DOCSLIB.ORG

The New Russian Nationalism ‘There Are Several Excellent Books on Russian National Identity, but This Collection Surpasses Them All

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The New Russian Nationalism ‘There Are Several Excellent Books on Russian National Identity, but This Collection Surpasses Them All The New Russian NationalisM ‘There are several excellent books on Russian national identity, but this collection surpasses them all. The New Russian Nationalism should now be the starting point for anyone studying contemporary Russian nationalism.’ Peter J. S. Duncan, School of Slavonic and East European Studies, University College London Assessing the transformation of Russian nationalist discourse in the 21st century Russian nationalism, previously dominated by ‘imperial’ tendencies – pride in a large, strong and multi-ethnic state able to project its influence abroad – is increasingly focused on ethnic issues. This new ethno-nationalism has come in various guises, like racism and xenophobia, but also in a new intellectual movement of ‘national democracy’ deliberately seeking to emulate conservative West European nationalism. Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014 and the subsequent violent conflict in Eastern Ukraine utterly transformed the nationalist discourse in Russia. This book provides an up-to-date survey of Russian nationalism as a political, social and intellectual phenomenon by leading Western and Russian experts in the field of nationalism studies. It includes case studies on migrantophobia; the relationship between nationalism and religion; nationalism in the media; nationalism and national identity in economic policy; nationalism in the strategy of the Putin regime as well as a survey- based study of nationalism in public opinion. PÅL KOLSTØ is Professor of Russian Studies at the University of Oslo. He has AND Helge BlakkisruD authored two books and a number of articles and book chapters on Russian politics, KolstO PAl Edited by Russian history and nationalism. HELGE BLAKKISRUD is Head of the Research Group on Russia, Eurasia and the Arctic at the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs, Oslo. He is Editor in Chief of the Nordic journal for East European and Eurasian Studies (Nordisk Østforum). The New Russian Nationalism Cover image: protest in Crimea, 2014 © Bulent Doruk/Anadolu Agency/Getty Images Cover design: Andrew Henderson Imperialism, Ethnicity and ISBN: 978-1-4744-1042-7 Authoritarianism 2000–15 Edited by PAl KolstO AND Helge BlakkisruD The New Russian Nationalism THE NEW RUSSIAN NATIONALISM Imperialism, Ethnicity and Authoritarianism 2000–15 2 Edited by Pål Kolstø and Helge Blakkisrud Edinburgh University Press is one of the leading university presses in the UK. We publish academic books and journals in our selected subject areas across the humanities and social sciences, combining cutting-edge scholarship with high editorial and production values to produce academic works of lasting importance. For more information visit our website: www. edinburghuniversitypress.com © editorial matter and organisation Pål Kolstø and Helge Blakkisrud, 2016 © the chapters, their several authors, 2016 Edinburgh University Press Ltd The Tun – Holyrood Road, 12(2f) Jackson’s Entry Edinburgh EH8 8PJ Typeset in 11/13 Sabon by Servis Filmsetting Ltd, Stockport, Cheshire, and printed and bound in Great Britain by CPI Group (UK) Ltd, Croydon CR0 4YY A CIP record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN 978 1 4744 1042 7 (hardback) ISBN 978 1 4744 1043 4 (webready PDF) ISBN 978 1 4744 1044 1 (epub) The right of Pål Kolstø and Helge Blakkisrud to be identified as the editor of this work has been asserted in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, and the Copyright and Related Rights Regulations 2003 (SI No. 2498). Contents List of Figures vii List of Tables x Acknowledgements xi Notes on Contributors xii Introduction: Russian nationalism is back – but precisely what does that mean? 1 Pål Kolstø 1. The ethnification of Russian nationalism 18 Pål Kolstø 2. The imperial syndrome and its influence on Russian nationalism 46 Emil Pain 3. Radical nationalists from the start of Medvedev’s presidency to the war in Donbas: True till death? 75 Alexander Verkhovsky 4. Russian ethnic nationalism and religion today 104 Anastasia Mitrofanova 5. Everyday nationalism in Russia in European context: Moscow residents’ perceptions of ethnic minority migrants and migration 132 Natalya Kosmarskaya and Igor Savin v the new russian nationalism 6. Backing the USSR 2.0: Russia’s ethnic minorities and expansionist ethnic Russian nationalism 160 Mikhail A. Alexseev 7. Rallying ’round the leader more than the flag: Changes in Russian nationalist public opinion 2013–14 192 Mikhail A. Alexseev and Henry E. Hale 8. How nationalism and machine politics mix in Russia 221 Henry E. Hale 9. Blurring the boundary between civic and ethnic: The Kremlin’s new approach to national identity under Putin’s third term 249 Helge Blakkisrud 10. Russia as an anti- liberal European civilisation 275 Marlene Laruelle 11. Ethnicity and nationhood on Russian state- aligned television: Contextualising geopolitical crisis 298 Stephen Hutchings and Vera Tolz 12. The place of economics in Russian national identity debates 336 Peter Rutland Bibliography 362 Index 407 vi Figures Figure 1.1: A typology of Russian nationalisms 23 Figure 6.1: Search frequency on Google for the term ‘Crimean Tatars’ in the Russian language in Tatarstan and the cities of Moscow and St Petersburg (January 2013–June 2014) 164 Figure 6.2: Preferences for Russian territorial identity, ingroup pride, political preferences and economic valuations among ethnic Russian and non- Russian respondents in the 2013 NEORUSS surveys 175 Figure 6.3: Russia territorial identity preferences in the 2013 NEORUSS surveys among ethnic Russian and non- Russian respondents 177 Figure 6.4: Dominant preferences for Russia’s state identity across ethnic groups in the 2013 NEORUSS survey 185 Figure 6.5: Prospective group status in four Russia state identity scenarios 186 Figure 7.1: Agreement that the current Ukrainian leadership is . 196 Figure 7.2: ‘If presidential elections were held today, for whom would you vote?’ 199 Figure 7.3: ‘Do you believe the ethnic diversity of the population strengthens or weakens vii the new russian nationalism Russia?’ – based on nationwide survey samples from 2005, 2013, and 2014 205 Figure 7.4: Share of respondents who strongly opposed their family members marrying migrants belonging to ethnic groups other than their own 208 Figure 7.5: Factors singled out by the respondents as most uniting/dividing the peoples of Russia and Ukraine 211 Figure 7.6: Preferences for the territorial boundaries of the Russian Federation 214 Figure 8.1: Per cent responses to ‘What should be the borders of Russia?’ 242 Figure 11.1: Frequency and intensity of ethnicity- related news as a percentage of the overall news content 306 Figure 11.2: Frequency of ethnicity- related news inside and outside the Russian Federation, Vremia and Vesti 307 Figure 11.3: Intensity of ethnicity- related news inside and outside the Russian Federation, Vremia and Vesti 308 Figure 11.4: Salience of ethnicity- related news, Vremia and Vesti 309 Figure 11.5: Intensity of each category as a percentage of all ethnicity- related news, Vremia 311 Figure 11.6: Intensity of each category as a percentage of all ethnicity- related news, Vesti 311 Figure 11.7: Frequency of Russian Orthodox Church- coded stories over the total recording period, Vremia and Vesti 314 Figure 11.8: Intensity of Russian Orthodox Church- coded stories over the total recording period, Vremia and Vesti 315 Figure 11.9: Frequency of migration- coded stories inside and outside the Russian Federation over the total recording period, Vremia 321 viii figures Figure 11.10: Frequency of migration- coded stories inside and outside the Russian Federation over the total recording period, Vesti 322 ix Tables Table 6.1: Comparison of means test between ethnic Russian and non- Russian respondents in 2013 NEORUSS surveys on select outcome variables 173 Table 6.2: Responsiveness to Putin’s message that ethnic diversity strengthens Russia in a split- sample experiment, 2013 NEORUSS surveys in the Russian Federation and the cities of Moscow, Vladivostok and Krasnodar 181 Table 7.1: ‘What is Novorossiia?’ 198 x Acknowledgements This book has been made possible through a research project on ‘Nation- building, nationalism and the new “other” in today’s Russia’ (NEORUSS)1 funded by the Research Council of Norway, under the NORRUSS programme, project number 220599. Additional funding has been provided by the Freedom of Expression Foundation (Fritt Ord). The project involves research- ers at the Department of Literature, Area Studies and European Languages at the University of Oslo, Norway and the Research Group on Russia, Eurasia and the Arctic at the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs, Oslo, Norway in addition to ten researchers from five different countries (France, Germany, Russia, United Kingdom and the United States). 1 <www.hf.uio.no/ilos/english/research/projects/neoruss> (last accessed 9 March 2015). xi Notes on Contributors Contributors Mikhail A. Alexseev is Professor of Political Science at the San Diego State University, USA, where he has taught since 2000. His publications focus on threat assessment in interstate and internal wars, ethnic relations, immigration attitudes and nationalism, with a regional focus on Eurasia. He is the author of Immigration Phobia and the Security Dilemma: Russia, Europe, and the United States (Cambridge University Press, 2006), ‘Societal Security, the Security Dilemma, and Extreme Anti-Migrant Hostility in Russia’ (Journal of Peace Research, 2011) and ‘The Asymmetry of Nationalist Exclusion and Inclusion’
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Spring 2019 Volume 45 Issue 2
    Spring 2019 Volume 45 Issue 2 155 Ian Dagg Natural Religion in Montesquieu’s Persian Letters and The Spirit of the Laws 179 David N. Levy Aristotle’s “Reply” to Machiavelli on Morality 199 Ashleen Menchaca-Bagnulo “Deceived by the Glory of Caesar”: Humility and Machiavelli’s Founder Reviews Essays: 223 Marco Andreacchio Mastery of Nature, edited by Svetozar Y. Minkov and Bernhardt L. Trout 249 Alex Priou The Eccentric Core, edited by Ronna Burger and Patrick Goodin 269 David Lewis Schaefer The Banality of Heidegger by Jean-Luc Nancy Book Reviews: 291 Victor Bruno The Techne of Giving by Timothy C. Campbell 297 Jonathan Culp Orwell Your Orwell by David Ramsay Steele 303 Fred Erdman Becoming Socrates by Alex Priou 307 David Fott Roman Political Thought by Jed W. Atkins 313 Steven H. Frankel The Idol of Our Age by Daniel J. Mahoney 323 Michael Harding Leo Strauss on Nietzsche’s Thrasymachean-Dionysian Socrates by Angel Jaramillo Torres 335 Marjorie Jeffrey Aristocratic Souls in Democratic Times, edited by Richard Avramenko and Ethan Alexander-Davey 341 Peter Minowitz The Bleak Political Implications of Socratic Religion by Shadia B. Drury 347 Charles T. Rubin Mary Shelley and the Rights of the Child by Eileen Hunt Botting 353 Thomas Schneider From Oligarchy to Republicanism by Forrest A. Nabors 357 Stephen Sims The Legitimacy of the Human by Rémi Brague ©2019 Interpretation, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of the contents may be reproduced in any form without written permission of the publisher. ISSN 0020-9635 Editor-in-Chief Timothy W. Burns, Baylor University General Editors Charles E.
    [Show full text]
  • Russian Foreign Policy and National Identity
    University of New Orleans ScholarWorks@UNO Senior Honors Theses Undergraduate Showcase 12-2017 Russian Foreign Policy and National Identity Monica Hanson-Green University of New Orleans Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uno.edu/honors_theses Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Hanson-Green, Monica, "Russian Foreign Policy and National Identity" (2017). Senior Honors Theses. 99. https://scholarworks.uno.edu/honors_theses/99 This Honors Thesis-Restricted is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by ScholarWorks@UNO with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Honors Thesis-Restricted in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/or on the work itself. This Honors Thesis-Restricted has been accepted for inclusion in Senior Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UNO. For more information, please contact [email protected]. RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY AND NATIONAL IDENTITY An Honors Thesis Presented to the Program of International Studies of the University of New Orleans In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts, with University High Honors and Honors in International Studies By Monica Hanson-Green December 2017 Advised by Dr. Michael Huelshoff ii Table of Contents
    [Show full text]
  • Rosana Barbosa Nunes
    PORTUGUESE MIGRATION TO RIO DE JANEIRO, Rosana Barbosa Nunes A ~hesissubmitted in conformity with the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of History University of Toronto. Q Rosana Barbosa Nunes, 1998. National Library Bibliothèque nationale du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395. nie Wellington OttawaON K1AON4 OttawaON KIA ON4 Canada Canada The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant a la National Librâry of Canada to ~ibliothequenationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distriiute or sell reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/nlm, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format élecîronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts fkom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. Em Mem6ria da Minha Sogra, Martinha dos Anjos Rosa Nunes. Para os Meus Filhos Gabriel and Daniel. Acknowledgements mer the years, my journey towards this dissertation was made possible by the support of many individuals: Firstly, 1 would like to thank my parents, SebastiZo and Camelina Barbosa for continually encouraging me, since the first years of my B.A. in Rio de Janeiro. 1 would also like to thank my husband Fernando, for his editing of each subsequent draft of this thesis, as well as for his devoted companionship during this process.
    [Show full text]
  • Helsinki Watch Committees in the Soviet Republics: Implications For
    FINAL REPORT T O NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR SOVIET AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARC H TITLE : HELSINKI WATCH COMMITTEES IN THE SOVIET REPUBLICS : IMPLICATIONS FOR THE SOVIET NATIONALITY QUESTIO N AUTHORS : Yaroslav Bilinsky Tönu Parming CONTRACTOR : University of Delawar e PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATORS : Yaroslav Bilinsky, Project Director an d Co-Principal Investigato r Tönu Parming, Co-Principal Investigato r COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER : 621- 9 The work leading to this report was supported in whole or in part fro m funds provided by the National Council for Soviet and East European Research . NOTICE OF INTENTION TO APPLY FOR COPYRIGH T This work has been requested for manuscrip t review for publication . It is not to be quote d without express written permission by the authors , who hereby reserve all the rights herein . Th e contractual exception to this is as follows : The [US] Government will have th e right to publish or release Fina l Reports, but only in same forma t in which such Final Reports ar e delivered to it by the Council . Th e Government will not have the righ t to authorize others to publish suc h Final Reports without the consent o f the authors, and the individua l researchers will have the right t o apply for and obtain copyright o n any work products which may b e derived from work funded by th e Council under this Contract . ii EXEC 1 Overall Executive Summary HELSINKI WATCH COMMITTEES IN THE SOVIET REPUBLICS : IMPLICATIONS FOR THE SOVIET NATIONALITY QUESTION by Yaroslav Bilinsky, University of Delawar e d Tönu Parming, University of Marylan August 1, 1975, after more than two years of intensive negotiations, 35 Head s of Governments--President Ford of the United States, Prime Minister Trudeau of Canada , Secretary-General Brezhnev of the USSR, and the Chief Executives of 32 othe r European States--signed the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperatio n in Europe (CSCE) .
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Russian and Post-Soviet Foreign Policy Dr. Azar Babayev Course
    Russian and Post-Soviet Foreign Policy Dr. Azar Babayev Course Objectives This course explores the vital international relations of Russia and the other post-Soviet states. Beginning with an historical survey, it examines various geopolitical, cultural, and other factors in analyzing the origins and nature of the Russian empire. This is followed by study of the Soviet era, especially the rise, conduct, and collapse of the Cold War (and the USSR) in which power, ideology, institutions, and leadership are scrutinized. The remainder of the course is given to analysis of post-Soviet foreign policy, both events in particular regions (e.g. the Baltics, Eastern Europe, Central Asia, the Caucasus-Caspian) as well as critical issues in relations with Asia, the Middle East, Europe and America (trade, terrorism, nuclear security, peacekeeping, NATO expansion, missile defense, etc.). Though the “what, where and when” of post-Soviet foreign policy may predominate at times, understanding the “why” is our underlying goal. That is, while knowledge of specific foreign policy developments is essential, so is viewing these developments in the context of international relations theory—economic vs. ideological analyses, foreign or domestic influences, the roles of individuals and institutions, the impact of nationalism and the politics of identity. Course Format This is primarily a lecture course, though there will also be a significant discussion component. The general pattern will be instructor lecture for approximately one hour, followed by time for questions and answers. As well, an additional section meeting for supplementary discussion or video screening (historical, documentary, sometimes cultural/artistic subjects) will be held once a week.
    [Show full text]
  • Bahiam Defense Draft
    EXPULSIONS AND RECEPTIONS: PALESTINIAN IRAQ WAR REFUGEES IN THE BRAZILIAN NATION-STATE by BAHIA MICHELINE MUNEM A dissertation submitted to the Graduate School-New Brunswick Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey In partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Program in Women’s and Gender Studies Written under the direction of Ana Y. Ramos-Zayas And approved by _________________________ _________________________ _________________________ _________________________ _________________________ New Brunswick, New Jersey May, 2014 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Expulsions and Receptions: Palestinian Iraq War Refugees in the Brazilian Nation-state By BAHIA MICHELINE MUNEM Dissertation Director: Ana Y. Ramos-Zayas This dissertation examines the resettlement of a group of Palestinian Iraq War refugees in Brazil. In 2007, Latin America's largest democracy and self-proclaimed racial democracy made what it claimed was a humanitarian overture by resettling 108 Palestinian refugees displaced from Baghdad as a result of the Iraq War. The majority of them had escaped from Baghdad in 2003 and had been living for nearly five years in a makeshift refugee camp on the border of Jordan and Iraq. Utilizing a multi-method approach, this work examines how Brazil, with its long history of Arab migration, incorporates this specific re-diasporized group into the folds of its much-touted racial democracy, an important arm of Brazilian exceptionalism. In order to address the particularity of Palestinian refugees, and while considering pluralism discourses and other important socio-political dynamics, I engage and extend Edward Said’s framework of Orientalism by analyzing its machinations in Brazil. To closely assess the particularity of the resettled Palestinian refugees (but also Arabs more generally), I consider how already stereotyped Brazilians construct Palestinians in Brazil through an Orientalist lens.
    [Show full text]
  • Ivan Vladislavovich Zholtovskii and His Influence on the Soviet Avant-Gavde
    87T" ACSA ANNUAL MEETING 125 Ivan Vladislavovich Zholtovskii and His Influence on the Soviet Avant-Gavde ELIZABETH C. ENGLISH University of Pennsylvania THE CONTEXT OF THE DEBATES BETWEEN Gogol and Nikolai Nadezhdin looked for ways for architecture to THE WESTERNIZERS AND THE SLAVOPHILES achieve unity out of diverse elements, such that it expressed the character of the nation and the spirit of its people (nnrodnost'). In the teaching of Modernism in architecture schools in the West, the Theories of art became inseparably linked to the hotly-debated historical canon has tended to ignore the influence ofprerevolutionary socio-political issues of nationalism, ethnicity and class in Russia. Russian culture on Soviet avant-garde architecture in favor of a "The history of any nation's architecture is tied in the closest manner heroic-reductionist perspective which attributes Russian theories to to the history of their own philosophy," wrote Mikhail Bykovskii, the reworking of western European precedents. In their written and Nikolai Dmitriev propounded Russia's equivalent of Laugier's manifestos, didn't the avantgarde artists and architects acknowledge primitive hut theory based on the izba, the Russian peasant's log hut. the influence of Italian Futurism and French Cubism? Imbued with Such writers as Apollinari Krasovskii, Pave1 Salmanovich and "revolutionary" fervor, hadn't they publicly rejected both the bour- Nikolai Sultanov called for "the transformation. of the useful into geois values of their predecessors and their own bourgeois pasts? the beautiful" in ways which could serve as a vehicle for social Until recently, such writings have beenacceptedlargelyat face value progress as well as satisfy a society's "spiritual requirements".' by Western architectural historians and theorists.
    [Show full text]
  • MANUFACTURING MORAL PANIC: Weaponizing Children to Undermine Gender Justice and Human Rights
    MANUFACTURING MORAL PANIC: Weaponizing Children to Undermine Gender Justice and Human Rights Research Team: Juliana Martínez, PhD; Ángela Duarte, MA; María Juliana Rojas, EdM and MA. Sentiido (Colombia) March 2021 The Elevate Children Funders Group is the leading global network of funders focused exclusively on the wellbeing and rights of children and youth. We focus on the most marginalized and vulnerable to abuse, neglect, exploitation, and violence. Global Philanthropy Project (GPP) is a collaboration of funders and philanthropic advisors working to expand global philanthropic support to advance the human rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) people in the Global1 South and East. TABLE OF CONTENTS Glossary ...................................................................................... 4 Acronyms .................................................................................................. 4 Definitions ................................................................................................. 5 Letter from the Directors: ......................................................... 8 Executive Summary ................................................................... 10 Report Outline ..........................................................................................13 MOBILIZING A GENDER-RESTRICTIVE WORLDVIEW .... 14 The Making of the Contemporary Gender-Restrictive Movement ................................................... 18 Instrumentalizing Cultural Anxieties .........................................
    [Show full text]
  • Incommensurate Russia
    perry anderson INCOMMENSURATE RUSSIA t will soon be a quarter of a century since Russia left com­ munism behind. Its present ruler has been in power for fifteen years, and by the end of his current term in office will have all but equalled the tenure of Brezhnev. From early on, Western Iopinion of his regime divided sharply. That under Putin—after a period of widespread misery and dislocation, culminating in near state bankruptcy—the country had returned to economic growth and political stability, was evident by the end of his first term; so too the popularity he enjoyed because of these. But beyond such bare data, there was no consensus. For one camp, increasingly vocal as time went on, the pivots of Putin’s system of power were corruption and repres­ sion: a neo­authoritarian state fund amentally inimical to the West, with a wrapping of legal proprieties around a ramshackle pyramid of klep­ tocracy and thuggery. This view prevailed principally among reporters, though it was not confined to them: a representative sample could be found inEconomist editor Edward Lucas’s The New Cold War (2009), Guardian journalist Luke Harding’s Mafia State (2012), Standpoint contributor Ben Judah’s Fragile Empire (2013), but expressed no less pungently by a jurist like Stephen Holmes. For Lucas, Putin, having seized power with a ‘cynical putsch’, and maintained it with the ‘methods of terrorists and gang­ sters’, had ‘cast a dark shadow over the eastern half of the continent’. For Harding, under Putin’s tutelage, ‘Russia has become bullying, violent, cruel and—above all—inhuman’.
    [Show full text]
  • Human Rights Impact Assessment of the Covid-19 Response in Russia
    HUMAN RIGHTS IMPACT ASSESSMENT OF THE COVID-19 RESPONSE IN RUSSIA August 2020 Cover photo: © Анна Иларионова/Pixabay IPHR - International Partnership for Human Rights (Belgium) W IPHRonline.org @IPHR E [email protected] @IPHRonline Public Verdict Foundation W http://en.publicverdict.org/ @fondov Table of Contents I. Executive summary 4 II. Methodology 5 III. Brief country information 6 IV. Incidence of COVID-19 in Russia 7 V. The Russian Authorities’ Response to Covid-19 and its Impact on Human Rights 8 VI. Summary of Key Findings 42 VII. Recommendations 45 I. Executive summary What are the impacts on human rights of the restrictive measures imposed by the Government of Russia in response to the COVID-19 pandemic? How have the Russian authorities complied with international human rights standards while implementing measures to combat the spread of Covid-19? These questions lie at the heart of this study by International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR) and Public Verdict Foundation. This study examines these measures through a human rights lens of international, regional human rights treaties of core and soft law (non-binding) standards. Through our monitoring, we have identified the following key points on how the COVID-19 pandemic was handled in Russia from mid-March until mid-July 2020: In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, the Russian authorities implemented strict quarantine measures at an early stage, restricting the movements and freedoms of the citizens of the country. The first case of COVID-19 in Russia was officially registered on 2 March 2020, in the vicinity of Moscow.1 The virus began spreading across the country a few weeks later but Moscow has remained the epicentre of the outbreak in Russia.
    [Show full text]
  • Rus Sian Jews Between the Reds and the Whites, 1917– 1920
    Rus sian Jews Between the Reds and the Whites, 1917– 1920 —-1 —0 —+1 137-48292_ch00_1P.indd i 8/19/11 8:37 PM JEWISH CULTURE AND CONTEXTS Published in association with the Herbert D. Katz Center for Advanced Judaic Studies of the University of Pennsylvania David B. Ruderman, Series Editor Advisory Board Richard I. Cohen Moshe Idel Alan Mintz Deborah Dash Moore Ada Rapoport- Albert Michael D. Swartz A complete list of books in the series is available from the publisher. -1— 0— +1— 137-48292_ch00_1P.indd ii 8/19/11 8:37 PM Rus sian Jews Between the Reds and the Whites, 1917– 1920 Oleg Budnitskii Translated by Timothy J. Portice university of pennsylvania press philadelphia —-1 —0 —+1 137-48292_ch00_1P.indd iii 8/19/11 8:37 PM Originally published as Rossiiskie evrei mezhdu krasnymi i belymi, 1917– 1920 (Moscow: ROSSPEN, 2005) Publication of this volume was assisted by a grant from the Lucius N. Littauer Foundation. Copyright © 2012 University of Pennsylvania Press All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations used for purposes of review or scholarly citation, none of this book may be reproduced in any form by any means without written permission from the publisher. Published by University of Pennsylvania Press Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19104- 4112 www .upenn .edu/ pennpress Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 -1— Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data 0— ISBN 978- 0- 8122- 4364- 2 +1— 137-48292_ch00_1P.indd iv 8/19/11 8:37 PM In memory of my father, Vitaly Danilovich Budnitskii (1930– 1990) —-1 —0 —+1 137-48292_ch00_1P.indd v 8/19/11 8:37 PM -1— 0— +1— 137-48292_ch00_1P.indd vi 8/19/11 8:37 PM contents List of Abbreviations ix Introduction 1 Chapter 1.
    [Show full text]
  • The Long Arm of Vladimir Putin: How the Kremlin Uses Mutual Legal Assistance Treaties to Target Its Opposition Abroad
    The Long Arm of Vladimir Putin: How the Kremlin Uses Mutual Legal Assistance Treaties to Target its Opposition Abroad Russia Studies Centre Policy Paper No. 5 (2015) Dr Andrew Foxall The Henry Jackson Society June 2015 THE LONG ARM OF VLADIMIR PUTIN Summary Over the past 15 years, there has been – and continues to be – significant interchange between Western and Russian law-enforcement agencies, even in cases where Russia’s requests for legal assistance have been politicaLLy motivated. Though it is the Kremlin’s warfare that garners the West’s attention, its ‘lawfare’ poses just as significant a threat because it undermines the rule of law. One of the chief weapons in Russia’s ‘lawfare’ is the so-called ‘Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty’ (MLAT), a bilateral agreement that defines how countries co-operate on legal matters. TypicaLLy, the Kremlin will fabricate a criminaL case against an individual, and then request, through the MLAT system, the co-operation of Western countries in its attempts to persecute said person. Though Putin’s regime has been mounting, since 2012, an escalating campaign against opposition figures, the Kremlin’s use of ‘lawfare’ is nothing new. Long before then, Russia requested – and received – legal assistance from Western countries on a number of occasions, in its efforts to extradite opposition figures back to Russia. Western countries have complied with Russia’s requests for legal assistance in some of the most brazen and high-profile politicaLLy motivated cases in recent history, incLuding: individuals linked with Mikhail Khodorkovsky and the Yukos affair; Bill Browder and others connecteD to Hermitage Capital Management; and AnDrey Borodin and Bank of Moscow.
    [Show full text]