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Herodotus' Account of Marathon Will Not Do

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Herodotus' Account of Marathon Will Not Do APPENDIX 17 MARATHON “Herodotus’ account of Marathon will not do”, said Gomme (1962) 29; but at least the text survives complete. This Appendix makes no attempt to review the vast literature on Marathon, with its many and variant views;1 it seeks only to identify the key points, and express realistic (but not necessarily the only) assessments of them to sup- plement and expand what Herodotus says. A Other sources or input 1 The dedications and monuments after the battle show pride in the victory, and that a quantity of booty was recovered, but tell us little about the fighting.2 One version of an epigram attributed to Simonides speaks of huge numbers of Persians killed.3 Aeschylus’ epitaph, quoted 1 Hammond (1973) 170 n. 2 lists 21 previous studies, and is itself 80 pages long; his CAH IV2 account, chap 9 compresses to 27 pages; Evans (1993) is 28 pages; Lazenby (1993) 35 pages. 2 At Athens, a dedication by or on behalf of the polemarch Callimachos, ML 18; a colossal bronze statue of Athena Promachos on the Acropolis, visible from Phaleron (Paus 1.28.2; Schol Dem 22.13); a shrine of Eukleia, known only from Paus 1.14.4. Work started on a Parthenon, destroyed by the Persians in 480. Miltiades dedicated a statue of Pan (Simon Epig V Page); two inscriptions survive praising Athenian victories, original locations unknown: the first probably referred to Salamis and the second to Marathon, added as a political gesture by Cimon to counter Themistocles’ part in Salamis (ML 26). There was also a cenotaph: see G7. At Marathon, a Miltiades mn∞ma (Paus 1.32.3; the thought of it was to give Themistocles insomnia: Plut Thes 6.9, Them 3.5); and a white marble tropa›on of the Athenians identified by Vanderpool (1966b) 101–2 as near the church of Panagia Mesosporitsa, which he suggested replaced an original trophy of captured weapons and armour (105–6). See also Garland (1992) 103–4; and on •katÒn, §117.1. At Delphi there was a dedication of booty, ML 19, Paus 10.11.5; and a helmet dedicated by Miltiades (Lazenby (1993) 75; Snodgrass (1967) 100: another helmet perhaps relates to Plataea). 3 The epigram attributed to Simonides, XXI Page with app crit, has a patriotic first line (“fighting on behalf of Hellas, the Athenians at Marathon . .”: cf para 3), but the second line circulated in variant versions, two of which had the Athenians killing (¶kteinan) 90,000 or 200,000 Persians; Hammond (1973) 203 would amend to ¶klinan (“repulsed”), the verb found in ML 26 (previous note). 598 appendix 17 on komÆtaiw, §19.2, refers to the “Marathonian Grove”, D3. In the early fifth century, Athens issued tetradrachms with a waning moon and olive leaves. Hammond (1973) 215–17 sought to connect them to Marathon; but if they did not simply depict the owl as a night creature, they commemorated Salamis. Marathon was fought around the full moon (F1–4).4 2 The paintings in the Poikile Stoa, c460, included one of Marathon. Pausanias describes its three scenes (1.15.3–4): a general view of Plataeans and Athenians fighting the Persians; the Persians in flight and “pushing each other into the marsh” (presumably trying to get back to their ships, as is said by Pausanias in describing Marathon itself, 1.32.5–6); and the Athenians killing Persians as the latter embark in their ships. Adding Pliny’s description (NH 35.34.57, 59) and other references, it showed Miltiades (hand extended, exhorting the Athenians to battle),5 Callimachos and Cynegiros on the Athenian side, and Datis and Artaphrenes on the Persian; and gods helping the Athenians: Athena herself, and the heroes or demigods Theseus, Heracles, Marathon and Echetlos.6 There are literary references to the help of Theseus, Plut Thes 35.5, and Echetlos, Paus 1.32.5; §116 perhaps hints at Heracles. It is a matter of comment that Herodotus did not mention at least the Persian retreat through the marsh (pp. 15, 34). As to the possible depiction of horses, see G7 with n. 68. 4 The coins are to be dated after Salamis on technical grounds to do with dies and the dating of earlier issues: detailed arguments NC 1956 55–8; NC 1962 33–4; NC 1962 423; generally Jenkins (1990) 46; Kraay (1976) 61–2, 65. Hammond assigns them the high dating of “after 490”, and connects them with his theory of the part played by the setting moon in keeping the Persian cavalry away (n. 68). Salamis was fought in the last quarter. Holoka (1997) 351–2 seeks to support Hammond’s view. 5 Aesch Ctes 186 with Schol Ael Arist iii.566 Dind. 6 For a full discussion, Harrison (1972) 356–68; her reconstruction is at 364. Based largely on the late rhetoric of Polemon, she would include Hera Demeter Kore and Pan in it, as well as Epizelos, but rejects the implication of Nep Milt 6.3 that all 10 generals appeared. She collects the 50-odd literary references to the painting. Pliny loc cit gives us the painters’ names: Panaenus, brother of Phidias, who did the human portraits; Polygnotus, for no fee; and Micon. The Brescia sar- cophagus (illustration: Hesp 35 (1966) pl 35) is said to copy or reflect the third panel, and to show Cynegiros trying to capture a ship. Like the sculptures on the south frieze of the temple of Athena Nike, which are considered to depict Marathon, though in an idealised form (Harrison 353–6), it has a few and essentially naked figures for each army. But Dem 59.94 describes the Plataeans as wearing Boeotian caps, which suggests that the original depicted groups of soldiers more realistically..
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