes. An undated letter survives in which Robert informs the ‘baillis and sergeants of the lord king of Gaul of Arques and Rouen’ that he had ceded all his rights in the manor of Bures in the i ef of Valognes to the priory in return for 100s. currentis monete a year (Appendix, no 4). Robert then stated that if Gerard the prévôt of Gournay and his son or anyone else impleaded the monks concerning his alms to the priory, the monks would be being troubled unjustly. Although addressed to the royal oi cers, its preservation amongst the muniments of Notre-Dame-du-Pré shows that the surviving exemplar was intended for the monks. h e letter raises some important questions. Firstly, when was it sent? It must postdate the surrender of Arques and Rouen to Philip Augustus in

47. Power , 2001, p. 458-462. 48. Stevenson, Coggeshall , p. 143-144; Michel, Histoire des ducs de Normandie , p. 97; Paris , Chro- nica Majora , ii, p. 482, and Hardy , Rotuli patentium , p. 34-35, p. 37 (their ransoms). I disagree with Powicke’s assertion ( Powicke , 1961, p. 162), based on the passage from Coggeshall, that the two nobles became the subject of ‘satirical doggerel’: canticum , literally ‘song’ or ‘canticle’, here seems to mean ‘reputation’. Powicke also errs in stating that the Normans saw the surrender of Le Vaudreuil as proof of ‘English indif erence’, on the basis of the Histoire des ducs de Normandie ; the text actually maintains that the English had previously accused the Normans of being too ready to surrender castles. For Robert’s comradeship with Saher, see Holt , 1984, p. 21-22 ( Holt , 1997, p. 240). 49. Saher de Quency had returned to King John’s court by 5 May 1204 ( Hardy , Rotuli Chartarum , p. 133). 50. Rymer, Fœdera, i, I, p. 95 ( Baldwin, Registres de Philippe Auguste , p. 497-499).

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June 1204, and must predate a series of acts from 1208 that will be discussed below 51. Secondly, to what act was Robert referring in his letter? No survi- ving charter of Robert i tzWalter makes a grant in the way that he describes. However, Gunnor’s act of 1202 (no 3) had the same ef ect as the grant set out in Robert’s letter: by her act, the 100s . that the monks were still required to render to Gunnor and Robert had been remitted to the priory, for the soul of one of Robert’s relatives. Robert i tzWalter’s letter appears to represent his own recollection of the transaction of 1202, which may mean that he had no available written record of his earlier acts. Two other questions are the most important. Was the act produced in England, or was Robert able to visit Normandy at er 1204? h e letter shows at once Robert’s detachment and familiarity with the situation in Normandy: ‘manor’ was an unusual term in Normandy at this date and its use here may have given the letter an English quality, but the substitution of ‘current money’ for sous angevins shows that Robert was aware of the reform of the Norman coinage by Philip Augustus in 1204 52. Yet the balance of probabilities is that the letter was sent from England. If so, how did Robert become aware in England that his Norman alms were in danger? h e royal truce of October 1206 may have allowed easier contact across the Channel, although relations between the two kingdoms remained tense, with desultory clashes in Brittany and Poitou over the next few years 53. Most probably a monk of Notre-Dame-du-Pré, or perhaps the mother house of Bec, sought him out and asked him for help; the abbey retained much land in England at er 1204 54. h is must remain mere speculation, but it is dii cult to see how else such news could have reached him. With the soul of his deceased cousin at risk, the lord of Little Dunmow sent a writ to the Capetian bailli in an attempt to protect his and his wife’s git s in alms. Robert’s intervention appears to have arisen from an attempt by the prévôt of Gournay and his son to appropriate the whole pension of 10 li . that the monks had been accustomed to render. No doubt Gerard and Odo were proi tting from the absence of Robert and Gunnor, whom they must have regarded as powerless to warrant their alms to the monks against their interference. h e details of this dispute can be deduced from three further deeds, issued in 1208. In two acts in favour of Notre-Dame-du-Pré, Gerard and Odo de Gournay sold the pension of 100 s . that Robert i tzWalter had granted them for life (Appendix, n o 5-6) 55.

51. See below, p. 15-16. Although this act could date from the exile of Robert i tzWalter in 1212-1213, it seems to prei gure the transaction of 1208 recorded in n o 5 and 6 below. 52. ‘Current money’ was becoming common for monetary reasons before 1204, but its substitution for angevins in this act appears to be a direct response to the change in coinage in that year. See Delisle, Catalogue de Philippe Auguste , nº 112. 53. Power , 2004, p. 446-466. In Apr. 1208 King Philip alleged that King John’s men had broken the truce ( Delaborde , Actes de Philippe Auguste , iii, nº 1021). 54. Morgan , 1946, p. 120. Some of Bec’s property was seized in 1204 but was soon restored. 55. It should be noted that the text of neither act is completely satisfactory: much of nº 5 is missing, while nº 6 is known only from a Trésor des Chartes copy of a vidimus of 1347, although its terms

Tabularia « Études », n° 11, 2011, p. 1-33, 28 avril 2011 14 Vivre des deux côtés de la Manche h e monks were thereby freed of the obligation to pay any sum for the i ef of Valognes, at least for the term of Gerard’s and Odo’s lives. Both acts issued by Gerard and Odo stated that the sale was enacted in the presence of the castellan of Arques, John de Rouvray (one of the acts also called him ‘justice’), and in a third act, given at Rouen in April 1208, the castellan issued a notii cation of the terms of the sale (Appendix, no 7). It is easy to believe that Robert’s letter to ‘the baillis and sergeants of Arques and Rouen’ had been sent to John de Rouvray; perhaps the Capetian oi cial had even solicited it from Robert through an intermediary. John de Rouvray’s role in this example of Anglo-Norman communication at er 1204 is interesting. Although most of the Capetian baillis were from the French royal domain, John was a Norman, the scion of a lignage chevaleresque from Rouvray-Catillon in the Pays de Bray. Some of his family’s estates and his acquisitions lay within a few miles of Bures-en-Bray. A rebel against Richard I and in French royal service from 1194, John returned to 1202-3 to administer the marcher districts around his place of origin that had fallen into French hands, and in 1204 he assisted the king of France in negotiating the surrender of Norman castles. From 1204 to c. 1210 John de Rouvray held the title of castellan of Arques but, as Delisle noted, he was the i rst Capetian bailli of Caux in all but name. In this role he crushed an attempt by Roger de Mortemer to revive King John’s cause at in 1205, and ruthlessly asserted royal rights in northeast Normandy 56. It must be assumed that Robert i tzWalter’s letter to John de Rouvray and the castellan of Rouen 57 had the desired ef ect. h e monks’ preservation of the letter shows that the residuary rights of Robert – and, by extension, of Gunnor – were still acknowledged in Normandy, and that his word still carried some weight there, despite the coni scation of the estates of those who had remained in England.

4. h e forged act of Gunnor de Valognes (‘1209’)

In August 1212, Robert i tzWalter was outlawed for his part in the assassination plot against King John, and l ed to France 58. Whether Gunnor accompanied him is not known; nor is there any indication whether he visited Normandy during his months of exile. At er his return to England in 1213 there is no further indication of any contact between Gunnor and her family and her Norman inheritance. John de Rouvray’s act of 1208 did not mark the end of the troubles over the i ef of Valognes, however. h e muniments of Notre- Dame-du-Pré include another purported original act of Gunnor, dated 1209 (Appendix, n o 8). By this act, ‘Gunnor, daughter and heir of Robert de Valognes, widow ( relicta ) of the late Robert i tzWalter’, ceded all her

appear authentic. 56. RHF , xxiv, I, préface , p. 109*-110*; Power , 1997, p. 361-384; see also Power , 1999, p. 134-135. 57. William Poucin (to 1207); William Escuacol (from c. 1208): RHF , xxiv, I, préface , p. 98*-99*. 58. Holt , 1961, p. 79-83.

http://www.unicaen.fr/mrsh/craham/revue/tabularia/print.php?dossier=dossier10&i le=01power.xml Cross-Channel communication… 15 remaining rights over the i ef of Valognes at Bures to the monks of Bec at Notre-Dame-du-Pré. Specii cally, the act stated that Gunnor had sold the monks her reversionary rights to the 100s . ang. per annum that Gerard and Odo de Gournay would receive for life from the i ef. For this concession the monks had paid her 15 li. angevins . Although it was sealed as if it were an authentic document, this act is all too obviously spurious. Although the script replicates some features of early thirteenth-century charter hands, it also contains features that suggest a date from the late thirteenth or, more probably, the early fourteenth century 59, and its orthography for some proper names conforms to that period rather than 1209 60 . Nor is it merely the rescript of a lost original, for the text of the act contains several blatant errors. Firstly, Gunnor was never Robert’s widow. In 1209 the most dramatic episodes in Robert’s career still lay several years in the future, and he was destined to outlive his i rst wife by many years; indeed, at his death in 1235 his inheritance passed to his son by his second wife Rohese. Relicta could on occasion signify a divorced wife, but there is no evidence that Robert and Gunnor ever divorced: they acted together in the Binham Priory dispute in 1210-11, and at er Gunnor’s death Robert retained control of her share of the Valognes inheritance in England until his death, by the practice later known as the ‘courtesy of England’ 61. h e references to the money of Angers are also grounds for suspicion, for this coinage had been suppressed by Philip Augustus in 1204 and ceased to be a money of account in Normandy almost immediately 62. Other features, insignii cant on their own, underline the suspect nature of the act. It is the only one in the set to describe the monks of Notre-Dame-du-Pré as Beccenses , for instance: it was still unusual for Norman acts to refer to monastic daughter houses by the mother order in this way at the beginning of the thirteenth century. h ere can be no doubt that the extant act concerning the Valognes inheritance at Bures is a forgery. h e inauthentic nature of this act raises several interesting questions, with implications for the connections between England and Normandy at er 1204. Are any other Valognes acts spurious? Was Gunnor’s forged act concocted to replace a genuine act issued in her name – from which the seal may have been taken? Most important of all, who forged the act of ‘1209’, and why? h ere is no reason to regard the other Bures acts as inauthentic: none of the objections raised against the act of ‘1209’ applies to the other seven acts, all but one of which (n o 6) appear to be authentic originals. It is certainly possible

59. I am enormously grateful to Tessa Webber for her advice regarding this unusual hand, which may represent the attempt by an early fourteenth-century clerk versed in bookhand to imitate an early thirteenth-century charter. 60. It has Vill’o instead of Will ’o or Wll’o , which were the conventional Norman abbreviations in the early 13th century for Willelmus and Willermus . 61. Curia Regis Rolls, vi, p. 133-134 (cf. p. 55-56); Book of Fees , i, p. 574. For the ‘courtesy of England’, see Pollock and Maitland, 1968, ii, p. 414-420. Hall, Glanvill , p. 63. 62. I am preparing an article concerning coinage in the which will discuss this change.

Tabularia « Études », n° 11, 2011, p. 1-33, 28 avril 2011 16 Vivre des deux côtés de la Manche that the spurious act was adapted from a lost authentic act of Gunnor. Seven of the nine witnesses in the act of ‘1209’ had witnessed either one or both of her previous grants concerning Bures, in 1190 and 1202 (Appendix, n o 1, 3) 63. Either the forged act was adapted from a lost original – presumably one dating from before 1204, in view of the references to the money of Angers – or else the forger had the acts of 1190 and 1202 before him and took the names of witnesses from them. Too little of the seal remains to establish whether it, too, is inauthentic, or taken from an act issued by someone else, or else an authentic seal taken from a genuine act of Gunnor de Valognes. h e possible reasons for the forgery are the most intriguing aspect of this charter. h e residence of Robert and Gunnor in England at er 1204 let unre- solved what would happen to the pension from Bures which the monks had to pay to Gerard and Odo de Gournay when these two men died. h ey had sold their annual pension of 100s . to the priory in 1208, but this grant would lapse with their deaths; in theory, the pension would revert to Gunnor or her heirs. We do not know when the prévôt of Gournay and his son died, but whenever their deaths occurred, the political rit between England and France must have made it highly unlikely that Gunnor, Robert or their heirs had any chance of recovering their pension. What happened to the 100 sous a year from Bures? Perhaps this render was quietly merged into the priory’s revenues. h e forgery of Gunnor’s act suggests, though, that in the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century the rights of Bec over the whole i ef of Valognes at Bures came to be challenged. In 1302, the bailli of Caux held a sworn inquest to determine the seigneurial rights of the abbey at Bec in the i ef of Valognes 64. Perhaps it was because of such threats that the monks decided to forge an act in Gunnor’s name that prevented any further claim being made against them. It is tempting to believe that the date of ‘1209’ was added simply to ensure that this act postdated Gerard’s and Odo’s sale of their life-interest at Bures to the priory in 1208. h e description of Gunnor as a widow may also have served to counter any rival claims, whereas a forged act in Robert’s name could have been challenged as the act of an English baron issued at er the Capetian coni scations of Anglo- Norman lands in Normandy. h ese ruses succeeded, for in 1347, when King Philip VI issued a vidimus of the privileges for the abbey of Bec in the i ef of Valognes, the spurious act of 1209 was one of those that he coni rmed 65. In the early i t eenth century an inventory of the acts, endorsed as Ordo litterarum de Valognes, was drawn up, presumably for renewed coni rmation (Appendix, no 9): it, too, included Gunnor’s spurious act as if it were genuine.

63. 1190: Richard Marshal, William de Tourpes , Augustine d’, Renaud de Meneres . 1202: h omas de Vere, Richard Marshal, Geof rey le Gros, Hugh de Bures. h omas may have died in 1204 (below, n. 82). 64. Rouen, Arch. dép. Seine-Maritime, 20 HP 6: aprise before the bailli of Caux, in the presence of Philip de Ricarville, knight (Arques, 17 June 1302). 65. AN, JJ 68, fol. 473v: Fawtier, Registres du Trésor des Chartes, iii, Inventaire analytique , nº 2619.

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5. Conclusions

In 1190 Gunnor de Valognes and her i rst husband handed over their Norman property to the monks of Notre-Dame-du-Pré in return for a cash sum and a future pension. When that annuity matured, thirteen years later, Gunnor and her second husband Robert i tzWalter remitted one half to endow prayers for their kinsman, and granted the other half away for life to a humble oi cial. But for the ‘loss of Normandy’ in 1204, these grants might have passed almost unnoticed. h e establishment of the Capetian régime, however, threatened all the contracts and alms in Normandy of the Anglo-Norman lords who took refuge in England, for they appeared to be in no position to warrant their grants. While the kings of France issued charters of coni rmation for a number of major grants, the sort of small git considered here was unlikely to receive such protection. h e monks of Notre-Dame-du-Pré somehow managed to secure a letter from Robert i tzWalter that informed the new Capetian oi cials of his previous grants, ensuring that the monks retained their lands. We do not know how Robert was contacted or how he managed to send his letter to Normandy, but its survival shows that cross-Channel communication was still both possible and ef ective. Yet in time, the rupture of the link between the Valognes family and its Norman lands proved troublesome, and at a later date, the monks appear to have had recourse to that most traditional of solutions, the forged charter. h e Bures documents cast an intriguing light upon the processes by which the Capetian régime took root in the localities of Normandy. A Capetian bailli relied upon an English baron to resolve a legal dispute in his bailliage, at a time when the kings of France and England were notionally at war. h e documents show that the new régime could be responsive to local conditions, rather than always imposing French royal power in a brutal or high-handed fashion. h e Bures deeds also reveal how an Anglo-Norman magnate, one whose continental interests have never even been noticed before, was in touch with his former Norman lands in the years when the long-established ties between England and Normandy were unravelling. h ere is a postscript to Robert i tzWalter’s letter to the French baillis . In 1212, he was identii ed as a ringleader in the plot to assassinate King John. His guilt seemed certain, for he l ed to France and to the court of Philip Augustus. Did his previous contact with French oi cials in Normandy inl uence his choice of destination, or ease his passage there 66? Such a question cannot be answered; but the Bures documents give us a rare glimpse of the impact of the loss of Normandy upon local Norman society in the years at er King John and much of the Anglo-Norman baronage l ed from the duchy.

66. Holt , 1961, p. 82, p. 88; Michel , Histoire des ducs de Normandie, p. 119-121, which says that Robert’s l ight took him i rst to Arras, then to the French court.

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Appendix I: acts concerning the i ef of Valognes at Bures, 1190-1209

h e following sequence of documents concerning the i ef of Gunnor de Valognes at Bures-en-Bray allow us to reconstruct the events between 1190 and 1208. h e liasse 20 HP 6 from the Archives de la Seine-Maritime includes seven acts that are tied together, in the following order: an act of 1302 (see above, n. 64), followed by the charters below, in the order nº 7, 5, 4, 2, 3, 1. h is common preservation appears to date from the , and the endorsements suggest that the i rst i ve were kept together from the late thirteenth century or early fourteenth century onwards (and possibly nº 7 as well). h e other acts published below come from the liasse 20 HP 1 (nº 8-9) or from a register of Philip VI (nº 6). In the editions below, punctuation and capitalisation have been modernised; for extensions of abbreviations, only proper names are indicated, in curved brackets. For the original acts from the liasses of the Archives de la Seine- Maritime, textual variants from the later register copy of the vidimus of 1347 have not been indicated. Nº 1-5 and 7-9 are published here by permission of the Archives de la Seine-Maritime, Rouen, and n o 6 with the permission of the Archives nationales, Paris.

Nº 1

Durand de Hostilli and his wife Gunnor, daughter and heiress of Robert de Valognes, grant all their land at Bures-en-Bray of the i ef of Valognes, for the souls of Robert and Hawise de Valognes and others, to Notre-Dame-du-Pré, in return for 10 livres angevins per annum (1190). A . Original act: Rouen, Arch. dép. Seine-Maritime, 20 HP 6. B. Vidimus (1347) from A : lost. C. Copy (1347) from B, Trésor des Chartes, Register LXVIII: Paris, Arch. nat., JJ 68, fol. 473r 67. Edited from A. 218 mm across x 185 mm down (folded). Slits and parchment tags for two seals; the right seal is lost, but a large portion of the let one survives (a fragment 40 mm down x 35 mm across). Its obverse bears a shield charged with a lion rampant, and its reverse contains the imprint of a small counterseal depicting a perching bird facing sinister, towards a plant. Late-twelt h-century hand. Durandus de Hostilli et uxor sua Gunnor, i lia Rob(er)ti de Valunnes et heres, omnibus ad quos presens scriptum pervenerit, salutem. Sciatis nos et heredes nostri dedisse et hac carta nostra coni rmasse Deo et ecclesie Sancte Marie

67. Cf. Fawtier, Registres du Trésor des Chartes , iii, n o 2619. Philip VI coni rmed all the acts published here except nº 5, for which his act contained an alternative version (n o 6). Philip also coni rmed acts of Henry II for Notre-Dame du Pré and Philip Augustus for Bec. Minor variations in orthography between the originals and the Trésor des Chartes copies have been omitted here.

http://www.unicaen.fr/mrsh/craham/revue/tabularia/print.php?dossier=dossier10&i le=01power.xml Cross-Channel communication… 23 de Pratis 68 Rothomagi et monachis ibidem Deo servientibus, pro animabus antecessorum nostrorum et maxime pro anima Rob(er)ti de Valunnes et Hawisie de Valunnes et Gaufridi Dier’ et Tephanie, totam terram nostram de Bures de feudo de Valunnes cum mainillo et bosco et pratis et pascuis et omnibus ad predictam terram pertinentibus, perpetuo, libere et quiete tenendam et possi- dendam, reddendo nobis sive heredibus nostris decem libras andegavensium annuatim ad festum sancti Cristophori 69 apud Hostilli, nullam penitus mun- dialem exactionem de predicta terra sive de hominibus terram prenominatam tenentibus requirentes. Pro ista vero concessione a prescriptis monachis de caritate ecclesie sue CL libras andegavensium recepimus. Sciendum est etiam quod monachi prenominati primos tredecim annos post primam coronationem domini Ricardi regis Anglie hanc predictam terram quietam et absque omni redditu solutam habebunt et tenebunt. Post i nem vero predictorum tredecim annorum termino prescripto nobis annuatim decem libras andeg(avensium) reddent. Et ut concessio ista rata et inconcussa permaneat, appositione sigillorum nostrorum cartam istam munivimus. Concessio autem ista facta fuit anno ab incarnatione Domini .M o .C.XC. consilio et peticione domini Philippi de Valunnes 70 et Johannis clerici de Valunnes 71. Hujus conventionis hii sunt testes: Rad(ulfus) de Lattun’ 72, Gilb(ertus) de Hostelli, Mazi de Funteneill’, Hug(o) Wiscard, Rog(erus) de Furneus, Gervasius de Tiwinge 73, Oliver de Lanvalei 74, Rad(ulfus) i lius Pagani, Ric(ardus) Aguillun , Walt(erus) de Westl’, Walt(erus) de Funteneill’, Rog(erus) de Lattun’, Alexand(rus) de Tiwinge , Reginald(us) de Meneres 75, Will(elmus) de Turpes , Math(eu)s de Bures , Godefrid(us) de Bures , Will(elmus) Pinel, Augustinus de Evermu 76, Ricard(us) le Marescal 77. Notes on verso as follows: (i) Carta Durandi de Osteilli et Gunnor de Valunneis 78 (early 13th century).

68. Sic . 69. 25 July, usually identii ed as the feast of St James (the Great). 70. Gunnor’s paternal uncle, younger brother of her father Robert, who benei ted from the patronage of William the Lion to become chamberlain of Scotland and a great landowner there, and whose granddaughters inherited the Valognes lands in England in 1232 upon the extinction of Gunnor’s descendants. 71. Possibly another paternal uncle of Gunnor? 72. Ralph of Latton (Essex) held a i ef of the honour of Valognes at Latton between 1184 and 1201, and appears as Robert i tzWalter’s man in 1198; in 1208 Robert was seeking custody of Ralph’s heir (P.R. 9 Richard I , p. 135; VCH Essex , viii, p. 188; Curia Regis Rolls , v, p. 223). 73. Probably Tewin (Herts.), which formed part of the Valognes barony ( VCH Herts., iii, 481-482). In 1200 a case concerning Tewin was heard in Robert i tzWalter’s court (Curia Regis Rolls, i, p. 169). 74. Oliver , Sic . Perhaps a member of the important Anglo-Breton family of Lanvallay, which was prominent in Essex and Herts. William III de Lanvallay, lord of Walkern (Herts.) and constable of Colchester, married Robert i tzWalter’s niece Matilda Pecche (Sanders, 1960, p. 92, p. 48). 75. Perhaps Mesnières-en-Bray (Seine-Maritime, cant. Neufchâtel-en-Bray). 76. Sic . Envermeu (Seine-Maritime, ar. Dieppe, ch.-lieu de cant.). 77. Perhaps the marshal of the abbey of Jumièges of that name (e.g. Rouen, Arch. dép. Seine- Maritime, 9 H 4, p. 183 no 302: act of Richard marescallus , his wife Denise, and their son Aubin, concerning the feodum mareschaucie at Jumièges, 17 Dec. 1212). 78. Sic .

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(ii) Carta Gonnor de Valongnes de feodo de Valoignes apud Bures (late 13th or early 14 th century). (iii) t(i)t(ulus) de Buris iiic lxviii. (15th century: apparently a reference to a lost cartulary). (iv) Bures (16th century).

Nº 2

Robert i tzWalter grants to Notre-Dame-du-Pré all the land of the i ef of Valognes at Bures, from the inheritance of his wife Gunnor, for 10 livres angevins per annum, as Gunnor granted it before their marriage (s.d., 1194 x 1202). A . Original act: Rouen, Arch. dép. Seine-Maritime, 20 HP 6. B. Vidimus (1347) from A : lost. C. Copy (1347) from B , Trésor des Chartes, Register vol. LXVIII (1347): Paris, Arch. nat., JJ 68, fols 473-v. Edited from A. Late 12 th-century or early 13 th-century hand; 218mm across x 110mm down (with deep fold); slits andtag for lost seal. Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Robertus i lius Galteri concessi et hac carta mea coni rmavi Deo et ecclesie Sancte Marie de Prato Rothomagi et monachis ibidem Deo servientibus totam illam terram que est de feodo de Valoines apud Bures , de hereditate Gunnor uxoris mee, cum menillo et pratis et pascuis et cum omnibus ad eandem terram pertinentibus, habendam et tenendam eisdem monachis de me et de heredibus meis bene et in pace, libere, quiete, integer, i na- biliter, reddendo inde annuatim mihi vel heredibus meis, pro omnibus serviciis et exactionibus et pro omnibus rebus, decem libras andegavensium ad festum sancti Christofori sine aliquibus occasionibus, sicut predicta Gunnor uxor mea, antequam mihi matrimonio copularetur, concesserat et carta sua coni rmaverat. Hanc autem terram predictam cum omnibus pertinenciis suis, ego Robertus predictus et heredes mei i nabiliter warantizabimus predictis monachis contra omnes gentes per predictum servicium. Et quia volui hanc concessionem et hujus carte mee coni rmationem ratam et stabile et inconcussam haberi, eam sigillo meo roboravi. Hiis testibus Will(elm)o i l(io) Galt(er)I 79, Hug(one) de Hastinges , Henr(ico) de Launei 80, Sym(one) i l(io) Walteri 81, h om(a) Mercerio, Ric(ardo) de Hosde(n)g 82, Rad(ulfo) de Furcis, Rob(erto) de Sancto Albano.

79. Either Robert i tzWalter’s steward of this name ( Curia Regis Rolls , i, p. 291, p. 450), or Robert’s brother William, archdeacon of Hereford, who shared Robert’s exile in 1212 ( Hardy, Rotuli Litterarum Clausarum, i, p. 165-166; Hardy , Rotuli patentium , p. 101; Barrow , Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae , p. 24). 80. Henry de Alneto was one of those exiled with Robert i tzWalter in 1212: Hardy , Rotuli clausarum , i, p. 165-166. 81. Possibly Robert i tzWalter’s half-brother Simon, lord of Daventry (Northants.), for whom see above, n. 30. 82. Possibly Hodeng (Seine-Maritime, cant. Neufchâtel-en-Bray, c. Nesle-Hodeng).

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verso: (i) Tempore prioris J. de Castell’. (13th century). (ii) Carta Rob(er)ti Galt(er)i 83 de feodo de Valoignes apud Bures (late 13 th or early 14 th century). (iii) t(i)t(ulus) de Buris iii c iiiixx v (15 th century: cross-reference to lost car- tulary).

Nº 3

Gunnor, daughter of Robert de Valognes, coni rms her grant of Bures to the monks of Notre-Dame du Pré, stipulating that it is for the sake of the soul of Richard de Mounti chet, a kinsman of her husband Robert i tzWalter. She has reduced the charge upon the land to 100s., and the monks are to pay this pension to Gerard, prévôt of Gournay, and his son Odo, to whom her husband Robert i tzWalter has granted this revenue for life in return for their service (1202). A . Original act: Rouen, Arch. dép. Seine-Maritime, 20 HP 6. B. Vidimus (1347) from A : lost. C. Copy (1347) from B , Trésor des Chartes, Register vol. LXVIII: Paris, Arch. nat., JJ 68, fol. 473v. Edited from A. 177mm across x 215mm down (folded); tags and slits for lost seal. Late 12 th-century or early 13 th-century hand. Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Gunnor, i lia Rob(er)ti de Valu(n)gnes et heres, concessi et hac mea carta coni rmavi, pro salute mea et omnium antecessorum meorum et pro anima Ricardi de Monti chet cognati Rob(erti) i lii Gualt(eri) mariti mei, Deo et ecclesie Sancte Marie de Prato Roth(omagi) et monachis ibidem Deo servientibus totam terram quam jure hereditario apud Bures possidebam de feodo de Valu(n)gnes cum mainillo et bosco et pratis et pascuis et omnibus ad predictam terram pertinentibus, perpetuo tenendam et ut propriam possidendam in puram et perpetuam elemosinam, ita liberam et quietam ut ego aut heredes mei in ea nichil omnino decetero possimus reclamare, pro centum solidis andegavensium annui redditus. Predicti autem monachi istos centum solidos Girardo preposito de Gornaio vel Odoni i lio ejus singulis annis ad festum sancti Remigii quamdiu vixerint reddent quos eis R(obertus), dominus meus, assensu et voluntate mea, pro servitio suo contulit. Post decessum vero illorum prefati, monachi prefatos centum solidos mihi vel heredibus meis absque ullo impedimento solvere tenebuntur. Et ut hoc ratum et i rmum futuris temporibus permaneat, presens scriptum sigilli mei appositione roboravi. Actum est hoc anno gratie .M o . CC o . IIo . Testibus his Balduino comite

83. Sic .

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Albemalle 84, Toma de Ver 85, Henrrico de Aneto 86, Hais comitissa Albemalle 87. Hugone de Bures, Godefrido Grosso, Ricardo Marescallo et multis aliis. verso: (i) Carta Go(n)nor de Valo(n)gnes de hoc quod habebat apud Bures (late 13 th or early 14 th century). (ii) t(i)t(ulus) de Buris iiixx xix (15 th century: cross-reference to lost cartulary).

Nº 4 Robert i tzWalter announces that he has granted all that he had in the manor of Bures to the monks of Notre-Dame-du-Pré, for 100s. currentis monete (June 1204 x April 1208) 88. A . Original act: Rouen, Arch. dép. Seine-Maritime, 20 HP 6. B. Vidimus (1347) from A : lost. C. Copy (1347) from B , Trésor des Chartes, Register vol. LXVIII: Paris, Arch. nat., JJ 68, fol. 473v. Edited from A. 140 mm across x 50mm down (let edge), 42mm (right edge); letter close with fragment of tongue remaining. Early 13 th-century hand. Sciant omnes ballivi et servientes domini regis Gallie Archar(um) et Rothom(agi) quod ego Rob(ertus) i lius Walt(er)i dedi et concessi et carta mea coni rmavi in puram et perpetuam elemosinam liberam et quietam Deo et sancte Marie de Prato Rothom(agi) et monachis ibidem Deo servientibus quicquid habebam in manerio de Buris de feodo de Valunnes , pro centum solidis currentis monete annuatim reddendis mihi et heredibus meis, sicut carta mea testatur. Et ideo, si Girardus prepositus de Gornaco vel i lius ejus vel quilibet alius trahunt predictos monachos in causam de dicta elemosina contra cartam meam, monachos injuste vexari noverint universi. verso: Carta Roberti Galteri 89 de feodo de Valoignes apud Bures (late 13 th or early 14 th century).

Nº 5 – 6 Gerard, prévôt of Gournay, and his son Odo sell to the monks of Notre-Dame- du-Pré the 100s. which the monks paid them annually at Bures, for 25 livres

84. Baldwin de Béthune (d. 1212), third husband of Hawise, countess of Aumale, and one of the best-known companions of William Marshal in the History of William Marshal . See Warlop , 1975-1976, ii, I, p. 660, p. 666; above, n. 46. 85. Presumably h omas de Vere (d. 1204) of Great Addington (Northants.), head of a junior branch of the Vere earls of Oxford ( VCH Northants , iii, p. 156-157). 86. Henrrico, Sic . Perhaps the same man as Henry de Launeo who witnessed nº 1 above? 87. Hawise, countess of Aumale: see above, n. 46. 88. For the date of this act, see above, p. 12-14. 89. Sic .

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Nº 5 A . Original act, Rouen, Arch. dép. Seine-Maritime, 20 HP 6: badly mutilated, so the exact terms cannot be known. Edited from A . 110-158mm across (originally c. 200mm?) x 190mm down (folded lower edge). About half the right-hand side of the act has been lost, with two matching triangles of parchment missing from the right-hand edge; there are also two pairs of mat- ching holes in the centre of the manuscript, af ecting lines 3 and 13 (of 16 lines). h ese show that the act was folded over when stored. Some of the missing words are suggested below in square brackets. Tags and slits for two seals. h e let seal is lost. A brown wax fragment of the right seal survives: its pointed top suggests that it was oval, which means that Odo may have been a clerk. h e inscription is ‘S. ODON. […]O’ 90; the obverse bears part of the i gure of a beast statant, facing sinister, possibly a dog. Early 13th -century hand. (1) Sciant omnes presentes et futuri quod ego Girardus prepositus de Gornaio, et O[do i lius meus] […] / (2) monachis de Prato juxta Rothomagum [t]enere et possidere in perpetuum illos centum [solidos] […] […] [Rober-] / (3) tus i lius Walteri […] m […] elemosina pro anima Ricardi de M[ontei cheto] […] […] / (4) Bures de feodo de Valognes de quo annuatim reddere teneb[antur] […] […] / (5) dederat pro nostro servitio quamdiu vixerimus habendas. et a predictis m[onachis] […] / (6) nobis fecerat predictos vero .centum. solidos redditus quos eis contulit volumus et conced[imus] […] [habe-] / (7) ant et possideant libere et quiete et integre in perpetuum sicut carta testatur, quam id[em] […] […] / (8) inde fecit, absque nostri decetero ulla reclamatione vel nostrorum disturbatione seu impedim[ento] […] […] / (9) sol’. redditus que nobis inde remanere debebant tota vita nostra eisdem monachis vend[idimus] […] […] / (10) pro xxv que libris turonensium et super altare beate Marie in eadem ecclesia Prati illos obtul[imus] […] […] / (11) sacrosancta nos decetero intoto 91 prefato redditu nichil reclamare nec in prefatis […] […] / (12) eis predictus miles nec in aliis centum solidis redditus quos eis vendidimu[s] […] [ego Girardus et (?)] / (13) predictus O. i l[ius me]us […] [t]otam vitam nostram predict […] [garanti-] / (14) zare. Ut autem hoc i rm[um] […] [t]eneatur, sigillis nostris coni rm […] […]

90. Presumably ‘S. Odon. de Gornaco’. 91. Sic .

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[Johanne] / (15) de Rovreio, tunc castellano Archar(um) anno gratie Mo [CC o ] 92 […] […] / (16) de Petravilla 93, Rob(erto) de Crespeires , Nich(olao) de Montaine 94, Wil[lelmo] […] verso: (i) Carta prepositi de Gornei Bur’ (late 13 th or early 14th century). (ii) Bures (14th century). (iii) t(i)t(ulus) de Bures xlvii (15 th century: cross-reference to lost cartulary).

Nº 6

A. Original or purported original, lost. B. Vidimus (1347) from A : lost. C. Copy (1347) from B , Trésor des Chartes, Register vol. LXVIII (1347): Paris, Arch. nat., JJ 68, fol. 473v. Edited from C . Sciant omnes presentes et futuri quod ego Girardus, prepositus Gornaii, et Odo i lius meus vendidimus et omnino relinquimus 95 pro viginti quinque libris turonensium monachis Sancte Marie de Prato Rothomagi centum solidos anui 96 redditus monete currentis quos dederat nobis pro servicio nostro quamdiu vixerimus dominus Rob(ertus) i lius Walt(er)i militis apud Bur(es) de feodo de Vall(ongnes) quos reddebant nobis predicti monachi singulis annis. Et ego et prefactus 97 Odo i lius meus prefactos 98 centum solidos redditus super altare beate Marie in eadem ecclesia Prati coram conventu obtulimus. Juravimus eciam super sacrosancta nos de cetero nichil reclamare in predicto redditu, neque per nos neque per alios. Nos vero debemus predictis monachis predictos centum solidos per totam vitam nostram contra omnes gentes garantisare 99. Et ut hoc ratum et i rmum nostris temporibus permaneat, presens scriptum sigillorum nostrorum roboravimus. Actum fuit hoc coram domino Joh(ann)e de Rouvreyo, tunc castell(ano) Archarum et justic(iario) domini regis anno gratie millesimo CC o . VIIIo . Testibus hiis: Ric(ardo) Co(m)mni 100, Joh(an)ne fratre suo, Pet(r)o de Novo

92. h is must postdate the fall of Rouen in 1204 and predate John de Rouvray’s renunciation of the castellanship of Arques (c. 1210). Most probably it read ‘1208’. 93. In 1210 a Renaud de Pierreville issued an act for Fécamp concerning St-Ouen (Seine-Maritime, cant. Bellencombre, c. Crique) witnessed by John de Rouvray, ‘tunc temporis iustic(iario) domini regis in Caleto’ (Rouen, Bibl. Municipale, Y 51, fol. 65r). 94. Possibly Nicholas de Montagny (de Montegni), a Norman from the Andelle valley who benei ted from the Capetian victory ( Power , 2004, p. 278, p. 428). 95. Sic . 96. Sic . 97. Sic . 98. Sic . 99. Sic . 100. Sic . h e original manuscript presumably read ‘Co(m)min’. Rouen, Arch. dép. Seine-Maritime, 20 HP 6, also contains an act of Richard Comin , son of Bernard Comin , coni rming the grant of his mother Hawise to Notre-Dame-du-Pré at Chareuilla or Caruilla (c. 1200).

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M(er)catu 101, Roberto Avenar’, Pet(r)o G(r)ameth, Ric(ardo) de Eskekevill(a) 102, Godef r(ido) 103 Grosso, Ric(ardo) Marescall(o) 104, Haudenn’ Cogno, Joh(an)ne h orco Hug(one) Pisc’ et multis aliis.

Nº 7 John de Rouvray, castellan of Arques, announces the agreement between Notre- Dame-du-Pré and Gerard, prévôt of Gournay, and his son Odo, concerning the git of Robert i tzWalter (Rouen, 6 x 30 April) 105. A . Original act: Rouen, Arch. dép. Seine-Maritime, 20 HP 6. B. Vidimus (1347) from A : lost. C. Copy (1347) from B , Trésor des Chartes, Register vol. LXVIII (1347): Paris, Arch. nat., JJ 68, fol. 473v. Edited from A. 225mm across x 62-69mm down (including fold); slits and tag for lost seal. Early - / mid-thirteenth century hand; minor surface damage. Omnibus ad quos presens scriptum pervenerit, Joh(annes) de Rovreio tunc cas- tellanus Archar(um) salutem. Noveritis me testem esse de conventione facta inter monacos 106 Sancte Marie de Prato Rothomagi et Girardum prepositum de Gornai et Odon(em) i lium eius de quodam redditu apud Bures de feodo de Valognes quem ibi habebant de dono Rob(er)ti i l(ii) Walt(er)i. possidend(um) tota vita sua, quem scilicet predicti Gir(ardus) et Odo jamdictis monachis vendiderunt pro XXV. libris turonensium et debent garantizare qua[m]diu vixerint eisdem monachis sicut carta inde inter eos facta testatur. Et in hujus rei testimonium, presens scriptum sigillo meo coni rmari feci, apud Roth(omagum), anno gratie M CC octavo, mense aprili. verso: (i) Tempore prioris .J. de Castell’ (13 th C.) (ii) Bures (13th C.?) (iii) Littera Castellani de Archis de vendicione feod’ de Vallongnes (late 14th or early 15 th century)

Nº 8 Gunnor, daughter and heiress of Robert de Valognes, ‘widow’ of Robert i tzWalter, grants 100s. angevins ( sic) from the i ef of Valognes to the monks of Bec at Notre- Dame-du-Pré (1209) (spurious act).

101. Neuf-Marché (Seine-Maritime, cant. Gournay). 102. Équiqueville (Seine-Maritime, cant. Envermeu, c. St-Vaast-d’Équiqueville). 103. Sic . 104. See n. 77 above. 105. h is dating assumes that the year was determined by the Capetian custom, namely by Easter (6 April 1208; in 1209 Easter fell on 29 March, so the act cannot refer to April 1209). 106. Sic .

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For the reasons why this act cannot be authentic, see above p. 14-16. A. Spurious sealed original, late 13th or early 14th century, Arch. dép. Seine- Maritime, 20 HP 1. B. Vidimus (1347) from A : lost. C. Copy (1347) from B , Trésor des Chartes, Register vol. LXVIII: Paris, Arch. nat., JJ 68, fol. 473v. Edited from A. 178 mm across x 152 mm down (folded); slit and parchment tags for fragment of dark brown seal (c. 18mm across x 20 mm down), which depicts two clasped hands (the principal image on the seal). Imitative hand, perhaps early fourteenth century. Notum sit omnibus tam presentibus quam futuris quod ego Gu(n)nor, i lia Roberti de Valu(n)gnes et heres, relicta condam Rob(er)ti i lii Galt(er)i, dedi et concessi et omnino dimisi in puram et perpetuam elemosinam Deo et ecclesie Sancte Marie de Prato juxta Rothomagum et monachis Beccensibus ibi Deo servientibus centum solidos andegavensium annui redditus pro salute anime mee et omnium antecessorum meorum, quos habebam super feodum de Valungnes cum mainillo et bosco et pratis et pascuis et omnibus ejusdem terre pertinenciis in territorio de Buris, quos Rob(er)t(us) i lius Galt(er)i, maritus meus, condam de voluntate mea et concensu 107 contulit Girardo preposito de Gornaio et Odoni ejusdem i lio pro suo servicio quamdiu predicti vixerint, qui centum solidi debent ad me et heredes meos post mortem ipsorum revenire, quos centum solidos predicti monachi tenebuntur persolvere eisdem toto tempore quo predicti vixerint ad festum beati Remigii, tenendos et habendos predictis monachis bene, pacii ce et quiete, absque mei vel heredum meorum in predictis centum solidis reclamatione decetero facienda. Et sciendum est quod predicti monachi de curialitate 108 sua michi dederunt quindecim libras andegavensium. Et ut hoc ratum et stabile pro tempore futuro. ego predicta Gu(n)nor presentem cartam sigilli mei munimine roboravi. Actum fuit anno Domini M o CCo nono. Testibus hiis h o(m)a de Ver 109 , Hugone de Bures , Ricardo Marescal , Vill(elm)o de Bures preposito de Bures , Vill(elm)o de Haia, Gaufrido le Gros, Reginaldo de Meneres , Vill(elm)o de Tourpes , Augustino de Evremeu et pluribus aliis verso: (i) Carta Rob(ert)i i lii Galt(er)i pro centum sol(idis) (14th century) (ii) de Valognes a Bur’ (15 th century) (iii) t(i)t(ulus) de buris iii c lxxv (15th century: cross-reference to lost cartulary) (iv) Bures (16 th C.?)

107. Sic . 108. Sic . 109. h omas de Vere of Great Addington had died in 1204 (Hardy , Rotuli clausarum, i, p. 10).

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Nº 9

Inventory of deeds concerning the Valognes i ef at Bures (15 thcentury). A. Early 15th -century list, Arch. dép. Seine-Maritime, 20 HP 1. Edited from A. Unsealed, unfolded single sheet of parchment, 235mm across x 115mm down. Early 15 th-century hand. ... Durandus de Hostelli et Gonnor \ejus uxor/ 110, i lia Rob(er)ti de Valloignes et heres, ecclesie Beate Marie de Prato et monachis ibidem Deo servientibus dederunt totam terram quam habebant in Bur(is) de feodo de Valloignes, pro decem libris andegavencium 111 eisdem annuatim reddis 112, quibus de curialitate \sua/ 113 dederunt centum et quinquaginta libras andegavensium. [nº 1] ¶ Rob(er)tus i lius Galt(er)i hanc dationem coni rmavit, qui fuit secundus maritus ejusdem Gonnorre 114. [nº 2] ¶ Gonnor, i lia Rob(er)ti de Valloignes , omnem territorium suum de Bur(is) de feodo de Valloignes quod possidebat dedit dictis religiosis pro centum solidis quos tenebantur annuatim Girardo preposito de Gournayo reddere quamdiu vita eis esset comes 115. [nº 3] ¶ Robertus i lius Galteri coni rmavit et dedit predictos centum solidos dictis religiosis perpetuis temporibus possidendos. [nº 4] ¶ Girardus prepositus de Gournaco 116 et Odo i lius suus vendiderunt dictis religiosis dictos centum solidos quos eisdem tenebantur annuatim reddere. [nº 5 or nº 6] ¶ J. de Rouvreyo, castellanus Archar(um), per litteras suas de hoc perhibet testimonium [nº 7] ¶ Gonnor predicta, cujus erat dicta hereditas mortuo ejus marito, eisdem reli- giosis dedit dictos centum solidos ad se tanquam propriam heredem devolutos mortuis dictis Girardo et Odone ejus i lio cui de curialitate sua dederunt XV libras andegavensium. [nº 8] Verso: Ordo litterarum de Valognes (15 th century).

110. ‘eius uxor’ above the line. 111. Sic . 112. Sic . 113. ‘dictorum relig(iosorum)’ has been deleted and replaced with ‘sua’ above the line. 114. Sic. 115. Sic. 116. Sic.

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Appendix II: Genealogical Tables

Table I: the family of Valognes 117

117. Sanders , 1960, p. 12-13, p. 129-130; Farrer , 1923-1925, i, p. 112; Book of Fees, i, 574; Hardy , Rotuli de oblatis , p. 424-425; Rouen, Arch. dép. Seine-Maritime, 20 HP 6; Round, 1900, p. 411.

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Table II: the double kinship of Robert i tzWalter and Richard de Monti chet 118

118. Complete Peerage , v, p. 472 (f); Round , 1895, p. 355-363; Sanders, 1960, p. 129-130; Holt , 1984, and the sources cited there. For the date of the death of Robert i tzRichard, see Regesta Regum Anglo-Normannorum , iii, p. xviii, n. 1.

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